A12330	----	A motion to the East India Company by Thomas Smethwike (an adventurer with them) vpon the reasons following Smethwike, Thomas. 1629 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A12330 STC 22645.5 ESTC S3258 33143236 ocm 33143236 28317 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A12330) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28317) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1885:100) A motion to the East India Company by Thomas Smethwike (an adventurer with them) vpon the reasons following Smethwike, Thomas. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n.], [London : Febr. 19, 1628 [i.e. 1629] Place of publication from STC (2nd ed.). Proposal to reduce the time ships delay in India waiting for return cargo. Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng East India Company. Trading companies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Commerce -- India. India -- Commerce -- Great Britain. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A motion to the East India Company by Thomas Smethwike ( an Adventurer with them ) vpon the reasons following . VVE haue now in India vpon the old stocks accompt and charge by the Committees owne shewing , 13 good ships of 5500 tonns , besides 860 tons of trading ships and certaine frigots , &c. Whereof 5 of 2200 tons arrived there 28 months agoe , 5 of 2200 tons 15 months agoe , and 3 of 1100 tons may be arrived there about 4 months since . What should cause our ships to stay so long , if there were stock to buy their lading ? Or how should they be reladen thence in due time , if stock be wanting there ? All our Factors in their letters ( both formerly and of late received ) cry out amaine for want of stock to trade withall , which hath maymed the trade , And say , they cannot dispatch the ships in due time , without meanes aforehand , and that 200 M. l more then they haue , is little enough to dispatch the ships already there . 5500 tons in ordinary good wares , ( by the Comittees owne shewing ) will cost there 236 M. l. By their shewing we haue in all India but 90 M. l. whereof 60 M. l. not yet knowne to be arrived . So ( admitting all arrived ) there wants to lade the ships already in India 146 M. l. This great vvant hath not hapned by any late disaster , but is rather lessned by 1200 tons of shipping lately fired and laid vp there without any goods lost in them , and by opening the trade of Bantam where pepper is cheape , neither hath this want of stock beene vnknowne here , for a yeere , or two , or more . It seemes the 2 ships now going for the old stocks accompt ( of 1600 tonns ) are not to carry much more then will relade them with good wares ( though not diminished by charges of ships and Factors already there ) and if we trade in course and bulky wares onely , it is granted already we had better sit still . Nay vnlesse we send this yeere meanes aforehand to provide good lading for ships to goe hence the next yeere with fresh capitalls , we shall still trade to losse . The sending of 50 or 100 M. l. this yeere aforehand ( in all probability ) will be as good as twise so much sent the next yeere , and so from yeere to yeere , And then halfe the treasure yeerely to be transported will serue the turne ; but sparingly sent , and many ships there vpon charge , it will be consumed before its arrivall . Our ships ( now adaies ) doe vsually stay 18 or 20 months too long in India to their Ruine , and spending as much ( brought a yeere or two after in other ships ) as being sent aforehand might well buy and pay for their lading in due time , and so returne strong . Yet our Factors continually owe there mnch money at a high ratc of interest . By sending meanes aforehand Merchantlike , we may profit much by trading there from port to port , and buy our wares at the best hand . We may avoid the great and needlesse charge of many great ships staying long in India ; of paying a high rate of interest there , the losse of our Mariners , the decay of our shipping , and so their comming home in much danger . And then doubtlesse this trade may againe yeeld the Adventurers 3 for one every 3 yeeres ( as vsually it did ) by the blessing of God. Yea if examination be had , it will appeare the returnes from India this yeere ( vpon a reasonable fraight allovved ) produce neere 3 for one vvithout help of stock aforehand ; and therefore very strange the old stock ( so great and so long employed ) should produce so dismall a reckoning as it doth . The motionis . That the next weeke may be appointed for the Company to parlee , & consult together for the good of the trade in generall , and of the old decayed stocke in particular . Such as are Adventurers in the old stocke , and not in the new , to meete by themselues , and the new Adventurers by themselues . And then doubtlesse ( mett together ) they will agree vpon some good course to be taken that the Trade may be amplie mainteined , and the Adventurers stocke not still runne ( as long it hath ) to perdition for want of meanes in India aforehand : And perhaps put an end to all the controversies that now are ( and like to be ) amongst the Company . FEBR. 19. 1628. 
A19381	----	Mr Thomas Coriat to his friends in England sendeth greeting from Agra the capitall city of the dominion of the great Mogoll in the Easterne India, the last of October, 1616. Thy trauels and thy glory to ennamell, with fame we mount thee on the lofty cammell; ... . Coryate, Thomas, ca. 1577-1617. 1618 Approx. 46 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A19381 STC 5809 ESTC S118544 99853751 99853751 19146 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19381) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 19146) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 577:06) Mr Thomas Coriat to his friends in England sendeth greeting from Agra the capitall city of the dominion of the great Mogoll in the Easterne India, the last of October, 1616. Thy trauels and thy glory to ennamell, with fame we mount thee on the lofty cammell; ... . Coryate, Thomas, ca. 1577-1617. Taylor, John, 1580-1653. [52] p. Printed by I. B[eale], At London : 1618. With woodcut title vignette. Edited, with miscellaneous verses on Coryate by I.T., i.e. John Taylor. Signatures: [par].⁴ A⁴ a⁴ B-E⁴ (-[par].1 and E4, blank?). Leaf a3v is blank and a4 has a woodcut (as on A3v, C4v) on the recto and superscription on the verso; a variant has superscription on a3v and a4 blank. Imperfect: leaves A2,3 and C4 lacking, supplied by photostat from Penrose copy. Reproduction of the original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng India -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. 2006-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr Thomas Coriat to his friends in England sendeth greeting : From Agra the Capitall City of the Dominion of the Great MOGOLL in the Easterne India , the last of October , 1616. Thy Trauels and thy Glory to ennamell , With Fame we mount thee on the lofty Cammell ; But Cammels , Elephants , nor Horse nor Asse Can beare thy Worth , that worthlesse dost surpasse . The World 's the beast that must thy Palfrey be , Thou rid'st the World , and all the World rides thee . At London printed by I. B. 1618 Certaine Verses in commendations of this mirrour of footmanship , this Catholique or vniuersall Traueller , this European , Asian , African Pilgrime , this well letterd , well litterd discouerer and Cosmographicall describer Master Thomas Coriat of Odcombe . O Thou whose sharp toes cuts the Globe in quarters , Mongst Iewes & Greeks & tyrannizing Tartars : Whose glory through the vastie Welkin rumbles , And whose great Acts more then nine Muses mumbles , Whose ratling Fame Apollo's daughters thunders , Midst Africke monsters , and 'mongst Asian wonders . Accept these footed verses I implore thee , That heere ( Great Footman ) goe on foote before thee : To sing thy praise I would my Muse inforce , But that ( alas ) she is both harsh and hoarse : And therefore pardon this my Loues Epistle , For though she cannot sing , I le make her whistle . IN PRAISE OF THE Author Maister Thomas Coriat . THou that the world with pleasures full hast pleasur'd , And out of measure many kingdomes measur'd . Whil'st men ( like swine ) doe in their vices wallow , And not one dares for 's eares thy steps to follow : Not one within the Compasse of the Cope , Like thee that dar'st suruay the Horoscope : For who is he that dares call it a lye , That thou hast trotted into Italie ; By th' edge of France , and skirts of Spaine th' hast rambled , Through Belgia and through Germany th' ast ambled . And , Denmarke , Sweden , Norway , Austria , Pruce , Poland , Hungarie , Muscouia , With Thracia , and the land of merry Greekes , All these and more applaud thee , that who seekes Vpon the top of Mount Olimpus front , Perhaps may see thy name insculp'd vpon 't , And he that durst detract thy worthin Europe , I wish he may be hang'd vp in a new rope . It were a world of businesse to repeat Thy walkes through both the Asiaes , lesse and great , Whereas ( no doubt ) but thou hast tane suruay Of China and the kingdome of Catay . Th' East Indies , Persia , Parthia , Media , Armenia , and the great Ass-iria , Caldea , Iurie , ( if we not mistake vs ) Thou hast or'e look'd the Sea call'd Mortuus Lacus . And I durst venter somewhat for a wager Thou hast seene Ionia , Lidia , Misia Maior , Old Iliums Ruins , and the wracks of Priam , But of Inuention I ( alas ) so dry am , I beate my braines , and with outragious thumping , My lines fall from my pen with extreame pumping . Auaunt dull Morpheus , with thy Leaden spirit , Can matter want of him that wants no merit ? As he through Syria and Arabia's coasting , My lines from Asia into Africke poasting , I 'le follow him alongst the Riuer Nilus , In Egypt , where false Crocodiles beguile vs. Through Mauritania to the Towne of Dido , That slew her selfe by power of god Cupido . The Kingdomes vnsuruai'd hee 'le not leaue one From Zona● oride , to the Frozen Zone . With Prester Iohn in Aethiopia And th' ayrie Empire of Eutopia . A LITTLE REMEMBRANCE OF his variety of Tongues , and Politicke forme of TRAVELL . A Very Babell of confused Tongues Vnto thy little Microcosme belongs , That to what place soeuer thou doost walk , Thou wilt lose nothing through the want of talke . For thou canst kisse thy hand , and make a legge , And wisely canst in any language begge , And sure to begge 't is pollicie ( I note ) It sometimes saues the cutting of thy throat : For the worst thiefe that euer liu'd by stealth , Will neuer kill a beggar for his wealth . But who is 't but thy wisedome doth admire , That doth vnto such high conceits aspire . Thou tak'st the bounty of each bounteous giuer , And drink'st the liquor of the running riuer : Each Kitchin where thou com'st , thou hast a Cooke , Thou neuer run'st on score vnto the Brooke ; For if thou didst , the Brooke and thou would'st gree , Thou runst from it , and it doth run from thee . In thy returne from Agra and Assmere By thy relation following doth appeare , That thou dost purpose learnedly to fling A rare Oration to the Persian King. Then let the idle world prate this , and that , The Persian King will giue thee ( God knowes what ▪ ) And furthermore to me it wondrous strange is , How thou dost meane to see the Riuer Ganges , With Tigris , Euphrates , and Nimrods Babell , And the vnhappy place where Caine slew Abell . That if thou were in Hebrew circumsised , The Rabbyes all were wondrous ill aduised : Nay more , they were all Coxecombes , all starke mad To thinke thou wert of any Tribe but Gad. Sure , in thy youth thou eat'st much running fare , As Trotters , Neates-feete , and the swift-foot Hare , And so by inspiration fed , it bred Two going feet to beare one running head . Thou fil'st the Printers Presse with Griefe and mourning , Still gaping , and expecting thy returning : All Pauls-Church yard is fil'd with melancholy , Not for the want of Bookes , or wit ; but folly . It is for them , to grieue too much for thee , For thou wilt come when thou thy time shalt see . But yet at one thing much my Muse doth muse , Thou aust so many commendations vse Vnto thy Mother and to diuers friends , Thou hast ●●membred many kinde commends , And till the last thou didst forget thy Father , I know not why , but this conceit I gather , That as men sitting at a feast to eat , Begin with Beefe , Porke , Mutton , and such meate ; And when their stomacks are a little cloyd , This first course then the voyder doth auoid : The anger of their hunger being past , The Pheasant and the Partridge comes at last . This ( I imagine ) in thy mindedid fail , To note thy Father last to close vp all . First to thy Mother here thou dost commend , And lastly to thy Father thou dost send : She may command in thee a Filiall awe , But he is but thy Father by the Law. To heare of thee , mirth euery heart doth cheere , But we should laugh out-right to haue thee heere . For who is it that knowes thee , but would choose , Farther to haue thy presence then thy newes . Thou shewest how well thou setst thy wits to worke , In tickling of a misbeleeuing Turke : He cal'd thee Giaur , but thou so well didst answer ( Being hot and fiery , like to crabbed Caneer ) That if he had a Turke of ten pence bin , Thou told'st him plaine the errors he was in ; His Alkaron , his Moskyes are whim-whams , False bug-beare bables , fables all that dams , Sleights of the Deuill , that brings perpetuall woe , Thou wast not mealy mouth'd to tell him so . And when thy talke with him thou didst giue ore , As wise he parted as he was before : His ignorance had not the power to see Which way or how to edifie by thee : But with the Turke ( thus much I build vpon ) If words could haue done good , it had beene done . The superscription , Sent from Azmere , the Court of the great and mightiest Monarch of the East , called the Great MOGVLL in the Easterne Jndia : To be conuaid To my deare and louing Mother Mris : Garthered Coriat , at her house in the Towne of Euill in Somersetshire . I pray you deliuer this letter at Gerards Hall to Christopher Guppie a Carrier , ( if he be yet liuing ) or else to some other honest trusty Messenger , to be conuaid with all conuenient speed to the place aforesaid . ❧ Master Thomas Coriats Commendations to his friends in FromAgra the Capitall City of the Dominion of the Great MOGOLL in the Easterne India , the last of October , 1616. Most deare and welbeloued Mother , THough I haue superscribed my letter from Azmere , the Court of the greatest Monarch of the East called the Great Magoll in the Eastern India , which I did to this end , that those that haue the charge of conueiance thereof , perceiuing such a title , may be the more carefull and diligent to conuey it safely to your hands : yet in truth the place from which I wrote this letter is Agra , a City in the said Eastern India , which is the Metropolitan of the whole Dominion of the foresaid King Mogol , & 10 daies iourny frō his Court at the said Azmere . Frō the same Azmere I departed the 12 day of September , An. 1616 , after my abode there 12 moneths & 60 daies ; which though I confesse it were a too long time to remaine in one and the selfesame place , yet for two principall causes it was very requisite for me to remaine there some reasonable time : first to learne the languages of those Countries , through which I am to passe betwixt the bounds of the Teritories of this Prince and Christendome , namely these three , the Persian , Turkish , and Arab : which I haue in some competent measure attained vnto by my labour and industry at the said Kings Court , matters as auaileable vnto me as mony in my purse , as being the cheifest or rather onely meane to get me mony if I should happen to be destitute , a matter very incidentall to a poore Footman Pilgrim , as my selfe in these heathen and Mahometan Countries through which I trauell : Secondly , that by the helpe of one of those languages , I meane the Persian , I might both procure vnto my selfe accesse vnto the King , & be able to expresse my mind vnto him about the matter for the which I should haue occasiō to discours with him . These were the reasōs that moued me so long to tarry at the Mogols court , during which time I abode in the house of the English Merchants my deare Countrimen , not spending one little peece of mony either for diet , washing , lodging ▪ or any other thing . And as for the Persian tongue , which I studied very earnestly , I attained to that reasonable skill , and that in a fewe moneths , that I made an Oration vnto the King before many of his Nobles in that language , and after I had ended the same , discoursed with his Maiesty also in that tongue very readily & familiarly ; the coppy of which speech , though the tong it selfe wil seem to an Englishman very strange & vncuth , as hauing no kind of affinity with any of our Christian languages , I haue for nouelty sake written out in this letter , together with the translation thereof in English , that you may shew it to some of my lerned friends of the Clergy , and also of the temporalty in Euil , and elswere , who belike , wil take some pleasure in reading so rare and vnusuall a tongue as this is . The Persian is this that followeth . ¶ The Copie of an Oration that I made in the Persian tongue , to the great Mogoll , before diuers of his Nobles . HAzaret Aallum pennah salamet , fooker Daruces ve tehaungeshta hastamkemta emadam az wellagets door , ganne az mulk Inglizan : ke kessanaion pet heē mushacas cardand ke wellagets , mazcoor der akers magrub bood , ke mader hamma rezzaerts dunmast . Sabebbe amadane mari mia boosti char cheez ast auval be dedane mobarreckdeedars . Hazaret ke seete caramat ba hamma Trankestan reeseedast ooba tamam mulk Musulmanan der sheenedan awsaffe . Hazaret daueeda amadam be deedane astawne akdas musharaf geshtam duum bray deedane feelhay Hazaret , kin chunm ianooar der heech mulk ne dedam seu in bray deedane namwer daryaee shumma Gauga , ke Serdare hamma daryaha dumiest . Chaharum een ast , keyec fermawne alishaion amayet fermoyand , ke betwanam der wellay●tts Vzbeck raftan ba shahre Samarcand , bray Zeerat cardan cabbre mobarrec Saheb crawncah awsaffe tang oo mosachere oo der tamam aallum meshoor ast belkder wellagette Vzbec eencader meshoor neest chunan che der malc Inglisan a st digr , bishare eshteeac daram be deedanc mobarrec mesare Saheb crawnca bray een sabeb , che awne sama n che focheer de shabr stambol boodam , ycaiaeb cohua amarat deedam dermean yecush bawg nasdec shaht mascoor coia che padshaw Eezawiawn che namesh Manuel bood che Saheb crawnca cush mehmannec aseem carda bood , baad as gristane Sulten Baiasetra as iange aseem che shuda bood nas dec shahre Bursa , coimache Saheb crawn Sultan Baiasetra de Zenicera tellaio bestand , oo der cafes nahadondeen char chees meera as mulche man ium baneed tamia , as mulc . Room oo Arrac peeada geshta , as door der een mulc reseedam , che char hasar pharsang raw darad , beshare derd oo mohuet casheedam che heech ches der een dunnia een cader mohuet ne casheedast bray deeaune mobarrec dedare Haseretet awn roos che be tacte shaugh ne shaughee m●sharaf fermoodand . The English of it is this . LOrd a Protector of the world all haile to you ▪ I am a poore Traueller and world seer , which am come hither from a farre country , namely England , which auncient Historians thought to haue been scituated in the farthest bounds of the West , and which is the Queene of all the Ilands in the world . The cause of my comming hither is for foure respects . First to see the blessed face of your Maiesty , whose wonderfull fame hath resounded ouer all Europe & the Mahometan Countries . Whē I heard of the fame of your Maiesty , I hastened hither with speed and trauelled very cherefully to see your glorious Court. Secondly , to see your Maiesties Elephants , which kind of beasts I haue not seen in any other country . Thirdly , to see your famous Riuer Ganges , which is the Captaine of all the Rieuer of the world . The fourth is this , to intreat your Maiesty that you would vouchsafe to grant mee your gracious Passe that I may trauell into the Country of Tartaria to the Citty of Samarcand , to visit the blessed Sepulcher of the Lord of the Corners ( this is a title that is giuen to Tamberlaine in this Country in that Persian language , and wheras they call him the Lord of the Corners , by that they meane that he was Lord of the corners of the world , that is , the highest and supreme Monarch of the Vniuerse ) : whose fame by reason of his warres and victories , is published ouer the whole world : perhaps he is not altogether so famous in his own Country of Tartaria , as in England . Moreouer , I haue a great desire to see the blessed Toombe of the Lord of the Corners for this cause ; for that when I was at Constantinople , I saw a notable old building in a pleasant garden neer the said City , where the Christian Emperor that was called Emanuell made a sumptuous great Banquet to the Lord of the Corners , after he had taken Sultan Batazet in a great battell that was fought neere the City of Bursia , where the Lord of the Corners bound Sultan Batazet in fetters of Gold , and put him in a cage of Iron . These 4 causes moued me to come out of my natiue Country thus farre , hauing trauelled a foote through Turky and Persia , so farre haue I traced the world into this Country , that my pilgrimage hath accomplished three thousand miles , wherin I haue sustained much labour and toile , the like wherof no mortall man in this World did euer performe to see the blessed face of your Maiesty since the first day that you were inaugurated in your glorious Monarchall throne . After I had ended my speech , I had some short discourse with him in the Persian tongue who amongst other things told me , that concerning my trauell to the City of Samarcand , he was not able to doe me any good , because there was no great amity betwixt the Tartarian Princes and himselfe , so that his commendatory letters would doe me no good . Also he added , that the Tartars did so deadly hate all Christians , that they would certainely kill them when they came into their Country . So that he earnestly diswaded me frō the iourny , if I loued my life and welfare ; at last he concluded his discourse with me by a sum of mony that he threw downe from a windowe through which he looked out , into a sheete tied vp by the foure corners , and hanging very neer the ground a hundred peeces of siluer , each worth two shillings sterling , which coūteruailed ten pounds of our English mony : this busines I carried so secretly by the help of my Persian , that neither our English Ambassador , nor any other of my Countrimen ( sauing one speciall , priuate , & intrinsical friend ) had the least inkling of it , till I had throughly accomplished my designe : for I well knew that our Ambassador ▪ would haue stopped and Barracadocd all my proceeding therein , if he might haue had any notice thereof , as indeed he signified vnto me after I had effected my proiect , aleaging this forsooth for his reason why he would haue hindered me , because it would redound some what to the dishonour of our Nation , that one of our Countrey should present himselfe in that beggarly and poore fashion to the King out of an insinuating humor to craue mony of him , but I answered our Ambassador in that stout & resolute manner after I had ended my busines , that he was contented to cease nibling at me , neuer had I more need of mony in all my life then at that time : for in truth I had but twenty shillings sterling left in my purse by reason of a mischance I had in one of the Turkes Cities called Emert in the country of Mesopotamia , where a miscreant Turke stripped me of almost all my monies , according as I wrote vnto you in a very large letter the last yeer , which I sent from the Court of this mighty Monarch by one of my Countrimen that went home by Sea in an English shippe laden with the commodities of this India , which letter I hope came to your hands long since . After I had been with the King , I went to a certaine noble & generous Christian of the Armeniā race , 2 daies iourny frō the Mogols court , to the end to obserue certain remarkable matters in the same place , to whom by means of my Persian tongue I was so welcome that hee entertained me with very ciuill and courteous complement , and at my departure gaue mee very bountifully twenty peeces of such kind of mony as the King had done before , coūteruailing 40 shillings sterling . About ten daies after that , I departed frō Azmere the court of the Mogol Prince , to the end to begin my Pilgrimage after my long rest of fourteen moneths back againe into Persia , at what time our Ambassador gaue mee a peece of Gold of this Kings Coine worth foure and twenty shillings , which I will saue ( if it be possible ) till my ariuall in England : so that I haue receiued for beneuolences since I came into this country twenty markes sterling sauing two shillings eight pence , & by the way vppon the confines of Persia alitle before I came into this country three and thirty shillings foure pence in Persian mony of my Lady Sherly : at this present I haue in the City of Agra where hence I wrote this letter , about twelue pounds sterling , which according to my maner of liuing vppon the way at two-pence sterling a day ( for with that proportion I can liue pretty well , such is the cheapnes of all eatable things in Asia , drinkable things costing nothing , for seldome doe I drinke in my pilgrimage any other liquor then pure water ) will mainetaine mee very competently three yeeres in my trauell with meate drinke and clothes . Of these gratuities which haue been giuen me willingly , would I send you some part as a demonstration of the filiall loue and affection which euery child bred in ciuility and humility ought to performe to his louing and good mother : but the distance of space betwixt this place and England , the hazard of mens liues in so long a ioureny , and also the infidelity of many men , who though they liue to come home , are vnwilling to render an account of the things they haue receiued , doe not a little discourage me to send any precious token vnto you ; but if I liue to come one day to Constantinople againe ( for thither doe I resolue to goe once more by the grace of Christ , and therehence to take my passage by land into Christendom ouer renouned Greece ) I wil make choice of some substantial & faithfull Countriman , by whom I will send some prety token as an expression of my dutifull and obedient respect vnto you . I haue not had the oppertunity to see the King of Persia as yet since I came into this country , but I haue resolued to goe to him when I come next into his Territories , and to search him out wheresoeuer I can find him in his Kingdome ; for seeing I can discourse with him in his Persian tongue , I doubt not but that going vnto him in the forme of a Pilgrime , he will not onely entertaine me with good words , but also bestow some worthy reward vpon me beseeming his dignity and person ; for which cause I am prouided before hand with an excellent thing written in the Persian tongue that I meane to present vnto him : and thus I hope to get beneuolences of worthy persons to maintaine me in a competent maner in my whole pilgrimage till I come into England , which I hold to be as laudable & a more secure course then if I did continually carry store of mony about mee . In the letter which I wrote vnto you by an English ship the last yeere , I made relation vnto you both of my iourny from the once holy Hierusalem hither and of the state of this Kings Court , and the Customes of this Country , therfore I hold it superfluous to repeat the same things againe , but what the countryes are , that I meane to see betwixt this and Christendome , and how long time I will spend in each country , I am vnwilling to aduertise you of at this present , desiring rather to signify that vnto you after I haue performed my designe then before ; howbeit in few words , I will tell you of certaine Cities of great renown in former times , but now partly ruined , that I resolue ( by Gods help ) to see in Asia , where I now am , namely ancient Babilon & Nymrods Tower , some few miles from Niniue , & in the same the Sepulcher of the Prophet Ionas , spacious & goodly ; Caire in Egypt , heretofore Memphis , vpō the famous Riuer Nilus , where Moises , Aron , & the children of Israel liued with king Pharaoh , whose ruined Palace is shewed there til this day , & a world of other mouable things as memorable as any City of the whole world yeeldeth , sauing only Ierusalem : but in none of these or any other Cities of note do I determin to linger as I haue done in other places , as in Constantinople , and Azmere , in this Easterne India , onely some few daies will I tarry in a principall city of fame , to obserue euery principal matter there and so be gone . In this City of Agra where I am now , I am to remaine about six weekes longer , to the end to expect an excellent oportunity , which then will offer it selfe vnto me to goe to the famous Riuer Ganges , about fiue daies iourny from this , to see a memorable meeting of the gentle people of this country called Baieans , whereof about foure hundred thousand people go thither of purpose to bathe and shaue themselues in the Riuer , and to sacrifice a world of gold to the same Riuer , partly in stamped mony , & partly in massy great lumpes and wedges , throwing it into the Riuer as a sacrifice , and doing other strange Ceremonies most worthy the obseruation , such a notable spectacle it is , that no part of all Asia , neither this which is called the great Asia , nor the lesser , which is now called Natolia , the like is to be seen ; this shew doe they make once euery yeere , comming thither from places almost a thousand miles off , and honour their Riuer as their God , Creator , and Sauiour ; superstition and impiety most abominable in the highest degree of these brutish Ethnicks , that are aliens from Christ & the common-wealth of Israel . After I haue seen this shew , I wil with all expedition repaire to the city of Lahore , twenty daies iourny from this and so into Persia by the helpe of my blessed Christ . Thus haue I imported vnto you some good accidents that happened vnto me since I wrote a letter vnto you the last yeere from the Kings Court , & some litle part of my resolution for the disposing of a part of my time of abode in Asia : Therefore now I will draw to a conclusion ; the time I cannot limit when I shall come home , but as my mercifull God and Sauiour shall dispose of it . A long rabble of commēdations like to that which I wrote in my last letter to you I hold not so requisite to make at this present : Therefore with remembrance of some fewe friends names , I will shut vp my present Epistle . I pray you recommend me first in Odcombe to Master Gollop , and euery good body of his family , if he liueth yet , to Master Berib , his wife and all his Family , to all the Knights , William Chunt , Iohn Selly , Hugh Donne , and their wiues , to Master Atkins & his wife at Norton , I pray commend me in Euill to these , to old Mr Seward if he liueth , his wife and children ; the poore Widow Darby , old Master Dyer , and his Sonne Iohn , Master Ewins old and young with their wiues , Master Phelpes and his wife , Master Starre and his wife , with the rest of my good friends there , ( I had almost forgotten your husband ) to him also , to Ned Barber and his wife , to William Ienings : commend me also I pray you , & that with respectfull and dutifull termes to the godly and reuerent fraternitie of Preachers that euery second Friday meet at a religious exercise at Euill , at the least if that exercise doth continue , pray read this letter to them , for I thinke they wil be well pleased with it by reason of the nouelties of things . And so finally I commit you and all them to the blessed protection of Almighty God. From Agra the Capitall of the Dominion of the great Mogoll in the Easterne India the last of October 1616. Your dutifull louing and obedient Sonne , now a desolate Pilgrim in the World. THOMAS CORIAT . ❧ The Copy of a speech that J made to a Mahometan in the Italian tongue . THe Coppy of a speech that I made extempore in the Italian tongue to a Mahometan at a Citie called Moltan in the Easterne India , two daies iourny beyond the famous Riuer Indus , which I haue passed , against Mahomet and his accursed Religion , vpon the occasiō of a discurtesie offered vnto mee by the said Mahometan in calling me Gtaur , that is infidell , by reason that I was a Christian : the reason why I spake to him in Italian , was because he vnderstood it , hauing been taken slaue for many yeeres since by certaine Florentines in a Gally wherein hee passed from Constantinople towards Alexandra , but being by them interrupted by the way , he was carried to a Citie called Ligorne in the Duke of Florences Dominions , where after two yeeres he had learned good Italian , but he was an Indian borne and brought vp in the Mahometan Religion . I pronounced the speech before an hundred people , whereof none vnderstood it but himselfe , but hee afterward told the meaning of some part of it as far as he could remember it to some of the others also . If I had spoken thus much in Turky , or Persia against Mahomet they would haue rosted me vpon a spitt ; but in the Mogols Dominions a Christian may speake much more freely then hee can in any other Mahometan Country in the world . The speech was this as I afterward translated it into English . But I pray thee tell me thou Mahometan , dost thou in sadnes call me Giaur ? that I doe quoth he , then ( quoth I ) in very sobersadnes I retort that shamefull word in thy throate , and tell thee plainly that I am a Musulman and thou art a Giaur : For by that Arab word Musulman thou dost vnderstand that which cannot be properly applied to a Mahometan but onely to a Christian , so that I doe consequently inferre that there are two kindes of Muselmen , the one an Orthomusulmā , that is a true Musulman which is a Christian & the other a Pseudo-musulman that is a false Musulman which is a Mahometan . What , thy Mahomet was from whom thou dost deriue thy Religion , assure thy selfe I know better then any one of the Mahometans amongst many millions : yea all the particular circumstances of his life and death , his Nation , his Parentage , his driuing Camels through Egipt , iria , and Palestina , the marriage of his Mistris , by whose death he raised himselfe from a very base and contemtible estate to great honor and riches , his manner of cozening the sottish people of Arabia , partly by a tame Pigeon that did fly to his eare for meat , and partly by a tame Bull that hee fed by hand euery pay , with the rest of his actions both in peace and warre : I know aswell as if I had liued in his time , or had beene one of his neighbours in Mecca , the truth whereof if thou didst know aswell , I am perswaded thou wouldest spit in the face of thy Alcaron , and trample it vnder thy feete , and bury it vnder a Iaxe , a booke of that strange and weake matter , that I my selfe ( as meanely as thou dost see me attired now ) haue already written two better bookes ( God be thanked ) and will hereafter this , ( by Gods gratious permission ) write another better and truer , yea I wold haue thee know ( thou Mahometan ) that in that renouned Kingdome of England where I was borne , learning doth so flourish , that there are many thousand boies of sixteene yeeres of age ▪ that are able to make a more learned booke then thy Alcaron , neither was it ( as thou and the rest of you Mahometans doe generally beleue ) composed wholy by Mahomet , for hee was of so dull a wit , as he was not able to make it without the helpe of another , namely a certaine Renegado Monke of Constantinople , called Sergis . So that his Alcoran was like an arrow drawne out of the quiuer of another man. I perceiue thou dost wonder to see me so much inflamed with anger , but I would haue thee consider it is not without great cause I am so moued , for what greter indignity can there be offered to a Christian which is an Arthomusulman , thē to be called Giaur by a Giaur : for Christ ( whose Religion I professe ) is of that incomparable dignity , that as thy Mahomet is not worthy to bee named that yeere wherein my blessed Christ is , so neither is his Alcoron worthy to be named that yeere wherein the * Iuieel of my Christ is . I haue obserued among the Mahometans such a foolish forme of praier euer since my departure from Spahan , ( which I confesse was no nouelty vnto me , for that I had obserued the like before both in Constantinople and diuers other Turkish cities ) that what with your vain repetions & diuers other prophane fooleries contained therein ▪ I am certaine your praiers doe euen stinke before God , and are of no more force then the cry of thy Camell when thou doest lade or vnlade him : But the praiers of Christians haue so preuailed with God , that in time of drought they haue obtained conuenient aboundance of raine , and in time of pestilence a suddaine cessation from the plague , such an effect of holy and feruent praier as neuer did the * Scofferalahs , or the Allamissel alow of any Mahometan produce : yet must wee , whose praiers like a sweete smelling sacrifice are acceptable to God , be esteemed Giaurs by those whose praiers are odious vnto his Diuine Maiestie : O times ! O maners ! Now as I haue told thee the difference betwixt the effect of our Christian & your Mahometan praiers , so I pray thee obserue another difference betwixt you & vs , that I will presently intimate vnto thee : thou by the obseruation of the Law of thy rediculous Alcaron dost hope for Paradice , wherein thy Master Mahomet hath promised Riuers of Rice , and to Virgins the imbracing of Angels vnder the shaddowe of spacious Trees , though in truth that Paradice be nothing else then a filthy quagmire so full of stincking dung-hils that a man cannot walke two spaces there but he shall stumble at a dung-hill and defile himselfe , but where this Paradice is , not one amongst a thousand of you knoweth , therefore I will tell thee , it standeth in a Country scituate betwixt Heauen and Earth called Vtopia , whereof there is mention in the third book of thy Alcaron and in the seuen and thirty Asaria , but expressed with those misticall and obscure termes that is very difficult to vnderstand it , for this Vtopian Paradice I say as the reward of al your superstitious mumbling in your praiers , and the often ducking downe of your heads when you kisse the ground , with such a deuoute humilitie forsooth , doe you Mahometans hope in another world : But wee Christians hope to liue with God and his blessed Angels for euer and euer in Heauen , as being a proper and pecullar inheritance purchased vnto vs by the precious blood of our Christ , yet must wee be reputed Giaurs by those that are Giaurs ? One thing more will tell thee ( O thou Mahometan ) and so I will conclude this tedious speech , whereunto thy discurtious calling of me Giaur hath inforced mee , and I prethee obserue this my conclusion . Learning ( which is the most precious Iewell that man hath in this life , by which he attaineth to the knowledge of diuine and humane things ) commeth to man either by reuelatiō which we otherwise cal inspiration , or by industry : Learning by reuelation I cal that which God doth infuse from aboue by his special grace , vnto those whō he will vse as the instruments of his glory , who without labour or trauell doe aspire to a most eminent degree of knowledge . Learning by industry I call it that which a man doth purchase to himselfe by continuall writing and reading , by practise and meditation : now by neither of these meanes haue the Mahometans acquired any meane , much lesse any singular learning , for as Mahomet himselfe was a man of a very superficiall and meane learning , so neuer was there any one of his Disciples in any part of the world that was indued with any profound knowledge ▪ but wee Christians by the one and the other meane , haue attained to the most exquisite science that can be incident to man : * some of our men that neuer were brought vp in Studies hauing been so expert in a generall learning ( onely by Gods speciall illumination ) as those haue spent forty yeeres in the practise thereof , and others by continuall practise of writing and reading , haue beene so excellent , that they became the very Lampes and Stars of the Countries wherein they liued . These things being so , it cannot possible come to passe that the omnipotent God should deale so partially with mankind as to reueale his will to a people altogether misled in ignorance and blindnes as you Mahometans are , and conceale it from vs Christians that bestowe all our life time in the practise of diuine and humane disciplines , and in the ardent inuocation of Gods holy name with all sincerity and purity of heart ? Goe to then thou Pseu-domusulman , that is , thou false-beleeuer , since by thy iniurious imputation laid vpon mee , in that thou calledst mee Giaur , thou hast prouoked mee to speake thus . I pray thee let this mine answere be a warning for thee not to scandalize mee in the like manner any more , for the Christian Religion which I professe , is so deare and tender vnto mee that neither thou nor any other Mahometan shal scotfree call me Giaur , but that I will quit you with an answer muchto the wonder of those Mahometans ▪ I pray you Mother expect no more letters from me after this till my arriuall in Christendom , because I haue resolued to write no more while I am in the Mahometans Countries , thinking that it will be a farre greater comfort both to you and to all my friends whatsoeuer , to heare newes that I haue accomplished my trauelles in Mahometisme , then that I am comming vp and down , to and fro in the same , without any certainty of an issue therof ; therfore I pray haue patiēce for a time : about two yeers and a halfe hence I hope to finish these Mahometan trauelles , and then either from the Citie of Raguzi in Sclauonia which is a Christian Citie and the first we enter into Christendome , from those parts of Turky by Land nere vnto the same or , from famous Venice , I will very dutifully remember you againe with lines full of filiall piety and officious respect . I haue written two letters to my Vncle Williams since I came forth of England and no more , whereof one from the Mogols Court the last yeere , iust at the same time that I wrote vnto you ; and another now , which I sent ●ointly by the same Messenger that carried yours out of India by Sea. Once more I recommend you and all our hearty wel-willers & friends to the gratious tuition of the Lord of Hosts ; I pray you remember my duty to Master Hancoke that reuerend and Apostolicall good old man , and his wife , if they are yet liuing ; to their Sonnes Thomas and Iohn , and their Wiues . FINIS . Master Thomas Coriat . SOme may perhaps suppose this Prose is mine , But all that know thee will be sworne 't is thine : For ( as 't was said b'a learned Cambridge Scholler ) ( Who knowes the style , may smell it by the Coller ) : The Prose ( I sweare ) is Coriats , he did make it , And who dares claime it from him , let him take it . THE AVTHOR OF the Verse , takes leaue of the Author of the Prose , desiring rather to see him , then to heare from him . THose Rimes before thy meaning doth vnclose , Which men perhaps haue blundred ore in Prose : And 't is a doubt to me , whose paines is more , Thou that didst write , or they that read them o're : My Scullers muse without or Art or skill , In humble seruice ( with a Gooses quill ) Hath tane this needles , fruitles paines for thee , Not knowing when thou l't doe as much for me . But this is not the first , nor shall not be The last ( I hope ) that I shall write for thee . For when newes thou wast drown'd did hither come , I wrote a mournefull Epicedium . And after when I heard it was a lye , I wrote of thy suruiuing presently . Laugh and be fat , the Scullers booke , and this Shewes how my minde to thee addicted is ; My Loue to thee hath euer more been such , That in thy praise I nere can write too much : And much I long to see thee heere againe , That I may welcome thee in such a straine That shall euen cracke my pulsiue pi●mater , In warbling thy renowne by land and water : Then shall the Fame which thou hast won on foot ( Mongst Hethens , Iews , Turks , Negroes ( black as soot ) Ride on my best Inuention like an Asse , To the amazement of each Owliglasse . In praise of the Author , Till when fare well ( if thou canst get good fare ) Content's a feast , although the feast be bare . Let Eolus and Neptune be combinde , With Sea auspicious , and officious winde ; In thy returne with speed to blow thee backe , That we may laugh , lie downe , and mourne in Sacke . J. T. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A19381-e2370 a This is the ordinary title that is giuen him by all strangers Notes for div A19381-e3700 * This doe all Mahometans call our Gospell or the History of our Saniour , written by the foure Evangelists . * Words that the Mahometans doe often repeat in their praiers . * I mean the blessed Apostles of our Sauiour . 
A19384	----	Thomas Coriate traueller for the English vvits: greeting From the court of the Great Mogul, resident at the towne of Asmere, in easterne India. Coryate, Thomas, ca. 1577-1617. 1616 Approx. 59 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 32 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A19384 STC 5811 ESTC S108719 99844375 99844375 9182 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19384) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 9182) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1169:10) Thomas Coriate traueller for the English vvits: greeting From the court of the Great Mogul, resident at the towne of Asmere, in easterne India. Coryate, Thomas, ca. 1577-1617. [6], 56 p. : ill. Printed by W. Iaggard, and Henry Fetherston, [London] : 1616. An eighteenth-century type facsimile has "Featherston" in the imprint. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng India -- Description and travel -- 1498-1761. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-08 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-08 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THOMAS CORIATE Traueller for the English VVits : Greeting . From the Court of the Great MOGVL , Resident at the Towne of ASMERE , in Easterne INDIA . Printed by W. Iaggard , and Henry Fetherston . To the Reader . THree years ( poore Countrimē that haue not trauaild ) And some odde daies ; in Odde-combs grace & yours , I haue enricht my feete ( though something grauaild ) VVith measuring millicents of Townes and Towres . And yet I sweare , my head is nothing full , But rather empty of such things as fit One that makes nothing of the Great Mogul , But farre beyond , or wide , as farre as it Is from my Od-combe . Meane to trauaile still , Till I haue equald in some seauen yeares more The Wise Vlysses ; for of him , my will VVants nought in wit , but seauen yeares and some score Of foolish dayes ; of which , I hope to spend Ten millions more : For all my life shall be Endeard to that most lou'd ; most fortunate end , And to bring honor , to my Land and Ye . But do not long for me too soone ; or doubt , As doth my mother ; who doth wish , I heare , To haue me there , though in a shitten clout ; Though I not tred out my Vlyssian yeares . For who can purchase wisedome ? Ten yeares ? No. Before I get it , I will go , and go . His Parallel with Erasmus . Erasmus did in praise of folly write ; And Coryate doth , in his selfe-praise endite . Loe heere the wooden Image of our wits ; Borne , in first trauaile , on the backs of Nits ; But now on Elephants , &c : O , what will he ride , when his yeares expire ? The world must ride him ; or he all will tire . To THE RIGHT Honourable , Sir Edward Phillips , Knight , and Maister of the Rolles , at his house in Chancery-Lane , or VVanstead . From the Court of the most mighty Monarch , the Great Mogul , resident in the Towne of Asmere , in the Easterne India , Anno 1615. Right Honourable , I Am perswaded , that if euer any accident worthy of admiration euer happened vnto your honor in al your life time , it will be the receiuing of this present Letter , from me out of the Easterne India : yet perhaps it will seeme vnto you so wondrous , that I beleeue you will doubt whether this bee the true hand-writing of your once Odcombiam Neighbor , Thomas Coryate . But your Honour may soone very infallibly and apparantly perceiue it to be true ; partly by the forme of the style , which is iust answerable to that manner of speech that you haue heard and obserued in me , sometimes in my Linsie-woolsie Orations ; and somtimes in my extrauagant discourses : and partly by the testimony of the bearer heereof , M. Peter Rogers , Minister at the time of his being in India , to the English Merchants resident at the Court of the most puissant Monarch the great Mogul , at a town called Asmere ; whose comfortable and sweet company I enioyed at the same Court , about the space of foure Moneths . Now , though there hath itched a very burning desire in mee , within these few yeares , to suruay and contemplate some of the chiefest parts of this goodly Fabricke of the VVorld , besides mine owne natiue Country : yet neuer did I thinke it would haue broken out to such an ambitious vent , as to trauell all on foote from Ierusalem , so farre as the place where I wrote this Letter . Howbeit since Fortune , or rather ( to speake more properly , in vsing a Christian word ) the prouidence of the Almighty , ( for Fatuus est , S. Augustine saith , qui faro credit ) hath so ordained , that I should securely passe so far into the Orientall world , with al humilitie vpō the bended knees of my hart , I thank my Creator & merciful redeemer , Iesus Christ ; ( whose Sacrosanct Sepulcher I haue visited & kissed , terque quaterque in Ierusalem ) & do very much congratulate mine owne happines , that he hath hitherto endued mee with health , ( for in all my trauels since I came out of England , I haue enioyed as sound a constitutiō of body , & firme health , as euer I did since I first drew this vitall ayre ) libertie , strength of limbs , agilitie of foot-manship , &c. Neither do I doubt , but that your Honour it selfe will likewise congratulate the felicitie of our Sommersetshire , that in breeding me , hath produced such a traueller , as dooth for the diuersitie of the Countries he hath seene , and the multiplicitie of his obseruations , farre ( I beleeue ) out-strippe anie other whatsoeuer , that hath beene bred therein since the blessed Incarnation of our Sauior . Yea , I hope my generall countrie of England , shall one day say , that Odde-combe , for one part of the word , may truelie be so called : ( for Odde-combe consisteth of two words , odde , & combe , which latter word in the olde Saxon tongue signifieth besides the vertical point of a cocks head , the side of a Hill , because the east side of the hill wheron Od-combe standeth , is very conspicuous , and seene afar off in the Country Eastward ) for breeding an odde man , one that hath not his peere in the whole kingdome to match him . Three yeares and some few odde dayes I haue spent already , in this second peregrination , and I hope with as much profite ( vnpartially will I speake it of my selfe , without any ouer-weening opiniō , to which most men are subiect ) both for learning foure Languages more , then I had when I left my Country : viz. Italian , Arabian , Turkish , and Persian ; and exact viewing of diuers of the most remarkeable matters of the Vniuerse ; together with the accurate description thereof , as most of my Countri-men that are now abroad . Yet such is my insatiable greedinesse of seeing strange countries : which exercise is indeede the very Queene of all the pleasures in the world , that I haue determined ( if God shall say Amen ) to spend full seauen yeares more , to the ende to make my voyage answerable for the time to the trauels of Vlysses ; & then with vnspeakable ioy to reuisite my Country ; which I will euer entitle ( notwith-standing all the goodly Regions that I haue seene in my two perambulations ) with the stile of the true Canaan of the world , that flowes with Milke and Hony. Onely wish me good successe , I beseech your Honour , as I will from my heart , to you and all your familie ; hoping to salute you after the finall catastrophe of my exoticke wanderings ; when you shall bee in the great climacterical year of your age ; you being about fifty three , if my coniecture doth not faile mee , when I tooke my leaue of you : a thing verie likely by the mercifull goodnesse of God. For your Father , that was my god-father , who imposed vpon me the name of Thomas , liued more then eightie yeares . Honourable Sir , take it not , I beseech you , for a discourtesie , in that I write nothing in this Letter of my past trauels . I am certaine , that a Letter which I haue written to M. VVhitaker , your learned and elegant Secretary , wherein I haue compendiouslie discoursed of some of my obseruations in Asia , will quicklie come to your hands , at least if hee remaineth still in your seruice : therfore it would be superfluous to haue repeated the same things . Dutie ioyned with the recordation of the manifold benefits , and singular fauours I haue receiued from you , hath inioyned mee to send this Letter to your Honour , from this glorious Court of the Mogul ; wherein seeing I relate not the singularities I haue seene in those Orientall Regions , I will desist to be farther tedious ; humbly recommending your Honour , and vertuous Lady , your well-beloued Sonne & Heire-apparant , Sir Robert , ( to whom I haue written a few times also ) & his sweet Lady ; M. Martin also , M. Christopher Brooke , whom I thanke still for his no lesse elegant then serious verses : M. Equinoctiall Pasticrust of the middle Temple , M. VVilliam Hackwell , and the rest of the worthy gentlemen frequenting your Honourable table , that fauour vertue , and the sacred Muses , to the most Heauenly Clientele of the eternall Iehouah . Your Honors most obsequious Beadsman , Thomas Coryate . From the Court of the great Mogul , resident in the Towne of Asmere in the Easterne India , on Michaelmas day , Anno 1615. I beseech your Honour , to speake courteously to this kind Minister M. Rogers for my sake : for he euer shewed himselfe very louing vnto me . Most deare and beloued Friend , Maister L. W. animae dimidium meae . From the Court of the most Mighty Monarch , called the Great Mogul , resident in the Towne of Asmere , in the Orientall India . Anno 1615. COrdiall salutations in the Author of Saluation , Iesus Christ : where I writ vnto you last , I remember wel ; euen from Zobah , as the Prophet Samuel calleth it ( 2 Booke 8. chap. ver . 3 ) that is , Aleppo , the principall Emporium of all Syria , or rather of the Orient world ; but when , in trueth I haue forgotten , for I keepe not coppies of my Letters , as I see most of my Countrey-men doe , in whatsoeuer place of the worlde I finde them : Howbeit , if my coniecture doe not much faile me , I may affirme that it was about xv . moneths since , about a month after I returned vnto Aleppo from Ierusalem , after which time , I remained there three months longer , and then departed there-hence in a Carauan into Persia , passing the noble riuer Euphrates ( the cheefest of all that irrigated Paradise , wherehence , as frō their original , the three other riuers were deriued ) about foure dayes iourney beyond Aleppo : on the farther side of which , I entered Mesapotamia , alias Chaldea , for the Euphrates in that place disterminateth Syria & Mesopotamia . Therehence I had two dayes iourney to Vr of the Chaldeans , where Abraham was born , a very delicate and pleasant Cittie . There I remained foure dayes , but I I could see no part of the ruines of the house , wher that faithful seruant of God was borne , though I much desired it . from thence , I had foure dayes iourney to the Riuer Tigris , which I passed also ; but in the same place where I crossed it , I found it so shallow , that it reached no higher then the calfe of my legge : for I waded ouer it afoot . Now I wel perceiue by mine occular experience , that Chaldea is named Mesopotamia , for that it is inclosed with the foresaid riuers . Traiecto Tigride , I entred Armenia the greater : After that , Media the lower , & resided six dayes in the Metropolis therof , heretofore called Ecbarana , the sommer seate of Cyrus his Court , a City eftsoone mentioned in the Scripture , now called Tauris , more wofull ruines of a City ( sauing that of Troy & Cyzicū in Natolia ) neuer did mine eies beholde : whē I seriously contemplated those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the doleful testimonies of the Turkish deuastations , I called to minde Ouids verse . Ludis in humanis diuina potentia rebus . Now I am at the Moguls Court , I think you would be glad to receiue some narration thereof from mee , though succinctly handled : for I meane to be very compendious , lest I shold otherwise preoccupate that pleasure which you may here after this reape by my personall relation thereof . This present Prince is a verie worthy person , by name Selim , of which name I neuer read or heard of any more then one Mahometan King , which was Suliam Selim of Constantinople , that liued about 80. years since ; the same that conquered Ierusalem , Damascus , Aleppo , Caico , &c : adding the same to the Turkish Empire . He is 53. yeares of age , his natiuitie daie hauing beene celebrated with wonderfull pompe since my arriuall here : for that daie he weighed himselffe in a paire of golden Scales , which by great chance I saw the same day ( a custome that he obserueth most inuioablie euery year ) laying so much golde in the other scale as coūteruaileth the weight of his body , and the same he afterward distributed to the poore . Hee is of complection neither white nor blacke , but of a middle betwixt thē : I know not how to expresse it with a more expressiue & significant epitheton then Oliue : an Oliue colour his face presenteth : hee is of a seemelie composition of bodie , of a stature little vnequall ( as I guesse not without grounds of probabilitie ) to mine , but much more corpulent then my selfe . The extent of his Dominion is verie spacious , beeing in circuite , little lesse then 4000. English miles , which verie neere answereth the compas of the Turks territories : or if any thing be wanting in geometricall dimension of ground , it is with a great pleonasme supplied by the fertility of his soyle : and in these two thinges hee exceedeth the Turks , in the fatnesse ( as I haue said ) of his Land , no part of the world yeelding a more fruitfull veine of ground , then all that which lieth in his Empire , sauing that part of Babylonia , where the terrestriall Paradise once stoode : whereas a great part of the Turkes Land is extreme barren and sterill , as I haue obserued in my peregrination thereof , especially in Syria , Mesopotamia and Armenia ; many large portions thereof beeing so wonderfull fruitelesse , that it beareth no good thing at all , or if any thing , there Infelix lolium et steriles dominantur auenae . Secondly , in the coniunction and vnion of all his Territories , together in one & the same goodly continent of India , no Prince hauing a foote of land within him . But many parcels of the Turkes Countries are by a large distance of seas & otherwise diuided asunder . Again , in his Reuenue he exceedeth the Turk & the Persian his Neighbour by iust halfe : for his Reuenues are 40. millions of Crownes of sixe shillings value , by the yeare : but the Turkes are no more then fifteene millions , as I was certainly informed in Constantinople ; and the Persians fiue millions plus minus , as I heard in Spahan . It is saide that he is vncircumcised , wherein he differeth from all the Mahometan Princes that euer were in the world . Your assured louing Friend till death , Tho : Coryate . From the Court of the Great Mogul , resident at the Towne of Asmere in the Eastern India , on Michaelmas day . Anno 1615. I Do enioy at this time as pancraticall and athleticall a health as euer I did in my life : & so haue done euer since I came out of England , sauing for three dayes in Constantinople , where I had an Ague , which with a little letting blood was clean banished , the Lord be humbly thanked for his gracious blessing of health that hee hath giuen vnto mee . I was robbed of my money both golde and siluer ( but not all , by reason of certaine clandestine corners where it was placed ) in a Cittie called Diarbeck in Mesopotamia , the Turks countrey , by a Spaheê as they call him , that is , one of the horsemen of the great Turke ; but the occasion and circumstance of that misfortune , would be too tedious to relate . Notwithstanding that losse , I am not destitute of money I thanke God. Since my arriuall heere , there was sent vnto this King one of the richest presents that I haue heard to be sent to any Prince in al my life time : it consisted of diuers parcels ; one beeing Elephants , whereof there were 31. and of those , two so gloriously adorned , as I neuer sawe the like , nor shal see the like again while I liue . For they wore foure chaines about their bodies all of beaten gold : two chains about their legges of the same ; furniture for their buttocks of pure gold : twoe Lyons vpon their heads of the like gold : the ornaments of each , amounting to the value of almost eight thousand pound sterling : and the whole Present was worth ten of their Leakes , as they call them ; a Leak being ten thousand pound sterling : the whole , a hundred thousand pounds sterling . Pray commend me to M. Protoplast , and all the Sireniacall gentlemen , to whom I wrote one Letter from Aleppo , after my being at Ierusalem ; and another I intend to write before my going out of Asia . Their most elegant and incomparable safe-conduct that they haue graciously bestowed vpon me , I haue left at Aleppo , not hauing made any vse of it as yet , neither shall I in all my peregrination of Asia : but when I shall one day arriue in Christendome , it will be very auaileable to me . I haue heere sent vnto you the coppy of certaine facetious verses , that were lately sent to me to this Court , from one of my Countrimen , one M. Iohn Browne , a Londoner borne , now resident with diuers other English Merchants , at a Citie in India , fiue hundred miles from the place where I abide , called Amadauers , about sixe dayes iourney from the Sea : who vnderstanding of my arriuall at this Court , and of my tedious pedestriall peregrination all the way from Ierusalem hither ; vnderstanding it I say , by Latine and Italian Epistles , that vpon a certaine occasion I wrote to some of that company , made these pretty verses , and sent them me . You may reade them to your friends if you thinke fit , and especially to the Sireniacall gentlemen ; for they are alegant and delectable . The superscription of his Letter was this : to the painefull gentleman , M. Thomas Coryate : The title within prefixed before the verses , this ; To the Odeombian wonder , our laborious Countriman , the generous Coryate . The Verses . What though thy Cruder trauels were attended With bastinadoes , lice , and vile disgraces ? Haue not thy glorious acts thereby ascended Great Brittaines stage , euen to Princes places , Led on in triumph by the noblest spirits That euer deignd to write of anies merits ? If then for that they did aduance thy fame , How will they striue to adde vnto thy glory , When thou to them so wondrously shalt name Thy weary foot-steps and thy Asian story ? No doubt more ripe ( as neerer to the Sunne ) Then was that first that in the cold begun . Then rest a while , and to thy taske againe , Till thou hast throughly trod this Asian round , Which yet so many Kingdomes doth containe As Dackon , where the Diamond is found ; And Bisnagar , Narsinga : and if you be Not weary yet , in Zeilan seeke the Rubie . Then could I wish you saw the China Nation , Whose policie and art doth farre exceed Our Northern climes : and here your obseruation VVould Nouelists and curious Artists feede With admiration . Oh , had I now my wishes , Sure you shold learn to make their China dishes But by the way forget not * Gugurat , The Lady of this mighty Kings Dominion : Visite Baroch , Cambaia , and Surat , And Amdauar ; all which in my opinion Yeeld much content : & then more to glad yee , Wee le haue a health to al our friends in * Tadee Then crosse to Arab , * happiest in diuision ; But haue a care ( at Mecca is some danger ) Leste you incurre the paine of circumcision , Or Peter-like , to Christ do seeme a stranger . From thence to Egypt , where the famous Nile And Memphis will detaine your eyes a while . This done , at Alexandria seeke your passage For Englands happy shores , wher How & Mundy Will striue to make your trauels out-last age , So long as stand their Annals of our Country . For Mandeuill wil come of thee farre short , Either of trauell , or a large report . YEt one Post-script more by way of a Corollary , and so with the same , beeing the fourth and the last , I will adde the final vmbilicke to this tedious English-Indian Epistle . I haue written out two seuerall coppies of these verses , and included them within the Letters , which I haue intreated you to distribute for me , but so that the Letters are not sealed vpon them ; onely they lie loose within the Letters , therefore they are subiect to losing , except you haue an extraordinary care of them . Wherefore I intreate you to deliuer that to mine Vnkle with your owne hands , if he be in London , or to conueigh it to him by such a one as will not lose that loose paper of verses . The like care I desire you to haue of that to my mother , and to send it vnto her by some other man then a Carrier , if you can iet with such an opportunity : for in truth I am afraide the carrier wil lose the inclosed paper . Pray take aduice of some of the M. of the Rolles his people that are to ride to Euill . Pray remember my commendations with all respect to M. Williams the goldsmith and his wife ; and to Beniamin Iohnson , and to reade this letter to them both : likewise to mistris Elizabeth Balch , if shee continueth with your Lady . One appendix more and so an end . There happened betwixt the day of the writing of this Letter , and the day of the sealing of it vp , a memorable occurrent not to bee omitted . VVee receiued newes at this Court the ninth day after the writing of this Letter ( for nine daies it was vnsealed ) being the eight of October , of the arriuall of foure goodly English ships , at the hauen of Su●at in India , and in the same , of a very generous and worthy English Knight , a deare friend of mine , Sir Thomas Rowe , to come to the Court with some mature expedition , as an Ambassadour from the right worshipfull company of London Merchants that trade for India : he cometh with Letters from our King , and certaine selected presents of good worth from the company , amongst the rest , a gallant Caroch , of 150. pounds price . Also there came with him 15. seruants , al Englishmen . Forty daies hence at the farthest we expect ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) his arriual at this Court. This newes doth refocillate ( I will vse my olde phrase so well knowne to you ) my spirits : for I hope he will vse me graciously , for old acquaintance sake . TO THE HIGH Seneschall of the right Worshipfull Fraternitie of Sireniacal Gentlemen , that meet the first Fridaie of euery Moneth , at the signe of the Mere-Maide in Bread streete in London , giue these : From the Court of the great Mogul resident at the Towne of Asmere , in the Easterne India . RIght Generous , Iouiall , and Mercuriall Sirenaicks ; I haue often read this greeke Prouerb , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is , one hand washeth another , & in Latine , Mulus mulum scabi● , one Mule scratcheth another ; by which the Ancients signified , that courtesies done vnto friends , ought to bee requited with reciprocall offices of friendship . The serious consideration heereof , dooth make me to call to mind that incomparable elegant safe-conduct , which a little before my departure from England , your Fraternity with a general suffrage gaue me for the security of my future peregrination , concinnated by the pleasant wit of that inimitable artizan of sweet elegancy , the moytie of my heart , and the quondam Seneschall of the noblest society , M. L.VV. Therefore since it is requsite that I should repay some-what for the same , according to the lawes of humanity : Such a poore retribution as I sent vnto you from Aleppo , the Metropolitan City of Syria , by one M. Henry Allare of Kent , my fellow-pilgrime therehence to Ierusalem ; I meane a plaine Epistle , which I hope , long since came vnto your hands . I haue sent vnto you by a man no lesse deare vnto mee then the former , one M. Peter Rogers , a Kentish man also , from the most famigerated Region of all the East , the ample and large India : assuring my selfe , that because I am not able to requite your loue with any essentiall gratulations , other then verball and scriptall , you wil as louingly entertaine my poore Letters , beeing the certaine manifestation of an ingenious minde , as if J should send vnto you the minerall riches or drugges of the noble Country . Thinke it no wonder I pray you , that I haue made no vse in all this space since I left my natiue Country , of the superexcellent Commeate ; for I haue spent all my time hitherto in the Mahometan Countries , and am like to spend three yeares more in these Musselman ( as they call them ) Regions of Asia , after of Europe , before J shal ariue in Christendome . For this cause I left it in Aleppo , with my Countrimen , there to receiue it from them againe , after that I shall haue ended my Indian and Persian perambulation : and therehence to carrie it once more to Constantinople , and that by the way at Iconium , Nicaea , Nicomedia , & in the countrie of Natolia , a iournie of forty daies . From that finally through the heart of Greece , by the Cities of Athens , Thebes , Corinth , Lacedemon , Thessalonica , and to the Citie of Ragouze , heretofore Epidaurus , so sacred for the image of Aesculapius in the countrie of Sclauonia , once called Illyricum ; from thence J haue three daies iourney to the inestimable Diamond set in the Ring of the Adriatique gulfe , ( as once I said in the first harangue that euer I made to Prince Henry of blessed memory , translated since my departure from London , from the terrestiall Tabarnacles , to the coelestial habitations ) venereous Venice , the soueraign Queen of the Mare superum : if the great Iehouah shall be so propitious vnto mee , as to grant mee a prosperous arriuall in that noble Cittie , I will there beginne to shew your safe conduct , and to decantate , yea and blazon your praises for the same : and after in euery other place of note , vntill I shall arriue in glorious London , communicate it to the most polite , with that the Cities will yeeld , thorough which my laborious feete shall carry mee , it would be superuacaneous to commemorate vnto you the almost incredible extent of Land I trauersed from Ierusalem to the Court of the great Mogul in India , where I now reside ; with the variable Regions and Prouinces interiacent betwixt them , and the manifold occurrences and obseruations of speciall worke in this vaste tract : for it wold be such a fastidious discourse , that it could not be wel comprehended in a large sheete of paper : but M. VV. I hope will not faile to import vnto you in a few compendious Relations , which I haue acquainted him with , in a particular Letter to himselfe : of which , if I should haue written againe to you , it would haue proued Crambe his Cocta . The Gentleman that bringeth this Letter vnto you , was preacher to the English Merchants conuersant at the Court of the aforesaide mighty Monarch in the Towne of Asmere in this Easterne India : and in diuers louing offices hath bene so kind vnto me , that I intreat your generosities to entertaine him friendly for my sake , to exhilarate him with the purest quintessence of the Spanish , French and Rhenish Grape , which the Mermaid yeeldeth ; & either one in the name of you all , or else the totall vniuersalitie of the one after another , to thanke him heartily , according to the quality of his merits . Farewell noble Sirenaicks . Your generosities most obliged Countreyman , euer to be commanded by you , the Hierosolymitan-Syrian-Mesopotamian-Armenian-Median-Parthian-Persian-Indian Legge-stretcher of Odcomb in Somerset , THOMAS CORYATE . PRay remember the recommendations of my dutifull respect to al those whose names I haue here expressed , being the louers of vertue , and literature ; and so consequently the well-willers ( I hope ) of a prosperous issue of my designements , in my laborious pedestriall perambulations of Asia , Africa , and Europe . VVritten with mine owne hand , at the Court of the Great Mogul Shaugh Selim , resident in the towne of Asmere , in the vmbilicke of the orientall India , the eight day of Nouember , being wednesdaie . Anno Dom. 1615. IMprimis , to the two Ladies Varney , the Mother & the Daughter , at Boswell house without Temple Barre . 2. Item , to that famous Antiquarie , Sir Robert Cotten , at his house in the Blacke Friers . Pray tell him that I haue a very curious white marble head of an ancient Heros or Gyant-like Champion , found out very casually by my diligent peruestigatiō amongst the ruines of the once renowned City of Cyzicum , mentioned by Cicero in his second Oration ( if my memory doth not faile me ) against Verres , situate in a peninsula of Bythinia , in the goodly country of Natolia , neere the Sea Propontis : to this head wil his best antiquities whatsoeuer veyle bonnet . 3. Item , to that courteous , sweet , and elegant-natured and nurtured gentleman . M. William Forde , Preacher to our Nation at Constantinople , if you happen to meete him in any part of England ; one that deserueth better of me then any man in all this Catalogue : for of him I haue learned whatsoeuer superficiall skill I haue gotten in the Italian tongue : pray reduplicate my commendations vnto him . 4. Item to M. George Speake my generous & ingenuous countriman , the Sonne and heyre apparant of Sir George Speake in Sommersetshire : him you are like to finde in any Terme , eyther at the middle Temple , or in some Barbers house neere to the temple . 5. Item , to M. Iohn Donne , the author of two most elegant Latine Bookes , Pseudo martyr , and Ignatij Conclaue : of his abode either in the Strād , or elsewhere in London : I thinke you shall bee easily informed by the meanes of my friend , M. L. W. 6. Item , to M. Richard Martin , Counsellor , at his chamber in the middle Temple , but in the Terme time , scarce else . 7. Item , to M. Christopher Brooke of the city of Yorke , Councellor , at his chamber in Lincolnes Inne , or neere it . 8. Item , to M. Iohn Hoskins , alias Acquinoctial Pastitrust , of the citie of Hereford , Councellor , at his chamber in the middle Temple . 9. Item , to M. George Garrat ; of whose beeing you shal vnderstand by Master Donne aforesaide . 10 Item , to M. VVilliam Hackwell , at his chamber in Lincolnes Inne . 11 Item , to Master Beniamin Iohnson the Poet , at his chamber at the Blacke Friars . 12. Item to Maist. Iohn Bond my countreyman , chiefe Secretarie vnto my Lorde Chancellour . 13 Item , to M. Doctor Mocket , resident perhappes in my Lord of Canterburies house at Lambeth , where I left him . 14 Item , to M. Samuel Purkas , the great collector of the Lucubrations of sundry classical authors , for the description of Asia , Africa , and America . Pray commend mee vnto him and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maister Cooke , by the same token , that he gaue me a description of Constantinople , and the Thracius Bosphorus , written in Latine by a Frenchman called Petrus Gillius : which Booke , when I carried once in an afternoone vnder mine arme , in walking betwixt our English Ambassadors house in Pera , on the opposite side to Constantinople , and the Flemish Ambassadors house , I lost it very vnfortunately to my great griefe , & neuer found it againe . 15 Item , to M. Inigo Iones , there where Maister Martin shall direct you . 16 Item , to M. Iohn Williams the Kings Goldat his house in Cheapside . 17 Item to M. Hugh Holland , at his lodging , where M. Martin shall direct you . 18 Item , to M. Robert Bing at Yongs ordinarie , neere the Exchange . 19 Item , to M. William Stansby , the Printer of my Crudities and Crambe , at his house in Thames street : also to his childlesse wife . 20 Item , to all the Stationers in Paules Church-yard ; but especially those by name , Mast. Norton , Mast. Waterson , M. Mathew Lownes , M. Edward Blount , and M. Barrat , &c. God bless thēall , & me too , that I may one day after the finall consummation of my fastidious peregrinations in the world , see and salute them all in health and welfare . Per me Thomam Coryatum Odcombiensem . PRay remember my verie humble dutie to my Lord Byshop of Bathe and Welles , generous M. Doctor Montacute ; and tell his Lordship , that before I returne towards the Persian court out of this Orientall India , I resolue ( by Gods permission ) to write such a Letter vnto him ( after I haue throughly surueighed so much of this country as I meane to do ) as shall not bee vnworthy to bee read to the Kings most excellent Maiesty . You are like to heare newes of his Lordships abode in Kings street , neere VVestminster . A Distich to the Traueller . All our choice wits , all , see , thou hast engrost : The doubt yet rests , if they or thou haue most . FINIS . To his Louing Mother . BY this present Letter , I am like to minister vnto you the occasion of two contrary matters ; the one of comfort , the other of discomfort : of comfort , because I haue by the propitious assistance of the omnipotent Iehouah , performed such a notable voyage of Asia the greater , with purchase of great riches of experience , as I doubt whether any English man this hundred yeares haue done the like ; hauing seene and very particularly obserued all the cheefest things in the Holy-land , called in times past Palaestina ; as Ierusalem , Samaria , Nazareth , Bethlehem , Iericho , Emaus , Bethania , the Dead Sea , called by the Ancients Lacus Asphaltities , where Sodome and Gomorrha once stood ; since that , many famous and renowned Cities and countries ; Mesopotamia , in the which I entred by the passage of the riuer Euphrates , that watered Paradise ; in which the Citty of Vr where Abraham was borne ; both the Mediaes , the higher and the lower . Parthia , Armenia , Persia , through al which I haue trauailed into the Eastern India , being now at the Court of the great Mogull , at a Towne called Asmere , the which from Ierusalem is the distance of two thousand and seauen hundred miles ; and haue traced all this tedious way afoote , with no small toile of bodye and discomfort , because that beeing so exceeding farre from my sweet and most delicious Natiue soyle of England , you will doubt perhaps , how it is possible for me to returne home againe : but I hope I shall quickly remoue from you that opinion of discomfort , ( if at the least you shall conceiue any such ) because I would haue you know , that I alwayes go safely in the company of Carauans from place to place . A Carauan is a word much vsed in all Asia : by which is vnderstood a great multitude of people trauelling together vpon the way with Camels , Horses , Mules , Asses , &c. on which they carry Merchandizes from one country to another , and Tents and Pauillions ; vnder which instead of houses they shelter themselues in open fields , being furnished also with all necessary prouision , and conuenient implements to dresse the same : in which Carauans I haue euer most securely passed betwixt Ierusalem and this Towne , a iourney of fifteene months and odde dayes : whereof foure wanting a VVeeke , spent in Aleppo , and two and fiue & od dayes spent in Spahan the Metropolitan Citty of Persia , where the Persian King most commonly keepeth his Court : & the occasion of my spending of sixe moneths of the foresaide fifteene , in those two Citties , was to waite for an opportunity of Carauans to Trauaile withall ; which a traueller is not sure to finde presently , when he is ready to take his iourney , but must with patience expect a conuenient time ; and the Carauan in which I trauelled betwixt Spahan and India , contained 2000. Camels , 1500. horses , 1000. and odde Mules , 800. Asses , and sixe thousand people . Let this therefore ( deer Mother ) minister vnto you a strong hope of my happy returne into England . Notwithstand all these lines for prouision for your Funerall , I hope for to see you aliue and sound in body & minde , about foure yeares hence ; & to kneele before you with effusion of teares , for ioy . Sweet mother , pray let not this wound your heart , that I say four yeares hence , & not before ; I humbly beseech you euen vpon the knees of my heart , with all submissiue , supplications to pardon me for my long absence ; for verily , I haue resolued by the fauour of the supernal powers , to spend 4. entire yeares more before my returne , and so to make it a Pilgrimage of 7. yeares , to the end I may very effectually and profitably contemplate a great part of this worldly fabricke , determining by Gods special help , to go from India into the countrey of Scythia , now called Tartaria , to the Cittie Samarcanda , to see the Sepulcher of the greatest Conqueror that euer was in the worlde . Tamberlaine the Great : thither it is a iourney of two months from the place I now remaine : from that I meane to return into Persia ; and therehence by the way of Babylon & Niniuy , and the Mountaine Ararat , where Noahs Arke rested , to Aleppo , to my Countrymen . From that , by the way of Damascus , and once againe to Gaza in the Land of the Philistims vnto Cairo in Egypt : From that downe the Nilus to Alexandria : and therehence finally , I hope to be imbarked for some part of Christendome , as either Venice , or &c. After mine arriuall in Christendome , I shall desire to trauell two yeares in Italy , and both high & low Germany , and then with all expedition into England , and to see you ( I hope ) with as great ioy as euer did any Trauailer his Father or Mother , going in that manner as I do like a poore Pilgrim . I am like to passe with vndoubted securitie , and very small charge : for in my tenne months trauailes betwixt Aleppo and this Moguls Court , I spent but three pounds sterling , and yet had sustenance enough to maintaine nature , liuing reasonably well , oftentimes a whole day , for so much of their money , as doeth counteruaile two pence sterling . But least I be ouer tedious vnto you , I will heere make an end . &c. I will now commend you to the most blessed protection of our Sauiour Iesus Christ ; before whose holy Sepulcher at Ierusalem , I haue poured foorth mine ardent Orisons for you , to the most sacrosanct Trinity , beseeching it with all humilitie of heart , to blesse and preserue you in a solid health , &c. Your louing Sonne , Tho : Coryate . To his louing Friend , Thomas Coryate . TOm Coryates Shooes hang by the Bels At Odcomb , where that Bel-Dam dwels who first produc't that monster : Monster of men I may him call , In that he is admir'd of all , else mought he me misconster . His head doth run the wilde-goose chace , Swifter then horse of hunting race , or Hare that Hound runs after : He pickes vp wit , as Pigeons pease , And vtters it when God doth please : O who can hold from Laughter ? To see him in a Morning Sunne , In his rough Lambeskin and bare gowne the Scuttle hole ascending : Would make a horse his halter breake , To heare him vomit forth his Greeke , with all the Ship contending . On Christmas day he drunke in iest , Coniur'd a storme out of the East , in clambring vp the cradle : Before , the winde was wondrous faire , Now forc't to ride in Gebraltar , withouten horse or saddle . But Asses there a hideous band , Thom-as discouered from the Land , His Booke is not without them : At Toms returne there will be sport , In Countrey , City , Towne , and Court , Those Asses round about them . Who liues his Leaues for to vnfold , At his returne , I dare be bold , will wonders finde farre stranger , Then was his conflict with the Iewes , Or entertainment at the Stewes ; or lying in the Manger Amongst the horse at Bergamo , Or begging of the poore , I tro ; these were but toyes and bables : Of Drums , Guns , Trumpets , he will tell , Of haling Ships , of Pyrats fell ; of Tacklings , Masts , and Cables . VVith Starboord , Larboorde , Helme Alee , Full , Come no neere : 't is done quoth he , who at the Helme doth stand . War-no-more , cries an angry Mate ; Oh Odcombe , these be termes of state , Not vsuall on the Land. Oh learne this Tongue I thee beseech , For it is not beyond the reach of * Leaden pated fooles : A Marine Language made , I say , Among ourselues , which till this day was neuer taught in schooles . Confront your Academies all , Of Brazen-nose and Penbrooke Hall , of learned not the least : Challenge the chiefe in our behoofe , And make the proudest spring his loofe , or send him South South-east . There let vs leaue them for a time : Now to the subiect of my rime , Tom Tel-troth simply witty : Neither Tom Dingell , nor Tom Drum , Tom Foole , Tom Piper , nor Tom Thum , the scorne of Towne and Citie . But Tom of Toms , admired most ; More then a Goblin , or a Ghost , A Phairy , or an Elfe ; VVhilst he amongst his Friends abides , Your Gizards at your Whitsontides , no merrier then the himselfe . Fryer Tucke , Maide Marian , and the rest , You Bag-pipes loud that loodle best , making the valleyes ring : You and all countrey clownes giue place , To Odcomb of esteemed grace , euen vice-toy to a King. Who for his mirth and merry glee , Is rais'd to higher dignity , then ere was English wight ; So honor'd since his comming out , He must no more be earm'd a Lout , but styl'd a Troian knight . Where he hath writ of Toombs , of Stones Of Marble Pillars , dead mens bones , with Pallaces of pleasure : Of Gates , of Turrets , Churches , Towres , Of Princes , Pesants , Knaues , and VVhores ; alas for time and leasure . For to repeate what he hath writ , VVhilst I am in this riming fit , plaine , simple , vnrefinde : Of this no longer must I stay , Be merry Mates , and le ts away , whilst weather serues , and winde . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A19384-e1050 Gen. 2 , 10. Gen. 11.28 . Notes for div A19384-e1650 * A goodly Prouince in India , three hundred miles from hence * A kinde of wine vsed in that part of India . * He meaneth Arabia foelix . Notes for div A19384-e4560 * Because my Brother C●●riate called the Sailers Leaden pated Fellowes . I say , it is not beyond their reach to learne this Language : not that I call him Leaden pated , for the world knowes he is capeable of farre worth or Languages : beeing now adding Italian , to his excellent Greeke and Latine . Gizard is in Scotch a merry Mummer . Termed a Lout , hauing a reference vnto the Princes verses , who held all men guts & Louts that were not Trauellers . 
A46578	----	By the King, a proclamation, for the recalling all His Majesties subjects from the service of foreign princes in East India England and Wales. Sovereign (1685-1688 : James II) 1686 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A46578 Wing J357 ESTC R2637 13071005 ocm 13071005 97137 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A46578) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97137) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 742:57) By the King, a proclamation, for the recalling all His Majesties subjects from the service of foreign princes in East India England and Wales. Sovereign (1685-1688 : James II) James II, King of England, 1633-1701. 1 sheet ([1] p.) ; 32 x 39 cm. Printed by Charles Bill, Henry Hills, and Thomas Newcomb ..., London : 1686. Broadside. Caption title. Royal arms (Steele 106) at head. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng East India Company. India -- Commerce -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- Commerce -- India. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT By the King. A PROCLAMATION For the Recalling all His Majesties Subjects from the Service of Foreign Princes in East India . JAMES R. WHereas We have been Informed by Our East India Company , That several of Our Subjects , in Order to the carrying on of the Interloping Trade , contrary to Our Express Prohibitions , have put themselves into the Service of Foreign Princes and States within the East Indies , and some of them after they had been retained by the said Company , and Transported thither at great Expences , have deserted their Service , and put themselves into the Service of the said Foreign Princes , to the great endangering of so Beneficial a Trade to Vs and this Our Kingdom , unless timely Remedy be by Vs applyed for preventing the growing Mischiefs which may thereby ensue : And Our said Company having humbly besought Vs by Our Royal Proclamation to Recall all and every of Our said Subjects in the Service of any Foreign Prince or State within the East Indies , We by the Advice of Our Privy Council , do hereby Publish and Declare Our Pleasure to be , and do hereby strictly Charge and Command all and every of Our Subjects in the Service of the Mogul or great King of Indostan , the King of Syam , the Queen of Atcheen , or of Sumbajee Rajay , or of any other Foreign Prince or State , or of the Dutch East India Company in the East Indies within Six Months after Publication of this Our Royal Proclamation in the East Indies , to leave the Service of all and every Foreign Prince and State in India , and to repair and render themselves to Our General and Council at Bombay , where such as are Merchants shall have liberty to reside and Traffick as Free Merchants , and such as are Seamen and Soldiers shall be Employed in the Service of the Company at the usual Rate of Wages paid by them to Seamen and Soldiers . And in case any of Our said Subjects shall refuse to Trade and Traffick as aforesaid , or to enter into the Service of Our said Company as aforesaid , then We do hereby strictly Charge and Command Our said Subjects to repair into England , and to appear before Our Privy Council in England , within One year after Publication of this Our Royal Proclamation in India , upon Pain and Peril that such of Our said Subjects who have deserted the said Companies Service , and shall be Apprehended there after the times limited as aforesaid , shall and may be proceeded against at a Court Martial there for such their Desertion ; And upon Pain and Penalty that such others of Our said Subjects who never were in the said Companies Service , and shall not render themselves within the times aforesaid , whensoever they shall be found or Apprehended in India aforesaid , or else within this Our Realm , shall and may be proceéded against either in India or in this Our Realm as Contemners of Our Royal Commands , and shall incur such Fines and Forfeitures as by the utmost Rigour of Law may be Inflicted on them . And We do hereby Require Our General and Council of India residing upon Our Island of Bombay , and Our President and Council of Our City of Madrasse residing in Our Fort of St. George upon the Coast of Cormandel , to cause this Our Royal Proclamation to be Published in all usual Places in India , and to be duly Executed according to the Tenour hereof . And We do further Will and Require all Our Captains and other Officers by Sea or Land in the East Indies , to be Aiding and Assisting in the due Execution hereof . Given at Our Court at Windsor the Seventeenth day of July 1686. In the Second Year of Our Reign . GOD SAVE THE KING . LONDON , Printed by Charles Bill , Henry Hills , and Thomas Newcomb , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty , 1686. 
A00549	----	An East-India colation; or a discourse of travels set forth in sundry obseruations, briefe and delightfull; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the East-Indies, of almost foure yeares continuance. Written by C.F. Farewell, Christopher. 1633 Approx. 96 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 54 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A00549 STC 10687 ESTC S114627 99849852 99849852 15024 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A00549) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 15024) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 790:08) An East-India colation; or a discourse of travels set forth in sundry obseruations, briefe and delightfull; collected by the author in a voyage he made unto the East-Indies, of almost foure yeares continuance. Written by C.F. Farewell, Christopher. [8], 69, [1], 24 p. Printed by B. A[lsop] and T. F[awcet], London : 1633. Page 69 signed: Chr. Farewell. In two parts; part 2 adds anecdotes of Spain and Ireland. Printer's full names from STC. imperfect; stained and print show-through. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng India -- Description and travel -- 1498-1761. Spain -- Description and travel. Ireland -- Description and travel -- To 1700. 2003-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-03 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-04 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2003-04 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN EAST-INDIA COLATION ; OR , A Discourse of Travels ; Set forth in sundry Observations , briefe and delightfull ; Collected by the Author in a Voyage he made unto the East - Indies , of almost foure yeares continuance . Written by C. F. Eccles. 34. 11. When I Travayled I saw many things , and I vnderstand more then I can expresse . LONDON Printed by B. A. and T. F. 1633. THE BOOKE TO THE READER . MY Author for his Love , his Cost , and vertuous 〈◊〉 , Desires but Love for love of you his Cour●…eous Reader ; Whose Nature bountifull , I need not , ( nor is 't my intent ) Here t' unfold ; being knowne to all to be magnificent ; The smaller that I seeme in worth , the greater is the praise Of love in him , whose bounteous deeds transcend desert alwayes . Greatnesse will shew greatnesse ever , and what so great as love ? Or what so much as guifts ( of Grace ) doth this grand vertue prove ? If reading in me , any good ( perhaps ) you chance to find Make use thereof , reteyne it well , and love him for 't in mind . TO THE READER . Courteous Reader . IT is not so old as true , that Truth seekes ( nay brooks ) no Corners , though Charity doth ; for ( in a word ) to prove them both legitimate , it is as bold ( with Discretion ) as the other is modestly bashfull ; it may ( for a time ) be blamed , but never shamed ; suspected , but not quite deiected ; trodden on , but not destroyed ; eclipsed , but not extinguisht ; no , 't will rise , and shine foorth againe ; comparable it is , and alike effectuall to the glorious Sunne , commanding his entrance ( vpon least advantage ) through the thickest Clouds into the darkest Dungeon ; where a good sight receives his light at a little hole , and reioyceth in it . This short Treatise following ( in part ) expounds my meaning , being of a Voyage I made vnto the EastIndi●…s almost twenty yeares since , imployed by the Honorable Company ; prosperously begun , and as well continued ( notwithstanding some prime opposition ) with all good proceeding in grace and favor with the best ; which at length ( as hath hapned vnto many of best report ) vpon 〈◊〉 of government there , proved to my greater preiudice , but how ? Is no par cell of this discourse ; yet notwithstanding , seeing that by one finger the whole hand may be proportioned , and by the foot the entyre body drawne out ; I held it requisite ( for good respects ) this way to declare my selfe , and at this time especially ; as high time ( among many other observations more generall & delightfull ) in such briefe passages as seemd to me most considerable , and ( without all offence or prolixity vnto any ) to my purpose materiall ; that the honourable Company themselues , or any else of iudgment ( with content and pleasure in the sweete variety , and milde composure of matter ) might from thence ( accidently , or by the way onely ) make a neere coniecture at the true cause of my neglect there , & vntimely departure thence , to their preiudize as my own , which here ( in modesty ) I silence . Hauing finished my Travayles , I made bold ( in a plaine Epistle ) to dedicate them vnto the Honourable Companie , as most convenient me thought ; but it pleased them not to accept thereof , for reasons to themselues best knowne ; which I suppose ( for I hope the best ) they might intend , ( or it may so fall out ) to my aduantage ; for looke how many courteous Readers , both of themselues and others ( to whom in generall I make my Dedi●…ation ) so many generous Patrons ; not with sword and speare , but with faire speech to countenance , or excuse these my honest ( though not much profitable ) labours ; for gentle deeds and words ( more then staues or swords ) preuaile with men . It was so full of loue , my lost Dedication I mean ( breifly preferd to all other graces , as holding the precedent roome in euery grace and vertue , morall and diuine ; compared likewise to fire , fine gold and siluer of the finest ; and made illustrious by Pearles , Diamonds , and Pretious stones , ( yet all vndervallued as trifles vnto him or her , in whom this divine Grace of Graces dwelleth , as being richer then all riches , supplying all wants , healing all infirmities , and sweeter also ( in its blest effects ) then Hony and the Hony combe ) with a reason ( in a word or two ) for conclusion , of this my elevation , or improper digression ) that it grieues me ( gentle Reader ) so rich an ingemination should be lost , rich ( at least ) in my owne conceite , and fondlings would faine have theyr fancies , though reason say nay ) lost , ( I say ) from publike vse , though with my selfe it shall remaine a perpetuall memoriall of my constant loue , and due respect towards them for euer , in whose honourable imployments I improued my slender partes to my low degree of a meane sufficiency . My History it selfe ( courteous Reader ) , here at hand attends thy leasure , and craues thy patience , at most but an hower or two , to suruey her partes ; if perhaps ( at first report ) they answer not thy expectation , as thinges too common , and alreadie past the presse ; let not this diuert thee from that honest recreation which ( in one respect or other ) may please or prosit thee ; full furnisht Tables ( like great Volumes ) at their onely sight ( wee see ) ●…loy good stomackes , whereas a lesse quantity incites the appetite . lo vedado es desseado , things retired are the more desired ; and the same meates diuersly drest haue different effects , attract new desires ; what one likes not , another longs for ; and that which surfeits thee , may ( perhaps ) giue life to me ; lo que vno no come , otro se pierde por ello . Let nothing therefore , ( Gentle Reader ) be despised in this my short varietie , whereunto I most lovingly invite thee ; taste and spare not , what likes thee best , and to others commend , or leaue the rest . Vale. CAlling to minde my former Travels , and the fit Occasion offered me thereby , a little to communicate my selfe vnto the world , by a briefe relation of such short passages and observations therein taken , as may minister matter of some Recreation to the vniuersall Reader , from his more serious studies and affaires of importance , be they whatsoever ; variety or change ( though in the meanest of thinges not vnlawfull ) with some Novelties especially , being that ( saith experience ) which in all , or in most men begets delight , aliuiates the mindes of the wisest , and prepares them ( vpon a returne ) with aduantage , to a better sufficiency in theyr weightiest negotiations ; not vnlike a Bow that stands alwayes bent , becomes weake in it selfe , and vnserviceable to others : so fares it alike with the most ingenious minds to bee still engaged , without some intermissions , some steppings aside , though but after a slye , or a feather in the ayre , to breath , to reviue our oversad , our too intensiue spirits ; As once the riding of a hobby-horse with his little princely sonne , not ill beseem'd a King ; any sport for a spurt , ( if honest or harmelesse , though childish ) contradi●…ts not the Reputation of a Man ; It being a point of wisdome sometimes ( among the vnwise ) to seeme to play the foole , as to doe it vnderstandingly , requires ( they say ) the best wits ; of purpose to forget , improues the very Art of memorie ; the way ( in some cases ) to aduance forward , is by a learned skill to retire backe ; and by a discreet retreat , no small advantage is gotten ; the day , the Field is ofttimes wonne ; so the reading of a Pamphlet , a shallow , a dispised worke of puft conceits , proues not onely not hurtfull , but beneficiall to the Wise ( who suckes advantage from every thing ) a helpe in his progresse to his most serious intendments , bee it but for change , for recreation , for variety sake onely , as I have sayd . And what is there so meane ( if of any moment , in the iudgements of the best ) but in one respect or other , a man of a gracious wit will make some gracious or morall vse thereof to his owne behoofe and others , extracting Iuyce out of a dry Iuncke ; sweet out of sowre ; honey out of gall ; preservatiue out of poyson ; and Documents of Wisedome from Examples of Folly ; but this is a prerogatiue of Vertue , and peculiar to the wise onely ; a Taske too hard for all , and positions abhorred by men of honestie , such as are not to be expected in the little garden plot of my ensuing discourse , which shall beare no noysome weedes , but ( at least ) harmlesse , ( if not wholesome ) hearbes and flowers , though ( in comparison ) of all other the meanes●… ▪ for any that will , to make a Nose-gay to smell to on a Holiday ; a vacant houre , a Festivall , a time of leasure . I have therefore made choise ( before the rest ) to write of my Travels onely to the East Indies , as well for brevity as for raritie ( for to speake of all I haue seene abroad would ( I know ) seeme no lesse tedious then common and ridiculous , things farre fot , and deare bought haue bin counted best and in most request ) wherein I shall not bee over-curious , or too remisse to satisfie the indifferent Reader , nor yet to leaue the most iudicious ( I hope ) voyd of all content ; none that will not , would I willingly should ( as not to surfet ; so neither ) to goe fasting away , if short syppets in a forreyne Feast , o●…an Indian Collation homely drest , and by an vnskilfull hand hastily set forth , may ( for a moment or so ) eyther entertaine their curious sight , or relish their iudicious taste . Thus by a choyce pittance , a modicum , a Spanish Bocado , a bit and away , carefully purveying to recreate the best , and to prevent disorder in the rest ; however , be it gustfull or not , this benefit ( to the wise ) will surely follow , as to provoke the sooner to relinquish or leaue off , quicken an appetite vnto better things , and leaue the minde content to haue made a gainefull exchange by a refresht returne . VPon a time discoursing with my selfe about the fickle Condition of worldly Estates , presented daily , and almost every where to my observation ; some to rise and others to fall , the same men againe to fall , and in like sort to rise ( mans Industry the subordinate , and Gods over-ruling Providence the prime Cause , and superintendent Agent in all ; wee vainely purposing , hee alone wisely ' disposing even of all things , making them worke together ( contrary to theyr owne natures , and the intentions both of Men and Devils ) for the best to them that loue him ( O thrice happy and blest Estate of a resolute Soule loving and beloved of GOD ) none so firmely standing but subiect to a declension , accidental or finall ; by a decay of wealth , or at longest an expiration of our breath . And having before bin well Disciplin'd and confirm'd in these and other like Points of Faith. That who so lives vnto the Lord shall dye in the Lord ; and all such ( whether ( so ) living or dying ) are sure to bee the Lords , securely sleeping and waking vnder his Omnipotent , his mercifull , and ever-watchfull protection ; As also , that the way to Heaven lay paralell by Sea as by Land , as neere from the East as from the West , from the North as from the South ; from whence I had read should be gathered all the Elect of God in CHRIST , which ( in effect ) I remember was my answer to Sir Thomas Smith then Governour , obiecting vnto mee the danger of the enterprise , with his cheerefull approbation following . Hereupon it came into my thoughts , and thence ( by degrees ) grew into a resolution to attempt a Voyage into those Orientall or Easterne parts of the world , aswell ( to speake after the manner of men ) in hope to raise my Fortunes , as to better my Experience , which doubtlesse I had obtayned to the full of my desires , had not God seene contrary things more expedient for mee ; for a fayre way ( as ever vnto any of a meane ranke that went that way ) was layd open to me , which some of good note observing , pronounced mee openly ( by their Prognostication ) to be certainly some great rich man before I dyed ; which ( for theyr rash Oathes sake , and the better expression of my bountifull mind , the onely portion ( to any purpose ) I ever yet possest , a large heart and an open hand to my Friend , or Foe in misery ) I could wish may yet come to passe , and why not ? ( without offence ) as well as others ? so it may stand with Gods glory , and not to the wrong of any ; else welcome still ( bee it whatsoever ) the good pleasure of the Almightie . For Friends of neither kiffe nor kinne were raised vp vnto mee , ready to engage themselves by speaking and doing for me whatsoever might , and did procure me Credit with the Governour and Committees , even vnto bonds ; whose loue and merit I shall bee ever prest ( to my power ) vpon all occasions , ( change they or change they not ) to requite and honour ; by whose meanes my Parentage was honoured ; my parts commended ; and ( vpon tryall ) both in private conference , and in full Courts openly approued ; my sallary was assigned me ; my place appoynted ; and in them both made equall ( at least ) with many of my betters . In fine , there was nothing wanting on the honourable Companies part or my Friends behalfe , that might aboad vnto me all wisht prosperity , but that ( in some others ) which ( for loue●… sake ) I am willing in silence to passe over , as also to shunne all impertinent , and supersluous matter , though the onely stumbling-blocke in the way of my so faire proceedings to my future Preferments then ; and ( in effect , as originally ) ever since ; for loue , ( I am taught ) covers a multitude of Infirmities , but vncovers none . Briefly then , to shut vp my Introduction , and to the matter it selfe ; All things being in readines●…e , and prepared for our intended Voyage , the Companies Orders with our Commission sealed vp and sent aboord ; yards a crosse , and a fayre winde , that now t is time to prosecute my purpose , and to lanch forth into the deepes . OVr Fleet ( therefore ) consisted of Foure good Ships , viz. The Newyeares guift , and the Hector ; the Marchants Hope , and the Salomon ; which together set sayle from the ●…ownes , about the Ninth of March , 1613. of burthen from three hundred to 8. hundred Tonnes , compleatly furnisht ( besides priuate Prouisions ) with varieties for health and preseruation of life ; warlike appoynted though peaceably intended , in a faire and generous way of Trading , howeuer report may wrong our Reputation . Our Generall , or cheife Commander , an vnderstanding Gentleman , Captaine Nicolas Downton , whose religious Orders , ( besides the honorable Companies ) both for diuine duties ▪ and ciuill societie , publisht and hung vp in euery shippe , with his owne good Example ( no doubt ) preuented many grosse offences , which vsually happen in promiscuous multitudes . Our Marchants or Factors were many , well nigh thirty , and most of them men of Experience as euer the Company imployed any ; Linguists , and Residents in forraigne Countryes ; as Turki●… , Barbarie , Spaine , and Italy , with other places of best cōmerce , whereof foure were Principals , and had each his seuerall charge and respect next vn●…o the Generall , saue in Marine affaires , wherein the Masters onely commanded ; theyr names , Master William Edwards , Master Nicolas Ensworth , Master Thomas Elkington , and Master Edward Dodsworth ; he alone more bred a Gentleman then a Marchant , and our Gover●…ours Kinsman . Our ordinarie meanes to stirre vp mens affections to goodnesse , as Prayer and diuine Seruice twice a day , on the Sabbaths especially , and choyce of good Bookes ( in common ) of the Companies prouiding to that end ( to the comfort of all ) were not wanting ; besides a Preacher in his monthly visites , for Instruction , and Ministration of the Sacrament . Our places of refreshing were three , the first Cape boon Speranc●… , which affoorded vs plenty of Booes and Baas , or Beeues and Sheepe for small pieces of Copper , whereof the Saluages make themselues Rings and Bracelets ; they goe all naked , saue onely before , a little flappe ; and feed ( as they looke and smell ) most nastily ; subtill they are , theevish , and very treacherous ; their Houses are like Bee-hives , and many together make a Towne , wherewith ( vpon occasion of changing theyr heards to fresh pastures , or the sight of two or three Muskets , wherat they tremble ) away they skuddle ( euery one his Castle on his back ) posting to a new Plantation . From hence , hauing repayred our Flee●…e , refresht our selues , and strecht our limbes ( he that listed ) to the verie tops of the highest Mountaines and craggie Rocks , which ( for our paines ) discouered vnto vs a goodly Country , extending farre in length and breadth , in lower Hils and greene Vallies running on together , pleasant to behold ; yet alwayes in company more or fewer , and with our Armes , ( least the Baboones out of some Thicket or bush should sodenly surprise vs ) at the end of three weekes or thereabouts wee set sayle agayne , and not long after came to an Anker at Saint Lawrence Iland , in the Bay of Saint Augustine . Here wee landed and traded three dayes with the people , and had large and fat Oxen for fiue shillings an Oxe , most curious Darts and of diuers fashions as Art could make , and bright as siluer , for halfe a Ryall or Three-pence , but without siluer wee could haue nothing , which they knew from counterfeit as well as any ; wee saw no Towne nor house they had , though ( doubtlesse ) better then the Soldanians prouided , by good coniectures , for theyr carriage had a glosse of humanity , a tincture of vnderstanding ; theyr persons full of proportion and comely feiture ; tall , straight , strong , and sturdy ; fierce of Countenan●… ; admirable ma●…kesmen at the Dart , and actiue ; verie faire and blacke as Iett ( for the blackest they count the fairest ) and all naked as the former , ( perhaps but seruants to theyr Lords and Masters ; ) many were desirous to haue made some discouery into the Country , but we durst not contradict our Orders , nor hazard the danger of a thicke Wood , whereof wee knew no end ; which of necessitie must haue bin past . Our last touch was at Socato●… , where wee found a King ; not a Natiue , but of the royall blood of the antient Kings of Barbarie ; who got this small Iland by Conquest , and held the Natiues in great seruitude , whome our Generall presented , and would haue entertained aboord the Shippes , but he refused it ; yet for three or foure dayes space , came downe daily to the water side from his Castle , with his guard of soldiers borne in a Palanquine , and after the Moorish fashion ( crosse-legged ) sitting in state vnder a rich Cannopie vppon Turky Carpets spread on the ground , and as richly clad in cloth of Gold , conuerst in the Arabeck and Portugall tongues , with the Generall , Marchants , and Masters both of Marchandizing and Nauigating affaires ( himselfe being a Marchant , as likewise all the Kings of those Easterne parts , who trade by theyr Agents and Factors ) of whom wee bought a good quantity of Aloes Socatrina , euen his whole store ; and in the Art of Nauigation , Astronomie , with other branches of the Mathematickes ( by report of those that vnderstood ) verie iudicious ; hauing celestiall and terrestriall Globes , his Instruments and Astralabe about him to shew vs , which he had gotten ( bought or presented ) of former Fleets , and euery yeare increasing his stocke by English , Dutch , Portugals , and Spanish that came that way ; A man of a liuely countenance and well fauored ; about fourtie yeeres of age ; as full of Courtesie and affability as might stand with his Maiestie , and as full of Maiestie ( respecting his Commodity ) as might be , for he was a Kingly Marchant , and a Marchant-like King ; at parting he gaue amongst v●… ( to some in particuler ) abundance of Dates in heapes & lumpes , which made our Guisados , our brothes and Dumplins so much the sweeter , whom agayne we gratified from the ships with our Seamusicke , great Gunnes and Trumpets . And thus weying and setting sayle agayne ( with starbord and larboord ; port and helme al●…e ) we steered on our Course , till with the helpe of God , and our constant Monsoone , or westerly trade winde , we verie happily ( but hardly ) recouered the Rendeuous to S●…rat , and came to an Anker in the Roade of Swall●…e , about the tenth , of Nouember , and of our great Company ( thankes bee to God ) lost onely one man , who came sicke of an Ague out of England , but here quickly they began to dye faster of Fluxes and Feauers . Vpon aduise of our arriuall , by a dispatch to Surat , some eight miles vp into the Countrey , Mr. Thomas Aldworth the Companies chiefe Agent there , an vnderstanding Gentleman and once Sheriffe of the Citie of Bristoll , came downe to vs a ioyfull man , and for many enterchangeable causes was as ioyfully receiued , and with him Coach and horse for conuoy of the Marchants to the City , for now the Terme ( or vintage rather ) after our long Vacation , approaching , wee must leaue the ships a a while , and apply our selues to Land-seruice . In our short Iourney vpon the way , euery thing almost seemed new vnto me , the people with theyr customes especially , not the Moores ( for I had seene of them before in Spaine and Barbarie ) but the antient natiues of the Country , called Banians , who ( notwithstanding theyr different Religions ) liue ciuillie , neighbour-like one among another , in Cities , Townes , and Villages ( but not in Houses ) together , whom ( in Concourse ) wee first saw at Swallie , the first myle from the water side , where the Mocodam or Constable receiued vs , profered vs his owne , with the Townes seruice , and performed it in such necessaries and complements of prouision as wee required , or would accept off ; Bread , Wine , Plantines , Taddie , and such like Regalos y ● scanty place affoorded ; wherewith more delighted thē refresht ( as with nouelty and variety ) we set onward through an euen and a solitary way till we came in sight of Surat , and of a Nauigable riuer which ran close under the Towne walls , vpon which within , stood a Castle ( a good ornament to the place ) and fortified with men and munition . This Riuer wee past , and landed right before the Alfondica , or Custome house , and so along through many streets ( humming like Bees in swarmes ) with multitudes of people in white Coates , men and women ; ( close bodied , and full of gathering to the mid-leg ) with breeches and stockings in one , ruffling like bootes and all of one single Callico ; this being their Generall and most neate , or Angelicall habite , which sparkles ( of their kinde of starching ) like siluer spangles ; vntill ( almost smothered with clouds of heat and dust ) wee c●…me to the English house a day or two after Master Aldworthes returne from the Shippe●… with the prime Marchants , where wee found our selues as at home , in all respects well accommodated saue lodging , which with breuity was very commodiously supplyed , by taking another house with an Orchard and pleasant walkes vpon the roofe ( after the Spanish and the Moorish building ) to our rich content , hauing Chambers , Dyet , Seruants , Coach and Horse with attendance of Indians called Peones , for the way , and all at our honourable Masters charge except our Apparell , wherein alone , and by our sallaries we differd from common Prentises , onely ( yet ingeniously ) acknowledging a precedencie in our little Common weale , for a kinde of representation to prevent confusion . But now , before I proceed ( being called upon by order ) I am willing ( for more variety ) to entertaine a while my Courteous Reader with a short discourse of my selfe and another , being not a whit impertinent , but r●…ther a good Compliment , if not a comely ornament to the History it selfe , how that in few dayes I here suddenly fell sicke of a burning Fever , and ( thankes be to God ) as sodainly recovered ; for fearing the extremi●…y of that raving and uncomfortable Sick●…esse , ( against his will ) I prevayl●…d wi●…h our Ch●…rurgion , to let me bleed till I fainted againe , as fore-seeing it to be my remedy ; appl●…ed all comfortable things to my h●…ad ; tooke my bed ; and ( full of perplexity to dve sencelesse ) I comme●…ded my selfe to God ; after some idle talke to my friends about me , I fell into a slumber , but quickely wakened by a desire to ease my stomacke , and had ( at least ) a dozen vomits , naturally , which gave mee a most comfortable night ; turned my great sorrowes into the greater reioycings , at the lively apprehension of Gods infinite mercies ; made me forthwith an instrument of comfort to another that shortly after of a bloudy Fluxe sickened and dyed ; by such words and warrants from the word of t●…uth and my own experience of inward Coelestiall Ioyes beyond expression , to honest hearts and heavenly mindes , that wonne me his earnest attention ( to his and my owne advantage , for I applyed him the closer ) which took so deepe an impression in him , that it left him not to his last breath . To mention all circumstances and passages of his sixe dayes sicknesse , would seeme a needlesse curiositie , which ( in comparison of some then languishing and repining under the same Crosse ) he suffered with singular patience , and spent it most in abstinence , silence , and meditation ; the night before his death , in private conference , watching with him , he told me ( after his accustomed mildnesse ) he had thought of my former talke , and should finde my Words true ; the next morning ( vpon my perswasion ) he r●…ceived the Sacrament , after he had made his Will in the presence of another Marchant and my selfe ; one Master Edward Hamden ; wherein ( in effect , having his memory perfect to the last ) he would ( more then once or twice ) have given me his whole E●…tate , being of some value I remember , but excusing my selfe ( with thankes for his love ) I refused it , as not expedient for my selfe ( me thought ) in regard of the worke in hand , though lawfull ( I knew ) for another , least Religion should suffer , and my labor of love bee thought merc●…narie , whereof ( God knowes ) I was exceeding iealous , to prevent occasion , or the least preiudice in any , the sicke man especially . After all this , having tasted some comfortable broth I caused to bee made for him by our English Cook , he presently fell into aswound , thinking all he had beene dead , but after a while reviving , raysed himselfe up , and looked earnestly round about the Chamber , being full of good Company , Marchants and others , whereof our Preacher was one , at least a dozen , with some Strangers , as our Indian Doctor , &c. and fixing his eyes vpon me , beckened me to him with his hand ; I went and sate close by him on his Bed ; hee presently caught me in his Armes and hugg'd me ( not like a dying man ) with such strength and vnutterable expressions of Ioy ( between ●…peech and speechlesse ) that moved passion in all , but my selfe especially to drowne him in teares ; as , Ah my Friend , my Friend ; my true , my happy , my faithfull friend : and ah the ioyes ! the ioyes , the ioyes ; Aah , Aah , Aah , and the like : flung away his things about him , wherein ( he sayd ) he had taken too much delight , in token how slightly hee now valued them or the whole world ; reached forth his hand to all the company , lifting his eyes on high with an overjoyed countenance , where his minde in silence had beene long before . And thus ( in a blessed peace ) about 9. of the Clocke on a Wednesday morning , being the 23. of November , 1614. he tooke his last farewell of this wretched life , and changed it ( no doubt ) for a better : his name Master Timothy Wood , a yong man , and once a Mercer ( I thinke ) in Cheap-side , but then a Factor for the Honourable East India Company : What I haue written I feare not to be censured , because God knowes this my Relation ( in substance ) to bee true , and not for mine , but for his owne glory , ( the only blessed Author of all goodnesse ) have I now at length penned it , and for the good of any that can make vse thereof . My sad Storie ( of a Ioy Tryumphant ) being ended , and the Funerals performed , I am called vpon to a further relation of our Iourney up within the Country , to make provision of goods for best and speediest returnes home unto our honorable Masters , to which end , it was ordayned in Consultation , that by a distributiō of our Company into foure Squadrons , the prime Cities or Marts for Commoditie , Trade , and Commerce of that rich Kingdome should be invested by us , as Baroch and Brodera ; Amadavaz and Cambaya , each in distance at least a dayes iourney one from another ; our Commodities were divers , as sundry sorts of Stones ; Aggate Cupps of curious Art●… ; ▪ Quilts , Conserves , Drugges , Cotton Wools , and ( for bulke or grosse lading ) Indicoes and Callicoes . Our first Iourney or place of rest from Surat , was Baroch , being three dayes on the way , much toyled with heate and dust , in regard of our slow proceedings with our heauy carriages , and the toylesome passage of two Riuers with ladings and reladings of our goods ; ( interruptions and stayes being worse then a continuall progresse ) but here wee were well refresht at the English house , for Master John Oxwicke a Spanish Marchant being appointed chiefe for that place , and of a weekes antiquity before , had made good prouision for our comming , as well for our persons as the dispatch and clearing our charge of the Custome-house . From hence within a day or two we●… set forth , and by slow Iournies ( as before ) came to Brodera , a dry●…r place ( by a great Riuer ) but the greater Citie , and all a plaine and pleasant Country ( Baro●…h esp●…cially ) for Orchards , Tankes or Ponds , verie spacious , and artificially made , ( in forme , for worke and workemanshippe not vnlike our Bathes ) for generall vse and vses ; Tombes , and Piramides many in open Fields ( and priuate Gardens ) about which are to be seene certaine Penitentiaries , or votari●…s ( they say ) but Lunatickes and men ( I thinke ) really possest with Deuils , as in the Gospell is mentioned ; theyr bodies naked , cut , and lanced with kniues or stones , staring and stalking , to and fro , no lesse wofull then dreadfull to behold ; as was also the sight of a Pagot , or a Cell of deuotion descending into a Vault vnder ground , where ( being desirous of discoueries ) wee saw an vgly Idoll against a wall , representing ( it seemes ) theyr God , or theyr feare , but a plaine Deuill as wee call it , in like forme paynted or graven , whom a certaine Sect of Banians doe worship , whereof there are many Sects , but of this no more , Purchase Pilgrimage from relation of exact Travellers hath them lively set forth . In this City , as all others throughout both Asia's and Afrique wee were lodged in the Ceragl●… , a spatious place made of purpose for all Travellers , Natives as else ( for they have not the vse of Innes as in Christendome ) with commodious Ware-houses round about , of one Story , foure Square , in the manner of Galleries ; and under them dry walkes and places to feed their Coach-oxen , Camels , Elephants , and Horses , but in the middle all open , like our Exchange ; It being supposed that euery Marchant , Gentleman , or Nobleman hath his Tent or Coach to sleepe in , if neyther , they make the best shi●…t they can , and for their provision they bring it with them , or buy it in the Towne . Here it was determined by a Consultation , for causes or supposals moving them ( being before appointed for Cambaya ) that my selfe should goe backe to Bar●…ch to assist Master Oxwicke there , in that mayne investment of C●…licoes , having a Commission given mee beyond my expectation or desire , that ( in case of the least cause by unequall carriage in our Masters businesse , or in particular toward my selfe , being perswaded , ( as they told mee ) that if he would take the matter well , or live peaceably with any , I was the man ) a word from my hand should displace him ; such an opinion they all seemed to have of my Integritie , and he no lesse on the other side , assured of me ; for ( concealing whatsoever might move passion , or incite him to Iealousie , I applyed my selfe to him by Complements of love and friendly 〈◊〉 , till he became so well possest of me both for Iudgment and Honesty , upon some experiences of them both , that ( in effect ) he made me his Secretary , and would not write a Letter of Consequence in his owne affaires ( as occasions there were betweene him and some others of principall note ) without my advice and allowance for a passe ; wherein ( I thanke God ) I never fayl'd but pleasured him , by his owne often ingenious acknowledgements , with good reasons for his satisfaction . But yet all this while I am still in Brodera , in the house of a rich Banian well lodged and entertayned for three dayes , till he had procured me from the Gouernour Mosaph Cha●… , or Lord Mosaph , a Guard of Souldiers vnder a Captaine of tenne , both horse and foote , with shot and lance for my safe Convoy to Baroch , our English Friends being all gone forward , and my selfe alone with a kinsman of his owne for my linguist and Coachmate , and not without cause , for my Coach on the way was sodenly stayed by a Company of sl●…ues that thwarted vs , but speedily rescued by my guard , with knockes on both sides , yet no hurt on ours , and all with such celerity that I had scarce time to draw my sword and shew my selfe a party before they were quite vanisht ; then on againe we went merrily , ( my Banian especially ) laughing and talking , giving and eating of our Iunkets till we came neare to the Citie ; there I dismist my valliant Soldiers , gratified their desert with a small reward , yet to their rich content , and at parting had a generall Salam of them , or Congee to the ground , with a short Vollie , and adieu . And now being come to Baroch , to the English house , my friend bids me lovingly welcome , to whom I gave my Letters from our Cape Marchants , and ( after colation ) shewed him my generall commission , who presently declared himselfe , that seeing the matter must be so , he was right glad of my company , as of one whom of all others , he would have made choyce of for his friend and associate ; and thus , well possest of each other , on we went together in our Masters businesse , buying Callicoes as fast as we could procure our Brokers to bring vs in good Bargaines , or direct us to them , spending our interims of Vacation for about two Moneths space as best liked vs ; sometimes in visites to the Governour ; sometimes taking our Coach to breath the Country ayr●… ; sometimes walking vpon the Citie walles , which from that stately scituation gave us a goodly prospect pregnant for delight and Meditation ; and lastly , our owne House , having high and pleasant Tarasses or Walkes on the Roofe , for domesticke Recreation ; that in this pleasant place ( in number foure English ) we lived like Lords , to the honour and profit of our Honourable Masters , and to our owne hearts content , save a little Iarre that fell out at last , about a parcell of Calicoes , but lovingly and honestly reconciled againe . By this time , our generall investments drawing to a period , and most of our goods from all parts sent aboord , Marchantlike made up and marked as in the Margent ; and understanding our dispersed Companies and friends to be againe vnited , and on the way towards us ( save such as were appointed for the great Mogores Court ; namely , Master Edwards , our Preacher , and some others ) we could no lesse ( having now leysure enough ) but set forth to meet them ; it beeing a pleasant observation ( at a distance ) to note the order of their Coaches and Carriages , drawne by two faire fat Oxen a peece , with Bells about theyr neckes , Iinge , Iinge , and softly iogging on ; extending all in length like a Teeme , ( for the way admits no familiarity ) inveloped with a Cloud of dust ( for a Quita Sol ) to shield them from the Sunne ; and guarded on eyther side , with swords , halfe Pikes and Targets ; small shot , Bowes and Arrowes , &c. As if ( presented to a Novelist ) it had bin the spoyles of a Tryumph leading Captive , or a preparation to some sad Execution . Being all met together , we generally salute one another , and each his friend in particular , with mutuall congratulations , for our good successe and safe returnes thus farre ; having lost but one ( as I remember ) a yong Gentleman , Master Henry Smith , Nephew to Sir Thomas Smith our Governour , who dyed of a bloudy Fluxe at Amadavas , being a prime youth and much lamented ; and here unawares ( as many light on ill Bargaines ) I over-hastily changed my horse for a Coach , and tooke his place that left it , to conferre with my friend and familiar acquaintance , Master Ralph Preston , a Religious Gentleman ; and quite forgetfull of his mishap out ward bound , I fell into the very same , by letting one Legge hang out of the Coach , and ( in talke ) moving it to and fro , the Wheele caught it , which my friend perceiuing , he presently cryed out to stay the Coach , Racke Racke , as Master Henry Smith had done before for him , which saved both our Legs from breaking , but did rend my heele , which for a Weeke so tormented mee , that I could scarce take rest , yet ( thankes to God for a good flesh ) soone well againe , but could not travayle in a Fortnight after , nor scarce then , save in a Palanquine to Surat . And thence aboord the Ships againe , scarce cold yet of the Portugals bloud , by meanes of a late cruell fight in our absence , occasioned by the Portugals , who ( with sixe Gallions , or great Ships of Warre , two Gallyes , and sixty Frigats ) sodainly surprised the Marchants-Hope , which was deepe and richly laden for England , not doubting to have taken her as shee lay at Anker with the rest , in that unexpected manner cutting their Cables by the Halser , and with a strong Current of the Tide forcing in upon her ; but were soundly beaten for theyr haste ; for in laying her aboord on all parts with throngs of men and fresh supplyes , the Master and Company being vigilant and valiant , stoutly resisted ; gave them so hote entertainment that theyr legs and armes were sent flying into the Ayre , and the Ship pestered with their dead and dying bodyes , scorched and wounded with weapons and fire-workes , and theyr bloud issuing out the Scupper holes into the Sea , as not willing to abide theyr fury ; by this time the rest of our Fleet had likewise cut their Cables , and were under Sayle , increasing the fight a long time ( by report with los●…e but of two or three of our men ) till they had made such a slaughter amongst them ( the Frigates especially ) that theyr dismembred bodyes after they had breathed their last , with shrikes and cryes in the Conflict , lay floting on the Sea , and coveting the Shore , were taken up dayly for many dayes , by the Port●…gal Inhabitants , and the Indians for theyr spoyle ; and the r●…st unable to hold out , away they went with no l●…sse shame and losse of former reputation , then perpetuall honour to our English Nation , through out the Indies . The next tydings that I heard , ( being now againe in the Fleet with the rest , expecting our further passage to the Southward , according to the Companies Commission ) was a Messenger from our Generall , or chiefe Commander , tha●… I must come to sp●…ake with him : Aboord the Admirall I went , a little limping of my late hurt , and being come , he receyved me with courtesie , tooke me apart into the Gallery , and ( to be briefe ) told me that for such and such reasons , the Councell had determined of me for Surat , and therefore wisht mee to provide for the Shore , namely ( with leave of modesty I speake it ) for the good opinion they had iustly conceyued of me , to be a friend of trust unto Master Aldworth , and an ayde unto our Masters affaires , occasioned by some refractorie fugitives that not long before our arrivall ( to make a purchase ) had attempted his death , being forced into his chamber ( a weakly man ) to stand upon his guard to preserue his life . All which did not a little cheere me up , and quicken in me a Noble resolution unto my charge , though incredibly thenceforth ( as from God to keepe me exercised I thinke ) from time to time opposed by some fire brand●… , some seditious Malecontents or other , repi●…ing my respect , to my great discour●…gement , and no small sufferings , notwithstanding my best indeavours and dese●…t , which doubtles●…e stirred them the more , and increased my owne sorrowes ; for wrath is cruel , and anger is outragious , but w●…o is able to stand before Envie ●… Pro. 27. 4. Few day●…s after this , ( at last parcing ) I went aboord againe to take my leaue of the Generall , and ( not without open demonstrations of his loue , teares and embracements ) having commended him and his whole proceedings to the blessing of the the Divine prouidence , I left him ; and with my good wishes to all the rest , in company with our Factorie went ashore to Surat ; having had but few nights before , a dreame , that in my passage for Bantan , two sturdy Knaves grapled with mee to have heaved me over-boord , but in the conflict ( to save my s●…lfe ) I awaked , and finding it but a Dreame was glad . Here for a Moneth or two , wanting no leasure , we spent our time at Surat , euery man as ( with approbation ) best liked him ; sometimes within doores , sometimes abroad ; now with our provision visiting this garden , now that Orchard ; to day fresh Riuers ; to morrow open feilds and faire Monuments , whereof there are store , but alwaies ( after the Countries custome ) in Coach or on Horse to preuent disgrace ; our recreation for the most part , Bow and arrowes , and free from all molestation of the Inhabitants ; a mixt people , quiet , pe●…ceable , very subtill ; civill , and vniuersallie gou●…rned vnder one King , but diuersly law'd and customed ; their grayne is Wheat , for the better ; Rice , and diuers kindes else for the common sort ; their prouision of other victuall is Beeues and Buffeloes ; sheepe & goates ; young kidde and hennes in aboundance , and of littl●… value for the great pl●…nty , and fewenesse of eaters ; for the Banians of whatsoeuer sect ( being halfe the Inhabitants , and the antient Natiues of the Kingdome ) by theyr Lawes eate no kinde of flesh , nor any thing that hathlife in it ; nor dae they kill any thing ( for theyr liues ) though neuer so venemous or hurtfull , no not a Mouse nor a louse , but will rather feed them ; their greatest cruelty is to lay it downe , and let it shift for it selfe ; ( O happy Creatures that breede amongst the Banians ) a kinde of Rechabits also , for they neuer drinke wine , nor any strong drinke , but water only , yet so fat and sleeke that they shine agayne ; Confectuaries of all sorts , as Sugar-Cakes , and March-panes ; Suckets and Marmelades ; Rice , Pulse , and other Grayne stewed with Butter and Spices after theyr most savorie fashion , is there onely feeding ; but the Moores and Mahometanes , more at liberty , for they abstaine from nothing but Swines flesh , which is a cause that many parts of the Country , even whole Fields doe swarme with them ; these drinke wine liberally , and strong waters , yet never drunke but in the Night , and then theyr women , theyr Wives and Concubines ( whereof they are stored according to theyr states ) sing most melodiously , with such elevated and shrill voyces , strayned vnto the highest , yet sweet and tuneable , rising and falling according to their art and skill , ( for euery Country hath his owne , and more or lesse excelling ) that I have been ravisht in those silent seasons with the sweet Eccho , or reflection thereof from a faire distance , and kept waking houres together , listning to them ; anticipating ( in my desires ) the new Moones , which they constantly thus celebrate ; for the Heavenly representation thereof ( me thought ) where commonly my meditations had their end . For at like times especially ( though superstitiously ) they observe , ( or rather prophane ) these and the like ceremonies , sing aloud vnto God our strength , make a ioyfull noyse vnto the God of Iacob , take a Psalme and bring hither the Timbrell , the pleasant Harpe with the Psalterie ; blow vp the Trumpet in the new Moone , in the time appointed on our solemn Feast-day ; againe , praise the Lord with Harpe , sing vnto him with the Psalterie , and an Instrument of Ten strings , sing vnto him a new song , play skilfully with a loud voice ; againe , O clap your hands all yee people , ( both Men and Women in their Himnes & Dances ) shout vnto God with the voice of Triumph ; then they annoint their heads with Oyle , and their cups runne over ; making their faces also to shine with costly Oyntments and odoriferous , at first sight or newes of the new Moone , which they congratulate with great ioy , the slaue to his Lord , the seruant to his Master , and one friend to another , A l●… Espan̄ol●… erying Albricias , Albricias , a reward for our watchfulnesse or good tydings . Their chiefe recreation is riding of Horses swift and actiue , for discipline & seruice , with Lance , Bow , and Target , whereof they abound , and haue very good , not inferiour to the Spanish lennet ; but their Princely sport is hunting the wilde Bore and Antelope , peculiar to the King , his Nobles , and Gentry ; a people throughout of mighty estate or wealth , yet all subiect ( in a moment ) to the spoile , or to be restored , at the pleasure of their Prince ; full of Maiestie in their port , and no lesse of expectation for respect ; sumpteous in their buildings ; curious in their Orchards , and Gardens , beautified with Artificiall Ponds , Fountaines , and Water-workes ; populous in their attendance ; rich in attire ; imperious Lords over their Servants ; and cruell in their corrections : having also both for state and War , aboundance of Elephants , which likewise they use for theyr Iourneyes as Sumpter horses , and to carry their Women and Children , twenty ( perhaps ) in a frame of Timber ( Castle-like ) vpon his Backe , with windowes and small pieces of Ordnance planted forward and backward ( the Country being full of Theeves , and dangerous ) and vpon his brawny necke ( Monkie-like , of same bignesse with his head , or bigger ) sits a man astride in full bredth with a hooke in his hand like a sickle , for a Bridle , and a Spurre to guide and stay him , which is done with the least touch of the sharpe poynt upon his Noale , whereof hee is very tender ; hath a body like a house , but a Tayle like a Ratte , erecting it like a Cedar ; little eyes but great sight ; very melancholly but wise ( they say ) and full of vnderstanding , ( or subtilty rather for a beast ) sometimes they become madd , ( of what I know not ) and breaking loose endanger multitudes ; is fed somewhat costly , as with good bread , muskmillious , sugar Canes , sweete stalkes , and sower grasse , or sedge of the worst ; steeres like a hulke , stifnecked , almost all of one peice ; feeds himselfe with his Trunck or snoute , ( that deadly instrument of his rage ) being of a iust length ●…o the ground ; taking his meat with the end thereof , and winding it vp , ( or vnder rather ) to his mouth , so eates it ; but drinkes therewith at length ; his stable is commonly the open ayre ; a massie yron chaine his halter ; a great Tree his manger : and the shadie boughes his shelter ; and thus stands this Monster by one of his legges ( of like proportion with a post or a beame ) all the day bound to the good bebauior , til occasion release him ; in whose descriptiō I haue bin somewhat the larger , because God himselfe calls him the cheife of his wayes , Behemoth by name . Job . 40. Theyr drinke in generall ( for ordinary ) is water , made relishable by arte or nature ; by thirst or some preparatiue ; and wholsome by a naturall concoction , or a causuall preservatiue ; according to each constitution , and the Countries prouision ; with a mans owne discretion in the vse of the creature ; euery one to himselfe herein , being ( as wee say ) either a foole or a Physition , hauing sweete meates enough for the former ; remedies and receits ( or concei●…es ) for the latter . El borach●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , mas el aguado ci . saith the Spanish proverbe . A friend to sweet meates , Sobriety may bee , Yet so , a drinker of Wine you shall never see , For wine and sweet meates sound Palats doe loath , But sweet meates and water are gratefull both . All contraes in Nature by skill reconcil'd , Produce best effects both to man and Child . As , drinke no longer Water , but a little Wine , To the Temperate man is Counsell Divine ; So , drinke no longer Wine , but a little Water , To th' intemperate man , for it keepes him sober . The Country affoords no Wine but artificiall distillations of ●…ples , like our hot waters : very tastfull they are , and wholsome , but not so strong , so ful of spirit as ours , which makes the Moores to prize them farre above theyr owne , and to esteeme them for the best present , or Marchandize can be brought them ; onely the Portugal Inhabitants in their Townes and Cities ( being many and great ) doe make a kinde of Wine of dryed Grapes , or Raysins of the Sunne , for relish and operation the best ( I thinke ) in the world , not inferiour to the Spanish Nectar , El vino de San Martin : being pleasant , strong , and cordiall , called Raysin Wine , almost of the colour of Alicant , or steelebacke , which ( thankes to our honourable Masters ) wee were seldome without , or some other , to concoct the crudity of our not so wholsome Waters , at meales especially , and never did vs any hurt but good , though bought ( but not immediately ) of an enimy : for wee were wise , and warie enough in that . Their habite ( as I have sayd ) is white , light , and thinne , fit for the Countryes heate ; but thicker , and richer Clad in the Winter , with Pintadoes , Silke stuffes , Sattins , and Damasks dyed into all sorts of lively & good colers , cloth of Gold , Silver , & Tyssue , of their own , whereof they haue plenty , being quilted with a cotton Wooll between the outside , & the inner lining : for their seasons doe alter there with a sensible differ●…nce as here . Their Coynes in silver , ( as for Gold I never sawe any that I remember ) are Mamudes and Ruppees ; the Mamude in value about 10. pence halfe-penny English ; the Ruppee , more or lesse as they differ in their names and valuations , of which there are foure or five sorts at least , and the least of them about two Mamudes and a halfe , the Ruppee ; stamped on both sides with Moorish Characters , and in forme very thicke and round ; their Copper mony whereof they have such plenty , as ( if tollerable for exportation ) might prove a good returne ; being made into great churlish peeces ) they call Pises , whereof 30. ( commonly ) make a Mam●…dee , and of the rest proportionably ; but still after the inconstant current of the Exchange , almost continually rising and falling , which is in the power of the Sheraffs , Bankers , or Mony-Changers to alter at their pleasure . Their Country for the most par●… ( being plaine from Hils and Mountaines ) is indifferently stored with Mes●…ites or Churches very fayre and sumptuous ; with 〈◊〉 also or Villages ; Townes and Cities , pleasant , great , and populous : River ▪ d Walled , Castled , and munitioned ; and constantly watered at a certaine yearely season , to wit our Summer : from towards the end of May , to the end of August , or thereabout , with frequont sober Raines , scarce two faire dayes together , without some showers or other , and all the yeare after so cleere a Firmament , as not a Cloud to be seene , that I have beene weary of fayre weather : and this Rayne-water by the better sort is received into Vaults , made for the nonce , to serve them for theyr drinke all the yeare after , being wholsommer ( they fay ) then theyr other waters : as also , this Raynie season is observed of all for the best times to travayle in . I could yet say more in 〈◊〉 particulars , but having sayd enough ( I thinke ) in proofe of my Travels , and prayse of the Countries goodnesse : it were superfluous , and beyond my intent to become Cosmographicall , and therefore I will here confine my selfe , being now summoned to a Consultation , determining a Iourney to be made unto the foresayd City of A●…adavas , by Master Thomas Aldworth the Cōpanies chiefe Agent ; my selfe his second ; for Cashier and Accountant ; with foure other English , whereof two were homebred Marchants , and 〈◊〉 more : to provide goods in readinesse for our next Fleet , that the Ships ( to theyr great damage ) might not bee deteyned as before . And for more safety both of goods and lives , our charge wee had with us being of great importance , & the Country ( as I have sayd ) very dangerous , by reason of Theeves , which continually ( vpon intelligence ) ly●… arm'd in Troupes on the way for booties ; wee held it best ( though otherwise inconvenient ) Mocrob Chan the gouernour of Surat then trauelling toward Court at the Kings command ) to take the benefit of his Lascar or Campe ( as also diuers others , it being the Countries custome in like sort to set forth , or with a Cara●… , a Caffala , a multitude of all sorts of people with theyr goods to that end gathered together , ) for our more safe convoy , which yet we enioyed not past one night aside of Baroch , till wee met againe at Cambaya , being both our worse and farther way ; For this great Lord with his many hands and much helpe posting faster then wee could follow with our heauy and slow carriages , lef●…vs alone in the midst of danger , ( God onely protecting vs ) being three nights on the way , before wee could reach to Cambaya , and spent two of them ( with their sunschorching dayes ) by the water side , having only our Tent for shelter , expecting there a boate to passe vs ouer out of that Purgatorie , and another of mischieuous minded men , and murmuring Malecontents ; Taddiepor Marchants and heartlesse souldiers ; repining not onely my charge , but my precedency also ( or next respect vnto Master Aldworth , and that by his precise order , against my owne desire , enioynd me ) to their antient matrimony ; making me both his Coach-mate and his right hand at Table ; and the more I sought by gentlenesse ( for the present ) to appease theyr spight , or ( in continuance ) by some change of behauiour to confront their folly . Pro. 26. 4. 5. the more ( like themselues ) they ( still conspiring ) in both respects mistooke , and traduced me ; declaring hereby the implacable disposition of Envy ; but God alone did plead my cause , and ( by degrees ) put them to silence in theyr graues . Here at Sarode ( for so the place is called ) during , our aboad , worthy of obseruation , I tooke notice of some part of Gods omnipotent workes of wonder , in the flux and reflux of that famous Riuer of Cambaya , for fury , not vnfitly called the Boare , for the Tyde from the maine sea twice a day , once beginning to flow ( Contrary to common course of nature ) comes tumbling in amayne , with such a roaring noyse a farre off , of mighty foaming waues ( like white ruffes a bout their proud neckes ) that it strikes admiration and terrour to the beholder , in such sort that those high bankes , with theyr dry sands and Oaes are sodenly couered and filled vp to the very toppes , for the space of many leagues in length together , yet neuer ouerflowen ; and vpon returne , with expedition leaves it ( for the most part ) emptie and dry againe ; being ( in absence of the Tyde ) a firme passage for all that dare aduenture it ; which thousands having done ( and daylie doe , though some speed better ) not taking theyr times aright , or the vncertaine Tydes deceiuing them , vpon credible report ( like Pharoes host in thered sea ) haue been overwhelmed man and beast , Horse and Camels , Elephants and all , with infinite Treasures swept away into that Rich Ocean , before ( upon too short a warning ) they could recover ( backward or forward ) the shore againe , for the River is of a very spacious bredth in many places over . Being here ( after much toyle in moving and removing our charge from place to place , for our best advantage against an assault , which we hourely expected , that wee durst not sleepe but by short snatches and turnes ; as also for our most commodious imbar quing ( the best being bad enough in that wild place , ) comes a Barque , receives our selves and goods aboord , and in a late Evening at a full water we set Sayle , and ( thankes be to God , who is mighter then the mighty Waves of the Sea ) not without great danger , about Midnight we came to an Anker right before Cambaya ; and the Sabbath Morning landed in that Rich , Fayre , and neat City , so famous throughout the World. Being now on shore ( notwithstanding in good safety of life ) we found our selves little better then fallen out of the frying●… pan ( as they say ) into the fire , for all our goods were presently sequestred , and carried to the Kings ●…lfondica●… till his Customes of seaven Per Cent. were payd , viz. foure in , and three out : which ( according to the value ) would have come to a good summe of mony , whereat we were much dismayed , Master Aldworth especially , for his oversight , or too much confidence in Mocrob Chans favor , whom we often solicited there almost ●… fortnight , as an Instrument to procure the release of our sayd goods ( the power ( in effect ) being in his owne hands ) but all in vaine , till at last , a few dayes before our departure thence , Master Aldworth and my felfe ( as at other times ) went againe to him , and sitting right before him very neere , he eyed me all over , talking meane while to his then small company , at length bids our Broker aske me concerning the clothes I wore , what stuffe it was ? Where made ? And other questions ; to which I answered him ; In conclusion we took our leave , and went home without a word of comfort ; a while after comes our Broker , and tells Master Ald●…orth good tydings from Mocrob C●…an , that if he could procure him my Suite , wee should forthwith have our goods delivered us ; no sooner had Master Aldworth moved it unto me , as a favour which I may not deny him , I told him , what ere it were I would grant it ; the word being spoken , I presently brusht up my amiable Suite , and sent it my Lord Mocro●… by the hand of our Broker , who brought us the same Evening a Warrant under his Signet for our goods , which the next morning ( to our much content ) I went and cleared , ( our charge being more precious then life , and our Reputation above all . ) But what this humorous Lord did with my Suite , I cannot tell , save ( by our Brokers coniecture ) to shew unto his women ; who for a novelty ( though a toy ) was observed to preferre his fancy to halfe a Kingdome , for he had seene many as good before , and farre better , when ( in his greatest pompe ) our chiefe Agent , with all his Traine , in our best bravery presented his Lordship from our Honourable Masters , the Governour and Company , at our first comming . During our abode here , we bought sundry Commodities as best liked us , for our Returnes , and ( to expell melancholy ) that it should not domineere ( being too much occasioned ) tooke our Recreation off the City , Orchards , and Fields ; but above all , to observe the Apes in that peaceable habitation of Banians , did not a little stirre my blo●…d with their Apish trickes on the Houses , leaping from house to house in troupes , with their little ones in clusters clutching about them , making dayly worke for the Tyler and Mason , by pulling out here a Tyle , and there a stone , till they had uncovered whole houses in quarters and halfe quarter●… ; and then through the Roofe ( as ieering the Inhabitants for their silly patience ) made such moppes and mowes at them ; such Friscoes and Carieres to and againe ; now and then letting fall a stone or a tyle upon their bombasted heads and thin shoulders , and watching in the fall what became of it , ( with twenty other trickes ) that it would make a Thiefe ( as they say ) slip his Halter and leape over the Gallowes ( if he might ) to see the sport ; and if a stone ( unlook'd for ) chanced to come amongst them , that they tooke in so high a derision to bee disturb'd in their Worke , that they would flye at a man with open mouth , as if they meant to swallow him ; this goodly sight being also to bee seene a great part of the Country thereabout , whole Fields alive , and the Trees covered with over-growne Apes and Monkies ; Parrats and Paraquites chattering and leaping from Bough to Bough , till come to the top , and then shew their teeth and theyr tayles to Passengers for a salutation . Thus , and thus , to and fro , changing our wearied thoughts from sadder obiects , wee entertained the way in company of Mocrob Chan and his Las●…ar , till the third day from Cambaya , early in a morning wee entred Amada●…az , that great and populous Citie , the Metropolis of all those parts of Guizerat ; famous for Nobility and gentry , as also for rich trade in variety , Indicoes especially , by meanes of a generall confluence of most Nations in the world E●…glish , Dutch , Portugals , Iewes , Armenians , Arabians , Medes and Persians , Turkes and Tartarians : cum multis alijs : in whose Streets ( through the multiplicity of people ) all enforce theyr passage by theyr P●…ones , or Footmen , with their speares and other weapons running before the coach or horse , ( like Absal●… & his fifty men . 2. Sam. 15. 1. ) Crying Poyce , Poyce , give way there , who serve as well for like necessities as for State , being in number more or fewer according to the qualitie and abilitie , or the pleasure of the person , which none of credit are ( or dare be ) without . Here we tooke a house , and setled a Factory , applyed our selves to our businesse as seasons and occasions were offered ; meane while for our better proceeding we visite the Governour Abdala ●…han , and present him ; signifie the cause of our comming ; desiring his leave and Noble favour in whatsoever case of Iustice we might have cause to use him ; for which we should be ready at all times ( most Noble Festus ) to shew our selves gratefull unto his Lordship : Our suit was accepted , together with our Present ; Our selves bid welcome , and a place appointed us where to sit ; being in a spacious and princely Court , in the middest of a great multitude of Chans and Beagues , or Lords and Gentlemen , that twice a day morning and Evening duely came to visite him ; this being th●…t ( I take it ) which is spoken of in Scripture , as of Iob in the East , and of other great men sitting in the Gate , or in publike , to heare Causes and do Iustice , every one taking his place according to his degree , or at this great Viceroyes appoyntment , having first given him a Salam or low Congee ; and all Crosse-legged on Turky Carpets spread on the ground , curiously paved or playstered with playster of Pallas ( as likewise theyr walles ) shining like Alablaster , whereon they tread with their bare feet ( as also in their Churches ) leaving their slip-shooes at the doore , or aloofe off at the edge of the Entrance , like a Shoomakers well furnisht Shop or Warehouse ; All rich , or brightly attyred ( as I have sayd ) according to the season ; himselfe with a few of the principals sitting somewhat apart , on a little higher ascent at his Pallace doore , big enough for his corpulent body , and no more ; with no lesse Maiesty ( me thought ) in all but that , and the Capateria , or Shoe-makers ware , then might well beseeme the greatest Prince in the World ; Drums beating ; Souldiers guarding , Noble & Gentlemens Servants aloofe off in Troupes attending ; and Coaches at the Court Gate in thicke heapes wayting the dissolution of this great Assembly ; sitting sometimes heere , sometimes removing , but ever in a place presenting both State and delight , for magnificent buildings ; beautifull Ponds and Water-workes ; pleasant Orchards and the like ; and in this honorable presēce euery new Moone the common women of the City ( in their long sloppes and short Coates ) present themselues , by turnes , with Timbrels and Dances , wanton Songs , and antique gestures , for their sport and recreation , so continuing till the Viceroy please to dismisse them ; & all this in generall , besides their particular Solemnities , as I have sayd before , in the Night seasons ; wherewith my Story end●… , and welcome Gentlemen to a short Colation , with thanks for your gentle patience in taking penance at so homely a pittance , and my well-wishings of good refreshings to you all . FINIS . Gentle Reader . AS I haue invited thee : so let me now aduise , or rather intreat thee that having read mee , thou wilt not rashly censure me ; my intent throughout was to giue content , not to some but all , which in one respect or other ( I hope ) answers my d●…sire ; onely herei●… lyes all my doubt , least offence might be taken heere and there at my seeming Osten tation ; but leave that to GOD , whilest my heart ( I am sure ) condemnes me not ; perhaps there may be Cause , and then to boast , is wisdome both in the Opinion and practise of the wis●…st ; what I haue done , hath beene with as much respect to thy good as my owne , in removing my Candle frō vnder a Bushell , to set it fairly on a Candlestick , to the end that with the light there of I may see , and be seene of all , for of all things I abhorre ●…o sit in darkenesse . Great is the benefit of Light ; by it Confusion is banished , Co●…trarieties are knowne and distinguisht , dangers declined , and good things embraced ; It is the eye-sight of knowledge from whence proceeds the due estimation we yeeld vnto men ( as all things else ) but chiefly for their proper , and most essentiall or intellectuall parts ) euen Wisdome ( thereafter ) to use or refuse them . And now ( Gentle Reader ) for the writing of Bookes so in generall , aword or two ( vnder Correction ) in some defence thereof I hope will not f●…ll amisse ; prouided that neither Church nor State be dishonoured , or any particular person thereby iustly offended . True it is , ( and none but the vnwise can den●…it ) that S●…ollers for their rare guists of 〈◊〉 are most sit to write for publike vse ( hauing a thousand times wisht my selfe a Scholler for the singular benefits that haue their confluence to a man by Academicall & well managed Arts ; ) yet that all others should be excluded , or not any ( that will ) of vnderstanding and honest life ( vpon good occasion , the Premisses considered ) should be allowed of , I know not yet one reason of many ( me thinkes ) to the contrary , to ratisie that opinion ; for if wee consider the many benefits for one inconvenience , thereupon ensuing that stand up to plead for a generall tolleration , not one of a hundred ( I suppose ) even of Schollers themselues but will ioyne with them in theyr ready approbation . For first of all is not that Noble Science of PRINTING made the more to flourish ? Doe not the Masters and Artificers thereof become able , not onely for their private Families , but also Common-wealths men ? When their Presses ( through a generall supply of Coppies ) never want worke ? Are not Shops the better furnisht with Bookes , and kept open by a frequent concourse of all sorts of Buyers , through the variety and choyce of matter there to bee had for a small piece of mony , to profit themselves by other mens labours of an incomparable value ? Doth not the reading of a few harmelesse lines entertayne divers from worse exercises , whom else ( perhaps ) better things would scarce content ? 〈◊〉 had it not beene profitable for many to have exercised themselves in writing of some Manuscript , whilest Idlenesse and ill-Company have beene their utter bane and ruine ? And how many have improved theyr parts and vacant times unto a good sufficiency of doing Service both in Church and Common-weale , wherein ( to the honor and profit of both ) they have lived , by applying themselves to vertuous studie●… , and writing their Observations , that never ( perhap●… ) eate bread in a Vniversitie ? Or why doth our State at present ( in a sort ) allow of , or connive at this tolleration ( under the foresayd Provisoes ) but for these or the like godly and civill policies no doubt ? Besides other reasons which I leave to others ; but if none of these will passe for current , yet could I wish ( Gentle Reader ) that Travellers ( in due honor to their Travailes ) may have a place ( though the lowest ) in this honourable Priviledge with Schollers and Poets , even for their experience ●…ake . A man that hath travelled ( sayth wise Strach ) knoweth many things , and hee that hath much experience will declare Wisedome ; he that hath no experience knoweth little , but he that hath travayled is ( or should be ) full of Prudence ; to wit , a man of Counsell and Action ; of discourse and resolution ; Eccles 34. 9. 10. For they commonly see and conceive more abroad the●… others sitting at home , as being deeper engaged upon strange Occurrents ; having their senses exercised , their bodyes and minds hardened by sundry difficulties , and surviving many dangers ; diving into the different dispositions of m●…n , and observing ( from a selfe-knowing knowledge ) the good and the evill among all sorts of people ; wisedome also insinuating it selfe there , after a more familiar fashion then elsewhere , and thenceforth disposing them ( oft times ) ( with small helps , and due incouragements ) unto the weightiest aff●…res ; in whose short lines may b●…e read large Observations of the Divine Power and Providence , to the Glory of God , and the publike good , by the right use which ingenuous minds make of all things , and to which ends onely they ought to be written ; When I travailed I saw many things , and I understand mo●…e then I can expresse ; I was oft times in danger of death , yet was I delivered because of these things . Eccles. 34. 11. 12. To communicate experience ( therefore ) is as commendable as profitable , being that which in all ages hath ever been allowed of , required , and practised by the wisest . Wis. 7. 13. Eccles. 39. 8. Psal. 40. 10. For experienc●… that is hid , and treasure that i●… hoarded up , what profit ( or not prejudice rather ) is in eyther ? And better is he that hideth his folly , then a man that hideth his wisedome or Experience , be it never so little , upon least occasion of doing good therewith ; Eccles. 20. 30. 31. As appeares by that slothfull Servant , who hiding his Talent ( instead of Modesty ) incurr'd a censure of folly . Mat. 25. 24. 25. 26. Thus ( Gentle Reader ) hauing satisfied thee ( I hope ; ) in my best wishes I commend thee ( as my selfe ) to the protection of the Almighty , and bid thee heartily fare-well in CHRIST . CHR. FAREWELL . Eccles. 6. 14. 15. A faithfull Friend is a strong defen●…e , and he that hath found such a one , hath found a Treasure . Nothing doth countervaile a faythfull Friend , for his Ex●…ellency is v●…valuable . I. PET. 1. Adde to your Faith Vertue , or Industrie : ANd now , to shut up 〈◊〉 Indian Discourse with a word or two of Spaine , being ( n●…xt unto 〈◊〉 in Portugal ) on Christian shore , my first and onely place of forraigne residence ; where ( if I may not seeme to praise my selfe , having little else to boast of in the short Catalogue of my good workes there , save onely the releasing of an English Marchant out of Prison ) I would willingly entertaine anew my Courteous Reader with a short Storie of an accident , wherein God made mee the Instrument of much good unto another ; but the wise ( I hope ) will eyther discerne a cause of my boasting , or ●…t the worst will ascribe it to the common humour of Travailers , who love to tell of things they have seene and done abroad in the world , and so at least to excuse me , ( for amidst all my extravagant delights , else ( I may truly speake it , and ( I hope ) without offence to Charity ) my heart ( even then ) was ever prone to honesty ; to doe good freely ; on occasion ready to shew mercy ; more delighted to give then to receive ; and faithfull in my whole engagements ; with an inward ze●…le in the performance of all ; in a word , no mans foe ( as they say , even in those dayes ) but mine owne ; how much more then ( to silence all detraction ) shall ryper times ( on occasion ) affoord the same things at least , if not better : ill will it selfe ( if it please ) be Iudge . Deteyned upon some ●…mployment at the Tower of Velis Malaga , about sales and returne of goods for England , there chanced into the Roade ( among other ships , English and French ) ●…ertaine Hollanders , that brought a great quantity of Pic●…elingos , or counterfeyt Copper Mony of Spaine , called 〈◊〉 , and quartillos , which by stealth at 〈◊〉 of opportunity they landed and disperced here and there , as they had dohe 〈◊〉 other Ports : This in short space came to be suspected by the plentifull current of the money , ( the parties themselves being gone , left others in danger ) hereupon the Shippes remaining in the Roade were searched ; above all the rest , suspicion was had of certaine ●…hips belonging to the businesse whereon I lay for my Master and others , whereof Mr. John Pit had the chiefe charge , being himselfe at Grand Malaga about other businesse , dispatching for England ; but they apprehended onely his Servant or Factor one Mr. I ●…omas S●…edmer , whom they found aboord , ready to goe for Malaga , and thence also for England ; him they carryed away Prisoner to Motril , about three leagues Eastward , where hee was certaine weekes , rackt and hardly used ; how hee or the ships were released , I am not so punctuall in my remembrance as to relate , nor is it much materiall ( this being above twenty yeares since ) yet at length released they were , for the truth then came to light ; and whether by torture or else , I am not certaine , Mr. Pit himselfe as principall , was layd out for : Officers of the Inquisition , from Motril were appointed and on the way toward Grand Malaga , to apprehend him : This by a happy chance ( being at the water side to heare newes ) I vnderstood ; I went presently to my Almazen , or Ware-house ; wrote him a word or two of advise , that as hee tendred his life ( upon receit thereof ) to retyre himselfe for such a cause , which I sent by the hand of a Spaniard , a lustie sturdy Companiero , of whose trustinesse I had observed something before , having imployed him about styving our fruit , and other Reca●…dos of moment , with a charge to out runne the Constable , corre Juan , vete bolando por su vida , que yo 〈◊〉 lo pagare , bien pagado ; Runne for thy life , and I le reward thee lib●…rally : ●…nd so he did , for over the Rocke●… and high Mountaines , ( like a Goat ) h●… made such a nimble expedition that he overtooke , and out went the Mule-men , and was there some three minutes before them , which gave my advised friend , the advantage of his absence , just as the Alguazill and Officers came at his heeles , that made his life of full value , which else upon any Merchants ensurance there , ( by that time they had hāper'd him ) had not beene worth one Marvedi . This newes ( till then pensive at heart in expectation of the event ) cheered me up no lesse then a cup of neat sparkeling wine , especially for the punctuality of the successe , and the applause of my diligent penne ; which procured me the love of those which had never seen me , with munchas Mercedes , y beso las manos , for my good advise ; and afterward upon my returne to Malaga , declared it by a generall Bienvenido , or welcome . And how God did require this small myte of my ( not merit but ) good will ( for hee likes not ) to speake after the manner of men ) to be long in any mans debt ( but with more advantage to him ) though alwayes seeming so by the continuall lengthning out of his mercies ( if we observe them ) beyond our owne time , even to posterity , from generation to generatiō ; as if by this kind of acknowledgement of his ( for his owne word sake ) he were still indebted to us and ours , & could never su●…ficiently recompence our good endeavours , by the utmost of his infinite goodnesse freely promised thereunto in his best beloved , his soules delight ; to teach us that we should never be weary of doing him like acceptable seruice , even for the good and safety temporall and eternall , of our selves and ours ; but chiefly for his owne honour and glory . ) I could heere well declare in a Cloud of particulers ever since , touching his wonderfull providence in my preserv●…tion , protection , and deliverance in , & out of most imminent dangers , straytes , and extremities , temptations and conflicts ; but for brevity sake ( leaving all the rest ) I will touch onely three , wherein Gods power , and mercifull providence did plainely declare themselves unto my Conscience , to whose praise alone I speake it , and to stirre up all to a consideration of his wonders . Not long after this Iubile of successe ( the brunt of businesse being ouerpast ) I went to Grand Malaga , whether indeed my desires lead me ( contrarie toreason ) from Uelis Malaga , where I was left ( vpon order of my Master ) by Mr. Pitt . in the house of a Regidor or Alderman , Senior Pablos Nunnies , for more conueniency to learne the language , Rregalado , or respected as in their owne sonne ; and growing daily in acquaintance , I began to declare my selfe in the choyce of those pleasures wherevnto my nature most inclined ; amongst others , musicke and dancing were not the least , which thus occasioned the first of my proposed dangers . Lying in the house of Capt●…ine Simon Boureman , of best resort in the Cittie by Eng●…ish Marchants , my first Rendeuous in Spaine ; and being well accommodated for all things , I fell into a consort-ship with other young men to entertaine an Italian to teach vs to dance , who came once a day to our Chambers ; and in taking our turnes of exercise , our Tutor vnaduisedly commended my promptnesse , and the dexterity of my bodie ; whereat one of the Company tooke pepper in the nose , and told me ( in the contrary tearmes ) I danced like a clowne ; knowing his malla●…ie , I brake it off with a Iest , and a nippe withall , that made him halfe angry ; til frō Iest to Iest , it grew into plain earnest ( being both tender enough of our small Reputations ) and sitting with our vsuall Company at supper , he challenged me ( as not daring ) to fight with him ; I told him t' was then no time for such a businesse , but that ( perhaps ) he might shortly heare of me , as halfe determined to trie what mettle was in either ; the next morning ( I thinke vnexpected ) I went early to his Chamber doore , wa●…like appointed with my Rapier and dagger ( yet a daily Ornament in those parts , as any part of our apparell , wherein ( be it knowne to all men ) for my owne particuler , I tooke no small glory ) and finding it open , in I went as at other times ( though illaduised in that poynt ) where I found him writing ; After salutation I told him what I came for , and that if he meant to acquite his honor ( I speake after y ● Spanish phrase ) now was the onely time fresh and fasting to walke into the Field , to preuent Concourse or tumult ; My Gallant foorthwith changed countenance , yet making wise to accept the offer went aside , and seemed to make choyce of his weapons ( hauing change of Rapiers by him ) and taking a dagger in his hand ( mistrusting no Treacherie ) sodenly offerd to haue stabbed me with it , but happily intercepting the thrust , with his hand that held it , I closed with him , and in strugling ( though his inferiour both in age and stature ) I gaue him the cleane fall backward , on his bed , and fell upon him , setting my knee on his brest , holding downe still his dagger , punching it vpward with all his might at my face , and at length I wrest it from him ; yet ( the onely poynt of manhood I obserued in him ) hee made no clamarous out-cry for the matter , as knowing ( belike ) with whom he had to deale ) wherewith ( as I told him , to requite his treachery ) I could haue slit his nose , or minced his face like a Carbonado ; but mercie & manhood forbade me , as scor●…ing indeed the basenesse , though enough prouoakt ; nor would I for ten thousand pounds haue layne in like sort at his mercie ; At last taking my best oportunitie , I suddenly sprang off from him , and left him alone in his Chamber , free from the least hurt done him , abiding without in an open Court vnder a Gallery walke , resting my selfe betweene a marble Pillar and a packe of cloth , leaning on the pomell of my Rapier , expecting euery moment ●…is comming forth for the Field , but his intent was to haue finisht the combate there , with all safetie to himselfe , and sodaine ruine to me . For spying me through his doore standing at that disaduantage ( yet thankes be to God not walking , for then he had taken me napping ) he rusht out suddenly vpon me with a naked Rapier making a main thrust at my face , which againe ( as happily as the ●…ormer ) I put by with my hand , yet not so , but that ( glancing my throate ) it toucht my beardlesse chinne , and made the bloud run downe ; but feeling my selfe alive , I instantly drew ( God forgive me all ) with a full resolution to have runne him through , as doubtlesse I had , up to the very 〈◊〉 , had not the spirit of wisdome or feare made him caper backward with a leape ( I still blesse God for it ) that I never saw the like . Timor addit alas . Feare gives wings . But considering the danger of that play ( for I had wit in my anger , though some that beheld us , sayd , I fought sa●…s feare or wit ) and changing my purpose , I followed him close with a double stroake two or three immediately succeeding , swift as lightning ; for though not slightly stirred , yet being too farre provoked , ( to the terrour of all proud , and commonly false-hearted provokers , I may iustly speake it ) my dreadlesse spirit would then haue borne me through the middest of an Army . In which short conflict , I did so macerate his Arme from the hand to the Elbow , that it grieves me yet to thinke of it , ( so little doe I glory in the Relation , save only in our mutuall preservation , mine owne especially from so imminent destruction ) and being gone to our chambers to be drest , to tell why certaine Spaniards of my acquaintance , and strangers that came then to see me , did so wonder at my Rapier , feeling the edge with theyr fingers , ( not considering the principall , that what is done couragiously and with expedition , is throughly done . Bis dat gui cit●… dat , to fight couragiously is to fight victoriously ) crying ( after theyr fashion of admiration ) Jhesus , al Diablo , que espada es esta ? was , because ( besides his arme ) I had pared off the pappie flesh under his hand ; out in sunder a thicke gold Ring from off his finger ; and withall ( I suppose ) his Rapier , for at the last stroake , that also fell in a peece with the rest to the ground . At the sight whereof , Mercy and Manhood againe held my hand , without the least offer to prosecute him any further ; whereat ( with his owne ) there was a suddaine Albarote , or out-cry of houshold Servants newly up , Murther , Murther , and of our English Cooke , that had done his best before to have parted vs ; that Senior Christoval , had slaine Senior Fulano : but ( a thousand thankes to God ) it was not so ; whereupon ( by advise of the best in the house ( in secret ) not a little approving the exployt , nor much lamenting ( but in shew ) the other , I know not why : ) to prevent further mischiefe , I absented my selfe at Velis Malaga , making of necessity a Vertue ; for there in Company of onely one English Merchant , Capt. Lee by name , I improved my study , wrote them backe Spanish Epistles , and profited mightily ; having ever since beene a man of peace , conquering by suffering , and prevailing by yeelding , yet not basely neyther , but understandingly too : being minded henceforth ( for ought I know ) never more to draw sword , but against the Enemies of God , my King , my Country , and my Friend : wherein God strengthen my resolution . Amen . The second was , being in Ireland ( a few yeares after my returne frō the Indies , to weare out , or to weaken many discontents diversly occasioned me in England , by means of an imployment I had imposed on my selfe , begun long before , but there ( for causes ) intending to finish it , with some other respects joyntly procuring my absence , ) among others , of lesse Profession , yet better condition , I chanced to be acquainted with a very Rooke ( as some terme them ) yet so well clad in a religious habit of smooth discourse , that I durst have trusted him almost with my life ; so dangerous is a fayre shew without substance : the word of trust without Truth , the name of a friend , without the fruits of friendship , or the inspection of wisedome to discerne the subtilties of Hypocrisie , that the very best ( of which soever side ) are , and have bin subiect to be deceived , that none should be too credulous of faire shews or reports , as they tēder their owne good , in cherishing ( all they can against Envie ) the due estimation of vertue in themselves or any . This man ( upon a proiect of some profit , probable enough had his intent been honest , or my serious studies in higher affaires permitted me to have frequēted or suspected him ; ( but oportunity not so much makes as takes a Theefe , for an honest mind even scornes the temptation , no lesse then a lewd or a faigned suspicion ) by degrees had wound himselfe at least ten pounds deepe into my purse , being halfe way to the bottome , till fresh supplyes out of England ; and at last ( to make the shortest of a sharkes account ) was glad to accept of one halfe of my ●…cipall , with losse of the other halfe , yet not without great profit neyther , for a sharpe lesson proves a good instruction ; and our best wits are ( cōmonly ) the deerest bought ; but this is not the matter , rather ●…n Introduction thereunto . For to get this mony I was forced to dispense with my study ( to wit K. Davids Psalmes , and St. 〈◊〉 Epistles ; a word or two whereof in a short Treatise touching theyr praise , since composed by me , I once purposed should have bin the period , or posterne unto these my Travels ) and to make many a iourney to , and against him ; among others , taking the pleasure of a dainty frosty Sunshine morning ( whilest my Irish Colt tooke his recreation at home ) I made a walke of sixe or 7. miles to speake with him at his house ( having chāged his dwelling from the Town into the Country ) and on the way from Tullough , between Ballye Roberts , and Castle-Lyons , went aside out of a faire greene Lancher , betwixt two great opē fields under a hedge , to cover my feet , not ●…eeing nor mistrusting any danger , yet ( in stooping downe ) had this thought in my minde ; good Lord preserve me , this may be my last breathing : after a while looking up , right before me within twice my length stood a great grisly Wolfe , bigger then a Mastiffe , with a long bobbe Taile , p●…ick-eard , and a lanke body , stocke still looking on me . Though somewhat apàlled at this strange sight , yet to run ▪ conceived was danger ( for I had wit in my feare , as before in my anger ) and therefore quietly hasting to be ready for him , still fixing my eye on his ( wherein lyes a mystery ) till I had fastened my poynt ; and drawing my knife , with a sm●…l wand in my hand , I went on guardant , soft and faire , observing how the Curre dogg'd me , ( for 't is a Creature ( simply considered ) as full of craft and subtilty , as of greedinesse and cruelty , which meeting in men ( as commonly they lurke together , one being cause of the other ) doe make them more brutish and dangerous ( God defend me from them ) then wilde beasts ; such as St. Paul had to fight withall at Ephesus , ( unreasonable and absurd people ) as doubtlesse many good mē have elsewhere dayly , ) and then turning towards him , and standing still awhile , he would doe the like ( for I could haue bin content , on a fayre defence ) to haue tryed the combate with him , in assured hope to haue cut his throat , to enlarge my Scutchion with a Wolfe , or a Wolfes head in a Canton , for an addition of honor , as well to my Ancestry , as happily to my heyres and posterity , for God onely makes and gives all . In this sort perusing one another , on we went in company about halfe a quarter of a Mile together , till ( being Market day at Tullough ) people came riding by , away he went , but with admiration of all ( in such sort ) to have escaped his clutches ; affirming it to be the He●… or 〈◊〉 Wolfe , that a long time had ranged thereabout ; done much mischiefe to man & beast ; and could never be taken . Though now ridde of my rude companiō , I durst not be too secure , least on the sodaine we might meet againe ; but euer with an eye in my pole , on I went still guardant , till I came to Kiel Jannicke , aside off Castle Lyons , and there found my Friend to little or no purpose ; but at my returne 〈◊〉 got a rusty sword for my better defence , in●… case of necessitie , which now & then I thought good to excercise against a bush or a Thistle , with a thrust at the one , and a slash at the other , supposing the Woolfe to haue bin either ; perhaps ( I am not sure ) like that valiant countrie Travayler ( according to the common Tale ) who going home late in an Euening from worke , in like sort laying about him ( as he went ) with his Trun●… , at the sodaine out-cry of a fewe Duckes , quake , quake , being at his wits end , disclaimed all his former behauiour , with a fearefull protest as ( who should iudge him ) to be but a poore Travayler , that neuer strook man in his life ▪ nor meant to doe ; and so more afraid then hurt ( hauing scaped a scowring ) he went soberly home to sleep : as I also being deliuered frō my so great a danger at retu●…ne to my lodging , on my knees gaue God thankes for my preseruation , and still doe ; For doubtles the same invisible hand of heauen that shut th●…●…mouthes of Daniels Lions , did likewise shut the mouth of this r●…uening Wolfe , else rea●… to haue deuoured me My God ( sayth he ) hath sent his Angel , and hath shut the Lyons mouthes , that the●… haue not hu●… ▪ me , forasmuch as before him , Innocency was found in me , and also before thee ( O King ) haue I done no hurt . Dan. 6. 22. With the mercifull , ( saith ▪ 〈◊〉 ) thou wi●…t shew thy selfe ▪ mercifull , & with an vpright man , thou wilt shew thy selfe vpright . Psal. 18. 25. The next and last never to be forgotten , was now of late the 29. of August 1632. passing from the Exchange toward my lodging ; in Lothbury from foure Story high , there sodainly fell downe into the street ( by what meanes God knowes , but very strangely ) a whole Window of glasse in a thicke frame of Timber , all fast in a lumpe together , and in the fall strooke onely the brim of my hat , missing my head but two or three inches at most , by meanes I thinke ) of then mending my pace , ( not knowing why ) at the instant ( I remember ) when I sprang over into that side of the street , which else ( doubtlesse ) had strooke mee stone dead , so violent was f●…ll ; for which let my soule for ever 〈◊〉 thee ( O Lord ) and all than is within meblesse his holy name , ●…s two or three of those that saw the manner thereof ( I thanke them ) put me in mind so to doe . The Angell of the Lord ( sayth David ) encampeth round about them that feare him , and delivereth them . Tast therefore and consider that the Lord is good , blessed is the man that trusteth in him ; for though his wisedome ( to exalt the glorious Maiesty of his power ) leads them into temptations and dangers , yet his vigilant providence ( for his promise sake ) never leaves them ; I will never fayle thee nor forfake thee : Joshua . 1. 5. Affliction ( like Pauls Viper ) at first begets censure , but ( upon delivery ) it is the cause of honour . Acts. 28. 3. 6. I will be with him in trouble ( sayth God ) I will 〈◊〉 him , and honour him . Psal. 91. 15. And what honor comparable to that of Gods deliverance ? Or what promise so to be●… relyed on as his word ? what buckler or Ca●…le of defence so safe as his protection ? what service so commodious and honorable as his faithfull seruice ? or whom ever better served , allyed counselled , or befriended ( may examples of Truth and experience take place , malice with envi●… being banisht or put to silence ) then by such Allyance , Servants , Counsellers or Friends ? whose dwelling is in the secret place of the most High , and whose abode is under the shadow of the Almighty , King of Kings , & Lord of Creatures both in Heaven & in Earth , in the Seas & all deepe places . I leave to the iudgment & consideratiō of all , with my hearty prayers as for my owne Soule , that every one for their proper good ( touching the premisses in each particuler ) may rightly discern betweene things that differ , and impartially prefer those that excell . What have I now done ? is there not a cause ? 1. Sam. 17. 29. FINIS . 
A69858	----	A discourse concerning trade, and that in particular of the East-Indies wherein several weighty propositions are fully discussed, and the state of the East-India Company is faithfully stated. Child, Josiah, Sir, 1630-1699. 1689 Approx. 43 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-05 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A69858 Wing D1590 ESTC R8170 11981447 ocm 11981447 51856 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69858) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51856) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 59:3 or 275:15) A discourse concerning trade, and that in particular of the East-Indies wherein several weighty propositions are fully discussed, and the state of the East-India Company is faithfully stated. Child, Josiah, Sir, 1630-1699. 11 p. Printed and sold by Andrew Sowle ..., London : 1689. Caption title. Attributed to Josiah Child. Cf. BM. Imprint from colophon. An abstract of: A treatise wherein is demonstrated, I. That the East-India trade is the most national of all foreign trades / J. Child. London, 1681; and, A supplement, 1689, to a former treatise, concerning the East-India trade / by an anonymous abstracter, who describes himself (p. 11) as "no East-India merchant, nor in any way concerned with the Company." London, 1689. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng East India Company -- History. Great Britain -- Commerce -- India. India -- Commerce -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- Commercial policy. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DISCOURSE CONCERNING TRADE And that in particular of The East-Indies . Wherein several weighty Propositions are fully discussed , and the State of the East-India Company is faithfully stated . THe Author craves leave in the first place , to present the Reader with some g●●neral Opinions concerning ●rade , which experience hath recommended to th● approbation of the most Iudicious . 1. That trading Merchants , while they are in the busie and eager prosecu●tion of their particular Trades , although they be very wise and good men , are not al●ways the best Iudges of Trade , as it relates to the profit or power of a Kingdom . Th● reason may be , because their Eyes are so continually fixt , and their Minds intent upo● what makes for their peculiar gain or loss , that they have not leisure to expatiate , or tu●● their thoughts to what is most advantagious to the Kingdom in general . The like ma● be said of all Shop-keepers , and other Trades-men , until they leave off their Trades and by the purchase of Lands , become of the same common Interest with most of thei● Country-men . 2. Upon the same reason , a mixt Assembly of Noble men , Gentle-men and Merchants , are the best Constitution for the making Rules , Orders and By-Laws , for the carrying on any Trade for the publick utility of the Kingdom . 3. That all Trade , domestick or forreign , that doth not in the result , increase the value o● Land , ought to be totally rejected . 4. That all Monopolies are destructive to Trade , and obstruct the increase of the value of our Lands , and that therefore , if there be any thing in any Charter of Incorporate● ●●●chants , that hinders any of their Majesties Subjects from coming into that Trade , 〈◊〉 as good terms as others did , or yet may , it is fit that such bars should be removed . 5. That if all Strangers had free Liberty to enter into any of our Incorporated forreign ●rades , as is practised by the Dutch , it would greatly increase our Trade , and improve 〈◊〉 value of Land. 6. That those narrow Clauses in the Turkey Companies , and other Charters , which limit 〈◊〉 Traders to be Free-men of London , and not to be Shop-keepers , &c. And the practice of 〈◊〉 no Man to be free of the Turk●y Company under 25 l. if he he under 25 years of 〈◊〉 ; or 50 l. if above , are to the prejudice of the Nation in general . 7. The Dutch , Nationally speaking , are the wisest People now extant , for the 〈◊〉 and carrying on their Trades for the publick advantage of their Country . 8. That the dominion of the Sea can never be retained , preserved and maintained , but 〈◊〉 the excess and predominency of forreign Trade . 9. That dom●stick and forreign Trade ( as also Land ) do wax and wain together . 10. That Silver and Gold , coined , or uncoined , tho● they are used for a measure of all ●●her things , are no less a Commodity then Wine , Oyl , Tobacco , Cloth or Stuffs , and may 〈◊〉 many cases be exported as much to National advantage as any other Commodity . 11. That no Nation can be considerable in Trade that prohibits the Exportation of ●ullion . 12. That it is more for the publick advantage to export Gold or Silver , coined than 〈◊〉 ; for by the former we gain the Manufa●ture . 13. That whatever Nation hath the lowest interest , will certainly have their Lands in ●ighest esteem and price : and no Nation shall ever over-match the Dutch in Trade , till they mate them in the rate of Interest Money . 14. That the Dutch gain more by exportation of Bullion and forreign Commodities ●●an by all their own native Productions and Manufactures . 15. That when ever wise and great Nations , having different Interests , and various forms of Government , do yet conspire in the same means to accomplish the same ends , of Profit , Power and Honour , they are to be concluded nearer the right way to those ends , ●hen the wisest and best private men living , who hold contrary Opinions , swayed by personal Profit o● Loss , Pique or Prejudice . 16. That there is just as much need of Companies of Merchants in England as in Holland , and no more . The Dutch have no Companies of Merchants , but those of the East and West-Indies , and those in joynt Stocks , protected and defended by the Laws of the Provinces , which are of the same force as Acts of Parliament with us . 17. That there is a necessity of a joynt Stock in all forreign Trade , where the Trade must be maintained by Force and Fo●●s on the Land , and where the King cannot conveniently maintain an Amity and Correspondence by Ambassadors , and not elsewhere . To proceed , the Propositions intended to be handled , follow First , That the East-India Trade is the most National of all forreign Trades . Which is thus proved , ( viz. ) 1. WHat the Dutch , French , Danes , Portugals , and which not long since the Swedes , and now the Duke of Brandenburgh , have with so great charge an● expence attempted , and hedged about with Laws and Encouragements , must certainly b● matter of the greatest National Consequence . 2. This Trade imploys more great War-like English Ships from 50 to 70 Guns , the● all the Trades of the World from England besides . 3. This Trade alone furnishes us with Salt-Petre , a most necessary Commodity . 4. Above four fifth Parts of the Commodities imported by this Trade , are again ex●ported , to the vast encrease of Navigation ; by the returns of which , more than treble the Bullion is imported that was first exported to India . 5. If the 〈…〉 the East-Indies were not in English hands , the East-India Commodities would come in from Holland , and that with this di●ference , that we should pay as much for Pepper now sold for 8 d. the pound , as for Nutmegs , Cl●ves , M●●e , Cinnamon ▪ which is from 6 s. to 15 s. per pound , which tho' cheaper at the places of their growth , the Dutch enhaunse by having the sole Trade for them ; this saves the Kingdom in that respect only 50●000 l. per annum . 6. This Trade doth more work upon the Manufactures of our Neighbours , than any other forreign Trade ; and whatever weakens them , enriches and strengthens England ▪ it is reasonably computed , that Italy , France , Holland , Flanders , &c. ( the Staple Countries for Silks and fine Linnens ) by the Importation of East-India Silks and Callicoes , not only into England , but from thence into those Countries , are abated in those fine Manufacture● above a Million of Pounds Sterling per annum . 7. It is thought that above 40000 Families in England are employed in Silk-broa●● weaving , tho' that Trade began here but about the beginning of King Charles the first In a few Years more this Nation may be treble the number in such Manufactures , since 〈◊〉 East-India Company bring R●w Silk cheaper then it can be afforded in Turkey , Fran●● ▪ Spain , or any other place where it is made , and do serve Holland , Flanders , and som● other Markets from England . 8. This Trade pays the King 60000 l. per annum Custom , and carries out yearly 60 o● 70000 l. in Lead , Ti●n , Cloth ▪ Stuffs , &c. of our own Production and Manufacture , which would not be sent at all , if England were deprived of this Trade , because neither Dutch nor French would enure the Indians to our Manufactures . The Second Proposition , that the Clamours , Aspersions , and Objections made against the present East-India Company , are sinister , selfish , or groundless . Object . 1. SOme of the Turkey Merchants say , The bringing in of so much Silk , and so cheap , is a publick ●usance ▪ and destroys their Trade , which depends wholly upon the Exportation of Woollen Manufacture , whereas the East-India Company send out little Manufacture , and much Bullion , &c. Answ. 1. 'T is strange Doctrine to Men skilled in Trade , that the making a Material 〈◊〉 , that is to be manufactured at home , or exported again into foreign Countries , 〈◊〉 be to the publick damage . 2. The Turkey Merchants have Shipt out more Cloth yearly , since the great encrease of 〈◊〉 East-India Trade than before . 3. The Question is not , Which Company sends out most Woollen Manufactures , but which is 〈◊〉 most Profitable Trade to the Nation , and that is before shewn . 4. If the Exportation of Bullion hinders not the Exportation of our Manufactures , as in 〈◊〉 appears : and if for every 10 s. value sent out , 30 s. be brought in Bullion at the long 〈◊〉 , which is evident in the course of the East-India Trade , then the Exportation of Bullion 〈◊〉 a great and real advantage . 5. The Turkey Merchants do send out a great deal of Bullion themselves , which is no 〈◊〉 , but their complaining of others for the same thing is . 6· The truth of the case , at the bottom , is but this ; the Importation of better and ●●eaper raw Silk from India ▪ may touch some Turkey Merchants profit at present , tho' it ●enefits the Kingdom , and ●in●ers not the Exportation of Cloth : What then ? Must one ●rade be interrupted because it works upon another ? At that rate there would be no●●ing but Confusion in a Nation ad infinitum , Our Plantation Sugars have brought down ●●e Lisbon Sugars within memory of m●n , from 8 l. per Centum , to 2 l. 10 s. per Centum , ●nd yet the Exportation of our Woollen Manufactures to Portugal , is now greater then ●ver it was : just as 't is and will prove in the Turkey Trade . 7. If those Turkey Merchants think the East-India Trade so good , why do they not ●ome into it themselves ? The Door is open always to them , and all the King's Subjects . Object . 2. They say there are not above 80 legitimate Merchants in the East-India Company . Answ. 1 By Legitimate Merchants they mean such as have served Apprenticeships ; in the ●umber thereof , they reckon short above half . 2. It matters not two Straws to the Kingdom , whether they be legitimate or illegitimate ; ●hey are in the whole 556 , which is mo●e by a great many than the Turkey Merchants , 〈◊〉 more by above half than they would be , if the Trade were not managed in a joynt ●●ock . Object . 3. They say the Company have half the known World in their Charter , and that 's 〈◊〉 much for any Company , &c. Answ. 1. They have no more in their Charter than all the East-India Companies in Christendom have in their Charters . 2. The Company is a Company of all , or of so many of the King's Subjects as desired to ●e concerned in that Trade , or yet do , they buying Stock . Object . But 't is dear buying at 280 l. per Cent. Answ. 1. 'T is less then the intrinsi●k value , if the Stock were now to be broke up . 2. If it be too dear , any Man may be as justly compell●d to sell his House at the Buyers ●rice , or else be disseized of ●t , as his Stock in the Company . Object . 4. They say the Charter hath exorbitant and illegal Clauses in it . Answ. 1. No Charter in Europe hath less of that kind . 2. 'T is absolutely nece●sary , that whoever governs a Trade so remote , and by such a Multitude of Hands as are employed , should have some extraordinary Power committed ●o them . 3. Wh●tever is in the Charter , the Company never did any arbitrary Acts , nor ever seized Shi●s or Goods by vertue of their Charter , tho they have o●ten had cause . Object . 5. They say the Company have imp●●●d and exacted great Fines , Mulcts and Forfeitures to an immense value . Answ. What they take in any case , is by submission of the party , by agreement with the Master and Owners in Charter-party , or by Arbitrations , and always in pursuance of legal Obligations , sealed and delivered . It is highly reasonable , the Company being at above 100000 l. yearly charge in India and England , that whoever participates of the Trade , should proportionably contribute to the Expences that neces●arily attend the preservation of it . Object . 6. They say , besi●e● Raw Silks , the Company imports wrought Silk , to the prejudice of the Silk Manufacture in England . Answ. 1. This lies as much and more against all other wrought Silks imported into England from Italy , Holland , &c. 2. The Silks which they commonly bring in , are the main part of them Taffaties , and other plain or striped Silks , such as are not usually made in England , but imported from France , Italy , Holland . So this importation work ▪ upon our Neighbours . 3. A great part of the wrought Silk● imported by the Company , are again Shipt out to France , Holland , &c. to the great advantage of the King and Kingdom . Object . 7. Some Clothiers complain that the East-India Company hind●rs the vent of Cloth. Answ. 1. This deserves a thorow inspection : 1. Who they are that complained ? 2. When and how they began to complain ? 3. Why , they complain ? 1st . For the time , when , it was in the year 1674 , or 1675 , Then they had the confidence to tell the Parliament , the Company would spoil the trade of Cloth , and bring the price of Wool to nothing . But in fact , the Company hath now stood five or six Years since that time , and much augmented their Trade for India , but Wool is advanced in price above 50 per centum , and there hath been such a trade for Wooll●n Manufactures , as England never saw in any former age . 2. Who they were that complained ? Not the poor Kentish Clothiers , that have lost their trade ; nor the Suffolk Men , that have lost their Manufacture of Bl●w Cloth , but the Worcester , Glocester , and Somerset-shire men , that do now make and vend above twenty times the Cloth they did before this Company was erected . 3dly . How they began to complain ? Their first Petition was drawn only against the Turkey Company , for making but one Cloth Shiping in a year : But a certain Counsel ( since famous for other matters ) told them , they should draw their Petition against the E●st-India Company likewise , which they did ; whether the Dutch or some of England gave the best Fees is uncertain . 4. Why they complained : That few understood : Their Trade was wonderfully encreased , and the East-India Company had sent out in some one Year above ten times as much Cloth as was ever sent out in the time of open Trade . Object . 8. They complain th●t the pr●sent Stock is engrossed into a few Hands , some single Adventurers having 16 or 17000 l. principal Stock in their own Names . Answ. 1. If true , the Complaint of it wou●d ●ound better out of the Mouth of an old Leveller , than a Merchants . None ever pretended to 〈◊〉 , much less to level Personal Estates , which if they could be made even at Noon , world be unequal before Night . 2. The Dutch think whoever 〈◊〉 m●st in their joint Stocks , doth most oblige the Common-wealth , tho' he 〈…〉 , insomuch as one Swasso a Iew had at one time in their East-India Stock above the value of 300000 l. Sterling . 3. The more any Adventurer hath in the Stock , the more he is engaged to study and promote the good of it . 4. Notwithstanding the largeness of any of the Adventurers Stocks , there are yet 556 Adventurers , which is a greater number than are to be found in any Trade that hath not a joynt Stock . Object . 9. There are many other Ports , and Places within the Limits of the Companies , barter , where English Commodities would vend , which the Company do not Trade unto . Answ. 1. There can never be any Society , that will more industriously expatiate and 〈◊〉 Trade in those Parts of the World , then this hath done , by all peacable means . 100000 l. ●ill not excuse them for the losses sustained in such attempts . 2. In India , a Factory at Surrat will share in all the Trades of the Red Sea , as well as 〈◊〉 , and other Parts within the Correspondency of that Presidency ; The same may be said of ●antam and many other Places as well as Surrat . 3. In very many Places of India , where the Company do not settle Factories , they carry 〈◊〉 a Trade by Natives . Object . 10. It is said , if the Company were not in a Ioynt Stock , many more Ships might be ●mployed in India , from one Port to another , in Trading Voyages . Answ. 1. The Company want neither Stock , nor Skill , or will , to employ as many Ships 〈◊〉 they can gain by , and have almost doubled the quantity of their Stock and Tunnage wit●●n ten Years . 2. The Company have now twenty five Ships and Vessels trading in the East-Indies from Port to Port , besides the eleven great Ships sent out last Year , which are abundantly enough to answer all the Companies occasions of that kind . Obiect . 11. That since the East-India Company was Incorporated , Co●nage hath abated in England . Answ. This a meer groundles Chimaera , and will appear so , if the Old Mint-Master , as well 〈◊〉 the new Ones , be examined . The 3d Proposition , That since the discovery of the East-Indies , the Dominion of the Sea Depends much upon the wain or increase of that Trade , and consequently the Security of the Liberty , Property and Protestant Religion of this Kingdom . THe first Part of this Proposition is meerly Historical , and the proof of it will require little pains , to all that look beyond the present Age ; while the Spanyards had Portugal , and with it the Trade of India , they were able to invade England , with a Navy , by them called Invincible , and so it was , as to Mans understanding . The Dutch since the Protugals sunk in the Indies , have grown ●o potent , in and by ●hat Trade , that they have contended with us for the Dominion of the Seas , and if through the Folly or Madness of a few unthinking or self interested Men , we should deprive our selves of the East-India Trade , we should certainly save them the experiment of Fighting with us again for it ; they would carry the Dominion of the Sea ●lear , and hold it for ever ; or until their Common-wealth should be destroyed by Land force , or intestine Broils . If we should throw off the East-India Trade , the Dutch would soon treble their strength and power in ●ndia , and would b●●ome sole Masters of all those rich and necessary Commodities of the East ; and make the European World pay five times more for them , than now they do , which would so vastly encrease their Riches , as to render them irresistible . If they have Trade and Money they will never want Men , Seamen are Inhabitants of the Vniverse , and where ever they are bred , will resort to the best Pay and most constant E●●ployment . And further all other Forreign Trade in Europe doth greatly depend upon East-India Com●modities , and if we loose the importation of them , we shall soo● abate in all our othe● forreign Trade and Navigation ; and the Dutch will more then proportionably encrease theirs : And the Augmentation of their R●ches would further enable them to overballanc● us , and all others in Trade , as well as in Naval strength . As to the second part of the Proposition ▪ can any Man that looks abroad into the World doubt of the Truth of that Obser●ation ( viz. ) That Trade never thrives in any Country that is not Protestant . Since Queen Eliza●●th's time our Customs are increased from 14000 l. Per annum , to above 70000 l. Per annum . I● it not evident that the Dutch since their being Protestant , are increased m●r● in Trade and Wealth in one Hundred Years , then the ancient and fortunate Romans did in four Hundred Years , after the Foundation of their flourishing Common-Wealth ? H●ve not the French since they were part Protestants and part Papists increased more in Trade and Shiping in one Hundred Years , th●● they did in five Hundred Years before ? A Naval power never affrights us , Seamen never did nor never will destroy the Liberty o● their own Country ▪ They naturally hate Slavery , because they see so much of the Misery of it in other Countries : All Tyrannies in the World are supported by Land Armies : No Absolute Princes have great Navies or great Trades , very few of them can match that little Town of Hamburgh in Shiping . Who do we fear may destroy our Liberty , Property and Religion , but the Papists and the French , and so we should have found it ▪ i● God Almighty had not disappointed them . Now , under God's Providence , what can best secure us from them , but our Naval strength , and what doth especially increase , and support that , but our East-India Trade . If this be here proved to the conviction of unbyassed English Men , the consequence in this Proposition is most natural and irrefragable . The Fourth Proposition , That the Trade of the East-Indies cannot be carried on to National A●vantage , by a regulated Company , or in any other way then by a joynt Stock , which are proved by the following Arguments . Argu. 1. THe Practise and Experience of all other Nations shews this . If it be objected , This Argument will not ●old universally , for the Portugals have a Trade for East-India , and 〈◊〉 have no joynt Stock . 'T is answered , there is a joynt Stock for this Trade in Portugal , but that is the King's Exch●quer , who reserves to himself all considerable India Commodities , and leaves only to his Subjects those that are tri●i●l : That trade dwindled to nothing , when it came to be confronted and out-done by the more National and better constituted joynt Stocks of England and Holland . Argu. 2. Our East-India Company have now their Money at 3 per cent Interest : others that trade in an open or regulated Trade , 〈◊〉 value their Money at 6 per cent . Now i● the Company , with their united Stock and Counsels , and Money at ● per cent ▪ have much ado to hold up against the subtil Dutch , what shall poor private M●●ch●●ts of divided , various and contrary Interests do , with their little seperate Stocks , at 6 per cent per annum ? Arg. 3. In regard that all other Europian Nations do now drive the East-India Trade i● ●oynt Stocks , it seems madness to enter raw and private Persons , against such compacted and united Constitutions of experienced Counsellors , suppo●ted with an inexhaustible Treasure . Arg. 4. Should the Company be destroyed , and the Trade left open , their Priviledges in India would be lost , which have cost vast sums to maintain and retrive , some whereof are these ( viz. ) The Liberty of Coinage , and their Money p●ssi●g current in all the King of Gulconda● s Country . Freedom of Customs in almost all places , and in some where the Dutch and other Nations pay Custom . At Fort St G●orge , and Bombay , the Company ha●● a right , and d●th impose a Custom upon the Natives , and all other Nations . In the Empire of Persia they are Custom free , and have yearly from the Emp●ror aovbe 3000 l. in lieu of the half Custom of his own Subje●ts , and all others trading thither . At Bant●m they are at a set rate of 4000 Dollars per annum , for all Customs , tho' trade be never so much increased . They are in most places of India , in effect their own Law-makers , and can Arrest and Impris●n any Natives that deal with them , or owe th●● Money . All their black Servants , and others employed by them , or tradi●g with them , are free and exempted from the Iurisdiction of the Native , and other Governours . They are in all places free in their Persons and Goods , from all ●nland Customs and Duties , which are very great upon the Natives . Arg. 5. This Nation sustained great Losses , Damages and Depredations in the three Years of open trade , so that at length the very private Traders themselves , were the forwardest Petitioners for a return to a joynt Stock . Arg. 6. There are above 100 Kings and absolute Princes in India , and as many Ports and Places of Trade , which would need forty Ambassadors , and 〈◊〉 must have Instructions , and carry large Presents . Arg. 7. Letters pass freely to and from Turkey in a short time , and in case of Injuries done , the King's men of War may soon go and revenge them ; but India is at a far greater distance , and no certain return of a Letter to be h●d once in twelve Moneths and it is more difficult to maintain a Correspondence in India , from Port to Port , then between England and Turkey . Arg. 8. Where-ever the English settle a Factory , they must presently build them large Houses , Ware-hous●s , &c. and take many Servants , &c. If it be said , This may be done by a regulated Company . It is answered , First , how shall they raise a Stock to buy those the Company already have , which , with what else they have there , have cost them above 300000 l. Next , how shall they maintain and defend them ? By Levia●ions upon Goods . What ? before there are any Goods to tax : No , they shall raise a joynt Stock , to make the first pur●hase ▪ and after take only a Tax upon Goods to maintain them . These are absurd , incongru●us and 〈◊〉 practicable Notions . For in a time of War & danger , Men will forbear trading ; so that there will ●e no Goods to tax when there is most need of Money . Whereas the Gove●nours or Committees ▪ 〈◊〉 alwa●s in their Hands a real Fond of above a Million of Money , an● can borrow so much more in India , in a few days , if they want it , their Credit there ▪ being as current 〈◊〉 ready Gol● . Arg. 9. The East-India 〈◊〉 ( a● have that of Holland ) have power by their Charter to make War upon any Nation in India at d●●●retion : this Power they must have for carrying on of their Trad● . Now to whom shall this Power be delegated in a reg●l●ted Company ? to all English men , or to a single Ambassador , or to many Ambassadors and Consuls ? The Fifth Proposition , That the East-India Trade more profitable and necessary to the Kingdom of England than to any other Kingdom or Nation in Europe . 1. THis is so , as we are an Island , and have our Security , as well as the increase of o● Riches from our Trade and Strength at Sea. 2. The trade of India is to England not only a great but an unmixt advantage : Wher● as to our Neighbours , they cannot have it without some mixture of loss in other respect● some of them having the production of Silk among themselves , as Italy and France . An● they have the sole Manufacture of plain Silks , such as Tassati●s ▪ Sarc●ne●s . &c. which ar● brought from India cheaper than they can make at home . Holland , Flanders and Franc● in some measure , have the principal Manufactures , in fine Linnens , Cambrick●s , 〈◊〉 and Hollands , which only Callico works upon , to the putting them very much out o● request , even in their own Countries : Whereas Callico doth not much prejudice ou● strong course sorts of Linnen made in England . Neither is our Linnen Manufacture a mat●ter worth the taking notice of ( whatever some men think ) but in Holland , Flanders ▪ France and some parts of Germany , 't is their main concern , being the subsistance of the Maj●rit● of their People , as the Woollen Manufacture is in England . 3. The Dutch have a standing contract with the King of Persia for all his Silk , now in re●gard Bengal Silk can be brought cheaper then that , the Dutch by bringing Silk from Bengal must prejudice that Contract in the price of Silk : Whereas We having no such Contract in Persia , do not work upon our selves , as they of necessity must , and yet they are wiser th●● to slight the Trade of Bengal for that cause . For a Conclusion , to shew present and future Ages in what a Condition the English East-India Trade stood , when the Company was assaulted by the private designs of particular Men , the following Account of the present posture of their Affairs in 1681 , is added ( viz. ) The last year they sent out ( which are not yet returned ) for the Coast of Cormandel , and the Bay of Bengall , four three Deck Ships , the least whereof was burden 530 Tuns . For Surrat and the Coast of India , 3 three Deck Ships , the least thereof Burden 450 Tuns . For Bantam 2 Ships , each 600 Tuns . For the South Seas , and China 2 Ships , one 430 Tuns , the other 350. And in all of them the Stock of 479946 l. 15 s. 6 d. This Year ( 1681 ) they are sending out for the Coast of Cormandel and the Bay of Bengall , 5 three Deck Ships , the least thereof 460. Tuns . For Surrat and the Coast of India , 3 Ships , the least thereof 460 Tuns . For Bantam 3 Ships , two of them 360 Tuns a peece , the third 600 Tuns . And for the South Seas and China one other great Ship. And in all of them the Stock of above 600000 l. Note , That the Company employ none but English built Ships , and besides what they sent out last Year , and are sending this , they have alwayes a considerable Stock left in the Country , to make and provide Goods before-hand . It is believed that the Dutch to have this Company destroyed , would give a Million of ●ou●ds Sterling , and that i● they should give two Millions , they would have too good a Bar●ain of it . All that is hitherto wrote , is onely an Abstract of a most elaborate and judicious Treatise pub●●shed in the Year 1681 , It is brought into this narrow compass for the better information of English Men , many of whom have not disposition or leisure to peruse long Tracts , especially where they ●steem themselves not concerned . The time when that Treatise was printed and published doth demonstrate , that it was not calculated for the present Conjuncture . The Reader hath here under written , an Abreviation of a Supplement to that Treatise printed and published this present Year 1689 , which will inform him of the present Posture and Circumstances of the East-India Companies Affaires . About the Year 1681 , the Company had raised the English Navigation and Power in India much beyond what it was in any former Age : But soon after that destructive Trade of the Interlopers beginning , the Dutch took the advantag● of that confusion to surprize Bantam : Which troubles falling together upon the Company , and soon after a general failure of Credit in all publick Funds , caused many Adventurers to sell their Stocks . Whether under all the afore-said Pressures the Company behaved themselves like true English men and Lovers of their Country ▪ will appear by a Narrative of what they have done since the publishing the Treatise in 1681 , and what now is the present State of the English Interest in India . The Company have built within th●se seven Years past 16 New great Ships besides many more sma●●er one● now in th●ir 〈◊〉 , These 16 Ships , except one which carries but 30 Guns , may carry 〈…〉 . All of them ex●ept one , are three D●ck Ships , and are of Burden , from 900 to 1300 Tuns each . Within the said seven Years ( the Company having lost Banta● ) They have built , fortif●e● , and garrisoned three Forts in several Parts of India for security of the Pepper Trade , wh●ch h●ve and will cost them 400000 l. St●rli●g . The Company have now at Sea , in India , and coming from thence Ianuary the last 1688 , 89. the following Ships ( viz. ) fifteen Ships consigned to Bombay and the Coast of India , their Cargoes amounting to about 360000 l. Sterling . Thirteen Ships consigned to Fort St George , &c. on the Coast of Choromandel , and to the Bay of Bengall , their Cargoes amounting to near 570000 l. Sterling . And seven Ships 〈…〉 , their Cargoes amounting to near 100000 l. Besides about thirty other armed small Ships and Vessels , constantly remaining in the Country . The Company have now upon their Hands in England unsold , above the value of 700000 l. in East-India Goods , whereas they do not know of 50000 l. value unsold in any other European Companies hands , except the Dutch Spice . They have within seven Years so enlarged and 〈◊〉 the Fort of St George , and their City of Madrass , that it is now one of the finest and largest Cities in those parts of the World , containing at least One Hundred Thousand Families of all Nations , all subject to such Laws for Life and Goods , as the Company by vertue of their Charter think ●it to impose upon them . The Customs and New Imp●st paid the King for two Years , from August 1685 , to August 1687 , amounted to 255326 l. 1● s. 1 d. Since the Wars in India it has been less , but now the Wars are over , the Customs are like to be more yearly then they were in either of those two Years . The Company have built new Forts in their Island of Bombay , and ordered a dry Dock to be built there , and all other Conveniencies for repairing and fitting the bigest English Ships which was the principal want the Nation under went for some Ages . And , which is the most considerable National advantage that ever was attempted there the Company have reduced the principal part of their trade of Surrat to their own Island o● Bombay , the Inhabitants whereof from four thousand Families , when the Company first po●●sessed that Island , are encreased to fifty thousand Families , all subject to the Companie● Laws ; and that Island lying upon the North Coast of India near Surrat , the Emporium o● the India Trade to Arabia , Persia , Busserab ▪ and the Red Sea , is of inestimable value to this Kingdom . This Island hath cost the Company in Fortifying , Garrisoning , &c. at times above 500000 l. and never produced any return , nor would have been of use to England , if the Trade had not been brought thither . This transition from Surrat to Bombay could never have been done without a War , to make this War upon so great a Prince as the Mogul , was vulgarly thought a vain or rather distracted attempt in the Company ; yet by God's blessing upon their Arms , that War ( the charge whereof cannot be computed at less then 1000000 l. ) has ended to the eternal honour of our Nation and a Peace concluded upon such honourable Articles , that if a Blanck had been delivered to the Company in England to write down their own Terms , they would not have desired more than is granted by the Articles , the Ratifications whereof from the Mogul himself in the Persian Language , are now brought home . The Abstracter of the foregoing Treatise , is no East-India Merchant , nor any way concerned with the Company ; Neither is he engaged in this work by any of them , but , being a great lover of his Native Country , he should be much grieved to see England l●sser in Naval power and Trade , then any of our Neighbours ; whether they be our best FRIENDS , or our most dangerous Enemies : And therefore , being wonderfully convinced , upon the reading the aforesaid Treatise , He thought it pitty that every good English Man should not be enlightned in this Foreign Affair , as well as himself , who had formerly entertained as great prejudices against the East-India Company , as most other Men ; and possibly through Ignorance , he may in his discourses , have done them some disservice , which he is sorry for : and therefore , hath contracted the aforesaid Treatise into this narrow compass , that the knowledge of the matters here discussed may spread the fu●ther , to the conviction of , such who are not byassed by private interest , but have been imposed upon by loud Clamour and a bold Misrepresentation of things . For the New Question ; Whether the Company should exercise Martial Law , in the Government of their Colonies in Indi● ? No man in his Wits will make a doubt thereof 〈◊〉 hath read that faithful , pleasant and profitable History of Purchas his Pilgrims , the first p●rt , printed in the Year 1625. wherein by the course of the History he will find that Martial Law is more necessary in India , than Bread is to the support of Mans Life ; and that 〈◊〉 East-India Company had constantly Commissions from the Crown for that purpose in the blesse● time of Quen Elizabeth , and during all the peaceable Reign of King Iames the first . June the 25 th 1686. London , Printed and Sold by Andrew Sowle at the Crocked-Billet in Holloway-Lane in Shoreditch ; And at the Three Keys in Nags-Head-Court , in Grace-Church-Street , over against the Conduit , , 1689. 
A19470	----	A true and almost incredible report of an Englishman, that (being cast away in the good ship called the Assention in Cambaya the farthest part of the East Indies) trauelled by land through many vnknowne kingdomes, and great cities VVith a particular description of all those kingdomes, cities, and people. As also a relation of their commodities and manner of traffique, and at what seasons of the yeere they are most in vse. Faithfully related. With a discouery of a great emperour called the Great Mogoll, a prince not till now knowne to our English nation. By Captaine Robert Couerte. Coverte, Robert. 1612 Approx. 131 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 39 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A19470 STC 5895 ESTC S105141 99840871 99840871 5413 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A19470) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 5413) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1199:9) A true and almost incredible report of an Englishman, that (being cast away in the good ship called the Assention in Cambaya the farthest part of the East Indies) trauelled by land through many vnknowne kingdomes, and great cities VVith a particular description of all those kingdomes, cities, and people. As also a relation of their commodities and manner of traffique, and at what seasons of the yeere they are most in vse. Faithfully related. With a discouery of a great emperour called the Great Mogoll, a prince not till now knowne to our English nation. By Captaine Robert Couerte. Coverte, Robert. [6], 68, [2] p. Printed by William Hall, for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer, London : 1612. With a final colophon leaf. Running title reads: The voiage and trauels of Robert Couerte. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng India -- Description and travel -- 1498-1761 -- Early works to 1800. Middle East -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. Mogul Empire -- Early works to 1800. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A TRVE AND ALMOST INCREdible report of an Englishman , that ( being cast away in the good Ship call the Assention in Cambaya the farthest part of the East Indies ) Trauelled by Land through many vnkowne Kingdomes , and great Cities . VVith a particular Description of all those Kingdomes , Cities , and People . As also A Relation of their commodities and manner of Traffique , and at what season of the yeere they are most in vse , Faithfully related . WITH A DISCOVERY OF A GREAT Emperour called the Great Mogull , a Prince not till now knowne to our English Nation . By Captaine Robert Couerte . LONDON Printed by WILLIAM HALL , for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer . 1612. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE ROBERT , EARLE OF SALISBVRY , KNIGHT OF THE MOST HOnourable Order of the Garter , Vicount Cranborne , Lord CECIL of Essindon , Lord high TREASVRER of England , Chancellour of the Vniuersity of Cambridge , and one of his Maiesties most Honourable Priuie Councell . AS the most noble Maecenas of all good Arts , & the most worthy Patron of all such as can any way merit of their Countrey : I haue elected you ( Right Honourable Lord ) to whom I haue presumed ( encouraged by your known grace and Clemency ) to Dedicate these my tedious and dangerous Trauels . In which , your Honour shall finde vndoubtedly all truth , and some nouelty . If after your more weighty and serious Considerations , you will daine the perusall of this my rude and vnpolisht discourse . For being shipwrackt in Cambaya , the farthest part of the East Indies , and not dispairing in the power of the Almighty , of my safe returne to my Countrey . Leauing the rest , to the number of 75. that would not hazard so desperate and vnexpected an vndertaking . I aduentured to passe thorow many vnknown Kingdomes and Cities ouer Land : of all which , I haue ( to my plain vnderstanding ) made a particular and ●aithfull discouery : Protesting to your Honor that in all my trauels and ( almost incredible dangers ) I haue heere exprest no more then I haue directly seen , and to my great sufferance and difficultie prooued . Pardon , I intreat your Lordship , this my presumption , in selecting you the noble and worthy Patron , to so rude a discourse , whose simplenesse is onely excused in the Truth . That granted , I shall thinke my selfe most comforted after al my precedent Hazards , that your Honor will but daine to accept of this report . Your Lordships Humbly deuoted . Robert Couerte . To the Reader . REceiue , Courteous Reader , a true report of my dangerous Trauels , which will ( I make no question ) be as pleasing to thee in reading , as they were painefull to me in suffering . Heere thou maiest safely and without danger see that , which hath cost me many a tedious and weary step ; many a cold and comfortlesse lodging ; and many a thin and hungry meale . I publish not these my Aduentures in any pride or Arrogancie : But I thinke , I should prooue ingratefull to my preseruer , not to let the world know his miraculous power , in safegarding me beyond mine owne hope or mans Imagination . The report of these my perils are freely thine , mine hath onely been the dangers and sufferance . Bee thou as well pleased with my faithfull discouery : as I am contented with my hard and paineful Pilgrimage . Thine ROBERT COVER●● A TRVE AND ALmost incredible report of an Englishman , that ( being cast away in the ship called the Assention in Cambaya the farthest part of the East Indies ) Trauelled by Land through many vnknown Kingdomes and great CITIES . THe 14. day of March , 1607. wée came into the Downes , and there ancored against Deale , about 3. miles from Sandwich , where we staied vntill the 25. day of the same moneth , being by computation the first day of the yéere , 1608. vpon which day , about foure of the clock in the morning , we waighed ancor and past by Douer , betwéene thrée and foure of the clocke in the afternoone , without any staying , but giuing them notice with 3. peeces of Ordinance of our passing by , and so passed forwards some thrée leagues , and then by a contrary winde we were driuen backe againe into Douer roade where we ancored and staied till fiue of the clocke in the morning , being the twenty sixe day of March. and then weighing ancor , we sailed some thrée leagues , when the winde contrarying constrained vs againe to cast ancor vntill the 27. day in the morning about seuen or eight of the clocke , and then hauing a faire gale of winde , we sailed to Plimouth , where we arriued the 29. day between tenne and eleuen of the clocke in the forenoone , where we staied till the thirtie one day of March. And then hauing a faire gale of winde , wee waighed ancor and sailed vntill wee came in sight of an Iland called the Saluages , on Sunday being the tenth day of Aprill , being about fiue hundred leagues from Plimouth , and still sailed forwards vntill the next morning , that we came within sight of the grand Canaries , which belong to the Spaniard . And vpon the twelfth day of Aprill , about eight or nine of the clocke in the night we ancored , and discharged a peece of Ordinance , for a boat to come aboard , but to no effect : For before our ariuall in the road , there was a rumor of twelue saile of Flemmings that were cōming that way , to no good intent ( as the Spaniards afterward told vs ) to be some of those Flemmings that had ouerrunne the rest , where upon they sent vp into the Countrey for one hundred and fifty horse and foot or more , for their defence and safegard ( if néede should be ) nor would they be peswaded to the contrarie , vntill two of our Factors went on shore , and fully satisfied them in any thing they demanded or doubted , and that our intent was only to make prouision for such things as we wanted , and the next morning , ( as the manner there is ) we discharged another péece of Ordinance . And then the Gouernour of the Towne sent a boat to know what we craued , whereupon we certified them of our wants , and they told vs they would giue the Gouernour intelligence , and returne vs an answere , which was , that vnlesse wee came into the road , it was beyond his Commission to releeue vs , yet hauing first sworne and examined our Factors , and so knowing the truth of our intended voiage , they gaue them a warrant to take a boat , to come aboard at their pleasures with licence to supply our wants , if they had any thing that might content vs. Yet one thing aboue the rest made vs much to maruell , which was , two English ships ( which wee perceiued and knew by their flagges ) being in the road , who had not so much kindnesse in them as to giue vs notice , of the custome or manners of these subtill and currish people . And of this doubt , wee were also resolued , that no man whatsoeuer , being once within their Dominions , may come aboard any ship , that shall arriue there , and lie out of the roade , although they be of their owne Nation , without their Gouernors and Councels permittance or licence . At our being there some of them came aboard of vs euery day for the space of fiue daies that wee staied there , and eat and dranke with vs , after an vnsatiable manner , and very gréedily . Also we sent the Gouernor a present of two chéeses , a Gammon of bakon , and fiue or sixe harrels of pickle Oisters , which he accepted very thankefully and returned vs in requital therof , two or thrée Goats and a Shéepe or two , and good store of Unions . And there we tooke in fresh water , Canarie wine , Marmalad of Quinces at twelue pence the pound , little barrels of Suckets at three shillings the barrell , Oranges , Limmons , Ponicitrions and excellent faire white bread made with Anniséeds , and is by them called Nunnes bread . The eightéenth day of Aprill about seuen of the clocke in the morning , we waighed Ancor and set saile hauing a faire gale of wind for some thrée houres and being then becalmed , we houered too & fro till the 21. day , and hauing then againe a faire gale of winde , we sailed vntill the 27. day about two or three of the clock in the afternoone , that we ariued & ancored at Mayo , being about thrée hundred leagues from the Canaries , and comming from thence , wee were determined to take in fresh water at a place called Bonauista , but hauing ancored we found the water to bee two or three miles , vp in the land , neither was it cleare water , so that we tooke the smaller quantity . But thero were other good commodities . For at our first comming we were told by two Negroes , that there wee might haue as many Goats as we would , gratis , and I well remember , we had to the number of two hundred , or there abouts in both our ships . Also-they told vs that there were but twelu men in the Iland , and that there was verie great store of Salt growing out of the ground so that ( if we pleased ) we might lade both our ships therewith , it is excellent good white salt , and as cleare as euer I saw any in England . Ouer against the I le of Mayo , some eight leagues distance , is an Iland called S. Deago ; wee staied at Mayo from the twenty seuenth of Aprill in the afternoone vntill the fourth day of May at sixe of the clocke in the morning , when we set saile and sailed vntill the twentieth day of May , that we were past the Equinoctiall line , about 4. or 6. of the clocke in the morning , being distant frō the I le of Mayo about thrée hundred fourty eight leag●es or there abouts , as our master Philip de Grone noted it downe in his owne Booke of the description of the whole Uoiage . And thence we still sailed forwards vntill the fourth of Iuly , that wee ca●●e to a part of Souldania with al our men in health , Gods name be praised , but two which were touched a little with the scuruy , which ●●one after recouered themselues on shore to their former health . Also the same day we espied Land which is called , Cape bona Speranse being some fifteene or sixteene leagues of Souldania and standeth in some thirty fiue Degrées or thereabouts . At Souldania wee refreshed our selues excellently well so long as we were there , and had , and tooke in for our prouision about foure hundred head of Cattel , as Oxen , Stéeres , Sheepe and Lambes , and foules , and fish of sundry sorts very plentifull , and fresh water , great store . Also in that place is an Iland called Pengwin , some fiue or sixe leagues from the maine Land , where are great store of fowles called also Pengwins , infinite number of Sealles : And to fetch some of those Seales , we went twice thither and filled our boat each time , and made tranie Oile thereof for Lampes . Also in this Iland we found 20. fat shéepe , being left there by the Hollanders , for a Pinnis which we met some two hundred leagues from Cape bona Speranse , which shéepe we tooke with vs and left sixe beasts or bullocks in their steads . At our ●irst comming to Souldania , wee began to build or set vp our Pinnis , and launched her the fifth day of September next following , and in seuen or eight daies after , she was rigged and ready in all points to haue gone away , if any such necessity had béene . Souldania is within the Kingdome of Ethiopia , Now the Ethiopians are by nature very brutish or beastly people , especially in their feeding . For I haue séene them eate the guts & garbedge , yea euen the very panch where the dung & ●ilth lieth . Also when we haue cast off those Seale fishes into the riuer neere adioining where they haue lyen the space of fourtéen daies , and that they haue béene putri●ied and stuncke so veh●mently , that it could almost haue stifled one of vs to come by them , these people haue taken them vp and ●aten them when they haue ●warmed with cranling maggots . Also in this Countrey are sundry sorts of wilde beasts , which my selfe and others of our Company ( going on shore of purpose ) haue seene , and perceiued some of them to ●e very fierce and cruell : so that afterwards when we found their dens , we durst not enter them , nor come very neere them , lest they should be in them . The Ethiopians brought downe to the shore side to sell Estridgs egges and some empty shels , with a small hole in one end , with Estridges feathers and Porpentines quils , and for all their Traffique and Commodities , they chiefly desire Iron , estéeming it more then either gold or siluer . For with our old iron , we bought all our Cattell and any thing else that we had of them . In this Countrey wee remained from the fouretéenth day of Iuly vntil the twentieth day of September then next following . The 20. day of September earely in the morning we waighed ancor , and that night we lost the good ship called the Vnion , and our Pinnis called by the name of the Good hope , the night being very darke and windy , now , the euening before we lost them , the Vnion ( about fiue of the Clocke ) put out her Ensigne , but to what intent we knew not , nor could imagine , but all that night we lay at hull . The next day being the 21. day hauing a faire and strong gale of winde , and afterwards sundry contrary windes and many calmes , yet at length wee attained to the height of S. Laurence on the 27. day of October standing in the height of 26. degrees , from whence we sailed with many crosse and contrary winds , and calmes . Yet at length on the 22. day of Nouember in the morning wee descried two or thrée small Ilands , and in the afternoone we espied an Iland called Gomora a very high Land : and on the 24. day we sent our boat to the shore side , and there came to the shore side fiue or sixe men of that Countrey , and sold vs Plantains , and nothing else at that time . The next day we sent our boat againe , but a little before they came to the shore they espied a Cannooe and two men in it a fishing , we went betweene them and the shore but would not violently take them , then we shewed them a knife o● two , and they came both into our Boat , and we brought them aboard our Ship and vsed them very kindly , and gaue one of them a Turbant to put on his head and to the other a little glasse of a quarter of a pinte full of Aquauitae , and sent them ashore . From the 22. day that wee espied the Iland Gomora , and came amongst the Ilands wee could haue no stéedy gale of wind to carry vs forward , vntill the 25. day that with the wind and aid of our Pinnis , which towed our ship betweene the two Ilands adioining to the shore , we came to an ancor that night betwéene foure and fiue of the Clocke in some 17. or 20. fathome water . The ●6 . day wee sent our boat to the shore with a present to the King , by master Iordan who went himselfe alone with the present , leauing onely a pledge or two in the boate till his returne : The present was a paire of Kniues , a Shash or Turbant , and a looking glasse with a combe in it , to the value of some 15. shillings in all , which the King receiued somewhat scornefully , not scarse looking on it , or at the least thinking it to be but of small value , and gaue it to one of his Noble men , and told master Iordan our Factor , that if our Generall would come on shore , hee should haue any thing that they had , and with this answer he departed , and at his comming from the King , the King bowed himselfe towards him in very courteous manner and after his departure ( as it may seeme ) hee better perused the present . For in the afternoone he sent our Generall in requitall , a very fat yongue Bul●locke , which wee receiued , and gratified the messengers with a couple of peny kniues , wherewith they thought themselues verie royally contented . The 27. day our Generall went on shore and some 12. with him , and carried with him a small banquet : as , a box of Marmaled , a barrell of Suckets , and Wine , which they did eat before the King , but he would neither eat nor drinke , but his Nobles did both eat and drinke . And after the banket hauing some conference with the King by his Interpreter concerning our wants , by whom wee vnderstood that they had , some dealings with the Portugals , of which language he could speake a little , which was sufficient to satisfie vs with what they had . The 28. day the King had determined to come aboard our ship , but his Interpretor told vs , that his Councel and the common people would not suffer him so to doe . Also that day towards night I went a shore where our people were cutting downe woode , and came aboard againe with the boat . The 29. day I went ashore againe , with our Master , master Tindall , master Iordan , and our whole noise of Trumpeters , and at the shore side were very kindly entertained by the Interpretor , who brought vs to the King , being then by his Pallace side , who at our approch bowed himselfe vnto vs very courteouslie . He hath for his gard when he walketh abroad sixe or eight men with kniues of a foot long , and as broad as hatchets and very sharpe , which goe next to his person , and more goe before him , and many behinde him , to keepe and defend him , from what iniurie or wrong soeuer may come or happen . These people seeme to bee ciuill , kinde , and true hearted to strangers , for in going too and fro , a shore and aboard , one of our men carelesly left his sword behinde him at night when he came aboard , which being found by one of the people of Gomora , he brought it to the King , who perceiuing it to bee some of ours , demanded how hee came by it , who answered , hee found it , and the King againe told him , that if he proued the contrary it should cost his best blood , the next day at our comming on shore , the Kings Interpretor brought vs the sword and told vs the Kings pleasure therein . Also they séeme to haue a very ciuill gouernment amongst them , for at their meeting in the morning , they will shake hands each with other , and speake one to another , which to vs séemed to bee their kinde and friendly salutations one to another . They are verie modest , streight , big limmed , and very comely in gesture both men and women . Their Religion Mahometicall , and goe almost naked , onely their priuities are couered with linnen cloth , and Turbants on their heads . The women haue a linnen cloth , that couereth their breasts before and reacheth to the middle , and from the middle to the knee and somewhat lower , they are couered round about with linnen , next to their skin , and sedges tied round about them like a rowle at their waste , and hung down , which doth become them very well . They goe all barefoot except the King , who hath a paire of soles on his féet : and for his apparell when I saw him , he had a white wrought networke Cap , a Scarlet wastcote loose about him , and open before , with sleeues and a linnen cloth about his middle , and another which hanged downe from his shoulders to his féet . Also at our being there at the Town , they brought vs Coquo nuts to sell , as bigge as a mans head , and round , and some bigger and some lesser , with water in them according to the proportion or bignesse of the shell , and as much meat in one shell as would suffice for a wans dinner . Also they brought vs Goats , Hens , Chickens , Limons , Rice , Milke , Fish , and such like , which wee bought for Commodities , as two hens for a penny knife , Limmons , and Coquonuts for old Iron , as nailes , broken pickes , and such like . But for fresh water there is small store , and that they haue is gotten out of the sands , viz. First , they make a hole in the sands and when the water commeth into the hole , they lade it out into their Coquo shels , and so drinke it . They brought vs of that water but none of our company would drinke thereof it looked so thicke and muddy . In this Iland of Gomora wee staied from the 25. day of Nouember vntill the 29. of the same , and then we waighed Ancor and departed . The tenth day of December about two or three of the Clocke in the morning , and the Moone shining , we espied on a sudden a low land with high trees growing by the shore side , we being not a league from the shore , so that if we had not espied the trees , we should haue thought the land to haue béene but the shadow of the Moone and so might haue run our selues on shore , and cast our selues away with ship and goods : but it was Gods good prouidence thus to defend vs from so great and imminent danger , whose name be blessed and praised now and euermore . This was the Iland of Pemba , which we tooke to be Zinzabar , vntill by one of the people of the Countrie we found it to be Pemba . At the sight of this low Iland , after we plainely perceiued it , wee presently tackt about and set from the shore till day , and then we tackt about againe to the shore side , and neering alongst the shore side for a harbour to ancor in , wee sent our Pinnis in the meane time , to the shore with the Gang onlie and master Elmore to seeke for a conuenient watering place , wee kéeping our course till our Pinnis came to the shore side . Then two or three of the people of the Iland demanded in the Portugall language what we were , and one of our men made answer , that we were Englishmen . Then they demanded againe what we had to doe there , in regard the King of Portugall was King of that Iland : wee replied , that wee knew not so much , neither came we thither for any euill intent whatsoeuer , but only to water , and would giue them satisfaction , for any other thing that we should haue of them . Then it drew towards night , and our men came aboard and acquainted the whole Company with this their parly on shore . The 11. day our boat went ashore to the same place , but found it void of people and returned , and presently we came to an ancor , about fiue or sixe of the Clocke in the afternoone néere vnto two or three broken Ilands there , adioyning néere to the maine Iland of Pemba . This place of our then ancoring standeth in the height of fiue Degrées and 20. minutes . The 12. day our Pinnis went on shore to the same place , with master Iordan , one of our Merchants . At whose comming on shore , after some conference with some that could speake Portugall , but not with those ( as it seemed ) with whom we spake the day before , for these told master Iordan the King was a Mallaibar , and after some other conference , master Iordan told them , that although our ship were an English ship , yet he was a Portugall Merchant , and the goods in the ship were Portugals goods . Then they told vs wee should not want for any thing they had , and hereupon they sent a Moore into our boat to make search for a conuenient watering ●lace , who after some small search , brought vs to a little hole at the bottome of a hill , being hemmed in with the hill on the one side and a dich on the other side , there we filled our Barréecoes , and being ready to goe aboard , wee desired the Moore to goe aboard with vs , who will●●gly agreed thereto , and we vsed him very kindly , till the next morning that we went to water againe , and carried him on shore with vs , by whose report of his kinde vsage aboard , there came downe with him , another that could speake a little Portugal● , who ( as hee said ) was one of the Kings Gentlemen , him wee also brought aboard and vsed him very kindly , and set him a shore the next day . Who promised at his departure to bring vs Hennes ▪ Coqu●nuts , and Orenges , which he did accordingly , and then our Master , with master Reuet and my selfe went a shore with some others of the Company , where wee dined , and after dinner came two Cauelliers , and a Moore being one of their flaues to the watering place , where our men were filling of the Caske , and asked whether there were any of the chiefe of our ship , or Company there , to whō Edward Churchman one of our Company made answer , & said there was our Master , and one of the Merchants , whom ( if it pleased them ) he would bring to parlee with them : and at their méeting , they saluted each other after the Portugall maner . And after some Conference , demanding what wee were , we told them we were Englishmen , and they replied that we were very welcome , and all that they had , or the Iland could afford , was at our command and disposing ; to whom we gaue harty thanks . But those sugred words of theirs , was only in outward shew , to cloake their treacherous practises , as afterward we found it true . Then we demanded what they were , and it was answered , that one of them was the Kings brother , who instantly shewed vs a siluer ring , whereon was ingrauen the number of villages , and houses , or cottages in the Iland , and said he was Ruler and Gouernor of all those places . Then we asked them , if there were any Portugals in the Iland , they said no , for they had banished them all because they would haue reliefe there perforce , and would make slaues of the people of the Iland , ( which being not able to indure ) they made continuall warres with them at their comming thither . In the meane time , our Pinnis came on shore , which had béene at an other place of the Iland for Cattell , according to appointment , but were deferred of , till they might get fitter opportunity for their intended treacherie . Then our men told vs that they had heard of that side of the Iland where they were for Cattell that 15. saile of Hollanders had lately taken Mosemb●ge , and put all the Portugals to the sword , which newes they had heard from Zinzibar to be true , whereat these Cauelliers séemed outwardly to reioice , which was also another subtill traine to bring vs within compasse of their intended treachery . And when night drew on , we intreated them to goe aboard with vs , which then , they refused to doe , but promised to come aboard the next day being the seuenteenth day of December , which the Kings brother ( as he named himselfe ) did with two others , but before they came aboard , they craued pledges , which they had , viz. Thomas Caue , Gabriel Brooke , and Laurence Pigot our Surgeon . The other thrée being then aboard , we vsed them verie kindly vntill they went on shore , on the eightéenth day in the morning : And our General gaue the chiefe of them two Goats , a paper Cartridge of Gunpowder and some other small trifles to the other two , and so went on shore , and master Reuet , master Iordan , M. Glascot & my selfe went with them for our pledges , & at our comming on shore and fearing no treacherie , we went sixe or eight vnaduisedly vp to the houses for our pledges , whom we found garded with fifty or sixty men armed with seuerall weapon , as Bowes and Arrowes , Swords and Bucklers , Darts , and Cu●ltleaxes , yet at our comming thither , wee receiued our pledges and without longer stay , departed to the Sea side , accompanied with the Kings brother , and immediatly most of those Moores came also after vs , and sixe or eight of them came to our Pinnis side and viewed her and so departed againe to the rest of their fellowes . And we instantly entered our boat , and intreated the Kings brother to go aboard with vs , which he willingly did , & we entertained him with all kindnes that we could , vntill towards night that he was to depart , when our Master offered him a knife , with some other odde trifles , which he scornfully refused , and presently went ashoare in our boat . Upon this , we mistrusted some trechery , intended against vs , and therefore thought to bee better armed at our next comming ashoare . The 19. day our Long-boat went a shore in the morning verie early , to fill our Caske with water , and hauing filled the same , within a litle , they espied our sailes out , being let downe to dry ; but they imagined we were going away : where vpon the companion to the Kings brother came to our boatswaine , and asked him if wee were going away ; The boat-swaine , as well as he could , both by signes and otherwise , told him , it was only to dry our sailes . And as they were thus talking , they espied our Pinnace comming , being then very well armed , and left off making any further inquirie ; which Pinnace had they not then espied , it was likely they had intended to haue cut off our men , and taken our boat ; for there was two of these Rogues at the least lying in ambush about the watering place , readie to haue giuen the onset , if the watch-word had been giuen . By this time our Pinnace was come to the shore , and our men standing on their gard vpon the sands , not farre from her , then our Master sent Nicholas White , one of our gang , to tell them of the Iland that our Merchants were come on shoare , who passing by one of their houses , might perceiue the same to be full of people , & amongst the rest , six Portugales , in long branched damaske Coats , lined with blew taffata , and vnder the same , white callico bréeches . This Nichol●s White , at his returne , told vs , and presently came downe the companion to the Kings brother , and told Master Reuet , the Marchants were weary , and intreated them to go vp to thē to see the Cattell , which was only one bullock which Nicholas White saw at his going vp , and no more . But Master Reuet craued pardon , des●ring him to send downe the Bullocke , and their was commodities in the boat to make satisfaction for the same . With this answer , and seeing vs better armed then we were wont to bee , he went away . The Kings brother being then on the sands , commanded a Negro to gather Coquonuts to send to our General , and made choise of Edward Churchman one of our men , to fetch the same , whom we neuer saw after , nor could euer know what became of him ; But when they saw that none of vs would come a shore , but stood vpon our gard , they gaue the watchword and sounded a horne , and presently set vpon our men at the watering place and slew Iohn Har●ington , the boat-swaines man , and wounded Robert Buckler , Master Ellanors man very sore , with 8. or 10. seuerall wounds , and had killed him , but that we discharged a Musket or two , which ( as it seemed ) hurt some of them ; for then they retired and cried out : and so ( though weake and faint ) he did at length recouer our boat . Also two or thrée more of our men by créeping , and lying close in the ditch , vntill they espied our boat , got also safe aboard ; and then counting our men , we only missed Edward Churchman , and Iohn Harrington , that was slaine : and so comming aboard , we certified the company of all our procéedings on shoare ; and our Surgeon dressed Robert Buckler , and after , did his best for his cure and recouery of his health . The twentieth day in the morning we went on shoare with our Pinnace and Long-boat , very wel armed to fetch in our Dauid , ( which is a piece of wood or timber wherewith we hale vp our Ancor ) and a little beyond the same , we found Iohn Harrington dead , and starke naked , whom we buried at another Iland , hard by the maine Iland . The naturall people of the Iland P●mba , séeme to bee louing and kind : for they made signes to me and others , at our first comming , to beware of our throats cutting : which then we tooke no heede or notice of , vntill this their treachery put vs in minde thereof againe . The same day ( being the 20. day ) we waighed Ancor , and about 12. of the clocke at night , our ship was on ground , on the shoulds of Meluidee , or Pemba , which we certainely knew not : Yet God of his mercy , ( as formerly in the late pretended treacherie , so in that extreamity ) did mightily defend and preserue vs , whose name bee praised and glorified now and euermore . The 21. day in the morning , wee espied thrée saile being small boats , sleightly wrought together , called Paugaias which we made after and tooke , which they on shore espying , they sent out an Aduisor being also a Paugaia , which perceiued that wee had taken the other and returned to the shore . Now of those which we had taken there were some 6. or 8. of the chiefest that were thought by our company to be Portugals , the rest being certainely known to be Moores , and were in all some fourty and odde persons , and those sixe or eight were pale and white , much differing from the colour of the Moores , Yet being asked , what they were , they said , they were Moores , and shewed vs their backes all written with Characters ; and when we affirmed them to be Portugals , they then told vs the Portugals were not circumcised . But to conclude ; our Company would not be perswaded but that they were Portugals : then some of our Cōpany told them of al the intended treacheries with the losse of two of our men , and wounding of the the third , which made them fearefull of our reuenge , ( as it seemed ) and then they talked together in th●●r owne language , which made vs also suspect , some villanous and desperat attempt to be pretended by them , and therefore , I kept my selfe still vpon the poope , and looked carefully to the swords which stood nakedly in the Masters Cabbin , which they also knew and noted , and marked Master Glaskock , and my selfe where we set our swords still expecting to haue the place voided , which I perceiuing , kept good watch , lest greater hurt should ensue thereby , and being thus alone on the poope they beckoned me thrée or four seuerall times to come to them vpon the spare D●ck , which I denied , lest they should so recouer the swords , whereby far more harme might haue béene done , then afterwards was done . Then our Master came vpon the spare decke and demanded , which was their Pilot , whom hee tooke downe into his Cabbin , and shewed him his plat , which he at his comming downe did very earnestly behold . But at his going from the rest with our Master , he spake in the Moores language , warning them ( as we thought ) to looke to themselues and doe their best amongst vs , and to giue eare when he gaue the watch-word , and then to giue the Onset . Also there were speaches vsed that the Pilot had a knife about him , and being searched for it , he nimblie conueied the same from the one side to the other , and therwith suddenly stabbed the Master into the belly , & then cried out , which ( belike ) was the Watchword : For then they began the onset on the spare decke , where Master Glascocke , Master Tindall , our Generall , and one or two more with them chanched to kill foure or fiue of the white Roagues , and made such hauocke among the rest , that at length they had slaine almost fourty of them , and brought the rest in subiection . Now , a little before our Master thus called the Pilot , he entreated our Generall , that if they had any garuances or peason ( being their Country food ) they would let vs haue some , which they should be paid for , & what was taken from them should be redeliuered , with frée liberty to go where they would , whereto the General consented , & heereupon our Master called the Pilot , to see if he had any skil in the Plat , and so to let him depart , and all the rest . But when thus treacherously they offered vs the first abuse , we could doe no lesse then we did , being in our owne defence , and for the safegard of our liues . Yet did some fiue or sixe of these villaines , recouer a Pangaia by their excellent swiftnesse in swimming , and escaped to the shore , they swimming to windward , faster then our Pinnis could rowe . In this skirmish were hurt but thrée of our Company , namely , Master Glascocke , with two wounds , whereof one was a deepe wound in his backe , Master Tindals was aimed at his breast , he hauing nothing in his hand to defend himselfe , yet by the assistance of the Almighty he turned himselfe about and receiued the stabbe in his arme , and our Masters was in his belly , as is formerly said , which ( God be thanked ) they all recouered and were well cured . The 19. day of Ianuary wée espied many Ilands , which the Portugals call by the name of Almaisant , being to the number of nine Ilands , al vnpeopled as the Portugals write and affirme . The 20. day we sent our Pinnis in the morning to one of those Ilands to séeke fresh water , but could finde none : yet they found there great store of Land Turtles , and brought some sixe aboard , then wee sailed ●o an other Iland , which seemed more likely for fresh water then the first , where we cast Ancor . The 21. day about ten of the Clock in the forenoone Riding there at twelue or thirtéene fathome water , and a reasonable good harbour , we staied there vntill the first day of February , and then waighed Ancor , and departed . Here we refreshed our selues very well with fresh water , Coquonuts , fish , Palmitoes , and Doues , great plenty . The first day of February , we set saile , and sailed with a faire winde vntill the 19. day , that wée passed the Equinoctiall line , and on the fiftéenth day in the morning betime , we came within ken of land , which was the coast of Melueidey vpon the maine . The 16. day we came to an Ancor , about nine of the Clocke in the morning , at 12. fathome water , and some two leagues from the shore , and presently wee sent our Pinnis to the shore to séeke some refreshing , but they could by no meanes get on shore ; nor would the people of the Countrey ( being fearefull ) come within parly , which at their returne they certified our Master of , and so in the afternoone we set saile againe , and departed . Now about this time it pleased God , ( by the confession of William Acton , one of our ship boies ) to reueale a foule and detestable sinne committed amongst vs ; which being approued against him by a Iury , hée was condemned to die , and was executed for the same on the third day of March ( being Friday ) in the morning . The 21. day betimes in the morning , we espied an Iland standing in the height of 12. Degrées and 17. minutes , being barren and vnpeopled , ouer against which Iland , some thrée leagues distant , stood foure hillocks or rocks , & for this Iland we bore vp a whole day , and a night , and finding it to be barren and vnpeopled , by sending our skiffe on shore , wée passed by it , and the same day wée espied thrée Ilands more about sunne setting standing in the height of 12. Degrées and 29. minutes , to which Ilands we came the 29. day of March , 1609. two of which Ilands were within a league one of another , and the third we found to be Sacatora , and standeth in 12. Degrées and 24. minutes where we Ancored in a fine Bay the 30. day , in the morning about ten of the Clocke . At sight of vs , the Ilanders made a fire , and wée sent our skiffe an shore , but the people fled with great feare and trembling , hauing ( as it séemed ) beene formerly iniured by some that had passed 〈…〉 our men looking about , found no likelie-hood of any reléefe there , and so came aboard and certified the Generall thereof : so that about fiue of the clock in the afternoone , wée waighed ancor , and sailed along to find out the chiefe harbor . The 31. day we stood of into the main Sea , wher we met with a Guzarat ship , laden with Cotton woolls , Callicoes , and Pentathoes , béeing bound for Adden , whether wée kept her company , in regard they told vs it was a Towne of great trading , but wée found it quite contrary : for it was onely a Towne of garison , and many Souldiers in it : and at the very entring into the Towne , is a Castle cut out of the maine , and incompassed round with the Sea , wherein are thirty two péeces of Ordinance , and fiftie péeces in the towne . The 10. day of Aprill wee arriued there , and the Guzarat ship went into the Towne , and told the Gouernour , there was an English Ship come to trade there . Who presently sent his Admirall to vs , and our Generall vnaduisedly went on shore , where hée , and his fellowes were receiued with 4. great Horses , and were caried before the Gouernour , in as great pomp and state , as the Towne could yéeld . But the Gouernor finding him to be a plaine and simple man , put him in a house with a Chowse or kéeper , with many Ianyzaries or Souldiers to gard him , and so kept him prisoner sixe wéekes , my selfe being prisoner with him . And then the Gouernor caused him to send aboard for Iron , Tinne , and Cloath , to the value of 2500. Dollars , with promise to buy the same , which when he had on shore , hée claimed and made stay thereof , for the Custome of the ship onely : and when hee saw hee had gotten as much as hée could , hee sent him aboard the 27. day of May , and kept 2. of our Merchants for 2000. Dollars , which he said was for ancorage : but the generall voice of the company was , that hee should haue none : whereupon hee sent the Merchants vp into the Countrey some 8. daies iourney , to a place called Siany where the Bashaw then lay . The 28. day , our Pinnace came to vs , who told vs their Master was dead , and inquiring where , and how , the company told vs , he was knockt in the head with a Mallet hammer , by one Thomas Clarke , with the consent of Francis Driuer his mate , Andrew Euans , and Edward Hilles , beeing foure murderous and bad minded men , who beeing asked why , and vpon what occasion they did it , they could make no excuse , nor alledge any cause , saue onely , that hee had some small quantity of Aquauitae and Rosa solis , for his owne store , and for the good of them , or any one aboard , that should stand in néede thereof , and was prouident to kéepe and preserue the same , till great need should be , and therefore out of méere malice , and chieflie by the instigation of Francis Driuer his mate , they thus murdred an innocent man , who thought them no harme , nor suspected any such danger . The 31. day of May , a Iury was called , and vpon iust and due proofe , according to our English lawes , they were conuicted , and Francis Driuer and Thomas Clarke were condemned and iudged to die , and were hanged in the Pinnace , where they did the fact : and on the other two , God shewed his iust iudgement afterwards . For Edward Hilles was eaten with Caribs or Man-eaters , and the other died and rotted where hée lay . The third day of Iune , wée waighed ancor and sailed into the Red-sea , thorow the straights of Mockoo ; which are some league ouer from shore to shore , and 18 fathome water , close aboard the Iland shore , and about 3. leagues in length . When you are within the Straits , there lieth a great shole , some two leagues of into the Sea , and to shunne it you must take a good breadth off , and so you shal come in no danger , and then you haue to Mockoo , some 6. leagues , where is a good Road to ancor in , and faire ground , and you may ride at 14. fathome water . It is a place that is neuer without shipping , for it is a Towne of great trade of merchandize , and hath Carrauans or Conuoies that come from Seena , from Mecha , from grand Cairo , and Alexandria , and all those places . It is a City of great trading for our Commodities : as Tynne , Iron , Lead , Cloth , Sword blades , and all English commodities . It hath a great Bussart or Market euery day in the wéeke . There is great store of fruit , as Apricocks , Quinces , Dates , Grapes abundance , Peaches , Limmons , and Plantins great store , which I much maruelled at , in regard rhe people of the Countrey told vs , they had no raine in seuen yéeres before , and yet there was very good Corne and good store , for eightéene pence a bushell . There are Oxen , Shéepe , and Goats abundance : as an Oxe , for 3. Dollars , a Goat for halfe a Dollar , and a Shéepe for halfe a Dollar : as much Fish for thrée pence , as will suffise ten men to a meale . As Dolphines , More-fish , Basse , Mullets , and other good Fish. The Town is Arabian , and gouerned by the Turk , and if an Arabian offend , hée is seuerely punished by their Law. For they haue Gallies and Chaines of purpose , which offenders are put into , else were they not able to keepe them in awe and subiection . At Mockoo , wée ●aied from the 13. of Iune till the 18. of Iulie , and then waighed ancor , and went out to the mouth of Mockoo , where wée lost two ancors , and from thence wée set saile to Sacatora : and about the 5. of August , wée cast ancor ouer against the Towe●● 〈◊〉 Saiob , where the King lieth and one of our Merch●●●● went on shore and gaue the King a present , and 〈◊〉 that we might buy Water , Goats , and other prouision , which hée would not grant , because the women of the Country were much afraid : yet hée told him , if hée would goe to a Road some fiue leagues of , wée should haue any thing his Countrey would afford : where we bought Goats , Water , aloes Socotrina , Dragons bloud , and what else the Countrey would afford . Héere at Sawb , wée remaine from the 5. day of August , till the 18. day , and set saile with an ancor and a ha●fe , for Cambaia . And on the 28. day of August , we came to Moa , where one of the Countrey people told vs that for the value of 20. Dollars , wée might haue a Pilot to bring vs to the bar of Surot . But our wilfull Master refused it , and said he would haue none . The 29. day wée set saile from thence , thinking to hit the Channell to goe to the bar , but wée came out of 10. fathome water into 7. fathome , and into sixe fathome and a halfe . Then we tackt about to the Westward , and came into 15. fathome , and then wée tackt about againe to the Eastward , and came into 5. fathome water . Then some of the companie asked whether the Master would goe , who answered let her go ouer the height , and presently the ship strooke , which I presently went vp and told him of : who turning about asked who durst say shée strooke , then presently shee strooke againe , and strooke off her Rudder , and lost it in the Sea : then wée came to an ancor , and rode there two daies , then our Skiffe split in péeces , and we had no more but our long boat to helpe our selues withall : yet wée made such shift , that wée got the péeces of our skiffe into the ship , and the Carpenter went so round●ly to worke , that they had bound her vp together with woldings , so that when our greatest néed was , shee brought 16. men one shore . The second day of September about six of the clock ● night , our ship strooke and began to founder , and ●●uing ●●●ke twise , we had presently 24. inches of water in the Well , then we plied the pumpe , some foure houres , viz. from seuen of the Clocke to eleuen of the Clocke at night , then the water encreased so fast that we were able to kéepe her no longer , but were forced to take our boats . The Merchants had some 10000. l. lying betwéene the maine Maste and the Stearidge , whereof the Generall bid the Company take what they would , and I thinke they tooke amongst them some 3000. pounds some hauing 100. pounds , some 50. pounds , some 40. pounds , some more , and some lesse , and so we left the ship , and tooke neither meat nor drinke with vs. And betwéene twelue and one of the Clocke , wée set saile to come ashore , which was at the least 20. leagues to the Eastward , and so we sailed all that night , and the next day , without any sustenance at all , till fiue or six of the Clocke at night , being the third day of September , that we made the Land being a little Iland , standing vpon the bar , and then a gust came down vpon vs , and brok the midship thought of our long boat , wherein were 55. persons , yet it pleased God that we recouered our Maste , and ( the gust ceasing ) we went ouer the barre , and got into the Riuer of Gandeuee . But when the Country people saw so many men in two boats , they strooke vp their drums and were in Armes , taking vs to be Portugales , and that wée came to take some of their Townes , which wee perceiuing , and hauing by chance a Guzarat , aboard wee sent him ashore to tell them truly what wee were : and when they knew we were Englishmen , they directed vs to the City of Gandeuee , where was a great Gouernour , who at our comming thither ( and vnderstanding we were Englishmen ) séemed to be very sory for our misfortunes , and welcome vs very kindly . And there ended our trauels by Sea for that time . The fourth day of September , 1609. we came to the City of Gandeuee , which is a very fa●re hauen , and great store of shipping built there , whereof some are of foure or fiue hundreth Tun , it standeth in a good Soile , and is gouerned by the Gentiles . The 25. day of September , we tooke our iourney towards Surrot , to a Towne called Sabay , which is a Towne , only consisting of Spinners and Weauers , and there is much Calico made , and from thence wée came to Surrate , where we found one William Finch an English Merchant , and seruant to Master Iohnson in Cheapside , who very curteously went to the Gouernour , and acquainted him with our distresse , who ( as hereafter we found it to be true ) was bribed by the Portugals , which told him we were a kinde of turbulēt people that would make mutinies , and sow ciuill discention in the Towne , and so aduenture to surprise the Towne , whereupon we were put into a Monastery , where we liued thrée daies , nor could this suff●ce , but we were remooued to a great house , being a Gentiles house , where we lay 14. daies ; in which time , ( by the good aduise of the said William Finch ) we made prouision of Coaches , Horses , and other things to trauell to the great Mogol , & certifie him of our great distresse and misfortunes . This is a City of great fame & Antiquity , being walled about with frée stone , and a strong Garrison lying therin , and a City of great trading for Merchandize , and great store of shipping , wherof some are of 500. Tun , which they cannot lade at the Town but carry them ouer the bar with their ballance only , & there lade thē , but for their smaller shipping they lade them at the Town , and so goe ouer the bar , where at a high water , they haue 16. foot water . The 22. of September , we tooke our iourney from Sur●at to Agra , with our Generall and 52. men , with 21. Coaches of our owne , and some others being hired , and 19. Horses to a great City called Brampoit , and the first two nights we lay in the fields . The 26. day wee came to Nawbon where Sugar groweth in abundance , with Cotten and all maner of graine , as Rice , Wheat , Beanes , Pease , Chéecore Lanteechoes , Motte , &c. For the Countrey is so plentifull , that you may haue a gallon of milke for a halfe penny , a Hen for thrée halfpence , & 16. Egs for a penny . From Gandeuee to Sabay is 12. course , & from Sabay to Surrot is 12 ▪ course and euery two course is three English miles . The 27. day , we trauelled 12. course and came to a City of the Bannions called Daytaotote , and there Master Reuet one of our Merchants died . This City could neuer be conquored by the great Mogol , but yéelded vpon composition , and still holdeth his title of King of the Bannians , and at this City we stai●d two daies . This City yéeldes great store of Drugs , fine Pentathose and Calico Lawnes . The first of October we trauelled 12. course , and lay in the fields . The second day we trauelled 14. course to a great City of the Bannians called Netherberry , where is a great Basar or Market , and all maner of brasen wares to be sold , as Pots , Kettles , Candlesticks , and Caldrons of foure foot long , Shirts of Male , Swords and Bucklers , Lances , Horses in Armour of Arrowe proofe , Camels , and all maner of beasts . There is also great store of Cotten wools , Cotten yarne , Pentathoes , Callico Lawnes , Shashes for Turbants for their heades , Limmons , Potatoes , thrée pound for a penny , and all maner of Drugs . And surely cloth would be a very vendible commodity there : for course felt is there extreame deare . Also Cold and Siluer is there very plentifull , and these are very good people to deale withall . The third day we trauelled ten course , to a small Towne of Husbandry called Sailote ▪ where is also great store of Sugar , and fruits of all sorts . The next day we trauelled 18 course to a Garrison Towne called Saddisee , and there is the Riuer of Tyndee which runneth to Surrat , wherein is great store of Fish of all sorts , and this Riuer diuideth the confines , of the Bannians and the Guzarates . The Bannians are a strange people in their beliefe , and honour God in a strange fashion , viz. in pictures of stone , hanging their beades on the heades of the pictures , and then with their faces towards the sun doe worship it , saying , that all their comforts proceeds from it . And yet I saw more then this , which was a Cow adorned with a veste of gold and many Iewels , her head bedecked with garlands and flowers , and then being brought to a buriall place , where they doe vse to make Sermons , they kisse her féet and teats , and worship her , that it grieued mée to sée their sond superstition , and abhominable Idolatry . And asking why they did it , they answered , that shee was the mother of beasts , and brought them , milke , butter , chéese , and the Oxe to till the ground , and lastly , her hide did make leather to make them shooes . Moreouer , they say , she is blest by the Mother of God , to be honoured aboue all beasts . And so leauing the Bannians , wee crossed the Riuer of Tindee into the Gentiles Countrey . Now at Saddisee , we being many , some in Coaches , some on Horseback , they thought we had come to take their Town , and did shut their gates , & bent their Ordinance vpon vs. But our General sent our Linguist or Interpreter to certifie them , what wée were , and then the Gouernour opened the Gates , and came himself to entertaine vs with great curtesie and state . Yet that night we lay by the Riuer side , and the next day being the fifth of October , wée came into the Towne , where we lay that night : And the next day we trauelled some 12. Course , and lay at a Monastery : And the seuenth day wée went to the great City of B●amport where the great Generall called the 〈◊〉 Canawe liueth , this being his Garrison or resting place when he is out of the warres , and on the twelfth of October , he came from the warres with 1500. Elephants , 30000. Horses , 10000. Camels , 3000. Drumdaries . The Elephant serueth in the Field with a small tower of wood or timber vpon his back , wheron is placed 4. péeces of brasse as big as ●abnets , and 10. men very artificially placed in the said Tower , with bows and arrowes , and to discharge those péeces . The Elephants skin is musket proofe , vnlesse it be on his face and belly , and he is a beast of so great vnderstanding , that he is ruled and gouerned by word of mouth , vnderstanding what his kéeper commandeth him to doe . This Countrey beareth towards the Northwest , in the height of 28. Degrees , or thereabouts : And héere Muskets , Snaphances , Pistols , Petronels , and Swords , be good commodities , but no Firelocks in in any wise . Also Cloth is an excellent commodity to my knowledge , for I was offered thrée pound for an old cloake , which héere , is not worth 20. shillings at the vttermost . And in Bramport we staied from the seuenth of October vntill the 11. of Nouember following : Then I and Iohn Frencham one of our Company went to craue the Generals passe , to goe to the great Mogol , but he asked vs if we would serue him in his warres , and he would giue vs what meanes we would desire : but we told him , we were poore distressed Merchants , that had beene shipwracked : and hee againe replied , that there was no Englishman , Merchant , nor other but he was a Souldier . But we told him that we had wiues and children in our Countrey , to whom wee must of necessity goe , to which hée said , it was very well spoken , and that it was against their Lawes to kéepe any man against his will : Then hée asked ●s if wée had any Iewels for his Ladies , I answered I had one stone and one Iewell , which I sold him for forty pound sterling , and then h●e commanded his Secretary to make vs a Passe , and seale it with his great S●ale , for our safe Conduct to Agra . Also for the nature & strength of the Elephant , I can say thus much of mine owne knowledge because I saw it . An Elephant roiall being brought to remoue a piece of Ordinance of one and twenty foot long , which caried a shot of seuen inches high , and lay vpon the cariage on the side of a hill , and to carry the same some halfe furlong off ; which he did as it séemed to the great dislike of his Kéeper , who told him hee was a lazy villaine , and deserued not his meat . Now the nature of the Elephant is , not to be disparaged in any thing , and standeth much vpon his reputation and valour : so that vpon these spéeches of his Kéeper , he came to it againe , and with maine strength tore the carriage in pieces , and left the piece lying on the ground . Then were Carpenters set on worke to make a new carriage , which being done , the same Elephant was broght , who clapt his Trunke about the wheeles , and brought the Ordinance where his Kéeper commanded him . This Citie is farre bigger then London , and great trade of all sorts of merchandise therein : it is one of the most famous heathen Cities that euer I came in , and the Citizens are very good and kind people , and very many Gallants in the Citie . Also fine riuers , ponds , orchards , gardens , pleasant walkes , and excellent faire prospects as euer I saw . Heere any Gentleman may haue pastime to hunt or hawke : and if hee will not goe farre , he may buy a Déere in the Busar or market for a Doller , being but foure shillings sterling , and hunt him where and when he will. Now in my iudgement , our English cloth of gold and s●luer , veluets , broad-cloth , bayes , and cottons , would be very vendable , in regard there are so many Gallants . And thus much for the great City of Bramport . The eleuenth of Nouember we took our iourny towards Agroe , I and Ioseph Salebanck our Purser , and one Io. Frencham , with one of the Country people for our guide , taking leaue of our Generall , who was extreame sicke of an Ague , and no hope of any spéedy recouery . Also we had thought to haue gone along with a Carrauand of foure hundred and fifty strong , which were bound for Agro : but the Captaine told vs , that they were to stay seuen daies longer ; but said , if wée would trauel some two daies iourny ( which we might safely doe without any danger of théeues ) we should meet with a greater Carrauand then they were . So on the twelfth day , wee trauelled to a Towne called Caddor , some fiftéene course from thence , where we lay that night . Heere the Gouernor hearing that wee were strangers , or Christians , demanded what we would haue , and whether we trauelled ? We answered , to Agro , to the King , and that we came from Surrot . Then he asked vs what we would doe with the King ? And when I heard him so inquisitiue , I peremptorily answered , that my businesse was too great for him to know : but he said , he would know it ere we went out of the Towne : and I againe replied , that my businesse was such , that I would goe out ot the Towne and aske him no leaue : and so making vs ready to depart , we said , we would sée who would stay vs , without a very lawfull occasion : Then the Gouernor sent his Cotwall or the Maior of the Towne , who asked vs why we vsed such peremptory spéeches to the Gouernor ? We told him , we answered him in no worse manner then his place and calling deserued , and that it was not for him to force vs to acquaint him with our businesse to the King , and then we shewed him she Can Canawes passe to the King. Whereupon the Gouernor came to vs again with twenty Gentlemen of the Towne , and by all meanes intreated vs to stay all night , and whatsoeuer wée wanted that the Country could afford , should be at our seruice ; and withall told vs , the way was dangerous , and very bad to trauell . The next day we gaue him halfe a pound of Tobacco for a present , which wée brought out of England , which he accepted very thankfully . The thirtéenth day wée came to a Towne called Sawbon , some 14 course from Caddor , but before wée were halfe a course out of the Towne , the Gouernour sent 12. Horsemen with Launces , Bowes and Arrowes , to conduct vs some part of the way that was most dangerous , which was some 10. or 12. English miles . And when we came to Sawbon , we found the Carrauand being 500. Camels bound for Agro . And were laden with Taffateis , wrought Silkes , Cloth , Sugar , and other Commodities , some from Bramport , some from Bengalla , and some from Cambaia . The 14. day we set forwards with the Carrauand ▪ and trauelled some 12. course to a Monastery called Tindey . The 15. day , wée trauelled some 10. course and lay in the woods . The next day , we came to a great City called Cannowe , where is much trading for Cloth , Swords , Shashes , Péeces , and Armour tied on with strings , being but onely Arrow proofe . There is great store of fruit , and colours for Diars , of all sorts : and I thinke our English cloth would be an excellent commodity there : for it is very cold , esspecially in Ianuary February and March , for it beareth to the Northwards . The 16. day we trauelled some 14 course to a great Riuer , called the Riuer of Andee , which is as broad as the Thames at Woolwich , and runneth into the Bay of Bengalla , and this is the vtmost part or border of the Gentiles , and one the 17. day we passed ouer the Riuer and went out of the Gentiles Countrey . The Gentiles will eat nothing that bléedeth , and the Sim is their great god , For , should they eat any thing that bléedeth , they beléeue that they may eat the soules of their Father , Mother , Sister , Brother , or friends , that are deceased ? For , they say , that when any one dieth , their breath presently goeth into one beast or other , & so , in eating that beast , a man may eat the soule of some friend together with the flesh of that beast , such is their great bl●ndenesse and ignorance . Nay more , they doe make euery liuing thing their Idols : as , the first liuing they méete in the morning is their god or saint for that day , to worship that , and so leauing the Gentiles , we come to the Bulloits , or Pithagoreans . The 17. day we came to the City of Gorra , where are many Surroyes , or Innes , where Trauellers may set their Camels , Horses or Catell , and cost nothing . Also there are foure great Schooles for learning like to an Uniuersity : In this Countrey were two Brothers being Kings sonnes , who warred for this City , being eight miles in compasse , and in the middle a great wall , and there they laid their Séedge , a long time . And at the last the King of the East part got the victory , and held the same for seuen yéeres , and then the great Mogol Tamberlaine the sixth ouercame the whole Countrey and tooke it into his hands . The 18. day , we went ten course to a great Tanck or poole of water , like vnto the Bath , the water boiling out of the earth and is very warme . The 19. day , wée trauelled s●me 15. course to a Towne called Sanday where is great store of W●ll , like Spanish Wool , héere are made great ●●ore of Caps to couer Turbants , felt gownes to ride in , both fine and course , there are great store of shéepe , and so much Sugar , that they féed horses therewith as we do with prouender , also there are goodly Surroies or I●●es for horsemen and footmen . The 20. day , wée trauelled some fiftéene course to a great Surroy , néere vnto a Monastery , where wée had great store of fruit called Mangees being like an Apple , and haue a stone as big as an Apricocke , and in sent or taste , and is excellent good for the Flixe , and are there much estéemed of . The 21. day we trauelled twelue course to a small village , called Lee. The 22. day we trauelled some 16. course to a City called Easman , where is a great Bussart or Market for the countrey people , for Wooll , ●●tten , Cotten yearne , Swords , Iau●lins , and other weapons for the warres . The 23. day , wée came to a little Towne called Zingreene , some 14. course , where is great store of Oad , and aboundance of Drugs for Diars . The 24. day , we trauelled 16. course to a Citie called Barrandonn where are great store of Merchants of the Bannians and Mesulipatanians . It is a City where the great Carrauans méet , and there is great trade of Merchandise , for Cloth , Shashes , Armour , for men and Horses , Coats of Male , Armour of Arrow proofe , bombast Headpéeces , and Elephants téeth , also many wilde Elephants in the Countrey : here we staied two daies and lest our Carrauant in the City . The 17. day we tooke our iourney forwards , and by the way we met with a Conor Knight of that Countrey , with fourty Horse being bound for Agro , and f●f●y shot , with whom we also kept company , being about 140. strong , and trauelled in the Desart some sixe daies , where are great store of wilde Elephants , Lions , Tygars , Cat of Mountaines , Porpentines and other wilde beasts innumerable , but those wee saw . These Desarts are 100. course long , where euery night we made great fires round about our tents , to shunne the dangers of the wilde beasts : This Con or Knight told vs the nature or wit of the Elephant , who knowing he is hunted to death for his teeth , will goe to a trée and there by maine force will wring or wrest his téeth out of his head , knowing that so he shall liue secure and frée from that danger , and this he protes●ed to be true . The third of December , we past those Desarts and came to a Towne called Tranado . The fourth day , we trauelled some 16. course to a Towne called Zaioberdee , where is hay , corne , and graine , great plenty . The fifth day we trauelled some 18. course to a City called Handee , where the King hath a Castle and house , cut out of the maine Rocke , and wrought with carued worke round about . This Castle is inuincible , and hath fifty péeces of Ordinance in it . There lay in this Castle , when wée were there 200. Knights , Captaines , and other Gallants , that had transgressed the Law , or the Kings commandement , as in Treason , Rebellion , and such like matters . Also , in this City are two houses much like Saint Iones , where Captaines and Cauiliers , that haue béene maimed , and hurt in the warres , do liue , and haue each one a Mammothée a day being nine pence English , and meat and drinke at the Kings allowance . The 6. day we came to the Riuer of Tamluo , which runneth into the Riuer Indus , which parteth the Countries of the Pythagoreans , and the Indestands . The Pithagoreans in former times haue béene a vile and treacherous kinde of people , and had a Law that when the husband died , the wife should be also burnt , which is holden till this day , though not in so strict a maner , for now shée may refuse it , but then her head is shauen and she clad in a blacke vesture or garment , which among them is reputed most vile and hatefull , that the basest slaue in the Countrey will not succor nor reléeue her though she should starue . Now , the cause why this Law was first made , was , for that the women there were so fickle and inconstant , that , vpon any slight occasion of dislike or spléene , they would poison their husbands . Whereas now the establishing and executing of this Law , is the cause that moueth the wife to loue and cheerish her husband , and wisheth not to suruiue him . As for example , I saw a young woman the wife of a Doctor , whose husband being dead , shée made choise to bée carried in a Pageant , by foure men , shee being cloathed in Lawne , and her head deacked with Iewels and rich Ornaments , and before her went Musike of all sorts that the Countrey afforded , as Hoeboies , Drums , fifes , and Trumpets , and next vnto her all her kindred , and so shée was brought to the place of Execution , where was a stake and a hole to set her féet in , and so being tied to the stake , all her kindred knéeling round about her , & praying to the sun and their other Idols , the fire was set to her , she hauing vnder each arme a bagge of gunpowder , and a bagge betwixt her legges , and so burnt to death , the fire being made of Beniamin , Storare , Lignomal l●es , and other swéet woods . Thus much for the Bulloits , and so to the Indestands , and the next day we trauelled some ten course to a Towne called Addar . The eight day , wée trauelled some 26. course , and came to the great City of Agro where the great Mogoll kéepeth his Court and residence . The ninth day Captaine Hawkins came to vs , and brought vs before the King , as it is the custome and manner of the Countrey . For no stranger must stay aboue twenty foure houres before he be brought before the King to know what hée is , and wherefore hée commeth Also euery stranger must present the King with some present , bée it neuer so small , which hée will not refuse . And I gaue him for a present , a small whistle of gold , waighing almost an ounce , set with sparks of Rubies , which hée tooke and whistleled therewith almost an houre . Also I gaue him the picture of Saint Iohns head cut in Amber and Gold , which hée also receiued very gratiously . The whistle hée gaue to one of his great women , and the picture to Sultane Caroone his yongest sonne . His eldest son rebelled , and is in prison with his eies sealed vp , and it is noised amongst the common people that his eies are put out : But it was told mée by a great man , that they are but sealed vp . His name is Patteshaw Shelham , which in our language is heire apparant to the Crowne : His second sonne liueth with him and is called Sultane Nawbree , and him hée thinketh to make his heire apparant : His third sonne is called Sultane Lawlle , and is Uiceroy of Lihorne : His fourth sonne is called Sultane Lill , and is Uiceroy of the Gentiles , and these are his fiue sonnes . Also hée hath ten Uiceroys more vnder him , that gouern ten seuerall Prouinces or Countries , viz. Can Canow Uiceroy of the Guzarats : Can Iohn Uiceroy of the Bulloites : Michall Can Uiceroy of the Bannians : Howsouer Can , Uiceroy of Cambaia : Hodge Iohn , Uiceroy of Bengolla : Michaell Can , Uiceroy of the Hendownes : Sawder Can Uiceroy of the Puttans , and hée lieth in the City of Candahar : Allee Can Uiceroy of the Bullochies , and lieth in the City of Buckera : Sawber Can , Uiceroy of the Multans , and Can Bullard Uiceroy of the Indestands . These are the names of his ten Uiceroys , béeing all Heathens , but very worthy men , and expert in the warres . Hée hath a great number of Noble men to attend on him . An Earle is called a Nawbob , and they are the chiefe men that attend on him , when he go●eth abroad : for at home none attend him but Euenuches or gelded men . His Lord chiefe Iustice is an Euenuch , and is cal●led , Awlee Nawbob : hée is thought to bée woorth twenty English millions : Hée kéepeth twenty Elephants , one hundreth and fifty Camels and Dromedaries , and fiue hundreth Horse to attend on him . The Lord Treasurer is a mighty man , called Sultan Carowdon : Hée hath forty Elephants to attend him , two hundreth Camels and Dromedaries , and one thousand Horse at his seruice . And when he commeth to sit in his place of Iustice , hée is brought vpon an Elephant clad in cloth of gold or siluer , and sometimes in a Pollankan , carried by foure slaues , he lying in it , as if hée lay in a cradle , in as great pomp and ease as may bée , and hath four maces of siluer and gilt carried before him , and ten banners , and as great attendance , as if hee were a King ; yet on Twesdaies and Thursdaies the King himselfe sits in Iudgement of all causes : He custometh all strangers goods himselfe , the custome beeing but small at his pleasure , as sometimes , the value of ten shillings , custometh goods worth two hundreth pound . Also if a Merchant stranger , bring wares or merchandize from a farre Countrey : as from Chyna , Bengalla , and thinketh hée shall make a bad voiage , or lose thereby : if hée acquaint the King therewith , and that the merchandize bée fit for Kings , Princes , and Noble men , the King himselfe will take part thereof , and cause his Nobles to take the rest , at such rates as the Merchant , shall not only bée a sauer , but a great gainer thereby . The Mogoll , lyueth in as great state and pompe as may be deuised , both for Maiestie and princely pleasure ; for hee had brought before him euery day during our abode there , 50. Elephants royall , clad in cloth of golde and siluer , with drums fifes and trumpets , whereof , some fight one with another , wounding one another very deadly , and cannot be parted but with Rackets of wilde fier , made round like hoopes , and so run the same in their faces , and some of them fight with wilde horses , as one Elephant with 6. horses , whereof he hath killed 2. instantly by clasping his trunck about their neckes , and so pulling them to him , with his teeth breaketh their necks . Also there are tame Elephants that will take the viceroyes sonnes being the Kings pages with their truncks , gaping as they would eat them , and yet verie gently will set them vpon his owne head , and hauing sitten there a good space , will set them downe againe one their féet as tenderly as a mother would set downe her owne childe , doing them no harme at all . The Elephant wil not goe out of the sight of his female , nor will he be ruled if he doe , this I can speake by experience hauing séene triall made thereof , Also euery he Elephant , hath 3. or 4. females , and I saw one that had 4. females and 12. yong ones of his owne begetting . There ingendring together is strange , for the female lieth downe on her backe , and he commeth vpon her , and so ingender . But if he perceiue any man to beholde or sée him thus ingendring hee will kill him if he can . Also the King hath Deare , Rammes , Ueruathoes or Beazors , Lyons , Leopards , and Wolues , that fight before him . Also if a Cauilier be condemned for any offence and iudged to die , he may by the custom of the Country , Craue combate with a Lion for his life , ( which the King denieth to none that crave it ) as for example , I saw one , that at the first incounter strooke the Lion with his fist that he felled him , but the Lion recouering , returned with great furie and violence , and caught such hold on him that he rent out his guts , with the heart and liuer and so tore him in peeces , and this was performed before the King. Also there are horses that fight with Allegators or Crocodiles in Tancks or ponds of water where I also saw one Allegator kill 2. stone horses at one time . There is also a faire Riuer called Indawe , running from thence to Mesopotamia , & carrieth boats or lighters of 40. tun , and is replenished with fish of all sorts . Also there are 4. Basars or markets euery day in the weeke , and great store of all things to be bought and sold there , and at a very reasonable rate . As a hen for 2. pence , a Turkey for 6. pence , a liue deare for a dollar , a sheep for 2. shillings , a goat for 2. shillings , a couple of oxen for 4. dollars ▪ being 16. shillings sterling , a good hogge for 2. shillings , but none buy them but Christians , and none sell them but the Bannyans , who breed them , and as much fish for 3. pence as will serue 5. reasonable men at a meale . Also great store of fruit , as Limmons , Oranges , Apricocks , Grapes , Peares , Apples and Plummes ; But with their grapes they make no wines because their lawes forbid it : Also Raisons as great and faire as Raisons of Damasko , with great store of cloth of golde veluets and silkes out of Persia , and silkes and cloth of gold from Chyna , but those are course and lowe prised ; but abundance are their vended ; and Captaine Hawkins thinketh that our Richer silkes , veluets , and such like would be excellent good commodities there . But especially our Cloth of light coulors . For there is no Cloth , but a kind of course Cloth like Cotton , which is made at Lyhore , and at a Towne called Esmeere : and their finest and best , is a kind of course red cloth , like a Uenice red , and this is the vsuall wearing for the chiefest Cau●liers ; and these are all the places of clothing that I could by any meanes heare of in all that Country . The word Mogoll , in their language is as much as to say , the great white King ; for he is a white man and of the Race of the Tartares . He is King of many Kingdomes , and writeth himselfe in his scile ▪ Patteshaw Shelham Sho●h , that is , the King of all the great coynes . For there is a seuerall coyne at Lahore , another at Brampo●t , another at Surrot , another at Cambaia , another at Sabba●ton , and another at Awgru , And for his seuerall Kingdomes , he is King , of the Guzarats , of the Bannians of the Bulloits of Callicot and Bengolla which are Gentiles , of the Inde●●ands of the Mogolles , of the Hendouns , of the Moltans , of the Puttans , of the Bullochies , and of the Alkeysors , with some others , which I cannot particularly name . Also he writeth himselfe the nynthe King from Tamberlaine . And to this his great stile he is also of as great power , wealth and commande , yet will he vrge none of what Nation soeuer to forsake their Religions , but esteemeth any man somuch the better , by how much the more he is firme and constant in his Religion , and of all other he maketh most accompt of Christians , and will allow them double the meanes that hee giueth to any other nation , and keepeth continually two Christians Friars , to conuerse with them in the Christian Religion and manners of Christendome . He hath also the picture of our Lady in the place of his praier or Religious proceedings , and hath oftentimes said that he could find in his heart to be a Christian , if they had not so many Gods : There was at my being there an Armenian Christian that in hope of gaine and preferment turned More , which being told the King , he saide , if he thought to saue his soule thereby , that was a sufficient Recompence for him , but he would rather haue giuen him preferment if he had kept himselfe still a Chri●stian . The Mogoll is also verie bountifull , for to one that gaue him a little deere he gaue 1000. Ruckees , being 100. pound sterling , also to another that gaue him a couple of land spannels , he gaue the like reward , and to another that gaue him two Cocks he gaue 2000. Ruckées . Also there be excellent faire Hawkes of all sorts from the Goshauke to the Sparehauke , and great store of game , as Phesants , Partriges , Plouers , Quailes , Mallard , and of all other sorts of fowle in great plentie . There are no great dogges but a kind of Mungrels , whereof two wil hardly kill a deare in a whole day , and yet they are so choise ouer them , that they make them coates to keepe them warme and cleane . Nor haue they any parkes but Forrests , and Commons , wherein any man may hunt that will , saue only within 6. miles of Agra round about which is lymitted and reserued for the Kings priuate pleasure onely . The King hath there begun a goodly monument for his Father , which hath been already 9. yeeres in building , and will hardly be finished in 5. yeeres more , and yet there are continually 5000. workemen at worke thereon . The substance therof , is very fine marble , curiously wrought . It is in forme 9. square , being 2. English miles about and 9. stories in height . Also , it was credibly reported vnto me by a Christian Friar ( who solemnly protested he heard the King him selfe speake it ) that hee intended to bestow a hundreth millions of Treasure on that monument . And hauing viewed and seen this great and rich Citie of Agra with the pleasures and Commodities thereof ; on the 18. day of Ianuarie , my selfe with Ioseph Salebancke and Iohn Frencham , went to the King and craued his Passe for England , who very courteously demāded of vs , if we would serue him in his wars , offering vs what maintenance we would aske of him ; which wee humbly excused ▪ both in regard of this our voiage , wherin diuers others besids our selues , were partners , as also , in regard we had Wiues and Children in our owne Countrie , to whom both by Law and Nature , wee were bound to make returne , if it were possible ; whereupon most graciously ●e granted vs his Passe , vnder his hand and great Seale , for our safe conduct thorow al his Kingdomes and Dominions . Then his chiefe Secretary , went with vs to his third Quéene ( for it is said that hee hath ten Quéenes , one thousand Concubines , and two hundreth Euenuches . ) And this Quéene is kéeper of his great ●eale , where it was sealed and deliuered vnto vs. Then I also went to the chiefe Friar , and craued his letters , aswell to the Kings and Princes , whose Kingdoms and Dominions we were to passe thorow , as also to the Clergy and places of Religion , which he most willingly granted , béeing a man of great Credit there , and greatly esteemed and well knowne in other Kingdomes . Also hee gaue me his letters of commendations to one Iohn Midnall an English Merchant or Factor , who had lien in Agroe three yeeres : but before I came into England Iohn Midnall was gone againe for the East Indies , and I deliuered his letter to M r. GREENAVVAY Deputy gouernor in London for the Company of the East Indian Merchants . The one and twentieth day , wee tooke our leaue of Captaine Hawkins , whom wee left therein great credit with the King , béeing allowed one hundreth Ruckées a day which is ten pound sterling , and is intituled by the name of a Can , which is a Knight , and keepeth company with the greatest Noble men belonging to the King : and hee séemeth very willing to doe his Country good . And this is asmuch as I can say concerning him . The 22. day we tooke our iourney towards England , being 5. English men viz , my selfe , Ioseph Sal●hancke , Iohn Frencham , Richard Martin , and Richard Fox , and Guilliam As●lee a More our guide , and trauelled towards Ispahan in Persia , and so with 5. horses and 2. Camels , we tooke the way to Biany , because Iohn Mid●all had gone the way by La●or before , also this way was but two moneths iourney , though very dangerous and that by La●or was 4. moneths iourney and without danger , viz. From Agra we came to Fetterbarre being 12. course . And frō thence to Bianic being 12. course more . And this is the chiefest place ●or Indico in all the East Indies , where are 12. Indico Milles. The Indico groweth in small bushes like goosberry bushes and carrieth a séede like Cabbege séed . And being cut down is laid on heapes for half a yéere to rot and then brought into a vault to be troden with Oxen to tread the Indico from the stalkes , and so to the Milles to be ground very fine : and lastly , is boiled in Furnaces , and very well refined and sorted into seuerall sorts . A seere of Indico in Biany is worth ten pence , which seere doth containe twenty ounces at the least . This I know to be true and brought a sample of the Indico home with me . And for this Indico & the Anneele that is made thereof , there is much trading of Merchants , from Agro and Lahore . The 25. day , we came to Hendowne , being twenty fiue course , this is an ancient faire City , where is also good store of course Indico . The 26. day , we came to Mogoll being 14. course . This is a small market Towne , where are also course Indico and Callicoes . The 27. day we went some 12. course to a small Uillage called Halstot . The 28. day , we trauelled 12. course to a small Uillage called Chatsoe , where are shéepe and goats great store , and very cheape . The 29. day , we went 12. course to a small Town called Laddanna , and there are great store of Cotton Wools. The 30. day , we went eight course to a small town called Mosabad , where is great store of corne . The 31. day we went 12. course to Bandason a smal Uillage . The first day of February we came to a faire Riuer called Paddar that runneth to Guzarat , and this Riuer parteth the Dominions of the Indestands and Hendownes and falleth into the gulph of Persia. And from thence we went to the City of Esmeere , being twelue course from Bandason . Héere the great Mogol hath a stately house where are continually kept 600. Elephants , and 1000. Horses , for the warres to bée ready at the Kings command . There is great store of wools , and much cloathing for course cloth and cottens , also Iauelins , Bowes and Arrowes , Armour , Swords , and other weapons for the Warres , and two Basars or Markets euery wéeke . The Indestands are very gallant people , and great Merchants into most parts of the world . The second day , wée went into the Hendownes Countrey , some 12. course , and came to Richmall , where is great store of Game , and a pleasant place for hawking and hunting . The fourth day , we went 12. course , to Mearta , a faire City , where I saw thrée faire and ancient Tombes or Monuments of the Hendownes , there are thrée Basars or Markets euery wéeke . Also great store of Indico , cotten wooll , yarne , and cloth . This City in my iudgement is as big as the City of Exceter . The sixth day we went some twelue course to Hursallo , a small Uillage . The seuenth day we went 14. course to Lauara , a small village , where is great store of Corne , Cattell , and Shéepe and very good cheape . The eight day , we went 12. course to Towry , a Towne of Garrison of the Hendownes . The ninth day , we went 11. course to Chummo a small Uillage . The tenth day , we went 13. course to Moulto a Uillage . The 11. day , we went 10. course to Pucker a small Uillage . The 12. day , we went 12. course to Senawra a little Towne . The 13. day , we went but fiue course to Basonpee a small village . The 14. day , we went fiue course more to Gislemeere , a fa●re City , and hath in it a strong Castle , where lyeth a grand Cauilier . Also there is great trading of Merchandize by Land , and in the Castle are thirty peeces of Ordinance . The 18. day , we went from thence some 14. course ouer the sands , that part the Hendownes and Multans , and lay in the fields . The Hendownes are naturally discended from the Gentiles , yet refuse no manner of meat , flesh , nor fish , and are many of them very notable théeues . They pray naked , dresse and eat their meat naked , and where they dresse and eat their meat , they make a circle , within which circle none must enter , during the time of their dressing and eating their meat . Their women are brought vp of children with shackles , some of siluer , some of brasse , and some of Iron on their legs , and rings in their eares , all which are still increased or made bigger as they grow in yéeres and bignesse , so that in time they haue holes in their eares so great that a man may thrust his hand thorow . Also they doe weare bracelets of Elephants téeth about their armes from the wrist to the elbow . The 19. day , wée went eight course and lay in the Fields . The 20. day , wée went 12. cour●e more , and lay in the fields . The twenty one day , we went 12. course and lay by a well some 60. fathome déepe , where water was very scarse . The 22. day , we trauelled 16. course , where wée could get no better water then was almost halfe Cowp●sse . The 23. day we went some 15. course and lay in the fields . The 24. day , we went some fiue course and came to thrée Townes , viz. Roree , Buckar , and Sucker , where is a gallant fresh Riuer , and small ships that may goe to Armoose , as the Townsmen report . Now the shipping belongeth to Roree , being some fifty or sixty saile , and are of the burden of fourty , fifty , and sixty t●● , whereby there is trade of Merchandize as far as the coast of Molindee , and as far as Mosembique , and this Riuer falleth into the gulph of P●rsia . Buckar standeth in the middle of the Riuer , which maketh it in forme of an Iland , and is besides very strongly built . The Indians cal this Riuer , the Riuer of Damiadee . And in this Towne of Bucker , lieth All●e Can the Mogols Uiceroy of the Bullochies , who are such a stubborne & rebellious people that he kéepeth that strong hold of purpose to retire vnto , and to gather a head and renew his forces , at all assaies , to subdue and kéepe them in awe and obedience , which notwithstanding he can hardly doe . Also this All●e Can is a very worthy and bountifull Prince , who gaue vs very gallant and kinde entertainment , and commanded vs to come dayly to his Court , where we had both costly and plentifull diet at all times , and héere wée left Io. Frencham ( one of our company ) sicke . Sucker is a Towne consisting most of Weauers and Diars , and liue by cloathing , and serue the Countrey round about , and this is the first Towne of the Bullochies . And Roree the last confine towne of the Multans who are good husbandmen and painefull people , and deale much in Merchandize , as Cloth , Indico , and other commodities , and are very good people to deale withall , yet their Religion is Mahometicall . At Sucker we staied 24. daies and more for a Cof●ilo or Conu●y , For the Captaine of the Castle would not suffer vs to goe without one , because the way was dangerous and full of Théeues , which afterwards we found true , for had we not ( by the great prouidence of God ) escaped their hands , it had cost vs our liues , and yet it cost vs some money besides . The 25. day of March , 1610. wée came from Sucker and trauelled ouer the plaines some thrée course or thereabouts . The 26. day wée trauelled through the woods or Desarts some thrée course more . The 27. day , wée went thrée course more through the Desarts , and there wée tooke in water for two daies , which was but bad water neither , but there was no better to be had , nor any towne to come to , vntill we came to Gorra , some eight course distant from thence , which was on the 28. day at night , where we rested two daies and were very well vsed , yet being a Towne of the Bullochies and Rebels , wée were in great feare , but we found no such cause , God be praised . The Bullochies are Man-eaters , being men of huge limmes and proportion euen giantlike , nor are they of any Religion at all , saue only that they worship the Sunne . The 21. day , we came to Norry , being about 10. course , and this is the last Towne , of the Bullochies ; and so to the Puttans . The first day of Aprill , we tooke our iourney ouer the plaines earely in the morning , and about breake of day wée met with tenne or twelue men playing on Fiddles , as if they had come in friendly maner to welcome vs , but indéed they were no better then Théeues that intended to rob and pillege vs , for by the Sun rising wée were beset round with them and their companions , whose certaine number wée could not discerne nor know . And though wée had a Caffeloe or Conuoy of two hundred strong , yet wée were glad to intreat the Captaine of that vnruly Crew to stand our friend , and both to bribe him priuatly , and to pay openly besides in the name of a custom , twenty Checkéenoes in gold , nor would all this haue serued the turne , but for the Mogols Passe vnder his hand and great seale , which they much feared , but that all our throats had béene cut , as other in greater number had formerly beene ; yet at last vpon this friendly composition , they garded and conducted vs through their Countrey , vntill wée were past all danger , and so departed , and that day wée trauelled some nine course ouer the plaines , and ●ooke vp our lodging in the plaine Fields . The second day wée trauelled some eight course to a Towne called Daddor , where wee rested two daies . The fifth day , we trauelled eight course ouer the mountaines . The sixth day , we went ten course ouer the mountaines . The seuenth day , we went eight course ouer the Mountaines . The eight day , we went eight course to Vachesto , a Towne of ciuill and quiet Gouernment , where wee rested that night . The ninth day we went thrée or foure course ouer the mountaines and lay in the fields . The tenth day we went some eight course in the mountaines . The eleuenth day , we went nine or ten course in the Mountaines . The twelfth day we went some nine or ten course in the mountaines . The thirtéenth day we went nine or ten course in the mountaines . The fourtéenth day we went some fourtéene course ouer The 15. day we came to Candahar being but two course from thence , where we staied 20. or 21. daies . This is a great and gallant Citie of the Puttans , where Sawdder Conuice●oy of the Puttans keepeth his Court and residence . There is great and continuall traffique by land , from Persia , Indestand , Mesopotamia , and from all partes betweene that and China , with all sortes of merchandize and commodities which those Countries yeelde ; For there are continually 7 or 8. thousand Camels about the Citie which trade to and fro with merchandize . Also the viceroy hath continually 40. ●00 . horses for the warres in readinesse for feare of Rebellion , because the Puttans are a strong and warlike people , and inclined to rebellion , by reason they came vnder the M●gols gouernment and subiection by force and conquest , and therefore loue him not in their hearts , but obey him for feare . The 6. day of May we tooke our iourney for Ispahawne in Persia , and trauelled some 8 course that day , and came to a gallant Riuer where were two Townes on each side of the Riuer one , and at one of these Townes called Langor we rested that night . The 7. day we went some 6. or 7. course ouer the plaines . The 8. day we went in like manner some 7. course more and lay in the fields . The 9. day we went ouer the plaines some 12. course , and came to a great Riuer which diuideth the land of the Puttans from Persia , and there we paid custome for our Owts or Camels and rested 2. daies by the Riuer side . The 12. day we were ferried ouer the Riuer , which is called Sabbaa to a castle a course from thence , and neer to a Towne called Grees . This Riuer diuideth the confines of the great Mogoll and the King. The Puttans are a warlike and goodly people , and were their beards long , which the Mogols doe hate , also they worship the great God of heauen and despise Mahomet . Their Priests goe in Sackcloth with great Chaines about their middles ; And doe fall downe and pray continuallie in Sackcloth and Ashes . And so passing out of the great Mogols kingdomes and dominions we came to the Towne of Grees being the first Towne of Persia , where we rested a day and a night . The Towne of Grees is a frontier Towne , and therefore the King or ( as they call him ) the Shawbash of Persia keepeth heere a garrison of ten thousand men , and a gouernour to command them . The 14. day we went ouer the plaines 6. forsongs euery forsong being a league , and euery league 2. course , and rested in the fields . The 15. day we trauelled ouer the plaines some 6. forsongs more , and came to a Castle , where we refreshed our selues and our cattle , and the●e we rested our selues two daies to stay for a Coffeloe or conuoy which came to vs the 14. day at night . The 18. day we went 5. forsongs ouer the fields or plaines and lay in the fields . The 19. day at night we trauelled some 4 forsongs to a Towne called Doctorcham , where wee staied all the next day and night . The 21. day we trauelled some 5 or 6 forsongs in the night to a Towne called Sehawe , and thus for certaine daies we trauelled al by night by reason of the extreame heat in the day time . The 22. day at night we trauelled some 6 forsongs ouer the plaines . The 23. day at night we went 5 forsongs to a Town called V●a . where are great store of Feltmakers which also make felt Carpets & weauers of Turkie Carpets , there are also great store of Dates , and all sorts of fruits . The 24. day wee trauelled some 6. forsongs to a faire Citie called Parra , where we staied 22. daies for a Coffeloe or Conuoy , my selfe being also sicke there , there is great trade of merchandize , and great store of raw silke which in the Persian tongue is called Auerisham . The 6. day we went some 2. forsongs ouer the mountaines . The 7. day we went 4. or 5. forsongs ouer the mountaines . The 8. day we went 7. forsongs . The 9. day we went some 5. forsongs . The 10. day we went 10. forsongs all in the mountaines . The 11. day we trauelled some 3. forsongs to a towne called Banda being but a harbor or lodging place . The 12. day wee went some 3. forsongs ouer the plaines . The 13. day we trauelled some 5. forsongs ouer the plaines and rested till the 14. day at night , and then trauelled some 7. forsongs and a halfe . The 15. day wee came to a Towne called Sunday where we rested that night and all the next day and night . The 17. day we trauelled some 7. forsongs and a halfe ouer the plaines . The 18. daie wee went in like manner some 9. forsongs . The 19. day we went 5. forsongs to a Towne called Beast● . The 20. day we went some 4. forsongs . The 21. day we trauelled some 6. forsongs to a towne called Gusta , where we rested a day and a night . The 23. day we trauelled 4. forsongs to a watering place . The 24. day we trauelled 10. forsongs and rested in the fields . The 25. day we trauelled 7. forsongs to a Towne called Dattee , where was great store of Muskmillions and there wee had good reléefe . The 26. day we trauelled some 4. forsongs to a place where was a gallant vawlt with water . The 27. day we went some 7. forsongs to a Towne called Yesday . The 28. day we went some 5. forsongs to a Towne called Pahanauens where we rested 2. daies and two nights . There is great store of raw silke , or Auerisham as they call it . The 2. day of Iuly we went 5. forsongs ouer the plaines . The third day we went 8. forsongs ouer the barren and wilde plaines where we had no water but salt water and the ground all couered ouerwith salt . The 4. day we trauelled 7. forsongs in salt ground and none but salt water . The 5. day we went 15. forsongs for want of water in a most barren and day Country and came to a town called Bibe , where we rested two daies and two nights . The 8. day we truealled some 14. forsongs to a Towne called Godanna : where we rested that night and the next day and night , and here is also great store of raw silke . The 10. day we trauelled some 20. forsongs to a Town called Hemda , where are great store of Grapes and Muskmillions . The 12. day we trauelled some 15. forsongs to a Towne called Corneta . The 13. day we went 6. or 7. forsongs to a Towne called Orrinkca , a lodging Towne . The 14. day we went but 4. forsongs to a little village . The 15. day we went 5. forsongs to a Towne called Gowra being a faire great Towne , where is great store of raw silkes , bed couerings , silke carpets , cotten Carpets , and such like commodities ; and there wée staied that night , and the next day and night . The seuenteenth day , we went nine forsongs before we could finde any water . The eightéenth day , we trauelled fiue forsongs to a little Uillage . The ninetéenth day , we went seuen forsongs ouer the plaines . The twentieth day , wée went some fiue forsongs ouer the plaines . The twenty one day , wée trauelled some sixe forsongs ouer the plaines . The twenty two day , we went two forsongs and a halfe . The twenty thrée day , we came to Ispahawne . The twenty fourth day , we entred into the City where wée staied eleuen or twelue daies . This City of Ispahawne , is a gallant City , and one of the principall Cities of Persia , and aboundeth in traffique of all sorts of Merchandize . There are many great Surroies , where are houses made of purpose for the laying in and kéeping of Merchants goods , and to harbour and lodge themselues and their Camels Horses or other Cattle , and prouision ; the profits of which Surroies redound to the King only . The whole Countrey aboue a hundred miles round about , doe wholly and generally trade to this City with their chiefest and best commodities . There is also a place in forme like the Exchange , of an inestimable wealth , where is nothing to be sold but things of great value and worth . As Cloth of gold , siluer and tissue , sattans , veluets , Iewels and pearles . In one end are nothing but raw silkes , in another end are twisted and wrought silkes . In another none but Merchanttailors , who sell , all sorts of apparell ready made , as it is in Birching lane , but farre more rich , and all of the Persian fashion , as , sutes of cloth of gold and siluer , veluet , satten , taff●●y , Callico and none almost of any worser sorts . Also there is great score of Indico and Anneele , and of all maner of Drugs , which are sold by Iewes and other strangers , that send them thither , and haue continuall trading there . Also there are Camels , the best and strongest that are to bee found , with gallant Horses and Mules abundance . For whereas an ordinary Camels load is fiue hundred waight , the Persian Camels load is vsually 800. waight . The Shawbash ●or , as we call him , the King ) hath there diuers gallant and stately houses , and banqueting houses , with Orchards , Gardens , Springs , ponds of water , walks and Galleries , as pleasantly seated and artificially contriued , as can be thought or deuised . But the King himselfe before my comming thither , was remoued to a place called Tobrin , as it was told me by the Christian Friars . And at his chiefest house standing ouer against the great Basar or Market place , there are good store of brasse Ordinance orderly planted before the gase thereof , for defence if néede be , as namely , two D●my Cannons , two whole Culuerings , two Cannon Pedrars , and thirty other field Péeces . Also heere I made enquiry of Master Robert Sherley , thinking to haue had some assistance , and better directions from him , or by his procurement , in my Iourney , but it was told me directly that hée was departed some seuen months before for England , and had his way by the Caspian Seas , being two months Iourney from Ispahawn : That is to say , himselfe , and his wife , being a woman of great worth and estéeme in that Countrey , with Camels and Horses to carry his treasure , stuffe , and prouision , and many attendants both men and women . And in his Company , one Captaine and sixe or seuen Englishmen more . Also there are great store of Grapes and Wines , and of all sorts of fruits : their stronger Wines like vnto Canary Sacke , their red Wines like high Countrey Claret , and their smaller Wines like to Iland Wines . Also victuals good store and good cheape . And there lieth continually a Portugall Embassador , and fiue Portugall Friars , who haue a Church , and a house to entertaine Roman Catholiks , and other Christians at their pleasures , and haue meanes sufficient to maintaine the same . Also there are great store of Armenian Christians , and some Gréekes , who liue all at frée liberty without restraint or controll for their Religion . And so much for the great and rich City of Ispahawne . The sixth day of August , wee departed from thence and trauelled some sixe forsongs , and lay in the fields close by a riuer side . The seuenth day , we trauelled ten forsongs in the Desarts , and on the eight day sixe forsongs ▪ more to the Towne of Corronday . The ninth day to Miskerion , and so directly to Bugdad , or Babilon , being a months Iourney : that is to say , sixe forsongs to Miskereon . The tenth day , wée went ten forsongs in the Desarts . The eleuenth day , eleuenth forsongs in the Desarts . The twelfe day , nine forsongs more in the Desarts . The thirtéenth day , we went fourtéene forsongs to a little Uillage called Corryn . The fourteenth day , ten forsongs in the Desarts . The fifteenth day , nine forsongs in the Desarts . The sixteenth day , we trauelled nine or ten forsongs to a little Towne called Lackeree . The seuenteenth day wée trauelled eight forsongs in the Desarts . The eightéenth day , we trauelled twelue forsongs in the Desarts to a water Mill , where we lay all night . The ninetéenth day , wée went fourtéene forsongs through the Desarts to a little Towne called Corbet . That twentieth day , we trauelled twelue forsongs , to a Cloth towne : that is to say , where all the houses were made of hairy cloth like tents , and there we rested two daies . The thrée and twentieth day , we trauelled some eight forsongs in the Desarts . The foure and twentieth day , wée trauelled some nine or tenne forsongs ouer the Desarts , to another Cloth towne . The twentie fiue day , wée went through a mighty great Wood being fifteene forsongs in length , where we went downe such an extreame stéepe hill , that wee broke two of our Camels necks , and had much to doe to goe downe the same our selues without harme , and there were sted all night . The sixe and twentieth day , wée went some two forsongs to an other Cloth towne , where wée rested thrée daies and thrée nights , and there we paid Custome for our Camels to a great City being but a forsong from thence and is called Nezzeret , where , on the top of a mighty great mountaine , was a monument of a great Sultan , or Gentleman : and when wée asked , why hée was buried there , it was directly answered , because he was so much the néerer to heauen . The thirtieth day , we trauelled ten forsongs to the Riuer of Synnee , which runneth into the Riuer Euphrates , and deuideth the confines of Persia and Ar●bia , and by the Riuer side was remaining some old walles of a rumated Towne of Persia , which was rased and destroied by the Turkes and Arabians . The one and thirtieth day , we trauelled eight forsongs in a waste Countrey where we lay by a Well al night . Amongst the Persians the Sultans or Gentlemen , and men of better sort , are gallant men , and of ciuill and courteous behauiour : but the baser sort , are ●ullen , vnciuill , and men of very bad conditions . And generally they doe worship Mahomet , and are common Buggerers , as the Turks are , yet they are people that labour extreamely , as in digging , planting , and sowing , and in picking of Cotton wooll , and other wooll , in spinning and making Coats , and other things of Felt. Nor haue they almost any rai●e there , but by extreame labour , let the water out of the Riuers , into their Pastures and Corne grounds . There are good shéepe and goats plenty , but ●ine and Oxen are very scarce . Also Turkies and Hennes and other sorts of foules plenty . And there a man may trauell without danger of robbing , for it is there a strange thing to heare of a théefe . And somuch for Persia and the Persians . The first day of September , wée trauelled twelue forsongs to a great Towne called Sabbercam , being the first towne that wée came to in Arabia , where are growing great store of Pomgranats , which the Arabians doe call Anarres . This is a Towne of Garrison of the Arabians , and héere wée staied a day and a night . The third day , we trauelled ●ouretéene forsongs to a towne called Buldad where we also paid custome , and héere we staied a day and a night . This is also a towne of Garrison and full of théeues , and at our comming out of the towne , Ioseph Salenbancke one 〈◊〉 my Companions staying but a little behind the Co●●s●l●e or Conuoy , was by the Arabians robbed , stripped and extreamely beaten and hurt . So that if by chance I had not reserued some 100. Chickéen●es , wée had 〈◊〉 beene both quite destitute of money to bring vs home into our Countrey . The sixth day wée trauelled eightéene forsongs to the great City of B●gdet , or Babylon , where we staied vntill the twentie two day of October following . This City standeth vpon the great Riuer Euphrates , and is a great , rich , and strong City , with mighty strong wals , whereon are planted 100. and twenty péeces of brasse ordinance . Also there are ships small and great to the number of 300. saile , belonging to this Citie , and great trade of merchandize both by water and land . It is not past 4. yéeres since the Turke wan this City from the Persians . Also there is a ●●oting bridge built vpon 33. great lighters strongly chained and fastened together , from Bugdad ouer Euphrates to olde Babilon standing ouer against Bugdad on the other side of the Riuer . And within a league from thence standeth the Remainder of the ●●ynated Tower of Babell , being one of the wonders of the world . In Bugdad , lieth one of the Turkes grand Bashawes , called by the name of Mahomet Patteshogh who is estéemed as a Uiceroy , and is gouernor of the City vnder the great Turke . There are only two Venetian factors , who trade for inestymable wealth in merchandize of all sorts . Also some small number of Armenians , which are all the Christians that are there resident . The Turke is a valiant and resolute Souldier , as by their proceedings may appeare , both in winning the City of Bugdad , and another City of as great strength as that , called Towras , and belonged also to the Persian , whereof the Mahomet Patteshogh had certaine intelligence on the 12. day of October whilest we were there . And that the great Turke , or ( as they call him ) the Grand Gushell Bashe , assuredly thinketh and intendeth in short space to approach to the wals of Ispahawne being a great and gallant Citie and standeth farre within the kingdome of Persia. The 10. day of October there came vnto vs an English man called Iohn white , who said he was sent for a discouery to the East Indies and was bound for Ispahawne to méet with Iohn Midnall , who we assured him not to be there , but at Armoose . Then did I and Ioseph Salebancke perswade him to trauell to the red sea of Cambaia , whether he tolde vs Sir Henry Midleton was bound from England with a good ship called the Trades increase of the burden of 1000. or 1100. tun , with another ship called the Cloue , and a Pinnis called the Pepper Corne , and the cause , why we thus aduised him was for that he , ha●uing the Turkish language might accompany my friend Ioseph Salebancke to Sir Henry Middleton to acquaint him with the true discourse of our whole voyage and trauels , whereby he might beware of and auoid the like dangers that we sustained and were in : As also how and where to take his best oportunity for his lading as time and occasion should serue . And vpon the 18. day Ioseph Salebancke and Iohn White tooke their iourney accordingly , to a great City called Balsara standing vpon the Riuer Euphrates ▪ and is 18. daies iourney from Bugdad , or Babilon , where they were to méet with a Carranant or conuoy , to conduct them to the Citie of Iudaia nere vnto the Red Sea. And although Ioseph Salebancke was then verie poore , ( hauing béen formerly robbed ) yet was he very willing to take this long and dangerous iourney vpon 〈◊〉 for the good of his Country . And all the good that I could doe for him was to procure him a Camell , and to lend him some part of my small store being in all not aboue 6. pound ste●ling , and so I left them to the protection of the almighty . The 22. day of October we tooke our iourney from Bugdad or Babilon to the City of Aleppo . And hauing trauelled 60. leagues at the least all thorough the desarts , which wee did in some 8. daies , we came to a Towne called Mussaw Cosam . The 31. day we trauelled some 4. daies iourny thorow the desarts to the Towne of Ruseele , being onely a thorow faire or lodging place , & some 30 leagues from Mussaw Cosam . The 4. day of Nouember we trauelled some eight leagues to a small village called Deesh . The 5. day we set forwards towards Mussell other wise called Niniuy , being some 30. leagues or more from Deesh , and trauelled thither in 5. daies . This Citie is now much ruinated , and yet the Remainder thereof is as spacious and great , as most Cities that I haue seene in all my trauels , within the City is a great Bashaw or gouernour vnder the great Turke . Also without the City there standeth a faire & strong Castle vpon the bankes of the Riuer Tygris , where is also another Bashaw or gouernor : for the Castle and Suburbs of the citie . The●e is no trade of merchandize in this City , but it is only kept by the Turke as a Towne of Garrison , yet there are Armenian Christians , who haue their Churches and Friars , and doe fréely vse their Religion without checke or comptroll . Also there are yet remaining , manie ancient monuments which make relation and shew , that it hath beene a City of great antiquity and famous memory : and in this City we staied 4. daies . The 14. day we went 4. leagues to a Castle called N●ssebaw , and rested that night , and the next day we trauelled 12. leagues more and at night came to Nuss●baw , where the Prophet Ionas preached to all the Countries round about ; and there remaineth his picture in stone though much defaced by the warres yet it is kept and maintained by the Christians , whereof there are many dispersed amongst the Turkes , euer since the destruction or ouerthrow of Niniuie by the Turkes : and are now called by the name of Curgees . From thence we trauelled some 25. leagues in thrée daies , and on the 18. day at night came to Hamadaine an ancient Towne of the Armenians ; but much ruinated by the Turkes . Here we saw many ancient monuments , which shewed that it had bin a Towne of great antiquity and worth , and at this Towne we staied , one day and a night . The 20. day we tooke our iourney towards a towne called Goubba being 25. leagues and 3. daies iourney , and came thither the 22. day at night , where we met with a Consul of Venice , and 5. Venetians more , trauelling to Bugdad or Babilon , and there we staied a day and a night . The 24. day we trauelled towards the great City of Vlfawe being 25. leagues , and 3. daies iourney , and came thither the 26. day at night , and there all trauellers pay great custome . This is a mighty strong City and a continuall Garrison kept there by the Turke . Nor can any Carrauant or Conuoy , or any passenger be suffered to lodge within the City : But in the day time they may come into it to the Bassart or market , to b●y necessaries and so depart againe : and here we s●●●ed 5. daies . The 2. day of December wee tooke our iourney to Beere a great Towne vpon the Ryuer Euphrates , being ● . daies 〈◊〉 , and 25. leagues distant whither we came the fourth day at night , and staied there one day . This is also a strong Towne of Garrison . The 6. day we were ferried ouer the Riuer and went 2. daies iourney being soule 15. leagues to the Towne of Lumman , and came thither on the 7. day at night . The 8. day we trauelled 10. leagues to the City of Aleppo , and came thither that night , and by the waie , we trauelled 2. leagues thorough the plaines , where was nothing but figs , or as I may ●earme it a forest of ●ig trees , and another place of as great length , being all v●ne trées , full of grapes . And being come to the great and worthy City of Aleppo , we went to the English house , where I found Ma●ter Paul Pinder to be Consul , a very worthy gentleman , and well deseruing a place of so great credit and esteeme , at whose hands we found very courteous and kind entertainment ; for at my comming to him I was destitute both of mony and cloaths , and so was my companion Richard Martin . But he releeued vs , first with meat , drinke , and lodging during our abode there , being some 12. daies , also he furnisht vs with apparrell , and at our departure with money for our iourney . Also there was one M. Spike who was both kind and bountifull vnto vs. And so were all the rest of the English Merchants , whom I cannot particularly name● both kind and curi●ous vnto vs , which was vnto vs a great refreshing and comfort in our iourney . Aleppo is a City of wonderfull great trading and as well knowne to England or at lest to our English Merchants ▪ as Kingstone vpon Thames . And thus much I can say more of it , that within foure daies after our comming thither , there came aboue 20●0 . Camels , laden with Silkes and all sorts of merchandi●e all or most whereof I ouer went in my trauels , being in seuerall Carauans , some from Mesopotamia , some from Agro , some from the 〈◊〉 , and some from Persia , and so at other times continually they come from thence , and other places whence any trading can come by Land. The one and twentieth day , I take my leaue of Master Paul Pindar , Master Spicke and the rest of the Merchants and tooke my iourney , together with my Companion Richard Martin for Tripolie ▪ and that da● wee trauelled s●me seuen leagues ouer the Desarts , and res●ed tw● houres , and then trauelled some 15. leagues farther , to an old Towne called 〈◊〉 , w●ere we rested halfe a day and ba●●●d , and then trauelled some ten leagues more and baited , and res●ed our selues in the fields s●me se●●e houres , and then trauelled 〈…〉 towne c●lled Hama● . And the reason why 〈…〉 thus h●rd , was to 〈◊〉 company will a Car●●●●nd or Co●n●●ey of 100● . strong , who were bound for 〈…〉 there great 〈◊〉 mee was then resident : w●ereas also we should haue trauelled in great danger and h●●ard of our liues , by reason the Countrey is so full of theeues . In this towne are many Weauers , that make great store of Dimatree , and scham●tree , and Cottons , also it is a great thorow faire , and there is a great O●●s●rie or Inne , which they call a Caan , and there wee rested two daies . The sixe and twentieth day , we trauelled some eight leagues to a little towne called Roma , where wée lay all night . The seuen and twentieth day , wee trauelled some eight leagues more to a Monastery called Huddrea●●ns , which was built by an Armenian Christian , who g●ue sufficiēt maintenance to prouide , Oliues , bread , and Oile for Lamps , for the harbour & reliefe of all Christian trauellers ▪ and there is the picture of Saint George on Horse backe fighting with the Dragon , and his picture on foot , and his Crosse , and mention in old Roman print of his noble & memorable acts , which Relique is much honored by many Christians as they trauell by the same , and to that end there i● a Chapel and Lampes burning therein continually . The twenty eight day we went some tenne leagues to a lit●le Towne called Hone , and lay there that night . The 29. day , we trauelled to Tripolis , being tenne leagues from thence , where we found the good ship , the Great Exchange of London , whereof Master Robert Bradshawe of Ratliffe was both Captaine and Master ; who not aboue ten daies before , was in great danger of shipwrake breaking their Cables and Ancors , so that the ship droue and was in great distresse : So that they were faine to cut the maine Mast ouerbord , being within twice the ships length of the rocks , yet by Gods good prouidence , one Cable and Ancor held , and so both schip and men were saued , all the men hauing stripped themselues to saue their lives by swimming , or otherwise , as it would please God to assist and permit them . In this storme there was a great Venetian shippe of 1100. tun cast away , yet the ship was so set amongst the Rocks , that all her men were saued by the great and mercifull prouidence of almighty God. Also there were Frenchmen in the Harbor , that cut ther Masts ouerbord and were in great danger , yet all escaped thankes be giuen to God. Also afterwards by greawt good fortune the Excharges Mast was found by the company between two Rocks , and was got on shore , and hauing an excellent good Carpenter , he did workemanlike and strongly scarse the same with a péece of an other Mast , which the Master got from aboard a Flemming , that it brough her well home into England , God be praised . At our comming to Tripolie we went to the English house , where wée stayed two daies , and were by him very knidly used , and héere we ended our long and teious Land trauels . The first day of Ianuary being New yéeres day , we tooke our leaue of Master Lucas and went aboard , my selfe and Richard Martin , where Captaine Bradshawe also used us very kindly , and in regard I was very weake , with long and extreame trauell , he allowed me a good Cabin , and caused the Surgeon to deo mee what good he could . Tripoly is a Towne of no great traffique , but only a place whither ships doe come to take in such trading as is brought from other places , and chiefly from Aleppo . The cause ( I thinke ) is by reason of the dangerous harbour there . For if there come Easterly windes that ouerblow , there is no safe riding for ships in that harbour . For that no reasonable ground takle will hold them . The third day of Ianuary , we set saile for England , and the one and twentieth day following we came to the Iland of Zante , where they tooke in thrèe months victuals , which they left there , when there were outward bound . Also they tooke in Oiles and Currants , being all the Commodities , which the Iland affordes . For of it self it is so poore and barren , that it yèeldeth not victuals to maintaine it self , but is for the most part maintained from the Maine . The foure and twentieth day we set saile againe , and about he foure and twentieth day of February the winde tooke us short , and our Master thinking it not goo dto beat the ship at Sea with a contrary winde , put into harbour at Malta , where is a galland harbour , and many gallies and pretty fine shipping belonging to the same , which goe out upon seruice 200. against the Turke . Malta is a goodly City of an inuincible strength , with gallant wals being built vpon a maine Rocke . And vpon the wals of the olde and new towne , are péeces of excellent good brasse Ordinance . And in this City the ancient order of the knights of Malta , haue their continuall residence , who are gallant souldiers , & haue faire houses , not much vnlike to our Innes of Court , they are all Christians , and so are all the inhabitants , viz. Armenians , Spaniards , Italians , Dutchmen , and verie many Frenchmen , the Grand Master of the whole order being a Frenchman , but I could not heare of any English amongst them , yet doe they all , shew themselues very kind , and curteous to Englishmen . All the knights doe weare white and blacke crosses on the shoulders of their cloakes : And any gentleman that commeth thither doth put in a stocke of a 100. pound or thereabouts , for his maintainance , but is not allowed for a knight , vntil by seruice against the Turke or else where he shall deserue the same , and héere wée staied 5. daies . The 10. day of March , we set saile againe , and about the 22. day we came to a watch house where was 2. péeces of Ordinance , and came to an ancor , but because we came not presently ashore with our boat , they shot at vs , whereupon our Captaine sent our boat on shore with our Boatswaine , who was very kindly vsed , when they knew what we were , and the Captaine of the watch-house came aboard our ship , & gaue our captaine a liue hog for a present , which he accepted very thankfully , and requited him with other things of 3. times the value . And so ( as we thought ) he rested very well contented . Then our purser and my selfe with a knight of Malta , being a passenger for France , were by our Boatswaine and his gang set on shore , together with the Captaine of the watch-house , we thinking to goe to the Towne of Callar , to buy such prouision as we wanted : But the Captain tooke our Purser and the knight of Malta prisoners , and kept them there : So that our Master not knowing how to come by y e Purser , waighed ancor and brought the shippe vp to Callar , anwent himselfe , and made complaint to the Grand Seniors , who presently granted a discharge for them both , and withall promised that the Captaine should be punished for so abusing of his place , and so after foure daies imprisonment the Purser and knight were both set at liberty and came aborde . Calarie is a great Towne , where a number of Cauiliers doe liue , and hath some small shipping belonging to it . It standeth in the Iland of Sardinia , which is a great and fruitfull Iland of corns and fruit , where we lay some sixe daies , and 5. or 6. daies more of and on , about the Iland : In which tune we discribed two small men of warre , which we imagined to be some of Captaine Wards crew , who at the first chased vs , and then we had them in chase , but whē they perceiued we were not for their turne , they made away , as fast as they could , and so we left them . Then it pleased God to send vs a wind , that brought vs thorow the Leuant , and put vs out to the mouth of the Straits of Gebraltar , from whence we also had a faire winde that carried vs to the height of the Burlans , which is off the Rocke going to Lisbone in Portugale , where the winde tooke vs short : So that our Captaine thought it best to put into Cast Cales , for beating the ship in the sea , which he did for 23. or 4 daies , vntill it pleased God to send vs a faire winde , and so putting to sea againe we arriued safe in England at the Town and port of Douer in Kent , about the latter end of Aprill , 1611. For which I gaue God thankes , and setting my foot on English ground , I thought all my miseries to be at an end . For to mée , all the Nations and kingdomes , that in this my trauels I passed by and saw , both by sea and land , séemed nothing comparable to it . But that in respect of them all , it may be called the onely Paradize and blessed Countrey of the world . And so desiring God of his mercy to blesse euery good man from so great miseries as wée indured by the follies and ouersight of a lewd and indiscreet Master , being both vnfit and vnworthy to bee imploied in so great affaires , and for so worshipfull and worthy men as were Masters , Owners , and Aduenturers therein . For , Phillip de Groue our Master being a Flemming , and an Arch-villaine , who was not onely accused , but it was ( by the boy with whom he committed the fact ) confessed to my selfe , that he was a detestable buggerer : So that had not Gods mercy béene the greater , it was a wonder that in regard thereof , and of others being offenders in the like , that ourship had not s●nck in the Ocean . Lastly , praying to the Almighty , for the long and prosperous raigne of our most Gracious Soueraigne , King IAMES , with the health and prosperity of the Quéenes most Excellent Maiesty , and all their Roiall Issue , As also for the Lords of of his most Honourable Priuie Councell , and for all the Honourable , Worshipfull , and others , the Masters , Owners and Aduenturers , of the Company of the East Indian Merchants , their Factors , Freinds , and Welwillers . I cease , and humbly commit my selfe and this small Relation of my Trauels , to their kinde and fauourable Censures . FINIS . Printed at London , for Thomas Archer and Richard Redmer . 1612. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A19470-e360 1607. 1608. The master of the Pinnace murdered . Moha sixe leagues wihin the Straits Their abod at Moha . The ship foundere● ▪ ●andeuee Riuer . 16●9 . The taruell to Agra . Grees the first Towne of Persia. A Portugal Embassador Legier . Iohn White sent into the East India ouer land . Somewhat is wanting . Calari a porte Towne in Sardinia . Callari a Towne of Sardinia . The Strait of Gibraltar . Berelengas . Douer . 1611. 
A42799	----	A relation of an unfortunate voyage to the kingdome of Bengala describing the deplorable condition and dismal accidents attending those therein concerned, how that after the loss of their ship they were forced to abide in a desart and barren island, to eat leaves, toads, serpents, &c. and reduced to that extremity as to digg open graves and to feed on human bodies : as also, the manner of deliverance out of that place, and what befel them afterwards in the service of the great mogol : together with choice observations touching that monarch's government, laws, customs, and armies, and especially his late war against the kings of Azo and Assam, with several other remarkable particulars / by Mr. Glanius. Glanius, W. 1682 Approx. 172 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 98 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A42799 Wing G794 ESTC R40890 19526815 ocm 19526815 109000 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A42799) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109000) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1688:12) A relation of an unfortunate voyage to the kingdome of Bengala describing the deplorable condition and dismal accidents attending those therein concerned, how that after the loss of their ship they were forced to abide in a desart and barren island, to eat leaves, toads, serpents, &c. and reduced to that extremity as to digg open graves and to feed on human bodies : as also, the manner of deliverance out of that place, and what befel them afterwards in the service of the great mogol : together with choice observations touching that monarch's government, laws, customs, and armies, and especially his late war against the kings of Azo and Assam, with several other remarkable particulars / by Mr. Glanius. Glanius, W. [7], 184 p. Printed for Henry Bonwick ..., London : 1682. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Nederlandsche Oost-Indische Compagnie. India -- History -- 1500-1765. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-01 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-01 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A RELATION of an Unfortunate VOYAGE to the Kingdom of BENGALA . DESCRIBING The deplorable condition , and dismal accidents , attending those therein concerned . How that after the loss of their Ship , they were forced to abide in a Desart , and Barren Island ; to eat Leaves , Toads , Serpents , &c. and reduced to that extremity , as to digg open Graves , to feed on Human Bodies . As also , the manner of their deliverance out of that place ; and what befel them afterwards , in the Service of the great Mogol . Together with choice Observations , touching that Monarch's Government , Laws , Customs , and Armies ; and especially his late War against the Kings of Azo , and Assam , with several other remarkable particulars . By Mr. Glanius . LONDON , Printed for Henry Bonwick at the Red-Lyon in St. Paul's Church-yard , 1682. VOYAGE to BENGALA LONDON Printed for Henry Bonwick at the Red Lyon in S t. Pauls Church yard 1682 PREFACE . ALthough this following Narrative discovers no State , or Love intrigues , ( the main entertainment of the times ) Yet will it gratifie our curiosity , with a Relation of such Accidents , which ( being new and singular , though Tragical and Serious ) cannot but produce in us several delightful , as well as profitable Reflexions . To see a Ship tossed , and threatned every Moment , by the merciless Waves , ( says Lucretius ) is a spectacle , which those that stand safe at shore , cannot hut behold with pleasure , as well as compassion . Non quia vexari ( says he ) quemquam est jucunda voluptas : Sed , quibus ipse malis careas , quia cernere suav ' est . In short , ( for I would not ●e more impertinent than ●ther folks , though something must be said ( it seems ) by way of Preface ) he Book will answer ( I ●ope ) the Title , and Rea●er's expectation ; being ●n extract from the Ori●inal Copy , Printed at Amsterdam , in 1681. And this is all I know , need say of it . A RELATION of an unfortunate Voyage To the KINGDOM OF Bengala . WE parted from Batavia , with the Vessels named Wesop , Brouwers-haven , and Nieuwen-hove , the 3 d. of September , in the year One thousand six hundred sixty one ; and set Sail towards Ongueli , in the Kingdom of Bengala . Our Vessel ( called Ter Schelling ) carry'd about 8 pieces of Cannon , and four score and five men ; our freight consisting chiefly of pieces of Silver-Coin , and Copper-Plates . On the 23d . our Masters Mate , whose name was Hillebrant , going down into the Hold , to fetch thence some Ropes he needed ; saw or thought he beheld , through the Port-holes , Persons swimming , pale and spent , and some , that were dead , floating on the Sea. At his coming up he appear'd troubled ; and when his heaviness was somewhat alleviated , he told us the cause of it . Whether his vision were real , or a pure effect of his melancholy humour , yet several persons lookt upon it as a bad Omen , and began to expect the worst . As for his part , from that very moment he still continued sad and pensive , whereas before no man was of a more gay and jolly humour . Such was his seriousness , that he could not endure to hear any idle discourses , nor refrain from exhorting us to fervent prayer , for the averting the dangers threatning us . There wanted not some who derided his visions , and made a sport of them ; wherefore he often besought God to give these Libertins a sight of what he had seen , or something like it ; as a means to check their licentiousness and reduce them to sobriety . On the 8th . of October we were in sight of the Coast of Bengala , but knew it not . In this uncertainty we steer'd towards it , and cast Anchor within two leagues off the shore , where our Master Jacob Janz-Stroom ( born at Amsterdam ) sent out the Long-boat , and dispatch'd the Pilot to the Inhabitants , with Seven or Eight Sea-men and the Steward , who had some skill in the Language of that Country , to enquire into the Nature , and Name of that Coast we saw . We knew that of Bengala was full of rocks and dangerous shelves , whereon several Vessels had been cast away , but had not that necessary knowledge whereabouts they lay , without which we could not avoid them : Three days past since our men went on shoar , and we in continual expectation of their return . But at length suspected , they were detained captive , or destroyed by some other misfortune ; whereupon we weighed Anchor , and sought a Port where we might inquire farther after them . After a long search , we descryed 3 small Barks that made towards us , from the Land side . At which we rejoyc'd , hoping by their means to hear news of those we sought , and that they would help us out of this perplexity . These Barks stopt about a stones cast from our Ship , ( as it were , ) to consult , whether they had best come on board her , being a Man of War : After about a quarter of an hours deliberation , their Commander , whom they called Orangkai , drew near with his Bark , and made signs to us , that the other two were laden with Fowl , and Fish , and several fruits of their Country . We gave him to understand , in the best manner we could , that he had no reason to fear ; and our signs encouraged him . As soon as he was on board our Ship , he caused the other Barks to come up , and unlade their provisions , which came to us very seasonably : Our Master led him into his Cabbin , where he entertained him with all imaginable kindness . As they began to discourse about the Country , ( having first made enquiries for our people ) our Vessel touched upon a shelf , which put all our Men in an Alarm . The course we took to clear our selves could not be without noise , whereat Orangkai was frighted , and believed 't was a signal to betray him . In this imagination he thought of nothing but how to escape , which he did , so dexterously , that none of us were aware of it , till he had gotten a great distance from us . He ever and anon stopt his course , and we expected his return , but when we saw he forgot to take the money with him , which we paid him , we no longer doubted but his fear was excessive ; in effect he did not return ; and when our Vessel was on float , we found our selves as far advanced as we were before . In this extremity , the greatest part of our Ship were of opinion to expect here our Men , which we did for 8 days together , but to no purpose ; wherefore having cleared our selves off this place , we hoisted Sail in search of the Ships that set out with us . After a tedious search , we ran upon a long shole , whence getting clear , we fell upon another , more dangerous than the former . This obliged us to let down our Boat into the Sea , as well to sound the depth of the Water , as to understand the nature and quality of the place . We could find nothing far and near , but shallows and flats ; and every where so little Water , that we knew not which way to pass . Then we gave our selves for lost , and were all in a maze , except the Seamen , who in the greatest danger ran to their bottles , and drank one anothers healths . In the mean time , we cast Anchor behind and before , and the Sea growing rough , and Wind high , we could not hinder our Vessel from having a great breach made in it , and sinking , had we not cut down our Boltsplit . As to the Boat it was swallow'd up in the Sand , and one Man that was in it saved , by the assistance we gave him . Thus were we without our Small-boat , or Shalope , out of sight of Land , and in an unknown Sea. These misfortunes were great , and sufficient to o'rewhelm us , but these were not all , for a while after we found our selves in a worse condition . Whilst we were Studying to remedy our present miseries , a fierce blast of Wind snapt both our Cables . We immediately threw out two others , which could not hinder the Vessel from striking against a Sandy hill , wherefore we cut them with Hatchets , leaving our Anchors in the Sea. And as to the Sails , besides that the Wind carry'd away our Foretop , we were forced to clear the Vessel of Water , and let them all down . Moreover the Wind so swelled the Waves , that the Ship let in Water through the Port-holes , and we expected every moment when she would dash against a Rock . Great was our fear , but not general ; for whilst the greatest part were confessing their sins , and imploring God's pardon , before whom they were now going to appear ; the Sea-men were making merry , and singing with their full Cups in their hands ; that though the Sea were rough and terrible , yet would they hinder it from possessing that part , into which they pow'red down their liquor . Thus did these wretches defie all danger , and out-brave Death it self , which they called the Scare-crow of vulgar Souls , and the scorn of those that knew it in it self . Whilst they were drinking on one hand , and we praying on the other , a sudden blast of Wind drove our Ship from between the sholes , and set it on float again : We began to be in hopes , when , immediately , the Water sprang in from all sides : Whereupon we fell to work with our Pumps , but to little purpose , the Water coming in so fast upon us ; yet perhaps had all our Men ( who were to the number of 70 ) used their utmost endeavours , they might have been successful , but most of 'em were so weak , that they could scarcely stand . This misfortune was attended by another , to compleat our misery ; for none of us knew what course to Steer ; nor the Master , or Pilots what to determine . After several contests , they were found to be of contrary judgments ; these were for going on one side , and the Master another , and his opinion was followed . We went not far before we found which was the best , for that of the Sea-men would have carry'd us far from the Coast . Although we were well enough satisfied in that particular , yet had we several other perplexities to encounter with , for the Water still gained upon us , and we had been a great while out of the sight of Land , and in the want of provision . Moreover we were all so overcome with sleep , and weariness , that we were not able to stand . In this condition were we , when he that was upon the Watch cryed out , Land , Land , and that 't was near us . This good news put us all in heart again ; and made us fall to work afresh : But this hope did not last long , for 3 or 4 hours after we had the Tide against us , which hindred us from advancing , so that at night we were forced to cast Anchor at 3 Leagues distance from Land , about 4 fathom deep . This last misfortune compleated our sorrow , for we could Pump no longer ; and the Water apparently still gained upon us : Yet did the most able among us ( seeing themselves ready to perish in sight of Land ) use their utmost endeavours , and encouraged one another , resolving to cut the Cable the next Morning , to advance with the Floud , as near as we could to Shore . But scarcely had we spent 6 hours , in this undertaking ; when we perceived , that of one Bucket of Water , half of it was Sand , with which we had ballasted our Ship , which broke all our measures . Since this unhappy accident , we thought of nothing , but yielding up our selves to the Divine Providence ; and all means failing us , some gave way to sleep , others resisted it , being not able to resolve upon shutting their eyes against that light , which they were now upon the point of ever losing ; and some again whom hunger more terrified than either sleep or death , so earnestly demanded meat ; that the Master ordered , every Man his share of strong Waters , and smoakt Beef . The Steward obeyed with much difficulty ; but seeing himself sorced to it , distributed such a small quantity of both , that 't would have made a Man apt to think , we had still a long Voyage to make . In the mean time these watchings and fatigues had so exhausted our Mens spirits , that several became frantick , and shewed such extravagancies , as would have forced laughter at another time . The Cook ran up the scuttles and came down again in a great heat , occasioned by the pains he had taken , in fishing for Duckers ; with which he vaunted he would make a Ragoo , that should quicken the dead . Others could not comprehend the danger we were in , and forgetting what had passed , were continually talking of the profits and advantages they would make of this Voyage . As soon as we left Pumping , we saw our Main-yard , and that before , which we let down , were full of Duckers , which were easily taken . Several of those that had the right use of their Sences , caused a parcel of Beans to be dressed ( called Kitseri ) which were found lying at the bottom of a Sea-man's Chest , that lay asleep ; we eat them with a great deal of pleasure , although deem'd this would be our last Repast . A while after there entred so much Water through the Port-hole of the Cooks Cabbin , where the violence of the Waves had made a breach , that we were forced to make holes in the Deck , to let the Water run down into the Hold ; which we stopt with much difficulty , with plates of Lead wrapt about with Tow. After this , the lustiest amongst us were forced to repose themselves , not being able to resist the desire of sleeping : As for my own part ( who had hitherto made a shift to bear up ) I laid me down on a Chest , that was fastened to the Deck , not giving my self the liberty of an easier Couch , in a time , wherein I believed I was so near to Death . Scarcely had I rested thereon an hour , but the screeks of those that first perceived the Vessel to incline on one side , awakened us , and shewed us the danger we were in : Then it was that our confusions encreased , and every Man endeavoured to withdraw out of the press , to seek alone some means to save himself . It was observed that 3 of our Sea-men were wanting , whom we supposed to be drowned at the bottom of the Hold , where they had laid themselves down to rest . We were 2 hours in this condition , most of us half dead , and hopeless , when the Vessel raised it self up again . This change so surprized us , that we could scarcely believe it ; but when we were well assured of it , our hearts returned , and sorrow gave place to joy . Several ran to their Chests putting on their best Cloaths , and demanded Strong-water , which was not refused them , and had immediately a pleasant effect upon 'em : Others dealt out their melancholly thoughts , imagining themselves great personages , and talkt only of Millions . These whimseys were tolerable , in comparison of the Sea-mens excesses , who continued in their outbravings of Death , and its Consequences . Some of them that had taken such pains to dress themselves , went along with the Saylers into the great Cabbin ; whence ever and anon coming out with their Caps on one side their Heads , and their Glasses in their Hands , they invited the rest to imitate them in Singing Bawdy Songs , and Dancing . There were some that seemed more solid , yet were clearly for drinking , to make themselves ( as they said ) less sensible of the fears Men feel in such extremities . These kept some measure , but others more bruitish , glutted themselves like Swine , till they lost wholly their reason . In the mean time Death drew still nearer us , and our only remedy , was to make a Machine wherein to save our selves , when the Vessel sunk . The Carpenter offered to make one , and with the assistance of some others took down the Sail-yards , Masts , and other necessaries ; with which he made immediately a kind of Vessel , that might hold 40 Men : We were more in number , but the Libertins scoft at our pre-caution , and would not assist us , so that for want of help we could not make it larger nor stronger : So great was the hard heartedness of several of our Men that they would not so much as lend us the Knifes or Hatchets we needed . The Cooks Mate was one of 'em : This Man named William Ysbrants had good store by him , and so far was he from parting with them , that he withheld others from doing it , by his perswasions , saying he knew a shorter and better way to save them that would be ruled by him . In fine , maugre this hard hearted Wretch , and the Sea-mens gang , who continued on their Riot , we finished our Float-boat , which we fastned to the Vessel , till we made Oars to guide it . When every thing was ready , each Man that was willing to go in it had given him 10 pieces of currant Money in the Kingdom of Bengala , for his relief when at shore . Before we went off we must drink a parting Cup , of which most drank so deep , that they made themselves drunk . I designed to have been one of those that left the Vessel , but a friend hindred me , he told me I must not leave him , for he lookt upon that Machine to be extream dangerous , especially considering the condition of those Persons that took upon 'em to guide it , being most of 'em drunk , and ready to quarrel ; the Machine lying , moreover , level with the Water , and over laden . So I staid in the Vessel with the Master , and some others , whose number was far inferiour to those that left us . Scarcely were they gotten a stones cast , but several of them repented they forsook us , and swam back again , so that upon their return we found we were 32 Men ; according to which reckoning there must be about some 40 in the Machine , where they endeavoured to use the Sail of the Shalope ; but besides that it was too heavy , the Wind ceased about half an hour after , so that they advanced very little . When we lost sight of them , we besought God to preserve 'em ; to the end , that according to their promise , the inhabitants might come out to help us . Then the Master of the Vessel , caused a Sack of Dutch Biscuit to be brought him , and a small quantity of smoaked Beef , which we soon devoured . In the mean while we spyed our people again a great way off , but this was but for a moment , for we never could set sight on 'em afterwards ; which made us suspect their Machine failed them , and was sunk by some unexpected disaster , which was very probable , seeing we could not hear the least news of them . The strong conjectures we had of their loss , dispossessing us of our hope ( for we laid great stress on the good offices they promised to render us , when at land ) put us upon resolves to make another Boat ; which , when finished , could not hold above 10 or 12 Men. Therefore were we forced to take other measures , and began to cut down the Scuttles of the Main-mast , which had been already cut , and stript from its tackle . We afterwards wanted the Sail-yard , but it being far in the Water , entangled with its Ropes and Sail , we could not get it out thence , believing it to be a thing impossible ; at length , my friend before mention'd , ( whose name was William Bastians ) caused a Rope to be fast'ned about his middle , and so was let down into the Sea , to cut all these entanglements which hindred us from finishing our undertaking . In the mean while , the Night and Waves equally incommodated us , the first by its obscurity , and the others by their violence : Thus were we every moment ready to perish . Whilst the greatest part were busied in cutting down the Fore-mast , which was the only one that stood ; six of our Men plotted together , to slip away privately in our Machine , without caring what might become of their Companions ; they were just ready to execute their treacherous design , having already cut the 2 Ropes by which it was fastned , and began to put off from the Ship ; when the Mast , which we cut , fell down into the Sea before it , and by its fall discovered , and forced 'em back . Had not this hapned , without doubt we had perished that Night , for the foul weather encreased , the Waves became boysterous , and the Vessel unable to resist them . We hastned then to accommodate to our Boat , the Mast we had fell'd , which rendred it fit to carry 20 Men , and we were in all 32. About midnight the Tide being half spent , we would willingly staid its return , and embarkt our selves by Day light , but the danger was too pressing to use delays . We then began to prepare for our departure out of the Vessel , taking along with us but a small quantity of Provision , 2 Compasses , 2 Cutlasses , a Sword , a Pole-ax , some Oars made in haste , a Lanthorn , and Candles for the night . Thus sorrily furnished , did we forsake the Vessel , and put our selves into the Boat , where each of us , with his Oar in his hand , made towards the shore . 'T is impossible to express what we underwent ; but it may be easily imagin'd , that being in the Water up to the middle , in a cold Season , and dark Night , we could not be much at ease . As soon as the day appeared , we had the Tide against us , and being not able to resist it , were carried by it so far , that we lost sight of Land. An hour after we descryed it , and used our utmost endeavours to reach it ; but the Currants which were swift made all attempts fruitless . This mishap was attended by another ; the greatest part of us fell into deliriums , and in this condition became exceeding troublesome to the rest : Some of 'em would needs go to their Chests , to take thence the Linnen they wanted . Others were searching for the Kitchin , to warm themselves . But he that gave us most trouble , was my friend William Bastians , who supposing , as well as the rest , that he was still on Board the Ship ; demanded where we carried him ; and rowing a quite contrary course to the rest , cryed out ; Pray let me alone , I 'll carry you where we should be , I see Hellevoutslus Castle ; courage , we are at it . A coxcomb , cryed another , he sees a Castle , ay , we are at it as much as I am at Rome . 'T is a Church , says the Carpenter , a stately Fabrick indeed , how it glistens against the Sun ! What ails these Fools , cried another , to take the Mast of a Ship for a Church , and a Castle ? These poor wretches have lost their sences . I laughed some time at their extravagancies , and within a while ( as I was told ) fell into the same condition . O grievous , said I , they are making merry at the Bear , yonder , and I may not be with 'em : I will make one amongst ' em . The Master who sat nearest with-held me ; but I fiercely flung away from him , and ran into the water . Whence I was quickly taken up , but neither the cold , nor apprehension of the danger I escaped , could make me come to my self : Yet I felt I was extream cold , and would had the Master pull off his Cloaths to accommodate me with 'em ; thus continuing , I took a Barrel for the Kitchin , and sat my self down by it to dry and warm me . This imaginary fire did me , perhaps , as much good as if it had been real ; for methoughts I felt it mighty comfortable , so that I fell asleep , and at waking returned to my right sences . In the mean time the Tide carried us so far , that we lost all hope ; we earnestly besought God to put an end to our miseries by death , or shew us how to avoid them . Some time after we thought we saw Land , and Cows feeding ; believing it to be an effect of our Prayers , we continued them , saying one to another , that seeing what we had already done , procured us the sight of Land , without doubt the continuation of our Prayers would bring us to it : It is impossible to express the joy this Vision gave us , for 't was no better ; being only a sandy Bank cast up by the violence of the Sea. This sad mistake struck us all in amaze , especially considering , moreover , that our Machine which began to sink , could not carry us far . The most resolute amongst us , seeing the danger encreasing , determined for the lightning of the Boat , to push in the Night , as many as they could of their Companions into the Sea. Heaven would not suffer 'em to execute their cruel design ; for the Carpenter bethought himself we had to a considerable weight in Money , which might serve us instead of an Anchor , or Counter-poise ; that would be necessary in two respects . For besides that , the Machine would not by this means be oppressed with it ; this Counter-poise would stand us in good stead in a contrary Tide . His advice was taken , and every Man freely parted with his Mony , which was put into a pair of close-kneed-breeches , tied with a Cord ; and then into another pair , which we tyed fast ; and so into a 3d. which we let down to the bottom , fastned to a Rope , when minded to stop . We made another packet of this Money , which we used instead of a Plummet , to find on what side the Tides cast us . Both one and the other of these were so useful to us , that in a short time we found our selves so near Land , as not to fear any more the losing it . About 2 in the After-noon , we took up our Anchor , to give every Man his own again , which they took without counting , so greatly were they possessed with joy to see themselves out of danger : So that some who contributed most , were content with least ; and those that gave least , found themselves greatest sharers . So greatly indifferent were we in this matter , that a considerable sum remained without any Owner , which was distributed to those that had none , being certain that of all the several Coyns we brought , there were not one but would pass in the Kingdom of Bengala . After this distribution there was found a Sack in a Barrel , full of Biscuit , which no body regarded , and had been left behind , had not the Master taken charge of it . We came at length so near the shoar , that we thought we saw Fisher-men stretching out their Nets to dry ' em . Coming nearer , we spyed other persons , that seem'd to wear the same habits as we , whom we supposed to be those that left us . They had all the same Cloaths , Hats , and Caps , except some that wore Canvass , taken out of a Sail ; and others that were only in their Drawers . Thus did they appear to us through our Spying-Glass , and every one that made use of it , believed they saw very distinctly with it , what they saw but imperfectly without it . The Tide carried us not to that side , neither brought us so soon to shoar , as we desired . This slowness made us still fear , and there was one so impatient as to throw himself in the Water , to try whether he could not swim to Land , but his heart failed him , and he was glad to return . In the mean time we called to mind , that the inhabitants of Bengala , had a deadly antipathy against Swines flesh , some of which we kept still by us ; whereupon 't was agreed to throw it into the Sea. But that which most troubled us , was to see 'em rashly cast over-board a Barrel of Biscuit which might stood us in good stead , being distributed amongst us , who were almost dead with hunger . Several opposed the doing it , but were answered , we should have better food at Land. So we came to shoar , and left our Machine at the disposal of the Sea. As soon as ever we were Landed , our Master , and 10 or 12 more , that were the best able amongst us , ran immediately upon the discovery , the rest slowly following after ; intreating 'em to hasten , and find 'em a convenient place to dry themselves , being equally pressed with cold and hunger . In our march we entertained one another with Relations of our particular sufferings , and happiness in being thus delivered from them . We went on thus , discoursing with as much freedom and security , as if we had already seen the inhabitants , striving to outvy one another in our kind reception : Some said that those we saw when on the Sea , whether Dutch-men or Moors , could not be far from us . Others alledged that those Moors being out a Fishing for their Masters , had met our people , and carried 'em to their Huts ; and that we might find them in a thicket directly before us . Talking thus , we went on jocundly to this Grove , where we doubted not but the Inhabitants would receive us , to our content : But our opinion was ill grounded , for being come to it , we found neither Man nor Beast ; nor any Path , or Track to guide us ; or the least sign it were ever inhabited . Some that were most tired relying on the refreshments they expected to meet here , could not believe what they saw ; and calling out as loud as they were able , imagined they must be answer'd , but were deceived ; so that we must continue on our march through a melancholly , thick Wood , and which was , perhaps , full of wild Beasts . This imagination , together with the present unexpected disappointment and past fatigues , compleated our sorrows : As we went on , our hearts being ready to burst with grief ; and demanding of one another , what could befall'n our Master , and those that accompanied him , we found them lying in a profound sleep ; and the need we had to do the same , made us willingly imitate them . At our waking , all our discourse was about the Moors , and Dutchmen , which we imagined we saw near the shoar ; whom , not finding in that place , we no longer doubted , but this Vision was an illusion . The day being far spent , we resolved to pass over the night in the same place we lay ; spending some time in providing Wood , of which we made 3 Piles in form of a Triangle , which we set on fire with the Candle we brought with us in the Lanthorn . We placed a Sentinel near each fire , to assure us against the surprizes of the wild Beasts , and by this means warmed our selves in greater tranquility . The nights were so cold , and we so ill Cloathed , that we could not rest ; and when we could , our Chaplin was so full of ravings , that he would have put us all into disorder ; whatsoever we could do to pacifie him , he kept still in a rage ; furiously demanding what meant this change at Batavia , and how it came to pass we were thus used ; at some he threw his Slippers , at others his Hat , and threatned to extirpate these Slaves from off the face of the Earth , that thus served him . Thus did we sorrowfully pass over the Night , and at break of Day began to think of discamping , to find a more commodious retreat . One of the last that waked was our Chirurgion , who starting up in a maze , cryed out , we had robbed him , and that he would have us before a Justice of Peace . The noise he made , disturbed our poor Chaplain ; who supposing him to have been some Slave , that made resistance , cried out , Murder , Help , Help , these Slaves have taken Arms. The Chirurgion that knew not he was distracted ( for he had slept very quietly ) believed what he said , and was for putting himself in a posture of defence , till we shewed him the others folly . Well , says he , though he be a fool , yet I am not one ; for 't is too true , that of 6 Bags of Money I had , I have been robbed of 3 this Night . We thought him at first in the same case as the other , but at length found him otherwise ; and whether his loss were real or imaginary , he still continued to demand satisfaction , but had little notice taken of him , for we were for changing our ground , and moving forward , leaving the poor Chaplain , in a distracted condition behind us , for no body would take charge of him . We drew near then to the shoar , in hopes of finding either the Fisher-men , or other People , for our redress . The first object we met , was a great Tortoise without a head ; and immediately after a Buffle stretcht out on the ground , whose head was half rotten , and full of maggots . Several Animals , which the inhabitants called Leganes , were about this Creature , which smelt so strong , that we could not endure to come near it . But some days after we had not the same aversion , nor were so delicate , for hunger so sorely prest us , that the stink could not hinder us from gnawing it to the very bones . About a quarter of a League from that place , we found our selves near a River ; on the other side of which , we spyed 8 Moors , whom we took for Bengaloises . We immediately endeavoured to pass over it , but found it too deep for us . An hour after , it appeared to us more Fordable , and we passed over it , in effect , with as much joy as if certain of a happy success . When we had gotten on the other side , these Moors ran to meet us , casting themselves down at our feet , and kissed them ; and thus remained a long time , lifting up their eyes to Heaven , and pronouncing some words , whereby we supposed they designed to declare their innocency , and the injustice done ' em . These People being 8 in number ; to wit 4 Men , 2 Women , and 2 Children , seemed to us much afflicted , but we could not understand them ; and all that we could comprehend , in feeing a certain kind of Boat on float which had brought them thither , was that they were some poor Slaves , whom their Masters cruelty had obliged to run away . These people then being not the persons we wanted , we passed over again the River ; where having made a good fire , we went in search of the Tortoise we saw , whom we roasted in his shell : Each of us took our part of him ( which could not be great , for we were Thirty of us ) and greedily devoured it . And being still prest with hunger , we regretted the Provisions that were thrown over Board , saying one to another , we were justly punished for our foolish prodigality . These lamentations were followed by a pensive silence , and in fine , by prayers , which ended , we betook our selves ( as well as we could ) to rest . The next Morning before we took our march , our Master gave each of us a slice of Cheese , from one that weighed about 3 pound , which he brought from the Ship ; and by the Chirurgions order , who was also our Physician , we drank thereupon a Cup of Water half salt , and found our selves in good plight . After about 5 or 6 hours march , we came at the Lands end , which gave us to understand that this place was an Island , and distant from main Land about 8 or 9 Leagues . These conjectures extreamly dismayed us ; and we began to prepare our selves for the worst , expecting to dye with hunger in that barren and desert place . We could see nothing but Trees , some of which were dry and withered , and others green , laden only with leaves ; a sad and bitter nourishment , yet with which we were forced to be contented . We stood upon this point , till we came to a determination , and agreed , that 't was our surest course to return to the place where we past over the first Night . And in our way came to the place where we had eaten the Tortoise , in hopes to find those aforementioned Leganes . For fear of making 'em wild , 2 of our Men , armed with a Hatchet and Cutlass , marched before , and we followed 'em at a distance . They returned soon after with one of these Animals , which we carried to the place we intended . Having left our Chaplain here , we searcht about , and called him , but could neither see nor hear him . We sought afterwards a commodious place wherein to fix , during our stay in this Island , and judged it were better to settle near the Shoar , than the Wood , where we could not expect any succour from the Sea ; our only hope of getting out of this dolesom place , consisting in our expectation of some Vessels passing by . We gathered Wood , which having lighted , we cut the Legane with his skin , into as many pieces as we were Men. Every one took his share , and drest it as best liked him ; those that were most hungry , scarcely at all , least the fire should diminish it , and the others very little , for the same reason , it being small enough already ; this Animal not exceeding the bigness of a Cat. The flesh of it is very unsavory and unpleasant , but our extream hunger gave it a good relish , and likewise the Water , notwithstanding its brinyness . Half an hour after we took our Bibles ( having 2 with us ) and the Pilot read Prayers , which ended , we reposed our selves round the fire by turns , for we could not all of us be at it together . The next Morning we began the day , with our requests to Almighty God , to compassionate , and deliver us from our miseries , which seemed already greater then we could bear ; then every one went his way . The Chirurgion bethought himself , as he walkt along to taste the Leaves of the Trees : Which having done , and finding 'em good , all the rest followed his example . We chewed 'em , at first , a great while , before we swallowed 'em ; but at length found 'em so delicate , that we never tasted bread in our lives , that relisht half so well . Although thefe Leaves seem'd most delicious meats , yet were we not so much in love with 'em , but could willingly left them for others ; and had the Boars , Staggs , and Buffles , that haunted the Woods , and came down and bathed themselves in the Marshes , been willing to be taken , ( for we had no Guns to shoot 'em ) I do not doubt but we could have well dispensed with them , but these Animals had good leggs , and ran too fast for us . One day marching along the shoar , we spied 2 great Serpents , that put us in amaze . We moved from 'em , but being extream hungry , and judging a good repast might be made of them , we gathered round about 'em , with each of us a stick in our hands , and soon conquer'd 'em : We cut off their Heads and Tails , and having flead , and washt them , gave each Man his share , which we greedily devoured ; and yet none of us were thereby incommodated . At the end of each repast , we were as much troubled for more ; and went in small companies , some on one side , and some on the other ; whence for the most part returning empty , we fell upon the Leaves , which we could eat well enough , but they contain'd little nourishment . We went , my friend and I , several times to the Sea side , to see whether the Sea had not cast up something on the shoar , that might stand us in some stead , but all in vain : And one day amongst the rest , being more than ordinary hungry , we all met together , bemoaning our selves in a more piteous manner , then can be expressed . We were a little comforted at the fight of some Beans , which certain of our Company found . Never was any thing eaten with a better appetite , nor found to be of a better taste : Whereupon our hearts returned again , and having smoakt a Pipe or 2 of the Leaves of Trees , instead of Tobacco , we exhorted one another to repose our selves under the Divine Providence . The joy , for having made so good a meal , endured not long , for an hour after we had eaten them , we felt such pangs , as made us believe they were mortal . Our greatest pain was to fetch breath , for we seemed every moment at the point of death . Having lain in this condition near 3 hours , we breathed more freely , and began to get up , but were so weak , that we could scarcely stand . From that time our strength wholly fail'd us , and whether 't was an effect of those Beans , or the little nourishment we received since so long a time , we were not able to carry sticks to make a fire . This mishap was attended by a disgust to the Leaves which we heretofore found so good , but now could eat no longer of 'em , so great was our aversation to 'em , because when we had eaten them , we felt in our mouths a strong stink , like unto that of Buggs , which became insupportable to us . Instead of these Leaves , I tried often to eat Grass , but found that worse , it being impossible for me to swallow it . Our strength every day decaying , and seeing no likelihood of getting out of this dolesom place , we consulted together touching the making of some kind of Boat , wherein to transport our selves elsewhere ; whereupon we cut down several small Trees that grew along the Water side , from which we took off the Peel , which served to fasten the several parts of it . This Boat could not contain above 5 Men , and every person pretended to be of that number , for although the order ran , that they should return with all possible haste , to help the rest with what provision they could find , yet this was an advantage to them , who before they returned would be sure to refresh themselves first . To adjust this difference , we all agreed to refer our selves to the Master , who chose whom he thought best , and counselled them to Coast along the Isle , till they came to the point where we were ; and then suffering themselves to be guided by the Tide , it would carry them towards 2 Islands , above which they might find firm Land , which he judged to be not above 8 or 9 Leagues distant from the point we stood upon . Besides these instructions , he gave them a Compass to Steer by : And having taken some Leaves along with them for their sustenance , they parted the 13th . day after our arrival in this Island , with solemn protestations , that if Heaven prospered their design , they would not fail to return with necessaries for the delivering us out of this Desart . They had each of 'em an Oar , but neither Anchor , or any thing else to stop their Boat in a contrary Tide ; Yet they parted bigg with hope of an happy success , which we wished 'em in beseeching 'em to make a speedy return . As soon as they left us , we betook our selves to the Woods , where searching for food in vain , we were constrained to content our selves with the Leaves of Trees , which we could scarcely swallow without something else to allay their bitterness . Thus were we pinched with hunger , when we believed we could not do better , than to seek the Corps of our Chaplain , whom we infallibly suspected to be dead , and were troubled we could not find it ; for having eaten 2 Serpents without hurt , we supposed humane flesh could not much harm us . The desire of eating something more solid than the Leaves of Trees , continuing to press us , 't was proposed to kill one of the Boys that were with us ; but Heavens so ordered it , that this was not long insisted on , which hapned well for all the rest , for had once a beginning been made , 't is certain 't would been continued , and we should either by secret fraud , or open violence fall'n upon one another . Although the design was rejected by the most part , yet did we mistrust one another , and from that time slept in fear , every Man dreading the rest conspired against him , and appointed the time of his rest for that of cutting his Throat . About Evening we understood , that 2 of our Company , who followed by Land , those that parted in the Morning by Water , had overtaken 'em at Night , at the Islands point , where they begged so earnestly to be taken along with 'em , that they could not deny them , having first fast'ned to their Boat some Trees . In the mean time one of our companions came and inform'd us , that he saw a Serpent of a prodigious size ; that he dar'd not attack him alone , but 't were no hard matter for all of us to conquer him . Each of us immediately then hastned joyfully to the place with his stick in his hand . Where by the way we killed a Legane , that fell off a Tree at our feet , and overjoyed we had wherewithal to mix with our Leaves , we kept on our course . But by mishap the Serpent was gone ; and we had the vexation of searching him a great while in vain , This being a sore disappointment , we needed some happy adventure to make us amends , and desired no better , than to meet with the Corps of our Chaplain . We sought it with the same earnestness as we did the Serpent , but all our endeavours proving fruitless ; we divided the Legane amongst us , the portions of which were so small that had it not been for the Leaves we eat with it , 't were impossible for us to sleep that Night . A long time were we , after this repast without finding any thing ; being exceeding faint and weak , when the Carpenter brought to us his Cap full of Snails . These little insects had neither Horns nor Shels , and we took 'em for Snails , for want of a more proper name to give ' em . But without troubling our selves much about their name , or quality , we caused the Carpenter to bring us to the place where he found 'em , and took all that remained . At our return , laying 'em down upon the ground , they appeared to us to be of a Blewish colour ; which made us believe they were venomous Creatures , and that 't was dangerous eating them . This was the opinion of some ; but the greatest part , argued on the contrary , alledging that several Beasts past for venomous , that were so only in opinion : Witness , the Serpents we had eaten , whose venom is said to be sharp and dangerous , and yet did them no harm . That , having made this experiment with success , they might with as much reason try another ; and supposing 'em to be venomous , yet the fire would clarifie them . This reasoning prevailed , whereupon we agreed , all of us to eat of 'em , and made a great fire to roast them , putting 'em under the Cindars ; and when they were ready , eat 'em , and found 'em good ; and to compleat our Banquet , drank Salt-water , and then began to think of reposing our selves . An hour or two after , the Carpenter found himself ill , and fell immediately into Fits. As soon as we saw him in this condition , we imagined 't would not be long before we fell into the same extremity , and in the mean time consulted together , touching the several sorts of Counter-poisons we ever heard mentioned : But all to no purpose , seeing we wanted them , as well as other necessaries , wherefore we prepared our selves for the patient suffering whatsoever might befall us . Half an hour after , we became affected in the same manner as the Carpenter . For two hours we felt most sharp pains in our Bowels , accompanied with shortness of breath , with which we were so oppressed , that all hope of recovery forsook us . Yet by degrees our pangs ceased , but our weakness continued ; and as soon as we were able to go , hunger pinching us , as before , we were forced to glut our selves with Leaves . Ever since we used them , we were never free from the gripes in our Bowels ; suffering such dolorous pangs , that there are no torments , we would not willingly chosen before them . Having done all we could to comfort us , we committed our selves to the Divine Providence , to which we recommended our selves without ceasing . Our misery every day encreasing , and strength diminishing , we consulted together touching the means of our deliverance . After every Man had communicated his thoughts , it plainly appeared to us all , that unless we made a Machine , wherein to transport our selves to the other side , we must undoubtedly perish . All were agreed , that this was the only remedy left us ; especially since we no longer expected the return of our companions . Those that observed them , assured us , they were carried off from the Coast by the force of the Tide , and so perished with hunger before they could come to Land. And upon this opinion was grounded the design of making another Boat ; but the undertaking was difficult , and upon consultation of our strength , we found our selves unable to do it . Therefore we were forced to yield to necessity , and be still patient for a time , seeing the remedy proposed was none of the safest . Every Man having given his opinion , our Master shew'd us , that Fires in the Night were seen a great way off , and therefore judged it not amiss to make such a one on the shoar , as may be beheld 10 or 12 Leagues distance . We chose for this purpose a convenient place , surrounded with dry Trees , whereon we heapt others , and set them on fire ; which according to our computation might be seen at the forementioned distance . We continued 'em for about 4 days , at the end of which , our hopes in that matter failed us ; or rather strength , to carry on so laborious a work . The Master of our Ship , who was of a very strong and sound constitution , heard our complaints , but took no notice of them ; for measuring our strength by his , he made us still continue to bring Wood , with extream toyl and pain . To encourage us , he alledged several examples of those , whose endeavours proved successful in the like accidents , exhorting us to persist in our undertakings ; forasmuch as there was no other remedy left us . We took courage then afresh , continually supplying the Fire with Wood ; but at length became tired , and ceased our work , seeing it had not the effect we expected . From that time , nothing was heard but wailings and lamentations amongst us ; our faintness was general , several of us being not able to walk without help . My friend was of this number , being so weak and dejected , that he could neither speak nor hold up his Head. So strict was our friendship , that I endured at the same time , both my own , and his afflictions , in beholding a true friend thus languishing for want of relief . In those intervals of the abatement of his Fits , I sat by him , and although could not do any thing to ease him , yet told him all I knew to comfort him , and he acknowledged to me afterwards , that my discourses strengthened him . Entertaining one another , one day for some hours , touching the miserable condition we laboured under , since so long a time ; he briskly rose up , telling me , he would go upon the search , whence he hoped not to return empty . His hope was not in vain , for he brought along with him a Toad , of an Immense size , which we boiled in a Pot , which the aforementioned Negroes gave us . When 't was dressed , he invited me to it , I thankt him , but told him , that what we suffered by eating the Beans , discouraged me from venturing upon this ; yet when I saw these reflexions would not prevail with him to abstain , I determined to bear him company ; so we eat it together with Leaves . We past over One hour in fear ; but in fine , found no more hu●t by the Toad , than the Serpents we eat , which extreamly pleased us , considering we might find more of ' em . The next morning it came in the Carpenter's head to go in quest of our Chaplain's Corse ; and sought so narrowly , that he found in a bush one of the defunct's shoes , which he struck down with his Hat ; and shewing us it , cried out , Courage my Lads , I am much mistaken if he be far hence , by what I have already found . At this news we all ran like so many Bloud hounds , prying in every corner for half a mile round ; but to as little purpose as heretofore ; after near two or three hours search , we returned so full of melancholly , and sorrow , that we were ready to burst . The miseries and vexations we suffered , made us so waspish , and fretful , that we could scarcely desist a minute from quarreling with one another ; the rest earnestly wishing our jarrs might proceed to blows , and death it self , that they might feed on him that was slain . But by good hap , it never came to that . Being one day very attentive , at one of these kind of quarrels , the Chirurgion came and told us , he found the Leaves of Trees , of far better taste than those we had hitherto eaten . They were good raw ; but being roasted under the ashes , wrapt up in little Balls , became far better . When we tasted them , we desired him to shew us the Tree whereon they grew : To which he replied God forbid , saying , should I shew it you ( there being no more of that kind as I know of ) you would not leave one Leaf on it . We were not very importunate with him , intending to watch him so narrowly , that we would find out his treasure in spight of his Teeth . But we were deceived , for he was too cunning for us , and notwithstanding all our diligence , kept his Tree to himself . We betook our selves then to our common remedy , which was patience . My friend , and I , were exhorting one another to it , in walking on the shoar ; which we held out so long , that we came to the place where the Buffle lay ; which we found dead the first day after our arrival in the Island . The stink of that Carcass was so strong , that we stept a little back to get from it , but our hunger being stronger , we askt one another where we ran , and whether 't were not foolishly done of Men in our condition . Let us return , said I , to my friend , and make up to this Carrion , and learn to vanquish our selves in all things . I pretended to have no aversion for it , when in truth , 't was quite otherwise . Hunger drew me toward this Buffle , being willing to try whether in seeing it , I dared venture on it . Whereupon we returned , and looking on the Carcass ; what think you of it , said I , smiling ? the scent is very strong , but do you believe the taste to be so bad ? As for my part , continued I , I am apt to think that had it passed over the Fire , 't would do us no hurt . At first , he thought I was not in earnest , but discoursing further of it , he used so many arguments to disswade me from it , that I became obliged to talk no more of it . We left then this place , and in seeking more wholesom Food , came up to the Isles point . Our pains were fruitless , for we could find nothing to satisfie us ; and for want of more sollid meat , we entertained one another with consolatory discourses . Having spent all our arguments , we felt our selves as feeble , and ill disposed to suffer hunger , as before . So that we gave over this cold exercise , and betook our selves to the search afresh , but being overtaken by the Night , we returned fasting to our Company , who were busied in making one of those great Fires we spake of . It was in this project the Master of our Ship placed all his hopes , this being the only sign that could give notice we were there . Therefore did he bestow indefatigable pains in it , he alone carrying more Wood at a time than four others . He was so strong , and kept up so well his flesh , that it could scarcely be perceived he had fasted as well as we . When the Fire was as big as we would have it , each Man made his Supper on the Leaves of Trees he gathered ; and having said our prayers , endeavoured to sleep better than we had eaten . The next Morning 2 of our Company brought us a small Legane , which they found half dead . Without informing our selves whence proceeded its distemper , 't was delivered to the Master , for they that took it , durst do no otherwise : Having made an order , that whatsoever was found should be equally divided . Hitherto this rule had been well enough observed ; but in this occasion 't was begun to be broken : Those that took the Animal , alledging the smallness of it , ought to be considered , which being divided into twenty four portions , each of 'em would be no bigger than a Nut : That so small a matter could only sharpen the Appetite , which was already but too violent , and therefore 't were better to divide it into sive or six parts , for so many particular persons , whom they then named , to whom they were distributed . Amongst these 6 Favourits the Chirurgion was one , who being afraid of the ill consequences of this injustice , gave half of his portion to those that most needed it . Who being excessively hungry , and vexed at the wrong done 'em , first calmly complained , and afterwards fell all to reproaching the Master ; who , provided he was well dealt with himself , matter'd not what became of the rest : That having been the first promoter of that Law ; he ought to blush in being one of the first that broke it . To quiet 'em , he caused the skin to be thrown amongst 'em , which they earnestly begged . Yet was this done contrary to their minds that had eaten the flesh . He , who had the charge of dividing it , was going fairly about it , when those that were most sharp fell upon him , and took it away by force . Others that no less needed it , considering this violence fell upon these last , and being the strongest , carried away the greatest pieces . For the better preserving of their booty , they rusht into the midst of the Wood , where they eat it in quiet . Those that took least heed , and relyed most on their own strength , saw themselves soon assaulted by others , who snatcht from them what they had . They began to grow hot , and their quarrelsom words had been attended with blows , had not those that snatcht a small piece of this skin soon devoured it . When we saw nothing could be more expected hence , every Man betook himself elsewhere ; and one of the best amongst us at the search , found the remains of two Serpents , whom we eat soon after our arrival in this place . The entrails of those Animals were become blew , and clammy , and so corrupted , that a Man could not look upon them without horrour . The least of these circumstances disgusted at first the most hunger starved amongst us : But this disgust did not hold long ; for beholding one of the company eating thereof without hurt , or using any other precaution , than the laying them a while on the coals ; we ran to see whether he that came from making so good a repast , had taken all ; and found an infinite number of Maggots that covered what we sought for . We dispersed these Squadrons , and found their pasture was blew like Azure . Some said this colour was a mark of deadly poyson , and therefore would choose rather to dye with hunger than to eat of it . Another replied they argued like Fools , that knew not , that Poison has no particular colour . That that which they saw was an impression of the Air , which wrought different effects , according to the Nature of those subjects it met with . But to say no more , continued he , how can Poyson which is mortal in it felf , give life to so many Animals , who have no other nourishment than what you see . Be ruled by me , says he , eat of it , and I 'le answer for what shall happen . Whereupon he falls upon these wretched relicks with such eagerness , as made us fear he would leave none behind him . We found his reasons so good , or rather hunger made us think 'em such , that we shared with him this heap of Ordure , and carried it to the place where we lay . Some of those that had seen with horrour , what the first had eaten ; seeing us return laden with the same provision , demanded whether we left none behind us , and without expecting our answer , ran to the place to ascertain themselves . In the mean time we broyled this filth , which we found excellent , and eat it with such an Appetite , that those who before could not behold it , but with an extream aversion , were exceedingly troubled they had not a share with us . There was one amongst those on whom our good hap made impression ; who forgetting that he was broyling on the Coals , a small piece of the skin of a Legane , ran to search for some of our Ragoo . He went not far before he bethought himself , and returned , intreating one of the Company to take charge of it ; then betook himself again in haste , to search whether he might not find still some remains ; but returned empty handed , because those that came immediately after us , took all with ' em . This disappointment was attended by another , that rendred him fully disconsolate : For the Friend with whom he entrusted his morsel , gave way to the temptation , and devoured it . He to whom it belonged , demanded it at his return ; and when 't was answered him , the Coals had consumed it , he became so enraged , that it lackt little , but he had beat out the others Brains . This disturbance being over , every Man went his way upon the search , to find something to eat with his Leaves of Trees , which could hardly be digested of themselves . As for my own part , when I saw my self alone , I got down into the Marshes , where by good hap , I found little Snails , with which I fill'd my Cap , Pockets , and Shirt-sleeves . My Companions spying me laden with this precious booty , demanded , where I got it : I satisfied them , and they flew to the place ; whilst my Friend , and I , roasted under the Cindars , part of these little Animals , which we eat , and found extraordinary good . We sought nothing else , whilst they lasted ; but we were so hungry , that these lasted us not above a day . The next Morning my Friend , and I , went in search of more , and found some in another place . We took only our Pockets full , because not only the night approached , but we were so Faint , that it required a considerable time before we could joyn our Company : To whom we no sooner came , but our Master enquired what we brought . Which shewing him , he demanded what we intended to do with that trash ? We were so surprized to hear him speak thus , that we imagined he had lost his Sences . But he taking no notice of our astonishment ; come , come , said he , my Lads , I have that which is better for you . Whereupon he shew'd us certain Fish , which he gave us , bidding us eat 'em without enquiring whence they came . That 's not to the purpose , replied I , whencesoever they come , they are welcome ; and I intend to make as good a Meal of them , as ever I made in my life . We ran at the same time to the Trees , and gathered Leaves , which served us for Bread ; and chose the biggest to wrap our Fish in , which we roasted under the Cindars . 'T is needless to say how excellent they thus were ; and that without any other Sauce , than that of a good Stomach , which we never wanted , we found this Repast the most delicious in all our lives . In the mean time , my Companion , and I , resolved to find out , whence we came by this Fish ; and thereupon desired the Master to shew us how he caught them : Which he did not refuse , telling us he made a hole on the Sea-side , which being filled with Water , at the return of the Tide he drew out these Fish thence . 'T is impossible to express the joy this news gave us ; supposing , because this Invention once succeeded , the same means would always be attended with the same success : Thus did we flatter our selves , hoping the future would make amends for what had past . In effect , we did all we could , but in twenty holes we made , there was not taken so much as one Fish . This misfortune reduced us again , to our first distress , for having placed our desires on a more substantial Meat than Leaves , we could not return unto 'em , but with a most extream regret . The small sustenance these yielded , made us seek something else , and that with such care and diligence , that we found ( my Friend , and I ) a great Toad , the sight of which rejoyced us . Hunger is a strange thing ; it makes pleasant , and agreeable , the most horrid Objects : As soon as we saw it , we seized on 't , without the least scruple ; and better Husbands now than heretofore , laid it on the Coals whole , and immediately after devoured it . This was excellent Meat with us , nor was the eating it attended by any ill accident , but 't was so little in quantity , that it tarried but a small time in our Stomachs . Within a quarter of an hour after , hunger again overtook us ; and finding no other remedy , but that of getting out of this doleful place , we resolved to gather as many dry Trees as we could , and with them make a Boat , that might carry us to firm Land. The Master hearing of our design , was not without difficulty brought to consent to it . He set before us the danger we exposed our selves to ; seeing our Comrades , who tryed the same fortune , miscarried : That we could not expect any better success , seeing they set out with the same , or greater advantages ; whereas , perhaps , in a short time , we might see some Fisher-boats pass by , that would take us in . These considerations made us pause a while , yet at length resolved to quit this wretched place ; and the Master left us at our liberty . As soon as we had his consent , we cut down several Trees , and made of their Rind small Ropes , which served to tye them together . We had not wrought above three or four hours on this design , when we began to find the Work to exceed the strength of four or five Sceletons , ( such as we were ) who were ready to sink under the weight of it every Moment ; and the rest would not help us , alledging their weakness to be no less than ours ; and that they had given their service already in vain to others , and being void of all hope , they would trouble themselves about nothing . Their refusal did not so greatly discourage us , as to hinder us from continuing our design , and the more our strength diminished , the more we hastned in our Work. Yet do I verily believe , we should never been able to finish it , had not the two youngest , and strongest of the Company joyned themselves to us . Their assistance so greatly forwarded us , that we had almost ended it , when the Tide came , and made us desist . In expecting the ebbing of the Sea , we sat all of us smoaking Leaves of Trees about a small fire ; and in the interim I called to mind , that our Men often saw Leganes , hankering after the Buffle , and that if there were any there still , I might possibly take one of ' em . Whereupon I immediately went and hid my self behind a Tree , where I long waited in vain ; and in the mean time , considered , that if the Buffle were such a dainty to those Animals , its flesh must not certainly be so bad for us as we imagined . From these reflexions I came to their effects , and cut out a great piece , in a place which I judged the least corrupted , and then returned to my Companions . They wondred to see my provision , and hastily demanded what flesh it was ; whence I had it ; and whether there was no more left ? And seemed a little surprized , when I told 'em 't was the flesh of the Buffle ; for notwithstanding our extremity , no Body had as yet ventured upon it , but when they saw this flesh , which scented so ill , did not much offend the sight ; several ran ( after my example ) and took as much as they could . Before they returned , I laid my portion on the Coals , whence intending to take it up with a stick , I made for that purpose ; I found it all wasted , except a little Glewy matter of no substance . This experience made me leave all , to run to our People , whom I advised to leave the Fat , and cut only the Lean. And at the same time fell all to work , and cut at least fourty pound of it , which was put under dry Trees , being proper ( as we imagined ) to make it lose part of its ill scent . We roasted a piece , and equally distributed it : Which smelt so strong , that some were sick with the scent of it , yet eat it , and found 't was not so bad as it smelt . Our whole Company being not at the Feast , we carried a good part to the place of Rendevouz , ( and kept the rest concealed ; ) which we presented to the Master , being about to tell him what it was : You may spare your pains , says he , the scent shews what 't is ; pray carry your present elsewhere . As soon as he had ended these words , I would came near , to tell him , 't was not so bad as he imagined ; but he told me my Breath stunk so , that he could not suffer me to approach him , infecting the very Air he breathed , and was already sick with it . In saying this , he left me , and sought another place for his abode . Others that were less nice , came and prayed us to give them part . Which we did , and they eat it ; these first Morsels so sharpening their Appetites , that they were still craving for more . When those that were most eager after it , devoured their portion , they would have th' others : Which they withstanding , this denyal raised such a quarrel , as set us all in an uproar . To appease 'em , we gave them part of that we kept for our selves , but this served only to inflame their desires ; so that although 't was Night , they would needs go to the place where the Carcass lay , to eat their Bellies full . We desired 'em to consider the Night was dark , and , moreover , 't was about this time , the Crocodils , and Kaimans , lay sculking on the shoar . They yielded to this reason , but could not sleep , and we felt the effects of their greedy desires , being forced to purchase our quiet at the cost of what remained . Having eaten all that was left , some of 'em betook themselves to rest ; whilst others affirm'd , hunger tormented 'em more now than before ; there was one especially , cryed out , the Night seemed to him a year ; that 't was impossible for him to rest , believing ( as he said ) there was no torment comparable to that of hunger : Yet had he eaten above three pound of this Carrion ; and some hours before Night , half of a great Fish , which he found lying ( knawed ) on the shoar . The Fish was so big , that he first intended to make it serve him two Days , but when once begun upon it , he could not leave , till he made an end of it , and assured us he could eaten four times as much . With this discourse did this fellow disturb the rest of the whole company ; so that at break of Day we all rose ; those that were most hungry , ran again to the Buffle , and we betook our selves to work on our Boat. How bad and corrupt soever the Food was , we eat the day before , yet did it yield us that strength , we never received from the Leaves . And therefore an hour after we had been at our work , we left it to broyl some more , which much added to our strength . We finished our Boat some hours before Night , and having fetcht a walk or two , return'd to our Companions , whom we found busied , some in laying their pieces of Meat in the Air , others in turning it , and some again in roasting , and eating it with such an Appetite , as would made a Man that knew no otherwise , believe 't was some rare dainty . When the Master understood our Vessel was ready , he shew'd us ( as before ) the greatness of the danger , to which we were exposing our selves , seeing we could not get to Land without Sails , nor resist the Tides without an Anchor . We answered , there could not be any thing more dangerous to us , than this Island , wherein 't was too probable we must dye with hunger , when our buffle was spent ; that although we had neither Anchor , nor Sail , yet did we find our selves strong enough to bear up against the Tides , and hoped to meet with some Bengaloises , that would receive us on Board them . After some further discourse , he wished us a good Voyage , and gave leave to take with us a young Man of the Company , that spoke Portugaise . This Language being much used in the Kingdoms of Bengala and Aracan ; we promised our selves hence a great advantage , and thought only of parting . In the mean time , one of our Men offered to make a Wooden Anchor , alledging he wanted only for this design , four crooked pieces of Wood , which he would so fasten together with the Rinds of young Trees , as should answer our occasions . This , replyed I , may be done , provided we had wherewithal to make it sink to the bottom , but you know very well , there 's not one stone in this Island . 'T is no matter , answered he , for we will fill two or three of our Shirt-sleeves with Sand , and fasten them to the Anchor ; and you 'l see 't will do us the same service as one of Iron . This appeared so probable , that we went immediately , some to peel Trees , and the rest to seek crooked boughs , by which means , in less than two hours our Anchor was finished to our content . Having proceeded thus far , we wanted twenty fathom of ground tackle , and knew not where to get ten . Whilst we were studying what to do in this matter , we saw two of our Crue coming towards us , laden with Ivy , and the Rind of young Trees . They twisted one with the other , and made thereof such a Rope as we wanted . The next Morning we took our leave of those that were designed to stay behind , with an intent to return speedily to 'em , if we met with success . They wisht us good luck , and attended us to the Sea-side ; where , after mutual embraces , we Embarkt eight of us , and gained the Isles point , which lies directly over against the Main Land. There we stood still , and paused a while , having kindled a Fire , and taken our Repast . We then weighed Anchor , and with much rowing , found our selves far enough from the Island . The Weather hapned to be calm , which gave us opportunity to make use of a Bagg of Sand , instead of a Plummet . By which means , having found the Tide against us , we cast Anchor on a Bank , where our Boat could take no harm . In the mean time , hunger pinching us , we agreed to eat ; but 't was Decreed before hand , the provisions should be equally divided , to the end every Man might Husband his share , lest the Voyage should prove longer than we expected . We began then our Repast , with intentions of being moderate ; but being once entred , 't was impossible to disswade most of us from making an end of all : Wherefore being reduced to feed upon Leaves alone , they heartily besought God the Rope might break , and by this means return to the Island , from whence we were not as yet above a Leagues distance . Their prayers were heard , for there arose a Storm which broke our poor Cable , and the Waves washed away our provision , which consisted in some few Leaves , and forced us back to the same place , whence we parted in the Morning . We committed our Boat to the care of the two youngest in our Company , whilst the rest went on Shoar . We immediately ran to the Fire we left at parting , and found one of the Negroes Wives ( we spake of ) by it . As soon as this Woman saw us , she threw her self at our Feet ; her Body was grievously batter'd , and wounded , and we understood by her Signs , that 't was her own people that had thus used her . This wretched Creature was nothing but Skin and Bone , whereupon we judged her condition to be the same as ours . We made signs to her to sit down , and having warmed our selves , with an intention to repose ; within an hour , hunger tormented us in such a manner , that 't was impossible to rest . To compleat our misery , one of our Company ( maugre the tempest ) had saved part of his meat , which he eat in our sight , without imparting the least morsel of it , though never so much intreated . We went then in quest of Leaves , but none of us could swallow 'em , whatsoever Sauce we put them in . The Buffles flesh made us too dainty , and since we eat of it , the Leaves of Trees became insipid meat . In the mean time , hunger so extreamly prevailed on us , that we became all of us like Men desperate , staring one upon another , like persons that intended to devour each other . Others ran to and fro like Mad-men , crying out , ever and anon , they felt the pains of the Damned . Whilst they thus raved , one of the most distempered amongst us told the rest , he had an inspiration . But before , says he , I tell you the contents thereof , you must acknowledge it to be one : And without waiting our answer ; admire , continued he , the strange effects of Providence ; God , says he , who pitties our miseries , does so apparently provide a remedy against 'em , that we can no longer doubt of it ; our Sins have all this while blinded our eyes , and hindred us from finding the remedy he has sent us . This Mans discourses , whom we respected as Senceless , did so weary us , that we could not forbear interrupting , and telling him , that he was a Fool , to take his Whimseys for Divine Revelations . Supposing , replyed he , I were so , what reason have you to believe your selves in a better condition ? My Distemper would be the effect of overmuch fasting , which you have suffered as well as I , how comes you Brains , then , to be better settled than mine ? But to use no more words , do you see yonder poor Woman ? Think you chance has brought her hither ? Jonas his Whale , young Toby's Fish . — Pray , cryed out one , more impatient than the rest , what have we to do with Jonas and Toby ? these are digressions that are not to our purpose ; we are an hungry , can you tell us , how we shall be satisfied ? Have I not told you , replyed the other : Do you believe this Woman to be here only to warm her self ? This indeed is her intention , but God has used this as a means to deliver her into our hands . In good truth , replyed one ( called Charles Dobbel ; ) the more I examine the circumstances of this Rencounter , the less I doubt this to be an effect of the Divine Providence , for I believe this Woman came not here of her self ; come on , continued he , ( in rising up , ) I will be the Fates Executioner ; having eaten all manner of filthiness , let 's try whether Human Flesh be not good , and make no scruple , seeing 't is the intention of Heaven , whose Decrees must be obeyed . When I perceived he was in earnest , I desired him to sit down a while , intreating him to think a little on the consequences of his enterprize ; that these kind of fancies , were rather the suggestion of the Devil , than Divine Inspirations ; that this Woman was of the same make as we , and if 't was from a Revelation , they undertook to eat her , 't was one of the most wretched , and leanest Revelations I ever heard of . Pray observe , said I , this Woman is a meer Sceleton , covered only with skin , which , as you may perceive , has not the Mine of any delicacy ; but supposing 't were otherwise , think you to stop here ? No , without doubt you 'l desire still the same meat ; and God knows what little security every Man may promise to himself after this rate . Whereunto I added , that in two hours time we may come to the Buffle , and perhaps find enough left , to satisfie us , if not , bad 'em use their pleasure , either in sparing , or massacring this wretched Woman . Whereupon , partly for shame , and some remains of detestation for this action , they told me , they would think no more of it , and endeavour to sleep . At break of Day they rose , and charged me with my promise . I was so weak , that I could scarcely stir , it being above three Miles to the place where the Buffle lay . I prayed 'em then to excuse me , for this once , and go without me , but they would admit no denyal , wherefore I was forced to go along with ' em . The four weakest lay behind , and promised us , in the mean time , to work a new Cord , for the Anchor we intended to make in the Room of that we lost . We had not went a quarter of a Mile , before Charles Dobbel returned , and charged the four that stayed behind to take care of the Woman , being resolved at his return to kill her , in case the Buffle were all eaten . We then hastned to the place where the Buffle lay , and found a great deal of Flesh still remaining , but so greatly corrupted , that we were scarce able to come near it . Having sought out the best place , and seen 't was all alike , we cut two or three pieces of it , which we laid on the Coals , and devoured half drest . During our repast , came two of our Masters Company ; who shewed immediately by their countenances , what was their Errand . This exceedingly troubled us , being afraid they would take away all with them . Having observed 'em about an hour , we drew near , and saw nothing remaining but bones ; whereupon our eyes ran down with Tears , saying to one another , we deserved to dye with hunger , for having staid so long time without hindring them . 'T is too late , replyed Charles Dobbel , to expect any Flesh , seeing they have left none , yet still there remains part of the hide , let 's try to get that , either by sair means or foul . Whereupon he made up to 'em and desired 'em to be contented with what they had , and leave us the rest . Hah ! cryed one amongst them ( in a deriding tone ) these Gentlemen are very civil in their demands ; we have taken the rotten flesh , and they would have the skin , that is sound , and consequently the best part . Do you imagine , said he to us , we have taken all this pains for you ? 'T is true , I do not desire you should want , but we will serve our selves first , and if we must perish here in this dolesom confinement , I freely declare , I 'le use my utmost endeavours to dye the last . This prating fellow's discourse enraged us , especially Charles Dobbel , who would needs come to blows , but I shew'd him , passion ought ever to be estemed a bad Counsellor , and that 't were better to be angry as late as we could . I told them , then , that our request was neither unjust , nor ridiculous ; that we were all Companions in the same fortune ; and that they ought to consider , we were going to hazard our lives , as well upon their account , as our own . These arguments were slighted , and Charles Dobbel , vexed at this proceeding , cryed out to us , come on Comrades , let us fall to work , as well as they , we need not their leave : Whereupon each of us drew out his Knife , and took away their prey . They being inferiour to us in number , lookt upon one another the while , to encourage ( as it were ) one another . Demanding of us , whether 't were just they should labour all this while for us , in saying which , one of 'em lifted up an Hatchet , and another a Knife , to strike at us . We , on our parts , put our selves in a posture of defence ; and he that had the Hatchet , having vowed he 'd cleave the Scul of them that dared come near him ; I told him , if he were wise , he 'd hearken to reason , and not be thus transported with passion . What reason , reply'd he , can a Man expect from persons that have none ? you would have us give away our right , can we do less than defend our own ? But in fine , we came to an agreement , which was , they should carry away what they had already , and leave us the rest . When we had taken out almost all of it without a Knife , ( so great was its corruption ) we washed it in several waters , and drest a great part of it , keeping the rest for our Companions . Then we began to think of making another Anchor , to serve instead of that we lost , and for this purpose dispatched two of our Men , to borrow of the Master his Hatchet . Which he immediately sent us . And having by the help of it finished our Anchor , we resolved to go all four to thank him . About half way , one of those that borrowed the Hatchet , told us , he had seen in going , the Masters Linnen , lying a drying under the Trees , and that both himself , and his Companion ( who were half naked ) were tempted to take each of 'em a Shirt , and Wast-coat , but dared not do it without acquainting us . We scrupled at first the suffering it , but the great need they had , made us shut our Eyes against all consideration . And because this thievish exploit could not be carried on in the Day , we therefore tarried till Night , and found them , by good hap , asleep , when we came at their quarters . Those that needed Linnen , having taken what they wanted , came and told us , there lay near the same place , a considerable quantity of the flesh , and skin of the Buffle , which we should do also well to seize on . We were a great while determining the point , because , that had they taken us in the Fact , we knew not how to excuse our selves , and they were better Armed , and more in number than we . But hunger mastering these considerations , we took away part of their provision , and speedily withdrew . I went not far , before it repented me of this Theft , and was ready to carry back again that which I had taken , when Charles Dobbel represented to me , that should they awake , notwithstanding whatsoever we alledged to justifie our selves , they will never believe ( seeing us out at so late an hour , ) but that we came with some ill design . I took , then , his advice , and so much the rather , being inclined thereunto by hunger . Having rested our selves some time , we continued on our march to our Companions , whom we found on the other side of the River , where we left them . The Water was , then , so high , that we were forced to pass over it in swimming with our booty at our backs . Three of those that expected our coming , had eaten nothing since we left them , and were so faint , that they were not able to stand . The fourth , who made a reserve , feasted in their presence , and was so hard hearted to refuse them any part with him . We could not without a just resentment , hear the complaint of these hunger-starved wretches ; and sharply rebuked him they complained against , telling him he deserved the same measure , but we were more tender-hearted . Having equally divided to each one his portion , we judged it meet , to watch by turns against the surprises of our Enemies , reckoning them to be of that number , whom we robbed ; and for a stronger tye , made a solemn Oath , to assist one another , in case of Invasion , to the last breath . We demanded afterwards , what became of the Woman we left in their keeping , and were inform'd , that soon after our departure , she slipt away so cunningly , that we could never after set sight on her . We would willingly have found her , fully intending then to eat her , altho so little toothsom . As soon as 't was night , we set one upon the watch , whilst the other seven slept . Scarce had we rested two hours , but our Sentinel spyed a Negro stealing softly towards him , with a thick Cudgel . As soon as he came within the reach of his Oar , he broke it on his Head , and the wretch fell down as dead . The disturbance awakened us ; and inform'd of the matter , we pursued the other Negroes , who seeing their Companion fall , fled into the thickest of the Wood. As soon as they perceived we follow'd 'em , they set out such a cry in flying , as would have made a Man judge it to be of twenty pursons , although they were but seven or eight . After a fruitless persuit of them , we return'd to the place where their Companion fell , whom we supposed to lye dead on the place ; but our conjectures deceived us , for this wretch made shift to escape , and that with such haste , that he left his stick behind him . We conferred together touching this adventure , and doubted not but the Woman that warmed her self at our fire , had given them notice of what passed among us . She had observed that at our parting , we left only four behind , who might be easily worsted , if set upon in the Night . And without question 't was upon this intent they came , but by good hap , instead of four Men , they found eight , one of which watched for the security of the rest . As soon as 't was Day , we made a Rope for our Anchor , like unto the first , and when ready to depart , we found our Boat was not in case to carry above six Men. We were forced then to send away two , and the Lot fell upon the youngest , to whom we promised , for their comfort , to return , as soon as we came to main Land. In expectation of the Tides being for us , we placed our selves round a little fire ; where , an hour after , we heard such reiterated Screeks , and Cries , as made our hearts tremble . Notwithstanding our fear , yet would we answer , and immediately spied the two young Men returning , we lately dismist . They were so dismayed , that they quaked still , in telling us they ▪ found neither the Master , nor any of his Company : That they not only sought 'em , where they were wont to pass over the Night ; but , moreover , in several other places , and that questionless , some Vessel , in passing by , had received them on Board . Their unwillingness to tarry in the Island , made us suspect this to be a device ; we question'd 'em , therefore , apart , and found their answer to be exactly the same . Which made us resolve to tarry till next Morning , and go our selves to the place , and not leave the Island , till we were further satisfied . About midnight the floud favouring our design , we weighed Anchor , to go to the dry Trees , some of which we wanted , to repair our Boat. And within half an hour perceived the Tide fiercely carried us towards a great Tree , with extent Branches ; which , maugre all our endeavours , 't was impossible to avoid ; so that the Boat ran against it with such violence , that some of us fell into the Water , others were left hanging on the Branches , and I the only person , that remain'd untoucht . This shock was so fierce , that each of us believed the rest were drowned , and I for my part , did not doubt of it ; when Charles Dobbel appeared , calling upon the rest , and was transported with joy , to see me again upon the Boat : At last we all found out one another . 'T was extream cold , and they were very wet ; and therefore endeavoured to make a fire to dry themselves . In this ill accident , we lost our Anchor , and half of the Rope , and wanted wherewithal to repair this double loss . Neither did we know whether we could make to the shoar , the force of the Streams carrying uf off with such violence . After tryal , we found our conjectures true . Whereupon two of our Men , took the rest of the Rope , and swam to shoar , where they drew the Boat after 'em , without any trouble . 'T was Night , and we were ready to starve , both with hunger and cold , and had neither Food nor Fire . And besides , 't was near half a League off the place where we warmed our selves the day before . Yet so far must we go , if we intended to have Fire , and none of us were willing to go so far . Whilst we were grieving under this vexation , Charles Dobbel , ( who was one of the most lively and couragious of us all ) took with him the two youngest of our Company , and went in search of what we wanted . In tarrying for them , we entertained one another with the misfortunes that oppressed us , and the little likelihood of a deliverance from them , all things continually crossing , and forcing us to tarry in a Desolate and Barbarous Island , where it seem'd Heaven had cast us , to make us underto the punishments due for our offences . From these discourses we fell into a melancholly Fit of silence , and verily believe we had pined away , had not our Companions returned soon after . The fire they brought did us as much good , in dispersing the darkness , whose horrour also contributed to afflict us , as in driving away the cold , that was extream sharp upon us . These poor people told us at their return , that they trod all along upon Bryars , and Thorns ; that they lost their way , and having at length found the Fire we left , they fell with it into Boggs , and Ditches , full of Water , which put it out , and forced 'em to fetch more ; how that in seeking a better way back , they hapned into a worse , whence they were a long time getting out . Their Feet ran down with blood , and their Bodies were bruised and batter'd ; which , together with their other sad circumstances , rendered them so disconsolate , as 't is impossible to express . We comforted 'em the best we could , and then endeavoured to rest . The next Morning , we sent two of our Company , to the Master's Quarters , and places thereabouts , to know whether they were certainly gone ; and in the mean time sought wherewithal to make us another Anchor and Cord. Towards Evening , our people brought us word , they were not to be found in the Island , and that they could meet only with a piece of stinking Fish ; a small piece of the Buffles skin , and four heads of Garlick in a Pot. By these Tokens we knew they were gone , and began to hope they would remember us . In the mean time , our two Deputies told us , they found in their way a Grave , which one of 'em , moved only by curiosity ( as he said ) had uncovered ; but the sequel shew'd he had another design , for as soon as he saw a Corps which the Worms were gnawing , he cried out , the condition of these Insects was better than his ; he being ready to perish with hunger , whilst they were Feasting . Having stood a while considering this object , at last , he says , he had a great mind to deprive these Animals of their prey , and wanting other means whereby to avoid Death , he thought no Man could justly blame him for using this . Which said , he gave way to the temptation , laying hold on the Carcass , and had cut , and eaten of it , had not his Companion shewed him the enormity of this action . He had much difficulty to disswade him from it , but at length prevailed , and both of 'em let down together the Corps into the Grave , and hastned from the place , lest hunger should get the better of 'em , and make 'em close with the temptation . As soon as we had the Pot , we boyled that which was left of the Fish we mentioned , together with store of minced Leaves . After the repast , we fell to considering , whether 't were best tarry in the Island , or venture out again . The first opinion was grounded on the difficulty we found in resisting the Tide , which was very high ; on the loss of our two Anchors , and the impossibility of making a fourth , in case we should lose this . 'T was added , That our Companions being safely arrived , would take care of us ; and questionless , omit no opportunity , to deliver us out of this place . Those that were for parting , alledged , that the assistance which the others spake of , was uncertain ; that on this groundless hope , we should eat that little which remained ; and that having staid in vain , we should be at length , forced to expose our selves to the danger , which we thought to shun . After a dispute , which lasted near an hour , 't was agreed to refer our selves to the eldest of the Company ; who declared , that a longer stay in this fatal place , would certainly destroy us , there needing only three or four Days to make us incapable of mannaging our Boat ; whereupon , he concluded , we must use no longer delays . His opinion was followed , and the rest of the Day spent in fitting out our Boat ; and the next Morning , ( having broken our Fast , on the remains of the skin of the Buffle , and provided good store of Leaves ) we embarkt our selves . We had made a little Sail of a Shirt , with the help of which , and a gentle Wind , we got past the false Tides , in less than half an hour . A while after the Wind ceased , and our Sail becoming useless , we plyed our Oars . We had not went far , before we needed meat ; wherefore we cast our Anchor , which stood us in as much stead as one of Iron . When we judged the Tide could not incommodate us , we weighed it , and set Sail , and thus were carried from the Island , till we lost sight of it . The next Morning , we discovered the two Islands , of which the Master spake to us ; and profiting by the instructions he gave us , got so far , that we passed by ' em . Six or seven hours after , we believed we saw main Land , and were indeed , not mistaken , but were at a great distance from it ; and as soon as we discovered it , the Tide turned against us . We cast Anchor , then , with exceeding great fear , lest its Rope should break , for 't was on it lay all our hopes ; and during this time , one of the most hungry amongst us , proposed the augmenting our allowance , seeing we were so near Land. Although the others were as weak as he , yet were they not of his mind , alledging there needed only one blast of Wind , to snap the Rope , that held the Anchor , and we were gone again ; it being better to be contented with a small allowance , and patiently expect the success of our enterprise . Having no compass ; The Sun , and Stars , served us for guide , and by their means , distinguished , whereabouts we lay . The next Morning , the Wind and Tide being for us , from Morning to Night , we drew very near the shoar , but could not Land. We were forced , then , to cast Anchor , and pass over another Night , in great distress , and fear ; the currents running very swift . The next Day we gained early the shoar . We left the Boat at Anchor , with intent to return to it , in case the Country we were in , were not that we lookt sor . Having marcht a while , we found two ways , one along the shoar , and the other along the River of Sondiep ; which two were opposite . We were so little acquainted with either of them , that we knew not which to take ; and after much arguing to little purpose , we struck out at all adventure towards the River , and found our selves in a good way . Hunger , cold , and other pressures , so greatly weakned us , that we could scarcely go six steps , without resting , so that we advanced but slowly , and in three hours time , met no living Soul. A while after we saw Trees , whose Branches seem'd to have been lately lopt . About twenty paces distance from thence , we beheld a Bark , towards which we drew near ; and as soon as those that were in it perceived us , they came towards us . This facility troubled us , for we could not imagine , beholding 'em coming without being called , but that they meant us harm . Our fear encreased , when we perceived 'em to be six in number , armed each of 'em with a long knife in his hand . When they were near enough to behold we were not in a condition or humour to hurt them , we shewed 'em our fleshless and wasted Arms , and some small remains of the skin of the Buffle : Which , though small in quantity , yet were enough to poison the least delicate amongst them ; and therefore these people ( howsoever gross and bruitish ) drew back six or seven paces , stopping their Noses , and threatning us with their knives . Whereupon we comprehended , they suspected us to be treacherous and faithless persons . And therefore hastned to shew them our Leaves of Trees , endeavouring , to make 'em comprehend by signs , that these had been our Food . They at length understood us ; and mov'd with compassion , smote their Breasts , with Eyes lift up to Heaven . Being satisfied of our sincerity , we signified to 'em ( as well as we could ) the need we had of them , to bring us to the next Village . They readily offer'd us their assistance , provided we payed them . I could not but ruminate in my mind , upon this occasion ; how unkind , and selfish , most Men are ; and how little like their Creatour , the Giver of all things . These Barbarians saw , that we were in a manner naked , being only tyed about with some tatter'd Raggs ; mere Anatomys , and Shadows . And , moreover , pittied by 'em , as being strangers , in a Forlorn condition , and destitute of all succour . Yet without Money , we plainly perceived , this main Land would be no better to us than the wretched Island , wherein we so long suffer'd . We agreed , then , to give them something , and Deputed the Eldest amongst us to make the bargain . He offer'd them a piece , to the value of a Crown , in our Money . The Bengaloises gave us to understand , they must have ten of 'em ; for less than which , they would not leave their work . We thereupon gave them another , and afterwards a third piece ; all which not prevailing with them , our old Man , shew'd them his empty pockets , thereby insinuating , they had all . This pretence effected our business , but in a miserable manner . When we were on board their Bark , we made signs to 'em to give us something to eat ; they answered , they could not , without Money ; we gave them another Crown ; and for this , they gave us , in a cloth , about an handful of Rice , and a Pisang , as big as a Man's finger . Every one of us stretcht forth his hand with such earnestness , as made our distributer fear his handful of Rice , would occasion some disorder . He withdrew himself , then , and made eight equal portions . He did the same with the Pisang , ( which is an indifferent good fruit ; ) and although this was but a small repast , yet inestimably to be preferred before that filth we had eaten for a Month together ; so that we wished the Bark were full of this provision ; although we could hardly imagine such a quantity would satisfie us . The Negroes , perceiving we had still Money , took advantage thereby ; and ceasing to row , made signs we had not yet given them enough ; and that if we expected to go forward , they must have more pieces . We gave them , then , another ; whereupon they rowed about some twelve stroaks , and then gave over . Whereupon we gave them a third piece , and they did as before , so that this was still to begin again ; they continuing still to demand , and we to give , so great a desire had we to come to Land. In the mean time we saw two other Barks , which came and joyned themselves with us . Their gestures plainly shewed , their whole discourse was of us , which lasted a great space . Within a while they Landed , to consult ( as it were , more conveniently ) what to do with us . They counted the Money they received , looking upon us in such a manner , as made us fear the success of their conference . Having tarried about an hour in the Bark , two of our Company went out to pray 'em to shew them some fresh Water . As soon as the Negroes perceived 'em , one of them took 'em by the Arms , and made them enter the Bark again . This hard usage fully perswaded us , they were there only to determine the means , to cut our Throats , and get our Money ; and in this imagination , began to prepare our selves for Death . Yet not without repinings against Providence , which so obstinately persecuted us . From the time we believed they formed the design of Murthering us , we were impatient till they Executed it ; for hunger had rendred the pains of death less affrightful . In fine , having suffered during the space of two or three hours , what they suffer that expect Men to come and cut their Throats ; the three Barks parted , and our Masters returned , pursued their course , and for a Crown more gave us a Pot full of fresh Water . Which we drank with the greater delight , it being a Month since we had tasted any other than Salt Water . As soon as we had filled our Bellies with Water , our hunger in some measure abated , and our Stomachs began to let us rest . In the mean time , the Negroes inform'd us , that twenty of our Companions were in the next Village ; and for this good news , we gave 'em another Crown . Whereupon they hastened to bring us where they were , and in entering the Village , two of them came with us to the Goverour , at whose Feet they laid down the three Crowns we agreed to give 'em for our passage , having thrice touched the Earth with their Heads , and Hands , in saying , Salamabéta , ( that is to say ) Peace be with you . The Governour gave us a kind reception , making Signs to take the Money again , that lay at his Feet . But we gave him to understand ( as well as we could ) his Men had well earned it , and that we would not deprive them of their Sallery . In fine , he ordered two or three of his Servants to conduct us to our Companions ; who perceiving us at a distance , came and met us , expressing their joy to see us . Those we left in the Island , arrived five days before us , in this Village ; and the five that went off first , in their Machine , came some days before them ; under the guidance of certain Fisher-men . As soon as they saw us , they endeavoured to out-vy one another in welcoming us ; and perhaps would have done better in not giving persons that fasted so long , so many sorts , and such great quantities of Meat ; for without the Pisang and Honey , which served us for a Medicine , and Digesture , I believe we should have bursted . Their operation was so happy , that all these meats did us no hurt , and that which was most strange , was , that although we eat much , and often , yet were still as hungry as before . Two Days after we were here , the Governour thought fitting , to send those that came first , to the Factory ; that so the Company might be informed of the loss of their Vessel . Advising them , by his Interpreter , to stock themselves well with provisions ; being to Voyage above two hundred Leagues ; and , moreover , travel five Days in a barren Countrey ; and that which they were to come into afwards , being not much more fruitful , and inhabited . This bad news allarm'd our poor people , who had not , as yet , well refreshed themselves , nor satisfied their desires after meat ; for the more they eat , the more they coveted . Yet part they must , for the reasons aforementioned . As to our selves , who were those that came last , having rested four or five Days ; I informed my self , by what adventure our Companions left the unfortunate Island , and was told as follows . After they had taken their leaves of us , they wilthdrew to their ordinary place of abode ; and it being late , endeavoured to rest . The next Morning , perceiving their provision was stol'n , they became exceedingly troubled . In the midst of their Affliction , they instantly besought God to deliver them from their misery . Each one , afterwards , betaking himself to Leaves , but with-extream sorrow , to find themselves reduced to such insipid Food . Towards the Evening , there were two , who discoursing together , touching their sad condition , found themselves , insensibly , at the point of the Isle , whence they discovered Fisher-men . As soon as they imagined they were seen , one of 'em broke off a bough from a Tree , fastening to it a piece of Linnen ; which he wavered , to give notice there were persons in the Island . The Fisher-men drew near within a stones cast off the shoar . After a quarter of an hours consultation , they came nearer , and demanded in Portugaise what we were . We answered 'em in the same Language ; and being fully satisfied , they came on shoar . They were all Armed , some with Darts , and Javelins , and others with Bows , and Arrows ; and although they saw well enough , our people were not in a capacity to molest them , yet they anxiously demanded their Arms. Our Men having only their Knives , immediately threw them down on the ground , and one of the Negroes gathered them up . Whereupon they drew nearer us , and required to see the rest , demanding how many we were in all ? Lest our number should affright them , 't was answered , we were not above seven , whom they should now see . Those that guided them , ravished with joy to see themselves upon the point of their deliverance , could not forbear shouting , and hollowing , at the entrance of the Wood. Which being heard by their Companions , they imagined some Beast was wounded , and their assistance required . Whereupon every Man , at this noise , Armed himself with a good Cudgel , and ran with all speed , towards the place where the noise was heard . When the Negroes saw 'em coming with such fierceness , they imagined themselves betrayed , and immediately let fly their Arrows , yet hurt none of our Men. Who seeing they were attcked by persons , whom they supposed to be the wretched Slaves , they saw on the other side , two days after they Landed in the Island ; imagined , that hunger drove them to this extremity , and that taking our Men at a disadvantage , they would have slain them . In this imagination , they so Animated themselves , that they resolved to cry quittance with them , when their stock of Arrows were spent . The two that were near the Negroes , perceiving their Companions mistake , cryed out to 'em , they were deceived , and bad 'em throw away their Cudgels , and come boldly up to them . To which , they obeyed ; and in approaching , demanded by signs of the Negroes , whether they had any thing to eat ; and that they would hasten to give them something . One of them answered in Dutch , that their wants were apparent , and should be supplied , but they must first deliver up their Staves , and Knives , which was done without the least hesitation . The Negroes now fearing nothing , gave our people a small quantity of Sod Rice , which was so greedily devoured , that they stood like Men amazed , beholding how they eat it . In the mean time our Men , being impatient to get out of this place , demanded of the Negroes whether they would carry 'em thence , which they consented to , upon consideration of a reward ; alledging they were but poor , and consequently could not afford to do it for nothing . Our Men having Money , soon agreed about the price , which was four Crowns a Man ; and the Fishermen spent the next Day in repairing their Barks . As to provision , they said they were stored with Rice , sufficient for themselves , and us ; and hoped to take Fish enough to satisfie the most hungry among us . This discourse extreamly rejoyced our people , who immediately demanded a Hat-full of Rice , which they obtain'd for half a Crown . Whilst the Negroes were Fishing , our people boyled the Rice , they had given them ; and before 't was ready , they brought them Fish likewise , together with necessaries to dress it . At Night , when 't was time to rest , the Master ordered our Men privately to watch , one after another , to prevent the Negroes from using any treachery towards us ; and they on their side , used the same pre-caution . Two Days after , they gave us notice to make ready for our departure the Night following ; and as soon as we were imbarked , they rowed so lustily , that we soon came to their Village . Being Landed , they led our people to the Governour , who gave them a kind Reception , and dispatched two or three Barks , with Provision towards those that set out on their Boat from the Island . Having given this order , he made them sit down about him , on a great Matt ; and caused the Fisher-men to come before him , and return the Money given for their passage . But they alledged 't was not just to defraud these poor Men of their Sallary . As soon as they were sat down , an Eunuch brought word , that the Governours Women had a desire to see some of the young Dutchmen , who were sent them . The place where they entred , is a great space distinguished by several Appartments ; in the midst of which is a Court , through which the Eunuch made them enter . Where immediately these Women Flockt about 'em , some of them taking 'em by the Nose , others pinched their Cheeks : Some , again , unbuttoned 'em , to see and touch their Breasts , others stroakt them over the Face with languishing looks ; there being not one of them , but desired these two young Men might remain with them for some hours ; but the surly Eunuch departed , and made signs to them , to follow him . Being joyned to their Companions , they were led altogether to a House of Entertainment for strangers . The next Morning , which was Market-day , the Governour came to 'em , and changed their Money into little Shels , ( which is the Money of that Country ) and helpt them to buy what they wanted , to prevent their being cheated . The rest of the Day was spent , in making merry ; and towards Evening , the Book-keeper looking out at the Door , received a blow with a stone , that much injured him . Of which , having complained to the Governour , he caused the offender to be sought , and found him to be one of his Domesticks . Having sharply reprehended him , he caused an Arrow to be run through his Nostrils ; and having a Drum tied behind his Shoulders , was thus led before the Lodging of the Person hurt ; where having been severely whipt , he was condemned to perpetual banishment . And this was the adventure of the five Men that remain'd in the Isle after us : Here follows that of the seven , who made use of a Boat , in the same manner as we did . Having no Anchor , for the space of five Days , and as many Nights , they struggled against the force of the Tides , which cast them upon a Bank of Sand. This Bank was of great extent , where they imagined , at first , they might find something for their refreshment ; the Provision they took with 'em , being spent . But after a long search , could find nothing but a small quantity of a Buffles dung , which they carefully gathered up . They had lived two Days upon the Moss , which the Floods from the Sea had made , on the Trees it dashed against . And their Stomachs being thus accustomed to filth , this last appeared very good to 'em , and they only complained they had not enough of it . This sorry Food lasted them about three Days , at the end of which , they found themselves so weak ; that they could neither Row , nor without difficulty stand upright . One of the Company reflecting upon the necessity there was of dying , in this disconsolate place : What think you of it , said he , to the four rest , that accompanied him , must we all dye with hunger ? Is it not just , that some lose their Lives , for the preservation of the rest ? It is true , the Divine Law enjoyns us , to love our . Neighbour , and forbids Murther : But is there any thing more near to us , than our selves ; and does not this precept of Prohibition seem to insinuate , that every thing is permitted us , in order to the conserving of that Being , which Nature has given us ? We have the example of whatsoever has Life ; the great Fish devour the small ; and the least . Insect , flies by a Natural instinct , the approaches of its Enemy . Death treads upon our Heels ; says he , of all Enemies the most dreadful , and cruel . Why do we not , then , use against it , the only remedy left us ? Kill we therefore , the weakest amongst us , Nature forces us to it , and I cannot see what you can oppose against my Argument . No marvel , replyed one of those to whom he directed his discourse , if your Argument be wrong , being grounded on a false Principle ; the Prohibition to Kill , is so express in the Law , that no reason is sufficient to exempt us from it . Be it known to you therefore , in short , that if you continue in this pernicious design , you thereby render your self an Enemy both to God and Man. This honest Man's discourse ( whose name was Adrian Raas ) could not prevail with them , being answered , Necessity knew no Law. The three others , who were present at this Harangue , resolved with the first , to execute their design . Adrian Raas , well assured of their intent , went to give notice thereof to the two Victims . Who , at the news , fell into such Lamentations , that their friend , moved with compassion , promised to assist them . Whereupon he led 'em to a by place , where he helpt 'em to make two holes , wherein to hide themselves at Night ; which was the time appointed , for this bloudy Sacrifice . By which means , failing of their design , they were forced to take other measures , and did as follows . Three of the accomplices , considering the trouble they had , to surprize those whom they intended , cast their Eyes upon one amongst them , a Corpulent Man , and in whom they believed to find , what they could not meet with in the two others . He was no Fool , and therefore well perceived their designs were upon him . From that time he stood upon his guard , and without taking notice of any thing , flattered , and exhorted 'em to hope the best ; saying , he doubted not , but some Barks would pass by , and then the Tongue of that Countrey , which he learnt at Coromandel ( where he had been a Soldier ) would stand them in stead . This wheedle took effect ; and they thought it behooved 'em to preserve him , for his ability in that kind . Adrian Raas helpt to carry on the Story , although he knew 't was false ; affirming , a Man of his parts , was better than a Treasure in a strange Countrey . One of the most hunger-starved , seeing nothing done ; and all his contrivances rendred ineffectual : Well , said he , is this the fruit of all our projects ? Will no Body dye ? Let the rest argue how they will , I must feed upon some Flesh , or other , before I sleep . To which , the three others consenting , Adrian Raas shewed 'em into what an abominable enormity they were rushing , through their impatiency ; and therefore earnestly advised them , to weigh the consequences of what they were a going about . We have thought enough , and tarried but too long already , replyed one of the resolutest of them , and the two we would begin withal , are so little deserving of their lives , that 't is a sin not to kill them . Adrian Raas seeing his Remonstrances would do no good , proposed to 'em the drawing of Lots ; by which means , that person whom Heaven judged worthy of death , should have it . But his proposal was rejected , and another expedient being sought after , there were two that offered to go in quest of Land ; whence they promised to send help to the others , with all possible expedition . This proposal liked us all ; and to facilitate their enterprize , those that remained , gave to the two adventurers almost all their Money , with which these last parted , and arrived unexpectedly at a Village of Bengala . They being ignorant of the Countrey , and being not able to make themselves understood , could not indicate the place , where their Companions were . Yet their own particular wants being apparent , they were well treated for two Days , and then put on Board a Vessel , wherein they Sailed near three hundred Leagues to be presented to the great Mogol . Eight days after they were gone , the five wretches that tarried expecting them , spied Fisher-men pass by the place where they were ; and coming within call , they urged him amongst them , who pretended skill in their Language , to speak to 'em ; and he cried out , pai , pai , but those two words signifying nothing , the Fisher-men could not tell what to make of them ; whereupon the rest repented , they had not eaten him . After a thousand reproaches , and invectives against him , for his abusing them ; at length they made a shift by signs to make ' emselves understood ; and the Fisher-men , in approaching them , required 'em to lay down their knives , before they came on Board them : Where they had no sooner been , but they fell immediately to fighting , who should have a dead Fish , which they saw lying in the Boat , and in this bustle , dropt a Bagg of Money ; which being taken notice of by the Fisher-men , they immediately seized upon their wretched Passengers ; and having spoiled them of all , turned them out again , in the same place where they took them in . These poor people , thus handled , destitute of all succour , and void of all hope , to get out of this wretched place , laid themselves down on the Sand , where they impatiently expected death , to put an end to their miseries . Having lain near four and twenty hours in this distress , there passed by other Boats ; who spying them , drew near of their own accord , and made signs to 'em , to come on Board . Where immediately they had a Barrel of Honey set before ' em . They were ravisht to find themselves thus unexpectedly treated , and for fear the Fisher-men would not take them along with 'em , they filled in the Night , their Hats full of it , which they intended to reserve in store . Yet was their fear needless , for the next Morning they were carried to Sondiep ; where the Master , and those that accompanied him , had arrived the same day . The Governour of the Town gave them a kind Reception , liberally provided for them ; and after five Days refreshment advised them to go carry the news of their wrack to the Factory . As to our selves , who came last , we minded nothing but rest , or rather eating , for Night and Day we devoured all that came before us . Having been here about five Days we desired the Governour 's permission to go to Bolwa , where our companions were gone before us . He scrupled at first the matter , supposing we were not yet able to endure so long a Voyage ; but finding us determined , he caused three Barks to be made ready , one to carry us , and the two others for our Convoy . The Night following we arrived at Anam , a poor and despicable place , that afforded not any thing . Here we sent back our three Barks , and hired another as far as Bolwa . At two Leagues distance from this Village , our Guides set us on shoar , and made us walk on Foot , the rest of the way . Whilst they went to the Governour , to give notice of our arrival , we bought Milk and Rice , which we drest in a Pot , that was lent us by Moors that spake Portugaise . It was near ready , when our guides came and told us , we must come immediately to the Prince , who sent for us . This news displeased us , for we had a Canine Appetite ; and were not willing to leave to strangers , what we so dearly prized . We took the Pot , then , and carried it by turns to the Prince's Palace-Gate , where we Eat what was in it , before we entred . We were afterwards led to the place , where our twenty Companions were , who parted long before us ; and within half an hour , into a great Hall , where our Money was counted ; to the end we might be satisfied , in case we had been Robbed by the way . We were at length brought to our Lodging , and by the Prince's order , served with an excellent kind of Meat ( called Brensie ) seen only on great Mens Tables . 'T is made of choice Rice , a fat Goose , and two Pullets , squeezed together in a Cloth , after about two or three hours boiling ; To the juyce of which , there is added several sorts of spices ; especially Nutmegs , Cloves , Saffron , Cinamon , and Sugar . This was such a nourishing Food , that in less than three or fours days , we recovered again our full strength . Yet were not our Stomachs fully satisfied with it ; for we were more for a less juicy meat , such as dry Rice , and boiled Fish . Five days after we had been here , the States of the Kingdom , whom the Prince called , met before his Palace ; where , as fast as they came , we saw 'em take their places , and sit down after the manner of the Eastern people . When all the Members had taken their places , the Prince came out of the Palace , invironed with his Guards ; some with Bows and Arrows , others with Sword and Buckler ; and he seated himself in the same manner as the rest . They kept in this posture , from Morning till Night ; and that which they determined , was so little secret , that an hour after , 't was the talk of the common people . I desired to know the reason of it , and was told , that here were no Mysteries of State transacted , nothing being done but what came to the publick notice . And the reason is , that the Prince's Guard consists wholly of Christians , which are there in great esteem ; and although , perhaps , they are only Christians in name , being Negroes born ; Subjects to the King of Portugal : Yet are they counted such brave fellows , that they have a particular respect shew'd them ; and therefore the Grandees of the Court so highly prize their Familiarity , that they relate to them , whatsoever passes in Council . The next Morning , the Prince sent us word , that we might go when we pleased , the Barks being ready . This being our earnest desire , we parted an hour after and happily Arrived at Decka . The Factory received us very kindly . We related to 'em our Adventures , and they inform'd us that the Ship called the Wesop , was cast away near the Isles of Anaans . The Governor , caused a Bark to be made ready , to Transport us to Ongueli , where the Dutch have also a considerable Factory . But an hour before we parted , he receiv'd a Letter from the great Mogols General , in which he enjoyned him to send us to him : This being an express order , we were forced to obey , seeing this General threatned , in case of refusal , to seize upon all the Dutch in his Master's Kingdom , and make them Slaves . We were forced , then , to yield , and in preparing our selves for a longer Voyage , than the first ; were told , that this General , named Nabab , was a person very fortunate , having never lost a Battel , nor raised his Siege from any place , before he had carried it away ; that he had taken several Cities , defeated whole Armies , and made several Kingdoms tributary to the great Mogul . These prosperous successes made us imbark with the better courage in following our Guides who were ordered to bring us to the Army . We travelled thirty days together , sometimes by Land , and sometimes by Sea ; passing by several Cities , made desolate ; the inhabitants of the Countrey being wont , in time of War to leave their Houses , to follow the Army , wheresoever it marches . They are a sort of people , that are very just in their dealings , of an Affable Conversation , contenting themselves with few things ; naturally Enemies to covetousness and ambition , yet quarrelsom and injurious ; but in their greatest heats , never mention the Name of the Devil . As to oaths , they seldom use 'em , unless in matters of great concernment ; and then so strictly observe 'em , that no consideration in the World can prevail with them , to violate ' em . On the thirty fifth day , we went on Board one of the Vessels belonging to Nabab ; where we found four English-men , some few Portugaises , and two Men of our Company , whom we already mentioned . From thence we went , and cast Anchor , near the City of Renguemati ; from whence , within a small time we came , and were entertained in the Army of the great Mogol . The General , whom we saluted in his Tent , seemed glad to see us , and immediately ordered us a large Cup-full of Arak , to drink his health . The Cup was so closed , that 't was a difficult matter for us to open it , and therefore the General gave it us on purpose , to divert himself with the humour of it . We took it each of us , one after another , in our hands , to no purpose ; and were ready to give it over , when it came into my mind , that the Cup being only of Wood might be easily pierced : Whereupon I took it again , and made a hole in it , with the point of my knife . Being full to the brim , the Arak sprung out abundantly , and by this means we all drank of it , and used the liberty Nabab had given us , in saying , We must drink well , and fight well . This Liquour was so strong , that we soon felt the effects of it , making us jolly , and confident with the General ; who told us that at six Months end , he would send us to those of our own Nation . He granted us the full enjoyment of all the booty we could take from the Enemy ; and fifty Roupies for every Head we brought him ; and an hundred for each Prisoner . In fine , he told the Master of our Ship , he would send him to the Factory , to inform them of the loss of their Vessel ; and that he might take our Chirurgion with him , and our three Boys , which were too young to serve in the Army . In the mean time the Arak made us so bold , that we had like to fall'n together by the Ears for Oranges , which were given us , because all had not a like share , without considering we were in the General 's Tent. He winkt at our rudeness , and commanded his Chirurgion to carry us to his Tent , and drink there more moderately . The next Morning the General sent us three hundred Roupies , and assign'd us certain Vessels , called Gourapes , one of which carried fourteen Guns , and about fifty or sixty Men. Each Gourape was attended by four Kosses ; which are Boats with Oars , to tow great Vessels . There were also several great Flat-bottom Boats , that carried no Mast , yet were well furnished with Guns . The greatest part of the Officers were Portugaises ; and the General had so good an opinion of the Christians , that if a Moor could speak but a little of that Language , he commonly preferred him to some considerable Office. There were several other Vessels , laden only with Provision , and War-like Ammunition . We saw likewise , several Barges set forth with Streamers , wherein were the Wives of Persons of Quality , that followed the Army . The General had five hundred for his share . These Women were kept by Eunuchs , made so in their tender years , who were in great credit with their Masters . As soon as we were ordered to march , we sought the Vessel assign'd us , but I had the unhappiness to lose my self in that vast multitude of people , together with one of my Companions , and were eight days , before we could know where to betake our selves . This small mishap gave me the opportunity of an exact observation of the Army , which consisted of near three hundred thousand Horse , and five hundred thousand Foot. The General rode in the midst of the Cavalry ; and before him marched several Trumpeters , and Kettle-Drummers , mounted on Elephants . He was followed by twenty of these Animals , each of them carrying two small pieces of Cannon , two Gunners , with as many chargers . After these came three or four thousand Moscovites , all extraordinarily well mounted . Several thousands of Cammels , laden with the Baggage , were followed by all sorts of Merchants , Artisans , Curtisans ; some mounted on Cammels , others on Horses . 'T was told us , that this great Body stood the Mogol , in every day , above five Millions ; the greatest part of which , were paid by the Curtisans , and Merchants , that followed the Army . Which is no hard matter to believe , because I knew in that Countrey , the Cities were destitute of all Trade in time of War , and therefore the Inhabitants were forced to follow the Army ; by which means , it abounded with all necessaries , except strong drinks , the use of which was only permitted to the Christians , because the Moors in drinking never so small a quantity , became cruel , and bloody minded . After a long march , we entred into Kosbia , a Country lying between the Kingdoms of Bengala , and Azo , of which the General easily became Master . The King of Azo imagined the Walls of his Capital City , were proof against our Cannon ; and believed himself secure ; but soon found the contrary , for we took his City by assault , and made him Prisoner . He had an Iron Collar , fastned about his Neck , whence hung two great Chains , which were fixt also to his Legs , and in this manner was served by four Pages . A while after the King was taken Prisoner , the General was shewed several Caves made into rocks , wherein was hid his Treasure , the rest became the Souldiers booty , and we thought all to enrich our selves , but were mistaken ; for besides that ; these people wear no other Cloathing , than a piece of Linnen , which reaches from their Waste ; down to their Knees ; they had so well hid every thing of value , that we could find nothing but a Pot of Rice , and a Box full of Tow , and some Leaves , which they chew continually , to cleanse their mouths . We were troubled to find our expectations thus frustrated , especially considering the smallness of our Wages , which were not sufficient to maintain us , being no more than ten Crowns a Month , and Provision was very dear . The reason why we had no more , was , because we served by constraint , whereas the English and Portugaises that went voluntiers , received monthly twenty five Crowns a Man. Some days after , the General required our two Carpenters assistance , in the building him a stately Vessel , from a model he shewed them . Which finished , he promised 'em their liberty . They accepted the proposal , and were sent to Decka , where they finished their undertaking , to the General 's content , who kept his word with them . It was demanded of us , at the same time , whether either of us , was willing to accept the Government of the Castle of Agra , and for our encouragement , there were several advantagious offers made us ; but they could not prevail with us , especially considering we were to live amongst Moors ; and that such an employ , perhaps , would so fix us in that Countrey , that we should never get out of it . The General being a Man of dispatch , immediately after the overthrow of the King of Azo , hastened towards the Countrys belonging to the King of Assam , who was one of the Mogols chiefest Enemies . 'T was said , that this King having notice of his march , derided his discretion , wondering , that with eight hundred thousand Men only , he should undertake that , which two Millions of Men could not atchieve . In effect , it seemed to be a rash Enterprize , and that the Example of so prodigious an Army , which lately perished in the same Parts where we went , should have deterred our General . But so far was he from being discouraged by this consideration , that the greatness of the danger served only to heighten his courage ; and lest the Flood , which every six Months overflowed the greatest part of this Kingdom , should hinder his project , he advanced with great expedition , and arrived before that time , at the place he intended . As soon as we were in the Enemies Countrey , a general consternation seized upon them ; and the fame of Nabab's Fortune , caused infinite numbers of the Enemy's Subjects to come over to his side , as the surest . In the mean time , the English , and we , having observed all the signs of an approaching tempest , carefully viewed , and repaired our Vessels ; but all our pre-cautions could not hinder its sinking : For not being Ballasted , the Currents overturned it , and that which hastened our loss , was the Sottish , and Extravagant curiosity of a Marriner , that had the management of it . This Man , to try experiments , would needs have all the Sails hoisted up , which was no sooner done , but our Vessel sunk . There were Boats enough to help us , had custom permitted it ; but in like accidents , the Moors help no Body , not their near Kindred , or intimate Friends , Yet by good hap , there was a lusty well-shaped Woman , who seeing five Hollanders upon the point of drowning , rowed up to them , and maugre two Men that withstood her , received them into her Boat. The River Ganges is of very unequal breadth , being in some places a League , in others a League and an half wide ; so that when the Wind is high , this River abounds with Waves and Billows , no ways inferiour to those of the Sea. There were lost by this accident four Dutch-men , and twenty four Moors ; and I had ran the same Fate , had not I ( after four hours swimming towards the Land ) met with a Vessel , Commanded by English-men . As soon as I made my self known to them , they sent forth above sixty Men to my assistance , who took me into their Boat , where they gave me what was necessary . In fine , they carried me on Board their Vessel , where I found one of my Countrey-men , on whom the English had shew'd the same compassion . The next Morning we thankt our Benefactors , and went to the Army , where we sought an occasion of admittance to the General . The loss of his Vessel was but bad news to carry him , yet we could not but make it known to him , for we knew not where to bestow our selves . As soon as he heard it , he fell into such a Fit of passion , that we believed we should be both hanged or worse . At length he commanded us to withdraw , and choose what Vessel we had a mind to , the Enemy's Fleet being expected every moment . We were heartily glad we came off so well ; four of our Companions went on board a Gourape ; and two others , and my self , chose a Bark , that carried six pieces of Cannon . Two days after , our Admiral set Sail , in search of the Enemy , attended by the whole Fleet. We immediately heard a continual roaring of Guns , whence we inserred , the Land Army was engaged ; but as to our parts , we could not so soon joyn the Enemy , being ( as it was thought ) at a great distance from us . When the Admiral had set his Fleet in order , the General 's Chirurgion , who was of our Nation , and a Lover of his Countrey , exhorted us to behave our selves , answerable to the good opinion they had of our Countrey-men . Representing to us , that when we come to engage , the whole Fleet will take notice of the Christians , and especially of us , who were greatly esteemed by the Moors . That 't was the Companies interest , we should keep up our Reputation , and that we might have a great share in the glory of that days actions . Although the Wind was little favourable to us , yet we followed on our course ; and three or four hours after dasht against a Rock , which struck off our Helm . At length we recovered it , and having fixt it in its right place , held on our course . Not long after we discovered the Enemy's Fleet , consisting of six hundred Sail. Although we were in search of them , yet were greatly surprized to see those so near us , whom we believed to be farther off . As soon as the Enemy perceived us , they advanced towards us , and we tarried expecting them , as well out of necessity , as bravery , the contrary Wind hindering us from retreating . Whilst they made up towards us , we sat down at Table , which we had no sooner done , but a dish of Meat that was set thereon , was carried away by a Cannon Bullet , which did us no other harm , but that of depriving us of our allowance . Whereupon we betook our selves to our Guns , and from that time , till midnight , ceased not Firing on our side , and were answered in the same manner by the Enemy . An hour after the Enemy withdrew ; there came another Vessel to our assistance , which was commanded by a Moorish Prince , called Menorcan , who had set out thirty Vessels at his own charge , for the service of the great Mogol . This Prince observing our post to be dangerous , assisted us in such a manner , that we got the Wind of the Enemy . As soon as we had cast Anchor , he left us , promising to return the next Morning , with the whole Fleet. He had not gotten far , before we perceived six Sail making towards us . Five of which , could not surmount the force of the Currents , but the sixth came so near , as to give us a broad side . But as soon as a fair opportunity offered , we boarded her , & quickly became Masters of her . So that we took the first prize on the Enemy . Having taken out of this Vessel , whatever was of any value , to avoid farther trouble , we set her on fire . Half an hour after , eight or nine of the Enemy's Vessels made towards us , and this number daunted us , wherefore we weighed Anchor , and sheltered our selves under the Dutch and Portugaise Vessels , which made 'em cease pursuing us . At day-break we found our Admiral was still a League off of us . The whole Fleet ( of which the Dutch and Portugaise led the Van ) were in good order , and advanced towards the Enemy , as fast as the little Wind which then blew would permit ' em . As to our parts , the Currents were against us , wherefore we were forced to be towed by Moors , that went on shoar for that purpose . In the mean time , a Trumpet , accompanied with Ten or Twelve Horse , coming from the General , who believed , upon a false report , we were lost , called out to us several times from the shoar , Sauwas Hollanders . The word Sauwas signifies Courage . Being near , they inform'd us , how greatly the General was troubled , at the false report of a Moor , who brought him word , that the Vessels commanded by the English , Dutch , and Portugaise were lost . They returned then towards their Master ; who better informed of the matter , caused the tongue of the Moor ( who brought him that false news ) to be cut out , and he to be whipt with a Whip , which they call Chamboe , every lash of which cuts as deep as a Razor . Notwithstanding the force of the Currents , and the great advantages the Enemy had over us , we got the Wind of them ; and from that time , never ceased Firing upon em ; and at length , were seconded by our whole Fleet. When the Enemy saw it approaching , they set forth such great shouts , as wou'd made a Man think all was already lost . Yet did they couragiously defend themselves , and for three hours together , the Victory inclined to neither side . From that time their heat abated , and they began to shift their station , and were so closely plyed , that they left their Vessels , and ran to shoar , where finding they were pursued , they endeavoured , but in vain , to possess themselves of a high Bank , for we followed 'em so close , that we slew almost all of them , being ordered to give no quarter . We took three hundred of their Vessels , the least of which , carried seventy Men ; and of this whole number , there escaped not above fifty , whom the King ( enraged his orders were no better observed ) condemned to suffer the most grievous punishment . Those that had still some Life remaining in them , were tyed to Stakes , where the Soldiers put an end to their Lives , with their Arrows . Thus perished this numerous , and mighty Army ; of which , very few escaped , to carry the news of the loss of the rest . The Admiral having disguised himself , was notwithstanding , taken Prisoner , and released at the intercession of some of the General 's principal Officers . As to the booty , 't was not considerable , consisting only in Powder , Lead , and some pieces of Cannon . It was discoursed , that the fault of this Admiral was the less excusable , inasmuch as he had neglected the orders of his Prince ; who commanded him to go with six hundred Sail , to expect us above the City of Goaëti . Which was a very advantagious post , as well to hinder us from taking in any Provision , as to block us up in the Countrey ; but he chose rather to be guided by his own fancy , imagining the shouts of his Fleet would dismay us . The three hundred Vessels that escaped , unhappily cast Anchor at about a quarter of a Leagues distance from the General , who advanced up the Countrey with all possible expedition . As soon as he knew where they were , he brought two or three hundred pieces of Cannon , and planted 'em against them , and sunk the greatest part of them ; the rest past over to the other side of the River , where our Vessels pursued them with success . Some of 'em wheeled about , thro by ways , where the Moors found , and slew them . The Enemy's Fleet being thus routed , we passed by the Foot of a steep Rock , where was built a Fortress of difficult access . Yet was it abandoned , but 't was to draw us farther into the Countrey . From thence we came to the City of Gueragan , whence the King fled ; and our Admiral cast Anchor before the City of Lokwa , situated about six Leagues from thence . Some time after , the General Commanded the chief of the Fleet , to send him Money , and Provisions for the Army . Whereupon our Commanders sent him six Boats , two laden with Gold , and four with Silver , but the six Boats unfortunately fell into the Enemy's hand , who in the heat of the surprisal , slew the greatest part of the Men. They reserved some Christians for their pleasure , under whose Arms , they fastned several wisps of Straw , stuft with Powder ; and when these wisps were consumed , they fastned others in like manner in their places , till such time as they expired . The pleasure of these Barbarians , was to hear the screeks of these poor wretches , who , the louder they cryed , the more they rejoyced these cruel Monsters . Those that escaped into the Woods , came at Night to the Army , which was in great distress , the Water being already so high , that 't was impossible to return back . The Army lay Encamped in a place full of fruitful Trees , and sowed with excellent Rice . The Mountains yield Pepper , Agra-wood , Sanders , and Simples , that are sold for their weight in Gold. As to this mettal 't is not scarce ; & Elephants are so common , that the country , as fruitful as 't is , is not sufficient to feed them ; therefore they are always lean . We chose in this pleasant Countrey , a proper place to Intrench our selves , and cut down , to prevent surprisals , all the Trees round about us . We sent out scouts every day to observe the Enemy's motions . Those that fell into the hands of our party , were cruelly scourged , and then had their Heads cut off , which were hung up in Baskets upon the boughs of Trees . When they were too numerous to be all made Prisoners , they cut off the Heads of the greatest part , and hung about the Necks of every one of the rest , two of these Heads , which they were made to carry into the Camp ; where they were cruelly whipt ; and when 't was judged they were near expiring , they had likewise , their Heads severed from their Bodies ; which were hanged , like the rest , in Panniers , upon the boughs of Trees . Some had stakes drove through them alive . Others had four double hooks thrust down their Bellies , which tore their Bowels ; and in this condition , were carried to the places the Enemy frequented ; to the end the horrour of the Torment they endured , might move them to forsake the weakest side . If these punishments were cruel , those of the Enemy were no less , for they made their Prisoners languish so long in their Torments , as would have moved the most obdurate to pity . Having made 'em expire by their cruel usage , they fastned them , standing bolt upright , to stakes , upon flat-bottom Boats , and sent them thus down the River , either towards the Army , or the Fleet ; where they became such a sad spectacle , that they could not be beheld without dread and horrour . As to those that rendred themselves , they were received with great expressions of kindness . There came likewise to our Camp , Ambassadours from the King of the Antropophages , or Man-eaters ; offering the assistance of his Army , against the King of Assam's Subjects ; but the small sincerity of these people being known , their offers were not accepted , yet were they sent away , with assurances of the great Mogol's Friendship , provided they assisted not his Enemies . These people had fierce looks , a rough carriage , and the Mine of persons that eat others alive . In effect , they fed on Human Flesh , scrupling to Interr their Dead , whom they design'd for a better use . Those that are sick amongst them , and in a languishing condition , are knockt on the Head , and eaten ; and this is all the charity they have one for another . They possess all things in Common , carrying what they steal from strangers , to the Common Heap , where they have all an equal portion . When we told them , their way of living was contrary to the rest of Mankind , it being unnatural to eat their fellow Creatures ; they replyed , Opinion , and Custom , made all these things either good or bad ; and that a Man cannot do ill in following those he found established . There were in our Army certain Soldiers , whose Maxim was , Never to give back ; and to dye , rather than abandon the Post assigned them . Those that dye thus , are sure of Salvation ; whereas , those that behaved themselves cowardly , and were slain , were certainly Damned . This opinion renders 'em valiant , which is not such a Barbarous one as we are apt to imagine , seeing many in the most civilized Nations have asserted it , extreamly meritorious , to dye for one's Country . The General had honoured us , with a high Character of our Valour , so that the only report of our name , stood him in as much stead as an Army . Those on the Enemy's side , who fled over to us , had such a great esteem for us , that they made room for us , wheresoever we went. The Moors shewed us the same respect ; but those dreadless fellows I now mention'd , kept their gravity with us , claiming precedency in all rencounters , which for quietness sake we granted them . Next after the Dutch , certain Armenian Horse-men , were in greatest esteem ; as well for that they were Christians , as that they continually kept good Horses , and observed good order . Our Reputation thus up , the Admiral judged us the most fitting persons to take charge of the Artillery . For which purpose , he made us very advantagious proffers ; but we liked neither the Country , nor Manners of its People ; and therefore intreated him to pitch upon some others , to whom this employ would be more agreeable , than to us , who were not so well versed in the Tongue , as to make our selves obeyed , which reason satisfied him . Every New Moon is a Festival with the Moors , which day begins with the discharge of all the great Guns ; after which , the Soldiers are paid , and this payment consists of fifty Roupies , or 25 Crowns , for every Horse-man , some have a hundred paid them , others thirty , twenty , and others again , only ten . The Foot Soldiers pay is but small , being not above five or six Roupies a Month. As to the Slaves , who work almost both day and night , they have scarcely any thing , or that which is given them , is so inconsiderable , that the greatest part of them dye with hunger . These Slaves are Indians , who eat nothing endued with lise ; and their superstition is such , that how great soever their hunger may be , they choose rather to dye , than to eat either Fish or Flesh . Their Food consists chiefly of Rice , and when they are destitute of it ( which happens not seldom ) they dye willingly ; not doubting but this kind of death , procures them Eternal Life . These poor Wretches Discourses were continually concerning the contempt of abundance , and the excellency of want . They could not comprehend , how those that live in plenty in this World , can be happy in the next ; and in this imagination , take their misery for a mark of their Election . The Inhabitants of the Country of Assam , are another sort of superstitious people , who worship a Cow , and consequently never kill any of that kind . Their Temples are full of the Images of these Creatures , the greatest part made of Gold and Silver , and some few of Brass . About three Leagues distance from the place where our Vessel lay , stood a Temple , which we pillaged , and carried away one of these Golden Cows , which was divided amongst us . It was no small grief to these poor Pagans , to see their Divinity thus taken from them , and yet they sold us Cows at a cheap rate , for we did not pay above two shillings for the best . What sottishness , said I , within my self , are these people guilty of , to sell their Gods ; 't is true , we were forced to promise , we would not kill 'em , but they knew the contrary ; and when we blamed their silly humour , they demanded of us , whether the Christians had none , and whether their actions answer'd the Religion they professed . Our Vessel lying at a great distance from the Army , we knew but one part of what hapned there , and although we understood , they were in ill circumstances , yet we could never have believed there dyed so many thousands of Men , had not the River brought them to us . The Water became so infected , by the prodigious quantity of dead Bodies thrown therein , that several persons perished by that means ; wherefore , at length , we boyled the Water , before we used it . After three Months stay , the Water having been continually at that height , that 't was impossible to come out of our Trenches , the Enemy believed we were starved , and consequently , that we might be easily defeated . In truth , hunger pressed us very sorely , and the greatest part of the Army were forced to kill the Camels , and Elephants , for their sustenance . The Enemy , then , coming down , almost certain of the Victory ; our General commanded , to let them draw near , as if the whole Army had been dead ; and in the mean time , made the Horse to fetch a round , to hem them in : his stratagem took effect , for as soon as they began to attack us , they were charged by our Horse , and wholly defeated , leaving near twenty thousand dead in the place . There were not above ten Men wounded on our side , and since this skirmish , the Waters fell insensibly , so that we had order to be ready to give battel . Whilst we were preparing , our General caused several Waggons to be laden with provision , and sent them to the King of Assam , charging his Messengers to tell him , he sent him this present for his supply , in case he wanted it . For as for his own part , he had more than he needed for his Armys subsistance this six Months . Our General 's drift was to Allarm the King of Assam , who design'd at that time to retire to the Mountains , having lost all hope of being able to resist . This Prince understood the General 's design ; and saw well , this was a kind of Summons , to render himself at discretion ; but he knew too well his Enemy , to expect any favour from him ; and therefore chose rather to send him word , that he loved himself too well to entrust his person with any one , but was willing to yield to any reasonable terms . This answer discovered the Enemy's weakness , and the General who was enraged , that he had insulted over him , within his Trenches , resolved to make him repent it . He told his chief Officers then his resolutions to give Battel , which they all readily agreed to . Amongst others , there was one that spake thus , My Lord , says he , to the General , when we came into these parts first , we had four Armies , all in good order , and disposition , whereas now we have not one that deserves that name . The greatest part of the Soldiers of these four Armies , being either dead , or in a sick and languishing condition . Why then do we not immediately march up to the Enemy ? Shall we tarry till all our forces are spent ? And will it not be more glorious for our Monarch , and honourable for such a Captain as you , to go and insult over the Enemy , than to lye languishing here , where a longer stay cannot but be most shameful . The freedom with which this person spake , had a good effect ; for the General resolved to follow his advice , in case the King of Assam refused to accept of the following conditions : To wit , that this Prince should give the General half of his Kingdom , and the youngest of his Daughters for his Concubine ; two thousand Elephants , some Millions of ready Money , and his richest Vessels full of excellent roots , with which that Countrey abounded , and which are of inestimable value . Although the General 's Army was in very great distress , yet his Enemy accepted these conditions ; and this unexpected Peace came very seasonably , for 't is certain that never any Army was in a worse condition . As soon as the Waters were sufficiently fall'n , we hastned to pack up our Baggage , being glad to leave this wretched post , for 't is certain we were so tired , that had the Enemy set upon us , we could scarce been able to make resistance . As for riches we wanted them not , having found good store in Graves . It being this peoples custom , to Interr with their Dead , their best Apparel , Money , and greatest part of their Servants ; whom they bury alive , to bear their Masters company . So far are these poor wretches from bemoaning their condition in this respect , that they are on the contrary , exceedingly joyous , to follow their Masters into a Countrey , where they hope in three days time to become great Personages , and enjoy certain pleasures , which are not to be had here . Our General caused several of these Tombs to be opened , wherein were found vast Treasures , which he carried away with him , but which he enjoyed but a small time , for he died soon after ; and according to the custom of the great Mogol's Empire , which is , that this Prince becomes Heir to all those that dye in his Countreys , the Acquests of the General , which were to the value of four Millions , fell to this Monarch . And thus have I given you a Relation of what I saw in this War against the King of Assam ; all which was written by a Physician of Montpellier , who was then in the service of the great Mogol . Prince Jemla , or the Emir ( for 't is thus they called our General ) having signaliz'd himself in several Rencounters , and driven out Sultan Sujah ( Brother to Auren Zeb ) from the Kingdom of Bengala , he entreated the Mogol to send him his Wife and Children , to live with them , in a place he had chosen , remote from noise , and business , of which his great age rendred him uncapable . He imagined that this Prince ( whose Throne he came now from settling , in subduing his Brethren , who disturbed him in the possession of the Empire ) could not well refuse him his demands . But he was mistaken , for Auren Zeb was of a piercing judgment , and knew Jemla to be the Soldiers darling , and the Peoples Favourite . That he was a great Politician , a Wise and Valiant Captain , and the wealthiest in all the Empire . He was sensible of his ambitious designs , and that he aspired to set up his Son Mahomet Emirkin , on the Throne of Bengala . On the other side , he considered , 't was dangerous to displease such a powerful Man ; so that he not only granted him what he demanded , but created him also Mir-Vl-Omrag , a dignity belonging only to the second Person in the Empire . Andas to his Son , he made him Bacchis , or General of the Horse , a place of great consequence , but which , requires him that possesses , never to stir out of the Court. No project could be more effectual for the hindering the designs of Prince Jemlar , for by this means he was parted from his Son , who could not be separated from his Father under a fairer pretence , than by being tyed to the Court by so splendid an Office. Jemla well perceived Auren-Zeb's design , and being not able to devise a way presently to avoid it , yielded to necessity , expecting the change of affairs would furnish him with means , to have that by force which he could not obtain by subtilty . These two great Men were jealous of one another , and being in a manner equally powerful , they mutually plyed each other with kindnesses , whilst both secretly endeavoured to strengthen their parties . The year being passed over in Reciprocal dissimulations , Auren-Zeb plainly perceived the Emir was not a Man to lye still . He judged then , 't were better to employ him abroad , than to give him time to trouble his Government ; and therefore proposed to the Emir , the undertaking of that great expedition of which this latter had sometime heretofore discoursed to him . Which was , to march against the Raja or King of Assam , whose Countrey lyes Northward off the Kingdom of Deka , which is near the Gulf of Bengala . 'T is true , the Emir had formerly mention'd it , to Auren-Zeb , who foreseeing the honour , which would redound to him from his Conquests , objected , at first , several difficulties , but afterwards , thought requisit to embrace the motion , that he might thereby be rid of the Emir , and keep him employed . Although the Emir doubted not his design , yet he obeyed without hesitating , and joyfully prepared himself for an undertaking , by which , he was sure to establish , and encrease his Reputation . He imbarked , then , with his Army , on a River , whose source arises in that same Country , and after about some sixty Leagues Sailing , arrived at the Castle of Azo , which the Raja of Acham had long since taken from the King of Bengala . The Emir attackt this place , and took it in fifteen days . He afterwards marched towards Chamdara , lying near the Country of Assam , where within a Month , he gave Battel to the King of Assam , and worsted him . This Prince being vanquished , withdrew into his chief City , called Guerguon ) where being followed by the Emir some five days after , he secured himself in the Mountains of Lassa ; and to render his escape more easie , left his treasures behind him , with which the Emir augmented his : These Mountains being unaccessible to an Army , the Emir could not follow his Enemy ; and whilst he studyed how to surprize him , the Season of Rains came ; during which , the whole Countrey is overflowed , excepting the Villages , which stand upon Hills . This Season , which lasted three Months , hindered the Emir's designs , the Waters keeping him from marching either backwards or forwards . Moreover , the Raja had carried away all kinds of Provision , and reduced by this means the Emir into a strange extremity . This Weather , and the incommodiousness of the place , having near ruined his whole Army . He thought of nothing , then , but how to get away , and in his retreat , was ever and anon , set upon by his Enemies , who taking their advantage , enclosed whose Troops , in plains full of Mire , and slew them . Notwithstanding these difficulties , the Emir returned home in Triumph , laden with glory and spoils . His design was to return , and finish in the following year , the Conquest of this Kingdom , which the Castle of Azo ( which they had caused to be well fortified ) retained , as it were , in a Bridle , and which was able to hold out a long time against the Forces of the Raja . But no sooner was he returned to Bengala , but a Dysentery destroyed the rest of his Army , and himself also . And by this means Auren-Zeb had nothing to fear ; who , as great a dissembler as he was , could not forbear expressing his joy thereat . He told one day , the Son of the Deceased , in the presence of his whole Court , that he had lost a Father , and he for his part , a most dreadful friend . Having been fifteen Months in the great Mogol's Army , our Consul obtained at length our discharge ; whereupon we parted without Attendants , for all our Servants were dead . We came in fifteen days to Decka , where we saw the Vessel our two Carpenters had built for the General . It carried 30 Guns , and they had order to begin another , far larger . From thence we betook our selves to a House of Entertainment for Strangers , where we were well accommodated with all things necessary ; from whence we soon took Shipping for Ongueli . Having Sailed about 120 Leagues , along the River , we made some stay at Cazimabahar , a place Famous for Silks . From thence we went to Ongueli , where the Dutch that Trade to the Indies , have a considerable Factory . Each of us betook himself to different Employs , and mine obliged me so strictly in that Company 's Service , that I could not conveniently return to my Native Country , till the Year 1673. FINIS . Lately Printed , A Now Digester , or Engine for softning Bones ; Containing the Description of its Make and Use in these particulars , viz. Cookery Voyages at Sea , Confectionary , making of Drinks , Chymistry , and Dving . With an account of the Price a good big Engine will cost , and of the profit it will afford . Publisht by Order of the Royal Society . By Denis Papin M. D Fellow of the Royal Society . Sold by Henry Bonwick at the Red-Lyon in St. Paul's Church-yard . 
A27515	----	The history of the late revolution of the empire of the Great Mogol together with the most considerable passages for 5 years following in that empire : to which is added, a letter to the Lord Colbert, touching the extent to Indostan, the circulation of the gold and silver of the world, to discharge it self there, as also the riches, forces, and justice of the same and the principal cause of the decay of the states of Asia / by Mons. F. Bernier ... English'd out of French. Histoire de la dernière révolution des Etats du Grand Mogol. English Bernier, François, 1620-1688. 1676 Approx. 419 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 204 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A27515 Wing B2044 ESTC R16888 12546556 ocm 12546556 63063 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A27515) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63063) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 954:3) The history of the late revolution of the empire of the Great Mogol together with the most considerable passages for 5 years following in that empire : to which is added, a letter to the Lord Colbert, touching the extent to Indostan, the circulation of the gold and silver of the world, to discharge it self there, as also the riches, forces, and justice of the same and the principal cause of the decay of the states of Asia / by Mons. F. Bernier ... English'd out of French. Histoire de la dernière révolution des Etats du Grand Mogol. English Bernier, François, 1620-1688. Oldenburg, Henry, 1615?-1677. The second edition. 2 v. ([16], 179; [3], 191, [1] p.) Printed and sold by M. Pitt ... and S. Miller ... and J. Starkey ..., London : 1676. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. Translated by Henry Oldenburg. The second volume, Particular events, or, The most considerable passages after the war for five years, or thereabout, in the empire of the Great Mogol ..., has separate t.p. and paging. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Mogul Empire -- History -- Early works to 1800. India -- History -- 1500-1765. India -- Description and travel. India -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. India -- Social conditions. 2006-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HISTORY OF The Late Revolution OF THE EMPIRE OF THE GREAT MOGOL : Together with the most considerable Passages for 5 years following in that Empire . To which is added , A LETTER to the Lord COLBERT , touching the Extent of Indostan ; the Circulation of the Gold and Silver of the World , to discharge it self there ; as also the Riches , Forces , and Justice of the same : And the Principal Cause of the Decay of the States of Asia . By Mons r F. BERNIER , Physitian of the Faculty of Montpelier . English'd out of French. THE SECOND EDITION . LONDON Printed , and Sold by M. Pitt at the Angel , and S. Miller at the Star , in St. Paul's Church yard ; and J. Starkey at the Miter near Temple-Bar . 1676. An EXTRACT of a LETTER Written to Mr. H. O. FROM Monsieur DE MONCEAUX THE YOUNGER , Giving a Character of the BOOK here Englished , and its AUTHOR . VIrtue sometimes is no less interessed than Affection : Both , Sir , are glad to receive from time to time pledges mutually answering for those that have united themselves in a close correspondence . Yours indeed should demand of me such , as might be a security to you for the advance you have been pleased to make me of your Friendship . But since at present I have nothing worth presenting you with ; and yet am unwilling to give you any leisure to be diffident of my realness , or to repent for having so easily given me a share in your esteem , I here send you a Relation of INDOSTAN , in which you will find such considerable Occurrences , as will make you confess , I could not convey to you a more acceptable Present , and that Monsieur Bernier , who hath written it , is a very Gallant Man , and of a mould , I wish all Travellers were made of . We ordinarily travel more out of Unsettledness than Curiosity , with a design to see Towns and Countries rather than to know their Inhabitants and Productions ; and we stay not long enough in a place , to inform our selves well of the Government , Policy , Interests and Manners of its People . Monsieur Bernier , after he had benefitted himself for the space of many years by the converse of the famous Gassendi , seen him expire in his arms , succeeded him in his Knowledge , and inherited his Opinions and Discoveries , embarqued for Aegypt , stay'd above a whole year at Cairo , and then took the occasion of some Indian Vessels , that Trade in the Ports of the Red Sea , to pass to Suratte ; and after Twelve years abode at the Court of the GREAT MOGOL , is at last come to seek his rest in his native Countrey , there to give an Accompt of his Observations and Discoveries , and to poure out into the bosom of France , what he had amassed in India . Sir , I shall say nothing to you of his Adventures , which you will find in the Relations that are to follow hereafter , which he abandons to the greediness of the Curious , who prefer their satisfaction to his quiet , and do already persecure him to have the sequel of this History . Neither shall I mention to you the hazards he did run , by being in the Neighbourhood of Mecca ; nor of his prudent Conduct , which made him merit the esteem of his Generous Fazelkan , who since is become the first Minister of that Great Empire , whom he taught the principal Languages of Europe , after he had Translated for him the whole Philosophy of Gassendi in Latin , and whose leave he could not obtain to go home , 'till he had got for him a select number of our best European Books , thereby to supply the loss he should suffer of his Person . This , at least , I can assure you of , that never a Traveller went from home more capable to observe , nor hath written with more knowledge , candour , and integrity ; that I knew him at Constantinople , and in some Towns of Greece , of so excellent a Conduct , that I proposed him to my self for a Pattern in the Design I then had , to carry my Curiosity as far as the place where the Sun riseth ; that I have often drowned in the sweetness of his entertainment the bitternesses , which else I must have swallowed all alone , in such irksome and unpleasant passages , as are those of Asia . Sir , You will do me a pleasure to let me know the sentiment , your Illustrious SOCIETY hath of this Piece . Their Approbation begets much emulation among the Intelligent , who all have no other Ambition than to please them . I my self must avow to you , that if I thought I could merit so much , I should not so stiffly oppose , as I do , the Publication of the Observations and Notes I have made in the Levant . I should suffer my Friends to take them out of my Cabinet , where , from the slight value I have for them , they are like to lye imprisoned , except the KING my Master , by whose Order I undertook those Voyages , should absolutely command me to set them at liberty , and to let them take their course in the world . Mean time , Sir , you will oblige me , to assure those GREAT MEN , who this day compose the most knowing Company on Earth , of the Veneration I have for the Oracles that come from their Mouth , and that I prefer their Lyceum before that of Athens ; and lastly , that of all their Admirers there is none , that hath a greater Concern for their Glory , than Paris , Julij 16 , 1670. De MONCEAUX . The HEADS of the Principal Contents of this HISTORY : Added by the English Interpreter . 1. VVHat depth of Policy and Craft was used by Aureng-Zebe , the Heros in this History , and the Third of the Four Sons of Chah-Jehan the Great Mogol , to supplant all his Brothers , and to settle himself in the Throne : And how the first Foundation thereof was laid by the Visier of the King of Golkonda , and the sickness of Chah-Jehan the Father of Aureng-Zebe . 2. A mixture of Love-Intrigues , practised by the Princess Begum-Saheb , one of the two Daughters of the Great Mogol , Chah-Jehan . 3. How Aureng-Zebe having overcome all his Brothers , did secure his Father , and others , whom he had cause to be jealous of . 4. How the Neighbours of the Empire of Mogol demeaned themselves towards the new Emperour , Aureng-Zebe ; and what Embassies were dispatched to him , first by the Usbec-Tartars ( where a Description of that Countrey and People ; ) then the Dutch of Suratte ; as also from Mecca , from Arabia Felix , from Ethiopia and Persia ; together with an Account of their respective Instructions , Receptions , Entertainments and Dismissions ; particularly of that of the Hollanders , securing and improving their Trade by this their Embassie . 5. Aureng-Zebe's singular prudence , and indefatigable pains , in managing the Government himself ; and how he treated him that endeavoured to perswade him to take his ease and pleasure , now he was established . 6. Aureng-Zebe's distaste against his Favourite-Sister , Rauchenara-Begum , occasioned by some Love Cabals . 7. His great Care in appointing a Governour and Tutor to his Third Son Sultan Ekbar . 8. With what wisdom and severity ▪ Aureng-Zebe received and treated his Pedantick Tutor , who expected to be made a great Lord for his former service ; together with a Model for the sutable Education of a Great Prince , prescribed by Aureng-Zebe on this occasion . 9. In what credit Judiciary Astrology is over all Asia . 10. How the Kings of India make themselves Heirs of all the Estate of those that dye in their service . 11. Of the Reciprocal Appearance of Kindnesses between Aureng-Zebe and his Imprison'd Father and Sister . 12 ▪ What pass'd between Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla , who had laid the first Ground-work to Aureng-Zebe's Greatness . 13. What in these Revolutions was transacted about the Bay of Bengale and the Heathen Kingdom of Rakan . 14. How Aureng-Zebe carried himself towards his two Eldest Sons , Sultan Mahmoud and Sultan Mahum : And how , for a Trial of the Obedience and Courage of the latter , he commanded him to kill a certain Lion , that did great mischief in the Countrey ; together with the success thereof . 15. Divers Particulars , shewing the Interest between Indostan and Persia , supposed by this Author to be unknown , or at least not well known hitherto . 16. How generously Aureng-Zebe recompensed those that had faithfully served him in these Revolutions . 17. Some Account of that small Kingdom of Kachimere , or Cassimere , represented as the Paradice of the Indies ; concerning which the Author affirms , that he hath a particular History of it in the Persian Tongue . 18. A considerable Relation of Suratte's being strangely surpriz'd and plunder'd , by a stout Rebel of Visapour ; and how the English and Dutch saved themselves and their Treasure in this bold Enterprize . 19. A particular Account both of the former and present State of the whole Peninsule of Indostan ; the occasion of its Division into divers Sovereignties , and the several Arts used to maintain themselves one against another ; particularly of the present Government and State of the Kingdoms of Golkonda and Visapour , and their Interests in reference to the Great Mogol . 20. Of the Extent of Indostan , and the Trade which the English , Portugueses , and Hollanders , have in that Empire ; as also of the vast quantities of Gold and Silver , circulated through the World , and conveyed into Indostan , and there swallowed up , as in an Abyss . 21. Of the many Nations , which in that vast Extent of Countrey cannot be well kept in subjection by the Great Mogol . 22. Of the Great Mogol's Religion , which is Mahumetan , of the Turkish , not Persian Sect. 23. Of his Militia , both in the Field and about his Person ; and how the same is provided for , employed , punctually paid , and carefully distributed in several places . 24. Of the Omrahs , that is , the Great Lords of Indostan ; their several Qualities , Offices , Attendants . 25. The Artillery of the Mogol , great and small , very considerable . 26. Of his Stables of Horses , Elephants , Camels , Mules , &c. 27. Of his Seraglio . 28. Of his vast Revenues and Expences . 29. What Prince may be said to be truly Rich. 30. An important State-Question Debated , viz. Whether it be more expedient for the Prince and People , that the Prince be the sole Proprietor of all the Lands of the Countrey over which he Reigns , yea or no ? THE HISTORY OF The Late Revolution OF THE DOMINIONS OF THE GREAT MOGOL . THE desire of seeing the World having made me Travel into Palestina and Egypt , would not let me stop there ; it put me upon a resolution to see the Red Sea from one end to the other . I went from Grand Cairo , after I had staid there above a year ; and in two and thirty hours , going the Caravan pace , I arrived at Suez , where I embarked in a Galley , which in seventeen days carry'd me , always in sight of land , to the Port of Gidda , which is half a days journey from Mecca . There I was constrained ( contrary to my hopes , and the promise which the Beig of the Red Sea had made me ) to go a shore on that pretended Holy Land of Mahomet , where a Christian , that is not a Slave , dares not set his foot . I staid there four and thirty days ; and then I embarked in a small Vessel , which in fifteen days carried me along the Coast of Arabia the Happy to Moka , near the Streight of Babel-mandel . I resolved to pass thence to the Isle of Masowa and Arkiko , to get as far as Gouder , the Capital Town of the Country of Alebech , or the Kingdom of Aethiopia ; but I received certain information , that , since the Portugueses had been killed there by the intrigue of the Queen Mother , or expelled , together with the Jesuit Patriarch , whom they had brought thither from Goa , the Roman Catholicks were not safe there ; a poor Capuchin having lost his head at Suaken , for having attempted to enter into that Kingdom : That indeed , by going under the name of a Greek or an Armenian I did not run so great hazard , and that even the King himself , when he should know , that I could do him service , would give me Land to Till by Slaves , which I might buy if I had money ; but that undoubtedly they would forthwith oblige me to Marry , as they had lately done a certain Frier , who had passed there under the name of a Greek Physitian ; and that they would never suffer me to come away again . These considerations , among others , induced me to change my resolution . I went aboard of an Indian Vessel ; I passed those Streights , and in two and twenty days I arrived at Surratte in Indostan , the Empire of the Great Mogol , in the Year 1655. There I found , that he who then Reigned there , was call'd Chah-Jehan , that is to say , King of the World ; who , according to the History of that Countrey , was Son of Jehan-Guyre , which signifieth Conquerour of the World , Grandchild of Ekbar , which is Great , and that thus ascending by Hohmayons , or the Fortunate , Father of Ekbar , and his other Predecessors , he was the Tenth of those that were descended from that Timur-Lengue , which signifieth the Lame Prince , commonly and corruptly call'd Tamerlan , so renowned for his Conquests ; who Married his near Kinswoman , the only Daughter of the Prince of the Nations of Great Tartary , call'd Mogols , who have left and communicated their Name to the strangers , that now Govern Indostan , the Countrey of the Indians ; though those that are employ'd in publick Charges and Offices , and even those that are listed in the Militia , be not all of the Race of the Mogols , but strangers , and Nations gather'd out of all Countries , most of them Persians , some Arabians , and some Turks . For , to be esteem'd a Mogol , 't is enough to be a stranger white of Face , and a Mahumetan ; in distinction as well to the Indians , who are brown , and Pagans , as to the Christians of Europe , who are call'd Franguis . I found also at my arrival , that this King of the World , Chah-Jehan , of above seventy years of Age , had four Sons and two Daughters ; that , some years since , he had made these four Sons Vice-Kings or Governours of four of his most considerable Provinces or Kingdoms ; that it was almost a year that he was fallen into a great sickness , whence it was believed he would never recover : Which had occasioned a great division among these four Brothers ( all laying claim to the Empire ) and had kindled among them a War which lasted about five years , and which I design here to describe , having been present at some of the most considerable Actions , and entertained for the space of eight years at that Court , where Fortune and the small stock of Money ( left me after divers encounters with Robbers , and the expences of a Voyage of six and forty days from Suratte to Agra and Dehli , the Capital Towns of that Empire ) obliged me to take a Salary from the Grand Mogol in the quality of a Physitian , and a little while after from Danech-mend-Kan , the most knowing Man of Asia , who had been Bakchis or Great Master of the Horse , and was one of the most powerful and the most considerable Omrahs or Lords of that Court. The Eldest of these four Sons of Chah-Jehan was call'd Dara , that is Darius . The Second was call'd Sultan Sujah , that is the Valiant Prince . The Name of the Third was Aurenge-Zebe , which signifies the Ornament of the Throne . That of the Fourth was Morad-Bakche , as if you should say , Desire accomplished . Of the two Daughters , the eldest was call'd Begum-Saheb , that is the Mistress Princess ; and the youngest Rauchenara-Begum , which is as much as Bright Princess , or the Splendour of Princesses . 'T is the Custom of the Countrey , to give such Names to their Princes and Princesses . Thus the Wife of Chah-Jehan , so renown'd for her Beauty , and for having a Tomb , which much more deserved to be reckon'd among the Wonders of the World , than those unshapen Masses , and those heaps of stones in Egypt , was called Tage-Mehalle , that is to say , the Crown of the Seraglio ; and the Wife of Jehan-Guyre , who hath so long Govern'd the State , whilst her Husband minded nothing but Drinking and Divertisements , was first called Nour-Mehalle , and afterwards , Nour-Jehan-Begum , the Light of the Seraglio , the Light of the World. The reason , why they give such kind of Names to the Great Ones , and not Names from their Land or Dominion ( as is usual in Europe ) is , because all the Land being the Kings , there are no Marquisates , Earldoms and Dutchies , of which the Grandees might bear their Names ; all consists in Pensions either of Land or ready Money , which the King giveth , increaseth , retrencheth , and takes away , as seems good unto him : And 't is even for this reason , that the Omrahs have also no other but such Names ; one ( for example ) being called Raz-Audaze-Kan , i. e. a Thunderer ; another , Safe Cheken-Kan , a Breaker of Ranks ; a third , Bare-Audaze-Kan , a Man of Lightening ; others , Dianet-Kan , or Danechmend-Kan , or Fazel-Kan , i. e. the Faithful Lord , the Intelligent , the Perfect , and the like . Dara , the Eldest Son , wanted not good Qualities . He was Gallant in Conversation , Witty in Reparties , exceeding Civil and Liberal , but entertained too good an opinion of his person , esteeming himself alone capable of all , and thinking it scarce possible that any Body was able to give him counsel ; insomuch , that he would give reproachful Names to those who pretended to advise him in any thing ; whereby it came to pass , that even those , who were most affectionate to him , were shie to discover to him the most secret Intrigues of his Brothers . Besides , he was apt to be transported with passion , to menace , to injure , to affront , even the greatest Omrahs or Lords ; but all passed over like a flash of Light. Though he was a Mahumetan , and publickly expressed in the ordinary Exercises of Religion to be so , yet , in private , he was Heathen with the Heathen , and Christian with the Christians . He had constantly about him of those Heathen Doctors , to whom he gave very considerable Pensions , and who ( as was said ) had instilled into him Opinions contrary to the Religion of the Land ; of which I may touch something hereafter , when I shall come to speak of the Religion of the Indians or Gentiles . He also hearkened of late very willingly to the Reverend Father Buzee a Jesuit , and began very well to relish what he suggested . Yet there are some who say , that at the bottom he was void of all Religion , and that whatever he pretended in it , was only for curiosity , or , as others say , out of policy , to make himself beloved by the Christians , who are pretty numerous in his Artillery ; but above all , to gain the Affection of the Rajas or Soveraign Gentiles , that were Tributary to the Empire , and to make them of his party upon occasion . Mean time , this hath not mueh furthered his Affairs , on the contrary , it will appear in the sequel of this History , that the pretence used by Aureng-Zebe , his third Brother , to Cut off his Head , was , that he was turned Kafer , that is to say , an Infidel , of no Religion , an Idolater . Sultan Sujah , the second Brother , was much of the humour of Dara , but he was more close and more settled , and had better Conduct and Dexterity . He was fit to manage an Intrigue well , and he made , under hand , friends by the force of presents , which he heaped upon the great Omrahs , and principally upon the most powerful Rajas , as Jessomseigne , and some others ; but he did somewhat too much indulge his pleasures , in entertaining an extraordinary number of Women , among whom when he was , he spent whole days and nights in drinking , singing , and dancing . He made them presents of very rich Apparel ; and he encreased or lessened their pensions according as the fancy took him : By which kind of Life his Affairs did languish , and the affections of many of his people cooled . He cast himself into the Religion of the Persians , although Chah-Jehan , his Father , and all his Brothers , were of the Turkish . 'T is known that Mahumetanism is divided into several Sects , which made that famous Check-Sady , Author of the Goulistan , say in Verse , which is to this effect in Prose ; I am a Dervich Drinker , I seem to be without Religion , and I am known of sixty two Sects . But of all those Sects there are two principal ones , whose Partisans are mortal Enemies to one another . The one is that of the Turks , whom the Persians call Osmantous , that is , Sectators of Osman ; they believing that 't is he that was the true and lawful Successor of Mahomet , the Great Caliph or Soveraign Priest , to whom alone it did appertain to interpret the Alcoran , and to decide the Controversies to be met with in the Law. The other is that of the Persians , whom the Turks call Chias , Rafezys , Aly-Merdans , that is , Sectaries , Hereticks , Partisans of Aly , because they believe , contrary to the belief of the Turks , that this succession and pontifical Authority , which I just now intimated , was due only to Aly the Son-in-law of Mahomet . It was by reason of State that Sultan Sujah had embraced this latter Sect , considering that all the Persians being Chias , and most of them , or their Children , having the greatest power at the Court of Mogol , and holding the most important Places of the Empire , he had most reason to hope , that , when occasion served , they would all take his part . Aureng-Zebe , the third Brother , had not that Gallantry , nor surprising Presence of Dara , he appeared more serious and melaneholy , and was indeed much more judicious , understanding the World very well , and knowing whom to chuse for his service and purpose , and where to bestow his favour and bounty most for his interest . He was reserved , crafty , and exceedingly versed in dissembling , insomuch that for a long while he made profession to be Fakire , that is , Poor , Dervich , or Devout , renouncing the World , and faining not to pretend at all to the Crown , but to desire to pass his Life in Prayer and other Devotions . In the mean time he failed not to make a party at Court , especially when he was made Vice-King of Decan ; but he did it with so much dexterity , art , and secrecy , that it could hardly be perceived . He also had the skill to maintain himself in the Affection of Chah-Jehan his Father , who although he much loved Dara , could yet not forbear to shew that he esteemed Aureng-Zebe , and judged him capable to Reign ; which caused jealousie enough in Dara , who began to find it , insomuch that he could not hold from saying sometimes to his friends in private ; Of all my Brothers I apprehend only this Nemazi , that is , this Bigot , this great Praying-man . Morad-Bakche , the Youngest of all , was the least dextrous , and the least judicious . He cared for nothing but mirth and pastime , to drink , hunt , and shoot . Yet he had some good Qualities ; for he was very civil and liberal ; he gloried in it , that he kept nothing secret ; he despised Cabals ; and he bragg'd openly , that he trusted only in his Arm and Sword : In short , he was very Brave , and if this Bravery had been accompanied with some Conduct , he would have carried the Bell from all his Brothers , and been King of Indostan ; as will appear in what is to follow . Concerning the two Daughters , the Eldest , Begum-Saheb , was very Beautiful , and a great Wit , passionately beloved of her Father . It was even rumoured , that he loved her to that degree as is hardly to be imagined , and that he alledged for his excuse , that , according to the determination of his Mullahs or Doctors of his Law , it was permitted a Man to eat of the Fruit of the Tree he had planted . He had so great a confidence in her , that he had given her charge to watch over his safety , and to have an Eye to all what came to his Table : And she knew perfectly to manage his humour , and even in the most weighty Affairs to bend him as she pleased . She was exceedingly enriched by great pensions , and by costly presents , which she received from all parts , for such Negotiations as she employed her self in about her Father : And she made also great expences , being of a very liberal and generous disposition . She stuck entirely to Dara , her Eldest Brother , espoused cordially his part , and declared openly for him ; which contributed not a little to make the Affairs of Dara prosper , and to keep him in the affection of his Father ; for she supported him in all things , and advertised him of all occurrences : Yet that was not so much , because he was the Eldest Son , and she the Eldest Daughter ( as the people believed ) as because he had promised her , that as soon as he should come to the Crown he would Marry her ; which is altogether extraordinary , and almost never practised in Indostan . I shall not scruple to relate here some of the Amours of this Princess , although shut up in a Seraglio , and well kept , like other Women . Neither shall I apprehend , that I may be thought to prepare Matter for a Romancer ; for they are not Amours like ours , followed by Gallant and Comical Adventures , but attended with Events dreadful and Tragical . Now 't is reported , that this Princess found means to let a young Gallant enter the Seraglio , who was of no great Quality , but proper , and of a good Meen . But among such a number of jealous and envious persons , she could not carry on her business so privily , but she was discover'd . Chah-Jehan , her Father , was soon advertised of it , and resolved to surprise her , under the pretence of giving her a Visit , as he used to do . The Princess seeing him come unexpected , had no more time than to hide this unfortunate Lover in one of the great Chaudrons made to Bath in ; which yet could not be so done , but that Chah-Jehan suspected it . Mean time he quarrelled not with his Daughter , but entertained her a pretty while , as he was wont to do ; and at length told her , that he found her in a careless and less neat posture ; that it was convenient she should wash her self , and bath oftner ; commanding presently , with somewhat a stern countenance , that forthwith a Fire should be made under that Chaudron , and he would not part thence , before the Eunuchs had brought him word , that that unhappy Man was dispatched . Some time after she took other measures , she chose for her Kane-saman , that is , her Steward , a certain Persian called Nazerkan , who was a young Omrah , the handsomest and most accomplished of the whole Court , a Man of Courage and Ambition , the Darling of all , insomuch that Chah-Hestkan , Uncle of Aureng-Zebe , proposed to Marry him to the Princess : But Chah-Jehan received that proposition very ill , and besides , when he was informed of some of the secret Intrigues that had been formed , he resolved quickly to rid himself of Nazerkan . He therefore presented to him , as 't were to do him honour , a Betele , which he could not refuse to chew presently , after the Custom of the Countrey . Betele is a little knot made up of very delicate leaves , and some other things , with a little Chalk of Sea-Cockles ; which maketh the Mouth and Lips of a Vermilion colour , and the Breath sweet and pleasing . This young Lord thought of nothing less than being poysoned : He went away from the Company very jocund and content into his Paleky ; but the Drug was so strong , that before he could come to his House , he was no more alive . Rauchenara-Begum never passed for so handsome and spiritual as Begum-Saheb , but she was not less cheerful , and comely enough , and hated pleasures no more than her Sister . But she addicted her self wholly to Aureng-Zebe , and consequently declared her self an Enemy to Begum-Saheb and Dara . This was the cause , that she had no great Riches , nor any considerable share in the Affairs of the State : Nevertheless as she was in the Seraglio , and wanted no Wit and Spies , she could not but discover many important Matters , of which she gave secret advertisement to Aureng-Zebe . Chah-Jehan , some years before the Troubles , finding himself charged with these four Princes , all come to Age , all Married , all pretending to the Crown , Enemies to one another , and each of them making secretly a Party , was perplexed enough , as to what was fittest for him to do , fearing danger to his own Person , and foreseeing what afterwards befell him : For , to shut them up in Goualeor , which is a Fortress where the Princes are ordinarily kept close , and which is held impregnable , it being situated upon an inaccessible Rock , and having within it self good water , and provision enough for a Garrison ; that was not so easie a thing . They were too potent already , each of them having a Princely Train . And again , he could not handsomely remove them far off , without giving them some Government fit for their Birth ; wherein he apprehended they would Cantonize themselves , and become little independent Kings ; as actually they afterwards did . Nevertheless , fearing lest they should cut one anothers Throat before his Eyes , if he kept them still at Court , he at last concluded to send them away . And so he sent Sultan Sujah , his second Son , into the Kingdom of Bengale ; his third , Aureng-Zebe , into Decan ; and the youngest , Morad-Bakche , to Guzaratte ; giving to Dara , the eldest , Cabal and Multan . The three first went away very well content with their Government ; and there they Acted each the Soveraign , and retained all the Revenues of their respective Countries , entertaining great Troops , under the pretence of bridling their Subjects and Neighbours . As to Dara , because the eldest , and designed to the Crown , he stirred not from the Court ; which that he should not do , seemed also to be the intention of Chah-Jehan , who entertained him in the hopes of succeeding him after his Death . He even permitted then , that Orders were issued out by him , and that he might sit in a kind of Throne , beneath his , among the Omrahs ; so that it seemed , as if there were two Kings together . But as 't is very difficult for two Soveraigns to agree , Chah-Jehan , though Dara shew'd him great Observance and Affection , always harbour'd some diffidence , fearing above all things the Morsel ; and besides , for as much as he knew the parts of Aureng-Zebe , and thought him more capable to Reign than any of the rest , he had always ( as they say ) some particular correspondence with him . This it is , what I thought fit to premise concerning these four Princes , and their Father Chah-Jehan , because 't is necessary for the understanding of all that follows . I esteem'd also , that I was not to forget those two Princesses , as having been the most considerable Actors in the Tragedy ; the Women in the Indies taking very often , as well as at Constantinople and in many other places , the best part in the most important Transactions , though Men take seldom notice of it , and trouble their heads of seeking for other Causes . But to deliver this History with clearness , we must rise somewhat higher , and relate what passed , some time before the Troubles , between Aureng-Zebe , the King of Golkonda , and his Visier Emir-Jemla ; because this will discover to us the Character and Temper of Aureng-Zebe , who is to be the Heros of this Piece , and the King of the Indies . Let us then see , after what manner Emir-Jemla proceeded , to lay the first foundation of the Royalty of Aureng-Zebe . During the time that Aureng-Zebe was in Decan , the King of Golkonda had for his Visier and General of his Armies this Emir-Jemla , who was a Persian by Nation , and very famous in the Indies . He was not a Man of great Extraction , but beaten in Busiuess , a person of excellent parts , and a great Captain . He had the Wit of amassing great Treasures , not only by the Administration of the Affairs of this opulent Kingdom , but also by Navigation and Trade , sending ships into very many parts , and causing the Diamond Mines , which he alone had farmed under many borrowed names , to be wrought with extraordinary diligence . So that people discoursed almost of nothing but of the Riches of Emir-Jemla , and of the plenty of his Diamonds , which were not reckon'd but by Sacks . He had also the skill to render himself very potent and considerable , entertaining , besides the Armies of the King , very good Troops for his particular , and above all a very good Artillery , with abundance of Franguys or Christians to manage it . In a word , he grew so rich , and so puissant , especially after he had found a way to enter into the Kingdom of Karnates , and to pillage all the ancient Churches of the Idols of that Countrey , that the King of Golkonda became jealous of it , and prepared himself to unsaddle him ; and that the more , because he could not bear what was reported of him , as if he had used too great familiarity with the Queen his Mother , that was yet beauteous . Yet he discover'd nothing of his Design to any , having patience , and waiting 'till Emir came to the Court , for he was then in the Kingdom of Karnates with his Army . But one day , when more particular News was brought him of what had passed between his Mother and Him , he had not power enough to dissemble any longer , but was transported by choler to fall to invectives and menaces : Whereof Emir was soon made acquainted , having at the Court abundance of his Wives Kindred , and all his nearest Relations and best Friends possessing the principal Offices . The Kings Mother also , who did not hate him , had speedy information of the same . Which obliged Emir , without delay , to write to his only Son , Mahmet Emir-Kan , who then was about the King , requiring him to do the best he could to withdraw with all speed from the Court , under some pretence of Hunting , or the like , and to come and joyn with him . Mahmet Emir-Kan failed not to attempt divers ways ; but , the King causing him to be narrowly observed , none of them all would succeed . This very much perplexed Emir , and made him take a strange resolution , which cast the King in great danger to lose his Crown and Life ; so true 't is ; that he who knows not to Dissemble , knows not how to Reign . He writ to Aureng-Zebe , who was then in Daulet-Abad , the Capital of Decan , about fifteen or sixteen days Journey from Golkonda , giving him to understand , that the King of Golkonda did intend to ruin him and his Family , notwithstanding the signal Services he had done him , as all the World knew ; which was an un-exampled Injustice and Ingratitude ; that this necessitated him to take his refuge to him , and to intreat him , that he would receive him into his protection ; that , for the rest , if he would follow his advice , and confide in him , he would so dispose Affairs , that he would at once put into his hands both the King and Kingdom of Golkonda . This thing he made very easie , using the following Discourse : You need but take four or five thousand Horse , of the best of your Army , and to March with Expedition to Golkonda , spreading a rumour by the way , that 't is an Ambassadour of Chah-Jehan that goes in haste , about considerable Matters , to speak with the King at Bag-naguer . The Dabir , who is he that is first to be addressed unto , to make any thing known unto the King , is allyed to me , and my Creature , and altogether mine ; take care of nothing but to March with expedition , and I will so order it , that without making you known , you shall come to the Gates of Bag-naguer ; and when the King shall come out to receive the Letters , according to custome , you may easily seize on him , and afterwards of all his Family , and do with him what shall seem good to you ; in regard that his House of Bag-naguer , where he commonly resides , is unwalled and unfortified . He added , that he would make this Enterprise upon his own Charges , offering him fifty thousand Roupies a day ( which is about five and twenty thousand Crowns ) during the whole time of the March. Aureng-Zebe , who looked only for some such occasion , had no mind at all to lose so fair an one . He soon undertook the Expedition , and did so fortunately manage his Enterprise , that he arrived at Bag-naguer , without being otherwise known than as an Ambassadour of Chah-Jehan . The King of Golkonda being advertised of the arrival of this pretended Ambassadour , came forth into a Garden , according to custome , received him with honour , and having unfortunately put himself into the hands of his Enemy , ten or twelve Slaves , Gurgis , were ready to fall upon and to seize his person , as had been projected ; but that a certain Omrah , touched with tenderness , could not forbear to cry out , though he was of the party , and a Creature of Emir , Doth not your Majesty see that this is Aureng-Zebe ? Away ; or you are taken . Whereat the King being affrighted , slips away , and gets hastily on horseback , riding with all his might to the Fortress of Golkonda , which is but a short League from thence . Aureng-Zebe seeing he was defeated in his Design , yet was not therefore discomposed ; but seized at the same time on the Royal House , taketh all the rich and good things he finds there ; yet sending to the King all his Wives ( which over all the Indies is very religiously observed ; ) and goeth to Besiege him in his Fortress . But as the Siege , for want of having brought along all Necessaries , held on long , and lasted above two months , he received Order from Chah-Jehan to raise it , and to retire into Decan again ; so that , although the Fortress was reduced to extremities , for want of Victuals and Ammunition of War , he found himself obliged to abandon his Enterprise . He knew very well , that it was Dara and Begum that had induced Chah-Jehan to send these Orders , from the apprehension they entertained , that he would become too powerful ; but in the mean time he never discover'd any resentment of it , saying only , that he ought to obey the Orders of his Father . Yet he withdrew not , without causing underhand payment to be made to him of all the Charges of his Expedition : Besides , he Married his Son Sultan Mahmoud to the Eldest Daughter of that King , with a promise , that he would make him his Successor , causing him also to give him for a Dowry the Fortress and the Appurtenances of Bamguyre . He also made the King consent , that all the Silver Money , that should be Coined for the future in that Kingdom , should bear on one side the Arms of Chah-Jehan ; and that Emir-Jemla should withdraw with his whole Family , all his Goods , Troops , and Artillery . These two Great Men were not long together , but they framed great Designs : On the way they Besieged and took Bider , one of the strongest and most important Places of Visapour ; and thence they went to Daulet-Abad , where they contracted so intimate a Friendship together , that Aureng-Zebe could not live without seeing Emir twice a day , nor Emir without seeing Aureng-Zebe . Their Union began to cause a new Face in all the Affairs of those Parts , and laid the first foundations of the Royalty of Aureng-Zebe . This Prince having used the Art to make himself to be called to the Court divers times , went with great and rich presents to Agra to Chah-Jehan , presenting him his Service , and inducing him to make War against the King of Golkonda , and him of Visapour , and against the Portugals . At first he presented to him that great Diamond , which is esteem'd matchless ; giving him to understand , that the precious stones of Golkonda were quite other things , than those Rocks of Kandahar ; that there it was , where the War ought to be made , to get the possession thereof , and to go as far as Cape Comory . Chah-Jehan , whether it were that he was dazled by the Diamonds of Emir , or whether he thought it fit , as some believe he did , to have an Army in the Field , somewhat to restrain Dara , whom he found active in making himself potent , and who with insolence had ill treated the Visier Sadullah-Kan ( whom Chah-Jehan passionately loved , and considered as the greatest Statesman that had been in the Indies ) causing him even to be made away with poyson , as a Man not of his party , but inclined to Sultan Sujah ; or rather , because he found him too powerful , and in a condition to be the Umpire of the Crown , if Chah-Jehan should decease ; or lastly , because being neither Persian , nor of Persian Extraction , but an Indian , there were not wanting envious persons , who spread abroad , that he entertained in divers places numerous Troops of Patans , very Gallant Men , and well paid , with a design to make himself King , or his Son ; or at least to expel the Mogols , and to restore to the Throne the Nation of the Patans , of whom he had taken his Wife . However it be , Chah-Jehan resolved to send an Army towards Decan under the Conduct of Emir-Jemla . Dara , who saw the consequence of this Affair , and that the sending of Troops for those parts , was to give strength to Aureng-Zebe , opposed it exceedingly , and did what he could to hinder it . Nevertheless , when he saw that Chah-Jehan was resolute for it , he at last thought it best to consent ; but with this condition , that Aureng-Zebe should keep in Daulet-Abad , as Governour only of the Countrey , without medling at all in the War , or pretending to Govern the Army ; that Emir should be the absolute General , who for a pledge of his Fidelity was to leave his whole Family at the Court. Emir struggled enough within himself , whether he should agree to this last condition , but when Chah-Jehan desired him to give that satisfaction to Dara , and promised him , that after a little while he would send him back his Wife and Children , he consented , and Marched into Decan towards Aureng-Zebe with a very Gallant Army , and without any stop entred into Visapour , where he Besieged a strong place called Kaliane . The Affairs of Indostan were in that condition , as I have been relating , when Chah-Jehan fell dangerously sick . I shall not speak here of his sickness , much less relate the particulars of it . I shall only say this , that it was little sutable to a Man of above seventy years of Age , who should rather think on preserving his strength , than to ruin it , as he did . This sickness did soon allarm and trouble all Indostan . Mighty Armies were levied in Dehly and Agra , the Capitals of the Empire . Sultan Sujah did the like in Bengale ; and Aureng-Zebe in Decan ; and Mord-Bakche in Guzaratte : All four assembled to themselves their Allies and Friends ; all four write , promise , and form divers Intrigues . Dara having surprised some of their Letters , shew'd them to Chah-Jehan , and made great noise about them ; and his Sister Begum failed not to make use of this occasion , to animate the King against them . But Chah-Jehan was diffident of Dara , and fearing to be poysoned , gave order , that particular care should be had of what was brought to his Table . 'T was also said , that he wrote to Aureng-Zebe ; and that Dara being advertised thereof , could not forbear to menace , and to break into very passionate expressions . In the mean time the Distemper of Chah-Jehan lingred , and 't was bruited every where , that he was dead . Whereupon the whole Court was disorder'd , the whole Town allarm'd , the Shops for many days shut up ; and the four Sons of the King made openly great Preparations , each for himself : And to say truth , it was not without reason , that they all made ready for War ; for they all very well knew , that there was no hopes of quarter , that there was no other way , than to vanquish or dye , to be King or undone , and that he that should be Conquerour would rid himself of all the rest , as formerly Chah-Jehan had done of his Brothers . Sultan Sujah , who had heaped up great Treasures in that rich Kingdom of Bengale , ruining some of the Rajas or petty Kings that are in those parts , and drawing great Sums from others , took the Field first of all with a puissant Army , and in the confidence he had of all the Persian Omrahs , for the Sect of whom he had declared himself , he boldly Marched towards Agra , giving out openly that Chah-Jehan was dead , that Dara had poyson'd him , that he would revenge the death of his Father , and in a word , that he would be King. Dara desired Chah-Jehan to write himself to him , and to forbid him to advance further ; which he did , assuring him , that his sickness was not at all dangerous , and that he was already much better . But he having Friends at Court , who assured him that the sickness of Chah-Jehan was mortal , he dissembled , and ceased not to advance , saying still , that he knew very well Chah-Jehan was dead ; and if he should be alive , he was desirous to come and kiss his feet , and to receive his Commands . Aureng-Zebe immediately after , if not at the same time , taketh the Field also in Decan , maketh a great noise , and prepareth to March towards Agra . The same prohibition was made to him also , as well from Chah-Jehan , as from Dara , who threaten'd him . But he dissembleth , for the same reason that Sultan Sujah had done , and giveth the like answer . Mean time , finding that his Treasure was low , and his Souldiery very inconsiderable , he devised two artifices , which succeeded admirably well ; the one , in regard of Morad-Bakche ; the other , in respect of Emir-Jemla . To Morad-Bakche he writes with speed a very fair Letter , importing , that he had always been his true and intimate Friend ; that , as for himself , he laid no claim at all to the Crown ; that he might remember , he had all his Life time made profession of a Fakire , but that Dara was a person incapable to Govern a Kingdom ; that he was a Kafer , an Idolater , and hated of all the greatest Omrahs ; that Sultan Sujah was a Rafezy , an Heretick , and by consequence an Enemy to Indostan , and unworthy of the Crown : So that , in a word , there was none but he ( Morad-Bakche ) that could reasonably pretend to the Succession ; that the Crown did expect him ; that the whole Court , which was not ignorant of his Valour , would be for him ; and that for his particular , if he would promise him , that being King , he would give him leave to live quietly in some Corner or other of his Empire , there to serve God the remainder of his days , he was ready to make a conjunction with him , to assist him with his Counsel and Friends , and to put into his hands his whole Army , to fight Dara and Sultan Sujah ; that in the mean time he sent him an hundred thousand Rupies ( which make about fifty thousand Crowns of our Money ) and prayed him to accept thereof as a pledge of his friendship ; and that he would advise him to come with all possible speed to seize on the Castle of Suratte , where he knew to be the Treasure of the Land. Morad-Bakche , who was neither too rich nor too powerful , received with much joy this proposition of Aureng-Zebe , and the hundred thousand Rupies sent by him ; and shew'd Aureng-Zebe's Letter to every body , thereby to oblige the Flower of that Countrey to take up Arms for him , and the substantial Merchants to lend him the more willingly such Sums of Money as he demanded of them . He began in good earnest to Act the King , made large promises to all , and , in short , did so well , that he set a good Army on foot ; of whom he singled out some three thousand , who , under the Conduct of Chah-Abas , one of his Eunuchs , but a Valiant Man , should go to Besiege Suratte . Aureng-Zebe sent his Eldest Son , Sultan Mahmoud , ( him whom he had Married to the Daughter of the King of Golkonda ) to Emir-Jemla , who was yet employed in the Siege of Kaliane , to perswade him to come to him to Daulet-Abad , pretending to have matter of the greatest importance to communicate to him . Emir , who soon suspected his intentions , excused himself , saying openly that Chah-Jehan was not dead , that he had fresh News of his being alive , and that besides , all his Family being at Agra in the hands of Dara , he could by no means assist Aureng-Zebe , nor declare himself for him . Whereupon Sultan Mahmoud return'd to Daulet-Abad , without effecting any thing , and very much dissatisfied with Emir . But Aureng-Zebe lost no courage for all that , but sent the second time to Emir , yet not Sultan Mahmoud , but Sultan Mazum his Second Son , who presented to him his Fathers Letter , and handled him with that dexterity , sweetness , and protestation of friendship , that it was not possible to resist him . Emir therefore pressed the Siege of Kaliane , forced the Besieged to Surrender upon Composition , took the choice of his Army , and with all diligence went away with Sultan Mazum . At his arrival , Aureng-Zebe courted him in the highest degree , treating him no otherwise than with the Name of Baba and Babagy , that is , Father , Lord-Father ; and after an hundred embraces , he took him somewhat aside , and told him ( according to what I could learn from persons who knew of it ) That it was not just , that having his Family at the Court , he should adventure to do any thing in his behalf that might come to be known ; but that , after all , there was nothing so difficult but an expedient might be found . Give me leave therefore , said he , to propose to you a Design , which at first will possibly surprise you ; but , since you apprehend the danger of your Wife and Children that are in Hostage , the best way of providing for their security would be , to suffer me to seize on your person , and to put you in prison . It is out of doubt , that all the World will believe it done in earnest : For who would imagin , that such a person as you would be content to let your self be laid in prison ? In the interim , I could make use of part of your Army , and of your Artillery , as you shall judge most proper and convenient : You also could furnish me with a Sum of Money , as you have frequently offered it ; and besides , methinks I might tempt Fortune further , and we might together take our measures , to see in what manner I had best to demean my self ; if you would also permit , that I might cause you to be transported into the Fortress of Daulet-Abad , where you should be Master ; and that there I might have you kept by my own Son , Sultan Mazum , or Sultan Mahmoud ; this would yet better palliate the matter , and I see not , what Dara could justly say of it , nor how he could reasonably treat your Wife and Children ill . Emir , whether it were by reason of the Friendship he had sworn to Aureng-Zebe , or for the great promises made to him , or the apprehension he had , of seeing near him Sultan Mazum , who stood by , very pensive and well armed , and Sultan Mahmoud , who looked grim upon him for his coming away at the sollicitation of his Brother , not at that of his , and had at his very entrance lift up his Foot as if he would have hit him ; whatever of these considerations might induce him , consented to all what Aureng-Zebe desired , and approved of the Expedient to suffer himself to be imprison'd ; so that Aureng-Zebe being no sooner gone , but the Great Master of the Artillery was seen to approach with some fierceness to Emir , and to command him in the Name of Aureng-Zebe to follow him , locking him up in a Chamber , and there giving him very good words , whilst all the Souldiery , that Aureng-Zebe had thereabout , went to their Arms. The report of the detention of Emir-Jemla was no sooner spread , but a great tumult arose ; and those , whom he had brought along with him , although astonish'd , yet put themselves into a posture of rescuing him , and with their Swords drawn ran to force the Guards , and the Gate of his Prison ; which was easie for them to do : For Aureng-Zebe had not with him sufficient Troops to make good so bold an Enterprise ; the only Name of Emir-Jemla made all tremble . But the whole matter being altogether counterfeited , all these Commotions were presently calmed by the intimations that were given to the Chief Officers of Emir's Army , and by the presence of Aureng-Zebe , who there appeared very resolute with his two Sons , and spoke now to one , then to another ; and at last by promises and presents , liberally bestowed on those that were concerned . So that all the Troops of Emir , and even most of those of Chah-Jehan , seeing things troubled , and being without their General , and believing Chah-Jehan to be dead , or , at best , desperately sick ; considering also the ample promises made to them of augmenting their Stipend , and of giving them at that very time three months advance , soon listed themselves under Aureng-Zebe ; who having seized on all the Equipage of Emir , even his very Camels and Tents , took the Field , resolved to March to the Siege of Suratte , and to hasten the taking it in ; where Morad-Bakche was exceedingly embarrassed , because that his best Troops were employed there , and that he found more resistance in that place than he imagined . But Aureng-Zebe , after some days March , was informed , that the Governour had surrendred the Place ; for which he sent Congratulations to Morad-Bakche , acquainting him withall of his Transactions with Emir-Jemla , and assuring him , that he had Forces and Money enough , and very good Intelligence at the Court ; that nothing was wanting ; that he was directly going to Brampour and Agra ; that he had expected him on the way , and therefore desired him to joyn with him . 'T is true , that Morad-Bakche found not so much Money in the Fortress of Suratte as he had imagined , whether it were that really there was not so much as was reported , or whether the Governour had diverted a part of it , as some believed : Yet notwithstanding that little he found there was useful to him , to pay the Souldiers that had listed themselves in hopes of the advantages , they should make of the imagined vast Treasure of Suratte . 'T is not less true , that he had no greater reason to boast of the taking of this Place , in regard there was not any Regular Fortification about it ; and yet his Army had lain before it above a month , and would never have reduced it without the Hollanders , who furnish'd them with the Invention of Springing a Mine , which ruining a great side of the Wall , cast the Besieged into such a consternation , that it made them immediately surrender . The reduction of this Town did much advance his Design , Fame proclaiming immediately throughout these Countries , that Morad-Bakche had taken Suratte ; that he had sprung a Mine , which sounded very big among the Indians , who as yet do little understand that practice ; and that there he had found a vast Treasure . Notwithstanding this great noise , and all the first advantages , joyned to all those frequent Letters and great Promises of Aureng-Zebe , the Eunuch Chah-Abas , a Man of good Sense , of a great Heart , and exceedingly affectionate to the Service of his Master , was not of opinion , that Morad-Bakche should so much tye himself in interest to Aureng-Zebe , or precipitate his conjunction with him , but advised , that he should amuse him with words , and let him advance alone towards Agra ; that in the mean time there would come certain News of the sickness of Chah-Jehan ; that he should first see , what Channel Affairs would run in ; that he should Fortifie Suratte , as a very good Post , able to render him Master of a very large and rich Countrey ; and that perhaps in time he might seize Brampour , which is a very considerable Passage of a River , and as 't were a Bar of Decan . But the continual Letters and Protestations of Aureng-Zebe , joyned to the small Forces , Artillery , and Treasure of Morad-Bakche , blinded with an excessive ambition to Reign , made him regardless of all other considerations ; so that he went away from Amadevad , abandon'd Guzaratte , and took his way through the Woods and Mountains , with all expedition , to be at the Rendevouz , where Aureng-Zebe had looked for him these two or three days . Great Solemnities of Joy were made at the conjunction of the two Armies , the Princes visited one another , Aureng-Zebe made a hundred protestations and no less promises to Morad-Backche , assured him afresh , and solemnly , of his not caring for the Crown , as also of his being there for no other end than to assist him against Dara , their Common Enemy , and to place him in the Throne , which expected him . Upon this Enterview , and confirmation of Friendship , both Armies Marched together , Aureng-Zebe continuing always , during the March , in the protestations of Friendship , and in his Courtship to Morad-Bakche , treating him never otherwise , whether in publick or private , but with the Title of Hazaret , that is , King and Majesty : So that Morad-Bakche was fully perswaded , that Aureng-Zebe meant sincerely , from an excess of affection towards him ; whence he even willingly , and without ceremony , suffer'd the submissions and respects he shew'd him ; instead of remembring what had lately passed at Golkonda , and of considering , that he , who had thus hazarded himself with so much boldness to usurp a Kingdon , was not of a temper to live and dye a Fakire - These two Armies thus joyned made a Body considerable enough ; which begot a great noise at Court , and gave cause of thoughtfulness , not only to Dara , but to Chah-Jehan himself , who knew the great parts and subtle Conduct of Aureng-Zebe , and the Courage of Morad-Bakche ; and who foresaw very well , that a Fire was a kindling , which would be very hard to quench . It was to no purpose to write Letters upon Letters , signifying that he was well , and giving Order that they should turn back to their respective Governments , and expressing also , that he would forget all that had passed hitherto . All his Letters were not able to hinder their advance ; and as the sickness of Chah-Jehan did still pass for mortal , there being no persons wanting to bring and spread such News , they still continued to dissemble , giving out , that they were Letters counterfeited by Dara ; that Chah-Jehan was dead indeed ; but that , in case he were alive , they would go to kiss his Feet , and deliver him from the hands of Dara . What then should Chah-Jehan , this unfortunate King , do , who seeth , that his Sons have no regard to his Orders ; who is informed at all hours , that they march apace towards Agra in the head of their Armies , and who in this conjuncture finds himself sick to boot in the hands of Dara , that is , of a man who breatheth nothing but War ; who prepareth for it with all imaginable earnestness , and with all the marks of an enraged resentment against his Brothers ? But what could he do in this extremity ? He is constrained to abandon to them his Treasures , and to leave them to their disposal . He is forced to send for his old and most trusty Captains , whom he knows for the most part to be not very affectionate to Dara ; he must command them to fight for Dara , against his own Blood , his own Children , and those , for whom he hath more esteem than for Dara ; he is obliged forthwith to send an Army against Sultan Sujah , because 't is he that is most advanced ; and he is to send another against Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche , who no less are marching towards him . Soliman Chekouh , the eldest Son of Dara , a young Prince of about Five and twenty years of Age , very proper of Body , and of good Parts and Conduct , generous , liberal , and universally beloved , especially of Chah-Jehan , who had already enriched him , and who considered him rather for his Successour than Dara , was he , that was made General of this Army against Sujah . Nevertheless Chah-Jehan , who wished much rather , that Sujah were return'd to Bengale , than that the matter should be tryed by a bloody Combat , which could not be but very Tragical , and wherein he run the hazard of losing one or other of his Sons , gave him for Companion an Ancient Raja , called Jesseigne , who is at present one of the powerfullest and richest Rajas of all Indostan , and one the ablest in the whole Kingdom , with a secret Order not to fight , except it were altogether unavoidable ; as also to endeavour by all means to induce Sujah to retire , and to reserve his Forces for a better occasion ; that is to say , after they should have seen the event of the sickness of Chah-Jehan and the success of Aureng-Zebe , and of Morad-Bache . But this young Prince , Soliman Chekouh , full of heat and courage , breathing after nothing but to signalize himself by some great action , and Sultan Sujah fearing lest Aureng-Zebe gaining a Battel should first make himself Master of the Capital Towns of the Empire , Agra and Dehly ; it was impossible for the Raja Jesseigne to keep them from a Combat . The two Armies are no sooner in sight of one another , but they prepare to fall on , and they were not long from giving some Vollies of Cannon . I shall not relate the particulars of this Fight , for , besides that the narration of it would be too long and tedious , in the sequel of this History we shall be obliged to describe more considerable ones , by which the Reader will be able to judge of this . 'T is sufficient to know in general , that the first onset was very sharp and obstinate on both sides , but that at length Soliman Chekouh did urge Sujah with that force and vigour , that he disorder'd him , and made him fly : So that if Jesseigne , and the Patan Delil-kan , who was one of the first Captains and a valiant Man , but an intimate Friend of the Raja , and did not act but being moved by him , had seconded him in good earnest , 't is thought that the whole Army of Sujah would have been defeated , and himself in danger of being taken : But that was not the Design of the Raja to destroy him , no more than it was that of Chah-Jehan , who had given him order to the contrary . Thus then had Sujah time to retreat , and that without losing any considerable number of his Men ; yet because Soliman Chekouh kept the field , and brought away some pieces of Artillery , it was presently bruited at Court , Sujah had been totally overthrown . This Defeat purchased great reputation to Soliman Chekouh , lessen'd much the esteem of Sultan Sujah , and cooled exceedingly all the Persians that had an inclination for him . After that some days were spent in the pursuit of Sujah , the Prince Soliman Chekouh , who every day received News from the Court , and who learned , that Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche did approach with great resolution , well knowing , that his Father Dara had no great stock of prudence , but good store of secret Enemies , resolved to quit the pursuit of Sultan Sujah , and with all speed to return to Agra , where in all appearance Dara was to give Battel against Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche . This was the best counsel he could take , for no man doubts , that if he could have been there in good time , Aureng-Zebe would not have had the advantage ; and 't is even believed , he would never have hazarded the Combat , the party being too unequal ; but the bad fortune of Dara did not permit it . Whilst all that was thus transacted toward Elabas , which is the place where the Gemna is joyned to Ganges ; the Scene was very different on the side of Agra . At the Court they were much surprised to hear , that Aureng-Zebe had passed the River of Brampour , and all the other passages that were most difficult between the Mountains ; so that with all haste they sent away some Troops to dispute with him the passage of the River Eugenes , whilst the whole Army was making ready . For which purpose , there were chosen two of the most considerable and the most powerful of the Kingdom to command it ; the one was Kasem-Kan , a renowned Captain and very affectionate to Chah-Jehan , but one that had no great inclination to Dara , and who went not but to oblige Chah-Jehan , whom he saw in the hands of Dara : The other was Jessomseigne , a potent Raja , not inferiour to Jesseigne , and Son-in-law to that Raja Rana , who was at the time of Ekbar so puissant , as if he had been the Emperour of the Raja's . Dara at their farewel expressed to them great kindness , and presented them nobly ; but Chah Jehan took his time , before their departure , to charge them in secret , as he had done the Raja Jesseigne , when he went away in the Expedition against Sultan Suiah with Soliman Chekouh . Neither were they wanting , in their March , to send several times to Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche , to perswade them to turn back : But this was in vain ; their Envoys came not again , and the Army advanced with that diligence , that they saw it much sooner than they thought upon a rising ground , not far remote from the River . It being then Summer , and the season of the greatest heats , the River was fordable ; which was the cause , that at the same time Kasem-Kan and the Raja prepared themselves to give Battel ; besides that , they soon knew the resolution of Aureng-Zebe , that he would force them , since that , although his Army was not all come up , he gave them some Vollies of Cannon ; his design being to amuse them , fearing lest they themselves should pass the River , not only to prevent his passage , but also to hinder his Army from reposing , and from taking an advantageous post ; which was indeed in great disorder , and so tired by their March , and so faint by the heat , that if at the very first it had been assaulted , and kept from passing the Water , it would doubtless have been routed without much resistance . [ I was not by in this first Encounter , but thus it was generally discoursed of , and it agreeth with the after-relation of many of our French-men , who served Aureng-Zebe in the Artillery . ] But they were content to stay at the River-side , to keep Aureng-Zebe from passing it , according to the Order they had received . After that Aureng-Zebe had let his Army rest two or three days , and by amusing the Enemy , had fitted it to pass the River , he made his whole Artillery play , which was very well placed ; and he commanded , that under the favour of the Cannon they should pass the River . Kasem-Kan and the Raja , on their part , discharged theirs also , and did what they could to repulse the Enemy , and to keep him from passing . The Combat was sharp enough at first , and very obstinately maintained by the extraordinary Valour of Jessomseigne . For as to Kasem-Kan , although a great Captain , and a stout Man , he gave no great proof of his Valour in this occasion ; yea , some accuse him of Treachery , charging him that he had in the night caused the Bullets and Powder to be hid under the Sand , there being no more of them to be found after two or three discharges . However it be , the Combat for all that was , as I said , very resolutely carried on , and the passage long disputed . There were Rocks in the Bed of the River , which did much embarass , and the Banks in many places were very high and difficult to climb up . But at last , Morad-Bakche cast himself into the water with so much resolution and force , and shew'd so much valour and boldness , that there was no resisting of him . He passed over , and with him a good part of the Army , which made Kasem-Kan to give back , and cast Jessomseigne into great danger of his person . For by and by he found the whole Body of the Enemy upon him , and without the extraordinary resolution of his Ragipous , who almost all were killed about him , he had been a dead man. One may judge of the great danger he was in upon this occasion , by this , that after he had disengaged himself as well as he could , and was come back to his own , not daring to return to Agra , because of the great loss he had suffered , of seven or eight thousand Ragipous he had but five or six hundred of them remaining . These Ragipous , who take their name from the Rajas , that is to say , the Children of the Rajas , are from Father to Son such Men as make the Sword their Profession . The Rajas , whose Subjects they are , do assign them Lands for their subsistence , on condition to be always ready to go to War when summoned . So that one might say , that they were a sort of Pagan Nobles , if the Rajas gave them their Lands in propriety for them and their Children . They are great takers of Opium ; and I have sometimes wondred at the quantity I have seen them take : They accustom themselves to it from their youth . On the day of Battel they double the Dose , this Drug animating , or rather inebriating them , and making them insensible of danger ; insomuch that they cast themselves into the Combat like so many furious Beasts , not knowing what it is to run away , but dying at the feet of their Raja , when he stands to it . They want nothing but Order , Resolution they have enough . 'T is a pleasure thus to see them , with the fume of Opium in their head , to embrace one another , when the Battel is to begin , and to give their mutual Farewels , as Men resolved to dye . And that they do for this reason ; that the Great Mogol , though a Mahumetan , and by consequence an Enemy of the Heathen , yet for all that entertains always a good number of Rajas in his service , whom he considers as his other Omrahs , and imploys in his Armies as if they were Mahumetans . I cannot forbear to relate here the fierce reception , which the Daughter of the Rana gave to her Husband Jessomseigne , after his defeat and flight . When she heard that he was nigh , and had understood what had passed in the Battel ; that he had fought with all possible courage , that he had but four or five hundred Men left ; and that at last , not being able to resist any longer the Enemy , he had been obliged to retreat : She , in stead of sending one to receive him , and to console him in his misfortunes , commanded in a dry mood to shut the Gates of the Castle , and not to let this infamous Man enter ; that he was not her Husband ; that she would never see him ; that the Son-in-law of the Great Rana , could not have so low a Soul ; that he was to remember , that being grafted into so Illustrious an House , he was to imitate the Virtue of it ; and , in a word , that he was either to vanquish or to dye . A moment after she was of another humour ; she commands a Pile of Wood to be laid , that she might burn her self , that they abus'd her ; that her Husband must needs be dead ; that it could not be otherwise . And a little while after this , she was seen to change her countenance , to fall into passion , and to break out into a thousand reproaches against him . In short , she remained thus transported eight or nine days , without being able to resolve to see her Husband , 'till at last her Mother coming in , brought her in some degree to her self , and comforted her , assuring her , that as soon as the Raja had but a little refresh'd himself , he would raise another Army , to fight Aureng-Zebe , and repair his Honour at any rate . By which story one may see a pattern of the Courage of the Women in that Countrey : To which I could add something I have seen some of them do , who burned themselves alive after the death of their Husbands ; but we must reserve this Discourse for another place , where I shall also shew , that there is nothing which opinion , prepossession , custom , hope , and the point of honour , &c. may not make Men do or suffer . Dara having understood what had passed at Eugenes , fell into that choler against Kasem-Kan , that it was thought he would have cut off his Head , if he had been upon the place . He was also transported against Emir-Jemla , as the Person that was the first and principal Cause of the Misfortune , and who had furnish'd Aureng-Zebe with Men , Money , and Cannon . He is ready to kill his Son Mahmet Emir-Kan , and will send his Wife and Daughter to Basar , or the Market-place of prostituted Women ; and 't is past doubt , that he would have done some such thing , if Chah-Jehan , with much art and prudence , had not moderated the excess of his passion , in remonstrating to him , that Emir-Jemla had not so little conduct , nor so great a Friendship for Aureng-Zebe , as to hazard , and in a manner to sacrifice his Family , for the advancing of his Interest ; that Aureng-Zebe must needs have gulled and ensnared him , by his usual artifice and cunning . As for Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche , the happy success of this first Encounter did so swell their hearts , and gave such Courage to their whole Army , that henceforth they believed themselves invincible , and capable to compass any thing . Besides , Aureng-Zebe , the more to animate his Souldiers , bragged openly , that he had Thirty thousand Mogols at his devotion in the Army of Dara ; and there was something in it , as appeared by the sequel . Morad-Bakche was for nothing but fighting , and would march with all diligence . But Aureng-Zebe represented to him , that it was necessary the Army should refresh themselves for some time upon the Banks of this sweet River ; that in the mean time he would write to all his Friends , and get a full and certain information of the state of the Court , and of the condition of all Affairs . So that he marched not towards Agra , 'till he had rested some days , and after that he marched but slowly , to inform himself of all , and to take his time and measures . Concerning Chah-Jehan , when he plainly saw the resolution of Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche , and that there was no hope left to make them turn back , he was in such a perplexity , that he knew not what to resolve , and foreseeing some great calamity , he would fain have hindred the last decisive Battel , for which he saw Dara preparing himself with great eagerness . But what could he do to oppose it ? He was yet too weak of his sickness , and saw himself still in the hands of Dara , whom , as I have said , he trusted not much : So that he found himself obliged to acquiesce in his Will , and to commit to him all the Forces of the Empire , and to command all Captains to obey him . Immediately all was in Arms : I know not , whether there was ever a more gallant Army seen in Indostan . 'T is said , that there were little less than an hundred thousand Horse , and twenty thousand Foot , with four thousand peeces of Cannon , without reckoning the incredible number of Servants , Followers , Victuallers , whom Historians me thinks do often put into the number of the Combatants , when they speak of those formidable Armies of three or four hundred thousand Men , of which their Books are full . Though this Army was very brave , and strong enough to cut in pieces two or three of such as Aureng-Zebe had , in which there were no more than thirty five or forty thousand Men in all , and these tired and harassed by a very long and irksom March , during the height of the Heats ; and but a small number of Cannon , in respect of that of Dara . Mean time ( which seems hard to believe ) there was scarce any Body that presaged well for Dara , all knowing , that most of the chief Omrahs had no affection for him , and that all the good Souldiers that were for him , and whom he might confide in , were in the Army of Soliman Chekouh , his Son. And 't was for this reason , that the most prudent and the most faithful of his Friends , and Chah-Jehan himself , counselled him , not to hazard a Battel : Chah-Jehan offering , as infirm as he was , that he would go into the Field himself , and be carried before Aureng-Zebe , to interpose ; which was looked upon as a very good Expedient for Peace , and for accomodating the Affairs of Chah-Jehan . For 't is certain , that Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche , would never have had the boldness to fight against their own Father ; and if they should have attempted it , they would have smarted for it , because , besides that the match was not equal , and all the great Omrahs were so affectionate to Chah-Jehan , that they would not have failed to fight resolutely , if they had seen him in the head of the Army ; besides this , I say , the Captains themselves of Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche , bore great affection and respect to this Prince , whose Creatures they most were ; and the whole Army , in a manner , was his . So that in all appearance , not one of them would have presumed to draw his Sword against him , nor he been at the pains of drawing his . Then they advised Dara , that if he would not hearken to this Expedient , he should at least not precipitate the business , but delay , 'till Soliman Chekouh , who made all haste to joyn , were come in . Which was also very good counsel , in regard that that Prince was beloved of all , and was lately come home victorious , and had the most faithful and the bravest Souldiers with him . But Dara would never hearken to any proposition that could be made to him , and he thought on nothing else but to give Battel presently , and to go against Aureng-Zebe in person . And possibly he did not amiss , as to his own Honour and particular Interest , if he could have commanded Fortune , and made things succeed as he contrived them . For the Considerations he had ( as he could not forbear now and then to discover ) were some such as these : He looked upon himself as Master of the Person of Chah-Jehan ; that he could dispose of him as he pleased ; that he was also Possessor of all the Treasures and Forces of the Empire ; that Sultan Sujah was half ruined ; that his two other Brothers , with a weak and tired Army , were come to cast themselves into his hands ; that , if he gained the Battel , they could not escape him ; that he should all at once be absolute Master , and at the end of all his troubles , and at the height of his wishes , so as no body could contradict him in any thing , or dispute the Crown with him . Whereas if Chah-Jehan should take the Field , all Affairs would be accommodated , his Brothers would return to their Governments , Chah-Jehan , who began to recover his health , would resume the Government as before , and all things would return into their first channel : That , if he should stay for Soliman Chekouh , his Son , Chah-Jehan might take some Design to his disadvantage , or contrive something with Aureng-Zebe ; that whatever he could do for gaining the Victory , the Reputation , which Soliman Chekouh had purchased , would still give him all the honour of it . And after that , what would not he be capable to undertake , swelled with so much glory and success , and especially being supported , as he was , by the favour and affection of Chah-Jehan , and of the greatest part of the Omrahs ? What did he know , whether he would keep any modesty , or any respect for him , and whether his Ambition might not carry him ? These Considerations made Dara resolve to stand out against the counsel of all , and to pursue his point . And for that purpose , he commanded immediately the whole Army to take the Field , and thereupon came to take leave of Chah-Jehan , who was in the Fortress of Agra . This good old Man was ready to melt in tears , when he embraced him ; but withall failed not to represent to him , with a very grave countenance : Well , Dara , since thou art resolved to follow thine own will , go , God bless thee , but remember well these few words ; If thou losest the Battel , take heed of ever coming into my Presence . But this made no great impression upon him ; he goeth forth briskly , taketh horse , and seizeth on the Passage of the River Tchembel , which is about Twenty Miles from Agra ; where he fortified himself , expecting his Enemy . But the subtile and crafty Fakire , who wanted no good Spies , and people that gave him intelligence of all , and who knew that the Passage was there very difficult , took good heed to attempt the forcing it . He came to encamp himself near it , so that from the Camp of Dara one might discover his Tents . But what doth he in the mean time ? He inveagles a certain Rebel of Raja , called Chempet , presents him richly , and promiseth him a thousand fine things , if he would let him pass thorough his Territories , that so he might go with speed to gain a certain place , where he knew that the River might be passed on foot with ease . Chempet agreeth , and offers of his own accord , that he would himself attend him , and shew him the way through the Woods and Hills of his Countrey . Aureng-Zebe raised his Camp the same night , without any noise , leaving some of his Tents to amuse Dara , and marching night and day , made such haste , that he was almost as soon on the other side of the River , as Dara could have notice of it . Which obliged Dara to abandon the River there , and to leave all his Fortifications , and to follow his Enemy ▪ who , he was told , did advance with great diligence towards Agra , to gain the River of Gemna , and there without trouble , and at his ease , to enjoy the water , to fortifie , and to fix himself well , and so to expect Dara . The place where he encamped is but five leagues from Agra , it was formerly called Samonguer , and now Fateabad , which is to say , Place of Victory . A little while after , Dara also came to encamp there , nigh the Bank of the same River , between Agra and the Army of Aureng-Zebe , The two Armies were there between three and four days in sight of one another , without fighting . Mean time Chah-Jehan wrote several Letters to Dara , that Soliman Chekouh was not far off ; that he should not precipitate ; that he should come near Agra , and chuse an advantageous place to fortifie himself 'till he came . But Dara answer'd , that before three days were passed , he would bring to him Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche tyed hand and foot , to do with them what he should think fit . And without expecting any longer , he began at that very hour to put his Army in Battel array . He placed in the Front all his Cannon , causing them to be tyed the one to the other with Chains , to shut the passage to the Cavalry . Behind these Peeces of Cannon , he placed also front-wise a great number of light Camels , on the forepart of the Bodies whereof they fasten a small Peece , of the bigness of a double Musquet ; a Man sitting on the hind-part of the Camel , being able to charge and discharge without lighting . Behind these Camels stood the greatest part of the Musqueteers . Of the rest of the Army , which chiefly consisted in Cavalry , furnish'd with Bows and Arrows , ( as ordinarily are the Mogols , that is , at present , white Men , Mahumetans , strangers , as Persians , Turks , Arabians , and Usbecks ; ) or with a Sword , and a kind of Half-pike , as commonly are the Ragipous : Of all these , I say , there were made three different Bodies . The right Wing was committed to Calil-ullah-Kan , with Thirty Thousand Mogols under his Command ; for he was made Great Bakchis , that is , Great Master of the Cavalry , in the place of Danechmend-Kan , that was afterwards my Agah , who voluntarily resigned this Office , seeing that he was not well beloved of Dara , for having always highly maintained against him the Interest and Authority of Chah-Jehan . The left Wing was given to Rustam-Kan Dakny , a very renowned and very valiant Captain , together with the Raja Chatresale , and the Raja Ramseigne Routlé . On the other side , Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche put also their Army almost into the same Order ; except that in the midst of the Troops of some Omrahs , they had hid some small Field-Peeces , which was , as was said , after the way and Art of Emir-Jemla , and with no ill effect . They hardly made use of any more Art , than what hath been now related ; only they placed here and there some Men casting Bannes , which is a kind of Granado fastened to a stick , that may be cast very far through the Cavalry , and which extremely terrifieth Horses , and even hurts and kills sometimes . All this Cavalry turns about very easily , and they draw their Arrows with marvellous swiftness ; one Man being able to draw six of them , before a Musqueteer can twice discharge his Musquet . The same Cavalry keeps also very close in several Troops under their respective Officers , especially when they are going to fight hand to hand . But after all , I see not , that this way of putting an Army in array , is any great matter , in comparison of our Armies , when in good order . All things being thus disposed , the Artillery began to play on both sides ; for 't is always the Cannon that makes the prelude amongst them ; and the Arrows were now seen to fly through the Air , when unexpectedly there happen'd to fall a Storm of Rain , so violent , that it interrupted the Combat . The Rain ceasing , the Cannon began afresh to roar ; and then it was that Dara appeared , who being mounted upon a proud Elephant of Ceilau , commanded that an Onset should be made on all sides ; and himself advanced into the midst of the Body of the Cavalry , directly towards the Enemies Artillery , who received him warmly , kill'd store of Men about him , and put into disorder , not only the Main Body which he commanded , but also the other Bodies of the Cavalry that followed him . Yet notwithstanding , because he was seen to keep firm upon his Elephant , without any appearance of giving back , and was observed to look every where about him with an undaunted look , and to make signs with his hands to advance and to follow him , this disorder soon ceased , every one resuming his Rank , and advancing in the same pace with Dara . But he could not reach the Enemy , without receiving another Volley of Cannon-shot , which caused a second and great disorder in his Men , and made a good part of them recoyl ; yet he , without any change in his countenance , stood to it , encouraging his Troops , and gave still signs , that they should follow him , and advance with speed without any loss of time . Thus pressing vigorously forward , he forced the Enemies Artillery , broke the Chains , entred into their Camp , and made a Rout in their Camels and Infantry , and in every thing he met with on that side ; opening also a good passage to the Cavalry that followed him . Then it was , that the Enemies Cavalry facing him , a sore Combat began . A showre of Arrows fill'd the Air from both sides , Dara himself putting his hand to that work : But , to say truth , these Arrows do but little execution ; more of them are lost in the Air , or broken on the ground , than hit . The first Discharges of Arrows being made , they fought hand to hand with their Sables , pesle mesle , and the Combat was stoutly maintain'd on both sides . Dara is still seen to continue firm on his Elephant , encouraging , making a noise , and giving signs on all sides ; and at last advancing with so much resolution and force , against all that opposed him in his March , that he overthrew the Cavalry , and made them to retire and run away . Aureng-Zebe , who was not far from thence , and mounted also on an Elephant , seeing this great disorder , was in great trouble , and laboured with all his might to remedy it ; but to no purpose . He made the Main Body of his best Cavalry advance , to try whether he could make head against Dara ; but it was not long before this Body also was forced to give back , and to retreat in great disorder , whatever Aureng-Zebe could say or do to hinder it . Mean time let us take notice of his courage and resolution : He saw that almost the whole Body of his Army was disordered , and in a flying posture , in so much that he had not a thousand Men about him that kept their standing ; ( some told me , that there were scarce five hundred : ) He saw , that Dara , notwithstanding the difficulty of the way , which was uneven , and full of holes in divers places , made as if he would rush in upon him : Yet , for all this , he lost no courage , and was so far from being struck with fear , or from retreating , that he stood firmly to it , and called by name most of his Captains that were about him , crying out to them , Delirane Kodahé , ( these are his own words , ) that is , Courage my old Friends , God is : What hope is there in flying ? Know you not , where is our Decan ? Kodahé , Kodahé , God is , God is . And that none might doubt of his being undaunted , and that he thought on nothing less than running away , he commanded before them all ( oh strange extremity ! ) that forthwith Chains should be fastened to the feet of his Elephant ; and was going to fasten them in good earnest , but that they all declared their courage and resolution , to live and dye with him . Dara in the interim endeavoured to advance upon Aureng-Zebe , though he was yet at a good distance from him , and though the difficulty of the way embarassed and retarded him much ; he meeting also with some resistance , even from those disordered Horse of the Enemy , that cover'd all high and low places where he was to March. And this Encounter with Aureng-Zebe was looked upon as the thing , that was to assure Dara of the Victory , and to decide the Battel . And doubtless , he would have overcome all these difficulties , and Aureng-Zebe , with the small number left him , would not have been able to bid head to this victorious Army , if Dara had known how to profit of the prise he had in his hands . But here he failed ; of which I shall now shew the occasion , and how thereby the Scale was turned to Aureng-Zebe's advantage . Dara perceived that his left Wing was in great disorder , and he was informed , that Rustam-Kan and Chatresale were killed ; that Ramseigne Routlé had too far advanced , that he had indeed forced the Enemy , and made way through the midst of them ; but that now he was surrounded every way , and in very great danger . This it was , which made Dara desist from his design of making directly towards Aureng-Zebe , that he might go to succour his left Wing . There at first the Battel was also very sharp , but Dara at last carried it , forcing and routing all , yet so , as that there still remained something that resisted and stopped him . Mean time , Ramseigne Routlé fought with so much courage and vigour as was possible . He wounded Morad-Bakche , and came so near him , that he began to cut the Girdles of his Elephant , to make him fall down ; but the valour and good fortune of Morad-Bakche gave not time enough for it . In short , never any Man fought and defended himself more bravely , than Morad-Bakche did on this occasion : All wounded as he was , and pressed by the Ragipous of Ramseigne Routlé , who were round about him ▪ he was not daunted , nor gave way in the least , but knew so well to take his time , that , although he was , besides defending himself , to cover with his Shield a Son of his , but of seven or eight years of Age , who was sitting on his side , he made an Arrow shot so luckily at Ramseigne Routlé , that it made him fall dead to the ground . Dara soon heard the sad News of this Accident ; but at the same time he understood also , that Morad-Bakche was in very great danger ; the Ragipous fighting furiously , and like Lions , to revenge the death of their Master . And though he saw , on that side the way was very difficult , and that he still found some small Body opposing and retarding him ; yet he was determined to rush through to Morad-Bakche : And doubtless this was the best he could do , and that , which was capable to repair the fault he had committed in not doing his business thoroughly with Aureng-Zebe . But his bad fortune kept him from it , or rather , one of the blackest Treacheries that ever was imagined , and the greatest oversight that was ever committed , did cause the entire loss and ruin of Dara . Calil-ullah-Kan ( he that commanded the Thirty Thousand Mogols , which made the right Wing , and were alone able to defeat the whole Army of Aureng-Zebe ) did , whilst Dara and his left Wing fought with so much courage and success , keep off , as idle as if he were not concerned in the fray , not permitting any one of his Horsemen to shoot an Arrow , with a pretence , that they were for a Reserve , and that he had express order not to fight but in the last extremity . But the true cause was , that he reserved in his breast the rancour of an old Affront , done him by Dara , when he commanded him to be struck . But after all , this Treachery would have done no great mischief , if this infamous Man had contented himself with this first Effect of his Resentment : Behold , how far he carried his rage , and revengefulness ! He cut himself off from his Main Body , and taking only a few Men with him , rid with all possible speed towards Dara , at the same time when he was turning to fall on Morad-Bakche , and being come so near as to make himself be heard , cryed out with all his force ; Mohbareck-bad , Hazaret , Salamet , Elhamd-ul-ellah ; God save your Majesty , you have obtained the Victory ; what will you do any longer upon your Elephant ? Is it not enough , that you have exposed your self so long ? If the least of those shots , that have been made into your Dais , had reached your Person , what would have become of us Are there Traitors wanting in this Army ? In the Name of God come down quickly and take Horse . What remains more to be done , than to pursue those Run-aways ▪ Let us do so , nor let us suffer , that they should escape our hands ! If Dara had had wit enough to discover the cheat , and to consider upon a sudden the consequences of his not appearing any more upon the Elephant , and being no more seen by the whole Army , always eying him , or rather , if he had presently commanded to cut off the Head of this Parasitical Traitor , he had been Master of all . But the good Prince suffered himself to be blinded by these sweet words : He hearkened to this advice , as if it had been very true and very sincere ; he descended from his Elephant , and took Horse . But I know not , whether there passed one quarter of an hour , but he perceived the Treachery of Calil-ullah-Kan , and repented himself extremely of the great fault he had committed . He looks about him , he seeketh , he asketh where he is ; he saith , he is a Traitor , he will kill him . But the perfidious Villain is by this time at a good distance ; the occasion is lost . Would it be believed , that as soon as the Army perceived Dara to be no more upon the Elephant , they imagined that there was Treason , that Dara was killed ; and all were struck with such a terrour , that every one thought on nothing , but how to escape the hands of Aureng-Zebe , and to save himself . What shall I say ? All the Army disbands and flyeth . A sudden and strange revolution ! He that saw himself just now victorious , finds himself in a few moments vanquished , abandoned , and obliged to sly himself to save his life , Aureng-Zebe , by holding out firm a quarter of an hour upon his Elephant , seeth the Crown of Indostan upon his Head ; and Dara , for having come down a little too soon , seeth himself precipitated from the Throne , and the most unfortunate Prince of the World. Thus Fortune taketh pleasure , to make the gain or loss of a Battel , and the decision of a great Empire , depend upon a nothing . These great and prodigious Armies , 't is true , do sometimes great things ; but when once terrour seizeth , and disorder comes among them , what means of stopping the Commotion ? 'T is like a great River broke through its Dams ; it must over-run all , without a Remedy . Whence it is , that as often as I consider the condition of sueh Armies , destitute of good order , and marching like flocks of sheep , I perswade my self , that , if in these parts one might see an Army of five and twenty thousand Men , of those old Troops of Flandres , under the conduct of Monsieur le Prince , or of Monsieur de Turenne , I doubt not at all , but they would trample under foot all those Armies , how numerous soever they were . And this it is , that now maketh me not find it any longer strange or incredible , what we are told of ten thousand Greeks ; and of fifty thousand Men of Alexander , overcoming six or seven hundred thousand Men of Darius ; ( if it be true , that there were so many , and that the Historian did not reckon the Servants , and all those Numbers of Men , which were to follow the Army , to furnish it with Forage , Cattel , Corn , and all other necessaries . ) Bear only the first brunt , which would be no very difficult thing for us to do ; and behold , they are all astonish'd : Or , do like Alexander , set vigorously upon one place , if that hold not out , ( which will be very hard of them to do ) you may be sure the work is done ; all the rest presently take fright and flight together . Aureng-Zebe , encouraged by such a wonderful success , is not wanting to turn every stone , to employ skill , dexterity , subtilty , craft , courage , to profit by all the advantages , which so favourable an occasion puts into his hands . Calil-ullah-Kan is presently with him , offering him his service , and all the Troops he could be Master of . He , on his side , wants not words of thanks and acknowledgments , nor a thousand fair promises : But he was very cautious to receive him in his own name ; he carried him presently and presented him to Morad-Bakche , who , as we may easily think , received him with open arms ; Aureng-Zebe in the mean time congratulating and praising Morad-Bakche , for having fought so valiantly , and ascribing to him all the honour of the Victory ; treating him with the Title of King and Majesty before Calil-uttah-Kan , giving him uncommon respect , and doing submissions to him becoming a Subject and Servant . In the interim , he labours night and day for himself , he writeth round about to all the Omrahs , making sure to day of one , and next day of another . Chah-hest-Kan , his Uncle , the great and old Enemy of Dara , by reason of an Affront he had received from him , did the same for him on his part ; and as he is the Person who writeth best and subtillest of the Empire of Indostan , so he contributed not a little by his Cabals to the advancement of the Affairs of Aureng-Zebe , making strong Parties every where against Dara . In the mean time let us still observe the artifice and dissimulation of Aureng-Zebe : Nothing of what he doth , treateth , promiseth , is for himself , or in his own Name ; he hath still ( forsooth ) the design of living as a Fakire : All is for Morad-Bakche , 't is he that commands ; Aureng-Zebe doth nothing ; 't is Morad-Bakche that doth all , 't is he that is designed to be King. As for the unhappy Dara , he comes with all speed to Agra , in a desperate condition , and not daring to go see Chah-Jehan , remembring , doubtless , those severe words which he let fall , when he took leave of him before the Battel , viz. That he should remember not to come before him , if he were overcome . Yet , for all that , the good old Father sent secretly a trusty Eunuch to him , to comfort him , to assure him of the continuance of his affection , to declare to him his trouble for his misfortune , and to remonstrate to him , that the Case was not yet desperate , considering that there was a good Army with Soliman Chekouh , his Son , that he should go to Dehli , where he should find a thousand Horse in the Royal Stables ; and that the Governour of the Fortress had order to furnish him with Money and Elephants ; for the rest , that he should not go further than he needs must ; that he would often write to him : And lastly , that he very well knew how to find out and chastise Aureng-Zebe . I have been informed , that Dara was then in such a confusion , and sunk so low , that he had not the power to answer a word to the Eunuch , nor the courage to send any one to Chah-Jehan ; but that , after having sent several times to Begum-Saheb , his Sister ▪ he went away at mid-night , taking with him his Wife , his Daughters , and his Grand-child Sepe-Chekouh ; and that ( which is almost incredible ) he was attended with not above three or four hundred persons . Let us leave him in his Voyage to Dehli , and stay at Agra , to consider the dexterity and craft , wherewith Aureng-Zebe proceeded to manage Affairs . He well knew , that Dara , and those of his Party , could yet place some hopes in the victorious Army of Soliman Chekouh , and therefore he resolved to take it from him , or to make it useless to him . To this end , he wrote Letters upon Letters to the Raja Jesseigne , and to Delil-Kan , who were the chief Heads of the Army of Soliman Chekouh , telling them , that there was no hope left for Dara and his Party ▪ that he had lost the Battel ; that his whole Army had submitted to him ; that all had abandon'd him ; that he was fled alone towards Dehli ; that he could never escape him , and that Orders were distributed every where to seize on him . And as for Chah-Jehan , that he was in a condition hopeless of recovery ; that they should take good care of what they had to do ; and if they were Men of understanding , and would follow his fortune , and be his Friends , they should seize on Soliman Chekouh , and bring him to him . Jesseigne found himself perplex'd enough , what he should do , still much apprehending Chah-Jehan and Dara , and more , to lay hands upon a Royal Person , well knowing , that some mischief might therefore fall on him , sooner or later , even from Aureng-Zebe himself . Besides , he knew that Soliman Chekouh had too much courage to let himself be taken after that manner , and that he would rather dye in defending himself . Behold therefore , what he at last resolved ! After having taken counsel with Delil-Kan , his great Friend , and after they had renew'd to one another the Oath of mutual Fidelity , he went directly to the Tent of Soliman Chekouh , who with great impatience expected him , ( for he also had heard the News of the Defeat of Dara his Father ) and had already divers times sent for him . To him he frankly discover'd all things , shew'd him the Letter of Aureng-Zebe , told him what course was best for him to take , represented to him the danger he was in ; that there was no reason he should trust in Delil-Kan , or in Daoud-Kan , or in the rest of his Army ; but that , as soon as he could , he should gain the Mountains of Serenaguer ; that that was the best Expedient he could take ; that the Raja of that Countrey being in unaccessible places , and not apprehending Aureng-Zebe , would doubtless receive him gladly ; and , for the rest , he would soon see how things would go , and be always in a condition to come down from the Mountains , when he should think good . The young Prince understood well enough by this kind of discourse , that there was no ground to trust henceforth in this Raja , and that there was no more safety for his Person ; and that the rather , because he knew that Delil-Kan was altogether devoted to him , and he saw well enough , that there was a necessity to take this course suggested . Whereupon he soon commanded , that his Baggage should be put up to march towards the Mountains . Some of his most affectionate Friends , as a good number of Manseb-Dars , of Sajeds , and others , put themselves in order to attend him ; the rest of the Army , altogether astonish'd , remain'd with the Raja . But that , which was very mean for a great Raja , and a very sordid barbarousness , was , that he and Delil-Kan sent under hand some to fall upon his Baggage , who also took other things , and among them an Elephant laden with Rupies of Gold , which caused a great disorder among those small Troops that follow'd him ; and which was an occasion , that many of them return'd and abandon'd him ; and invited also the Countrey-people to set upon his Men , pillaging them , and even killing some of them ▪ Yet he made a shift to gain the Mountains , with his Wife and Children , where the Raja of Serenaguer received him with all the honour and civilities he could desire , assuring him , that he was in safety , as much as if he were King of that Countrey , and that he would protect and assist him with all his Forces . In the mean time , behold what happened on Agra's side . Three or four days after the Battel of Samonguer , the Victorious Aureng-Zebe , together with Morad-Bakche , came directly to the Gate of the Town into a Garden , which may be a little League distant from the Fortress , and sent from thence an able Eunuch , and one of those whom he most confided in , to Chah-Jehan , to salute him with a thousand fair protestations of his affection and submission ; that he was exceedingly sorry for what had passed , and for having been obliged , by reason of the ambition and evil designs of Dara , to proceed to all those extremities ; that , for the rest , he rejoyced extremely to hear , that he began to find himself better , and that he was come thither for no other end than to receive his Commands . Chah-Jehan was not wanting to express to the Eunuch much satisfaction , as to the proceedings of Aureng-Zebe , and to receive the submissions of this Son with all possible appearances of joy ; though he saw very well , that matters had been carried too far , and sufficiently knew the reserved and crafty humour of Aureng-Zebe , and his secret passion for Reigning ; and that therefore he was not much to be trusted , for all his fair words . And yet notwithstanding he suffers himself to be circumvented , and in stead of playing the surest Chart , by using his utmost power , by stirring , by appearing , by causing himself to be carried through the Town , and by assembling all his Omrahs , ( for it was yet time to do all this ) he goes about to out-wit Aureng-Zebe , him that was his Crafts-Master , and attempts to draw him into a snare , wherein he will be found taken himself . He then sends also an Eunuch to this Son , to let him know , that he well understood the ill conduct , and even the incapacity of Dara ; that he could not but call to mind the particular inclination he always had and expressed towards him , that he could not doubt of his affection ; and lastly , that he should come to see him , and to advise with him what was fit to be done in these disorders ; and that he passionately wished to embrace him . Aureng-Zebe , on his side , saw also well enough , that he was not to trust too much to the words of Chah-Jehan , knowing especially , that Begum-Saheb , his Enemy as well as Sister , was night and day about him , and that 't was very probable , he acted nothing but by her motion . And he apprehended , that if he should come into the Fortress , he might be seized on , and ill treated ; as it was said , that the resolution was indeed taken to do so , and several of those lusty Tartarian Women , which serve in the Seraglio , were armed to set upon him as soon as he should enter . Whatever it be , he would never hazard himself , and yet spread a rumour abroad , that the next day he would go to see his Father Chah-Jehan . But when the day was come , he put it off 'till another , and so he delayed it from day to day , without ever making the Visit . In the mean time he continued his secret Negotiations and Cabals , and sounded the mind of all the greatest Omrahs , so far , that at last , after he had well and closely laid his Design , and politickly disposed all things for the success thereof , all were amazed to see , that one day , when he had sent Sultan Mahmoud , his eldest Son , to the Fortress , under a pretence of seeing Chah-Jehan in his name ; this young Prince , bold and undertaking , falls presently upon the Guards that were at the Gate , and vigorously driveth all before him , whilst a great number of Men appointed , who were there all ready , did enter with fury , and made themselves Masters of the Walls . If ever a Man was astonish'd , Chah-Jehan was , seeing that he was fallen the snare which he had prepared for others , that himself was imprison'd and Aureng-Zebe Master of the Fortress . 'T is said , that he presently sent to sound the mind of Sultan Mahmoud , promising him upon his Crown and upon the Alcoran , that if he would be faithful to him , and serve him in this conjuncture , he would make him King ; that he should come presently to see him within , and not lose this occasion : Besides , that it would be an action that would accumulate on him the blessings of Heaven , and an immortal Glory ; in regard it would be said forever , that Sultan Mahmoud had deliver'd Chah-Jehan his Grandfather out of Prison . And certainly , if Sultan Mahmoud had been resolute enough to give this stroke , and Chah-Jehan could have come abroad to shew himself to the Town , and to take the Field , no man doubts , but all his great Omrahs would have followed him ; nor would Aureng-Zebe himself have had the boldness nor the savageness to sight against his own Father in person , especially since he must have apprehended , that all the world would have abandon'd him , and possibly Morad-Bakche himself . And 't is indeed the great fault which Chah-Jehan is observed to have committed after the Battel , and the flight of Dara , not to have come out of the Fortress . But yet I have conversed with many , who maintained , that Chah-Jehan did prudently in it . For this hath been a question much agitated among the Politicians , and there are no Reasons wanting to countenance the Sentiment of the latter sort ; who also add , that Men almost always judge of things by the Event ; that often very foolish Enterprises have been observed to succeed , and which therefore are approv'd by all ; that if Chah-Jehan had prosper'd in his Design , he would have been esteem'd the most prudent and the most able Man in the World ; but now being taken , he was nothing but a good old Man , that suffer'd himself to be led by a Woman , his Daughter Begum , which was blinded by her passion , and had the vanity to believe , that Aureng-Zebe would come to see her that the Bird of it self would fly into the Cage , or at least , that he would never be so bold as to attempt the seizure of the Fortress , nor have the power to do so . These same Reasoners maintaining also ftifly , that the greatest fault that Sultan Mahmoud could possibly commit , was , that he knew not how to take the occasion to assure himself of the Crown , by the rarest and the most generous Action that ever was , to put his Grandfather at liberty , and thus to do himself Right and Justice , as the Soveraign Umpire of Affairs ; whereas , as things now stand , he must one day go and dye in Goualeor . But Sultan Mahmoud ( whether it was that he fear'd his Grandfather would not keep his word with him , or that he should be himself detain'd within , or that he durst not play tricks with his Father Aureng-Zebe ) would never hearken to any thing , nor enter into the Apartment of Chah-Jehan , answering very closely , that he had no order from his Father to go and see him , but that he was by him commanded not to return , without bringing him the Keys of all the Gates of the Fortress , that so he might come with all safety to kiss the Feet of his Majesty . There passed almost two whole days before he could resolve to surrender the Keys ; during which time , Sultan Mahmoud staid there , unalterable in his resolutions , keeping himself upon his Guard night and day , with all his Troops about him ; 'till at length Chah-Jehan , seeing that all his People that were upon the Guard at the little Gate , little by little disbanded , and that there was no more safety on his side , gave him the Keys , with an order to tell Aureng-Zebe , that he should come presently if he were wise , and that he had most important things to discourse with him about . But Aureng-Zebe was too cunning to commit so gross a fault : On the contrary , he made his Eunuch Etbarkan Governour of the Fortress , who presently shut up Chah-Jehan , together with Begum-Saheb , and all his Women ; causing divers Gates to be walled up , that so he might not be able to write or speak to any body , nor go forth out of his Apartment without permission . Aureng-Zebe in the mean time writ to him a little Note , which he shew'd to every body before he sealed it ; in which , among other things , he told him with dry expressions , that he knew from good hands , that notwithstanding those great protestations of esteem and affection he made to him , and of contempt he made of Dara , he had , for all that , sent to Dara two Elephants charged with Rupies of Gold , to raise him again , and to recommence the War ; and that therefore , in truth , it was not he that imprisoned him , but Dara , and that he might thank him for it , as the cause of all these misfortunes ; and if it had not been for him , he would have come the very first day to him , and paid him all the most dutiful respects he could have looked for from a good Son : That , for the rest , he begged his pardon , and a little patience ; as soon as he should have disenabled Dara from executing his evil Designs , he would come himself and open the Gates to him . I have heard it said concerning this Note , that Chah-Jehan in very deed , the same night that Dara departed , had sent to him these Elephants laden with Rupies of Gold , and that it was Rauchenara-Begum that found a way to discover it to Aureng-Zebe ; as she also had detected to him that Plot which was laid against him with those Tartarian Women ; and that Aureng-Zebe himself had intercepted some Letters of Chah-Jehan to Dara . I have conversed with others , that maintain there is no such thing , and that this Writing , which Aureng-Zebe shew'd to all , was only to cast Sand into the Eyes of the People , and to labour , in some degree , to justifie himself in so strange an action , and to devolve the Cause of it upon Chah-Jehan and Dara , as if he had been forced to such proceedings . They are things , which are difficult enough well to discover . However it be , as soon as Chah-Jehan was shut up , almost all the Omrahs were in a manner necessitated to go and make their Court to Aureng-Zebe and Morad-Bakche ; and ( which is almost incredible ) there was not one that had the courage to stir , or to attempt the least in the behalf of his King , and for him that had made them what they were , and raised them from the dust , and perhaps from slavery it self ( which is ordinary enough in that Court ) to advance them to Riches and Honour . Yet some few there are , as Danechmend-Kan , and some others , that took no side ; but all the rest declared for Aureng-Zebe . 'T is notwithstanding to be noted what I said , that they were necessitated to do what they did . For 't is not in the Indies , as in France , or other States of Christendom , where the Grandees and Nobles have large Possessions of Land , and great Revenues , which enables them for a while to subsist of themselves . There they have nothing but Pensions ( as I have already touch'd above ) which the King can take away from them at all hours , and thus ruin them in an instant ; so that they shall be considered no more than if they never had been , nor have any credit to borrow a farthing . Aureng-Zebe therefore having thus assured himself of Chah-Jehan , and of all the Omrahs , took what Sums of Money he thought fit out of the Treasury ; and then having left Chah-hest-Kan , his Uncle , Governour of the Town , he went away with Morad-Bakche to pursue Dara . The day that the Army was to march out of Agra , the particular Friends of Morad-Bakche , especially his Eunuch Chah-Abas , who knew , that the excess of civility and respect is ordinarily a sign of imposture , counselled him , that since he was King , and every body treated him with the Title of Majesty , and Aureng-Zebe himself acknowledged him for such , he should let him go to pursue Dara , and stay himself with his Troops about Agra and Dehli . If he had followed this counsel , 't is certain , that he would have embarassed Aureng-Zebe not a little ; but 't was fatal , that he should neglect so good advice : Aureng-Zebe is too fortunate ; Morad-Bakche entirely confideth in his promises , and in the Oaths of Fidelity they had sworn to one another upon the Alcoran . They went away together , and went with the same pace towards Dehli . When they were come to Maturas , three or four small days Journeys from Agra , the Friends of Morad-Bakche , who perceived something , endeavour'd again to perswade him , that he should beware ; assuring him , that Aureng-Zebe had evil designs , and that beyond all doubt some mischief was upon the Anvil ; that they had notice of it from all parts , and that by no means , for that day at least , he should go to see him ; that it would be much better to prevent the stroke the soonest it might be ; that he was only to forbear going to visit him that day , excusing himself with some indisposition . But whatsoever could be said to him , he believed nothing of it , his Ears were stopp'd to all the good advice that was given him , and as if he had been enchanted by the Friendship of Aureng-Zebe , he could not hold to go to him that very night , and to stay at Supper with him . As soon as he was come , Aureng-Zebe , who expected him , and had already prepared all things with Mirkan , and three or four of his most intimate Captains , was not wanting in embracements , and in redoubling his Courtship , civilities and submissions , in so much as gently to pass his handkerchief over his face , and to wipe off his sweat and dust , treating him still with the Title of King and Majesty . In the mean time , the Table is served , they sup , the conversation grows warm , they discourse of various things as they use to do ▪ and at last there is brought a huge Bottle of excellent Chiras Wine , and some other Bottles of Caboul Wine , for a Debauch . Then Aureng-Zebe , as a grave serious Man , and one that would appear a great Mahumetan , and very regular , nimbly riseth from Table , and having with much kindness invited Morad-Bakche , who loved a Glass of Wine very well , and who relish'd the Wine that was served , scrupled not to drink of it to excess . In a word , he made himself drunk , and fell asleep . This was the thing that was wished ; for presently some Servants of his that were there , were commanded away , under a pretence , to let him sleep without making any noise ; and then his Zable and Ponyard were taken from about him : But Aureng-Zebe was not long , but came himself and waken'd him . He entred into the Chamber , and roughly hit him with his foot , and when he began to open a little his Eyes , he made to him this short and surprising Reprimand : What means this , said he , What shame and what ignominy is this , that such a King as you are , should have so little temper , as thus to make himself drunk ? What will be said both of you and me ? Take this infamous Man , this Drunkard , tye him hand and foot , and throw him into that room to sleep out his Wine . No sooner said , but it was executed ; notwithstanding all his appeal and out-cry , five or six persons fall upon him , and fetter his hands and feet . The things could not be done , but some of his Men that were thereabout had news of it . They made some noise , and would enter forcibly ; but Allah-Couly , one of his chief Officers , and the Master of his Artillery , that had been gained long before , threatened them , and made them draw back . Without any delay , Men were sent through the whole Army to calm this first Commotion , which also might have proved dangerous ; they made them believe it was nothing , they having been present , that Morad-Bakche was only drunk , that in that condition he had railed at every body , and Aureng-Zebe himself , in so much that there had been a necessity , seeing him drunk and furious , to keep him apart ; that the next day they would see him abroad , after he had digested his Wine . In the mean time , the Presents walked about all night amongst the chief Officers of the Army , their Pay was forthwith increased , they had great Promises made them ; and as there was none , that had not long since apprehended some such thing , there was no great wonder to see almost all things quieted the next morning ; so that the very next night this poor Prince was shut up in a little close house , such an one as is wont to be placed on Elephants to carry Women , and he was carried directly to Dehli into Slimager , which is a little old Fortress in the midst of the River . After that all was thus appeased , except the Eunuch Chah-Abas , who caused difficulty enough , Aureng-Zebe received the whole Army of Morad-Bakche into his Service , and went after Dara , who marched apace towards Lahor , with an intention well to fortifie himself in that place , and thither to draw his Friends . But Aureng-Zebe followed him with so much speed , that he had not time to do any great matter , finding himself necessitated to retreat , and to take the way of Multan , where also he could do nothing considerable , because that Aureng-Zebe , notwithstanding the great heat , marched night and day ; in so much , that to encourage all to make haste , he sometimes advanced almost all alone two or three leagues before the whole Army , finding himself often obliged to drink ill water like others , to be content with a crust of dry bread , and to sleep under a Tree , staying for his Army in the midst of the high-way , laying his Head on his Shield like a common Souldier . So that Dara found himself constrained to abandon Multan also , that he might avoid being near Aureng-Zebe , whom he was not able to encounter . Here 't is that the Statesmen of this Country have reasoned very diversly : For 't is said , that if Dara , when he went out of Lahor , had cast himself into the Kingdom of Caboul , as he was advised , he would there have found above ten thousand warlike Men , designed against the Augans , the Persians , and the Usbecs , and for a Guard to that Country , the Governour whereof was Mohabet-Kan , one of the most potent and the most ancient of Indostan , and that had never been Aureng-Zebe's Friend ; that , besides , he would have been there at the Gate of Persia and Usbec ; that it was likely , that there being no want of Money , all that Militia , and Mohabet-Kan himself , would have embraced his Party , and that further he might have drawn assistance , not only from Usbec , but also from Persia , as well as from Houmayon , whom the Persians had restored to his Country against Zaher-Kan , King of the Patans , who had driven him thence . But Dara was too unfortunate to follow so good advice . Instead of that he went towards Scimdy , to cast himself into the Fortress of Tatabakar , that strong and famous place , seated in the midst of the River Indus . Aureng-Zebe seeing him take this way , found it not fit to follow him further off , being extremely glad that he had not taken the way to Caboul . He contented himself to send after him seven or eight thousand Men , under the Conduct of Mir-baba , his Foster-brother , and turned back with the same expedition to the place whence he was come , much apprehending left any thing should fall out about Agra ; lest some or other of those potent Raja's , as Jesseigne , or Jessomseigne , should make an attempt in his absence , to free Chah-Jehan out of Prison ; or lest Soliman Chekouh , together with the Raja of Serenaguer , should descend from the Hills ; or lest also Sultan Sujah should approach too near Agra . Behold a little accident , which one day befel him , for too great precipitation . When he thus returned from Multan towards Lahor , and marched his ordinary swift pace , he saw the Raja Jesseigne come against him , accompanied with four or five thousand of his Ragipous , in a very good equipage ; Aureng-Zebe , who had left his Army behind , and who also knew that this Raja was very affectionate to Chah-Jehan , was sufficiently surprised , as may easily be imagined , fearing left this Raja should make use of this occasion , and do a Master-piece of State , by seizing on him , to draw Chah-Jehan out of Prison , which at that time was very easie to do . Neither is it known , whether this Raja had not some such design ; for he had marched with extraordinary speed , in so much that Aureng-Zebe had no news of it , believing him yet to be at Dehli . But what may not resolution and presence of mind do ? Aureng-Zebe , without any alteration of his countenance , marched directly towards the Raja , and as far off as he could see him , maketh signs to him with his hands , importing that he should make hast to a nearer approach , crying out to him with a loud voice , Salamed Bached Rajagi , Salamed Bached Babagi , treating him with the Titles of Lord Raja and Lord Father . When the Raja was come to him ; I expected you , said he , with great impatience ; the Work is done , Dara is lost , he is all alone ; I have sent Mir-baba after him , from whom he cannot escape : And for an excess of kindness to him , he took off his Necklace of Pearls , and put it about the Neck of this Raja : And the sooner to rid himself handsomely of him , ( for he wish'd him far enough ) Go , saith he , with all the expedition you can to Lahor , my Army is somewhat tyred ; go quickly to attend me there ; I apprehend that else something sinister might fall out there ; I make you Governour of that place , and put all things into your hands . For the rest , I am exceedingly obliged to you for what you have done with Soliman Chekouh : Where have you left Delil-Kan ? I shall find my revenge of him . Make all possible dispatch , Salamed Bached , Farewell . Dara being arrived at Tata-bakar , made Governour of that place a very understanding , gallant , and generous Eunuch , with a very good Garrison of Patans and Sayeds ; and for Cannoneers , a good number of Franguis , Portugals , English , French , and Germans , who had follow'd him out of great hopes he had given them , ( for , if his Affairs had prospered , and he were become King , we must all have resolved to be Omrahs , as many Franguis as we were . ) He there left also the greatest part of his Treasure ; he wanted as yet no Gold nor Silver ; and staying there but a very few days , he marched away with two or three thousand Men only , descending along the River Indus towards Scindy , and from thence crossing with an incredible celerity all those Territories of the Raja Katche , he arrived in Guzaratte , and came to the Gates of Amadevat . The Father-in-law of Aureng-Zebe , called Chah-Navaze-Kan , was Governour there , with a very good Garrison , able to resist . Yet notwithstanding , whether it was that he was surprised , or that he wanted courage , ( for although he was of those ancient Princes of Machate , yet he was no great Souldier , though a Man of a very obliging and civil conversation ) he did not oppose Dara , but rather received him very honourably , and even managed him afterwards with so much dexterity , that Dara was so simple as to trust himself with him , and to communicate to him his Designs ; in so much as that he shew'd him the Letters which he received from the Raja Jessomseigne , and of many other of his Friends , which prepared themselves to come to him ; although it proved too true , what every body told him , and his Friends confirmed by Letters , that certainly this Chah-Navaze-Kan would betray him . Never was any Man more surprised than Aureng-Zebe , when he heard that Dara was in Amadevat : For he well knew , that he ▪ wanted no Money , and that all his Friends , and all the discontented Party , which was numerous , would not fail to betake themselves by little and little to him : And on the other side , he found it not safe to go and find him out himself in that place , by removing himself so far from Agra and Chah-Jehan , to go and embarass himself in all those Countries of the Raja's , Jesseigne , Jessomseigne , and others , that are in those Provinces . Besides he apprehended , lest Sultan Sujah should advance with a strong Army , which was already about Elabas , and lest the Raja of Serenaguer should descend from the Hills with Soliman Chekouh : So that he was sufficiently perplexed and troubled , not knowing which way to turn . At last he believed it best , to leave Dara for a time quiet where he was , and to go thither where his presence and Army was most necessary , which was towards Sultan Sujah , who had already passed the River Ganges at Elabas . This Sultan Sujah was come to encamp in a little Village called Kadjoue , and had conveniently seized himself of a great Talab , or Reservatory of Water , which is there in the way ; and Aureng-Zebe came to place himself on the side of a small Torrent , at the distance of a mile and an half from thence , on Agra's side . Between both was a very fair Campagne , very proper for a Battel . Aureng-Zebe was no sooner arrived , but being impatient to end this War , at break of day he went to face Sujah , leaving his Baggage on the other side of the Torrent . He fell upon Sujah with an effort unimaginable . Emir-Jemla , Prisoner of of Decan , and who arrived just on the day of the Combat , fearing Dara no more , because his Family was more in safety , did there also lay out all his force , courage , and dexterity . But seeing that Sultan Sujah had well fortified himself , and was accompanied with a very good Artillery , advantagiously placed , it was not possible for Aureng-Zebe to force him , nor to make him retreat from thence , so as to make him lose those Waters . On the contrary , he was obliged himself to draw back several times , so vigorously was he repulsed , in so much that he found himself in great perplexity . Sultan Sujah not being willing to advance too far into the Campagne , nor to remove from that advantagious place where he was , pretending only to defend himself ; which was very prudently done . For he foresaw , that Aureng-Zebe could not stay there long , and that in that hot season he would be absolutely obliged to turn back towards the Torrent for the Water ; and that , when he should do so , he would fall upon his Rear . Aureng-Zebe also foresaw well enough the same thing , and that was the reason why he was so forward and pressing ; but behold another more troublesome accident . In this very time he receiveth intelligence , that the Raja Jessomseigne , who in appearance had accommodated himself with him , was fallen upon his Rear , and plunder'd his Baggage and Treasure . This News astonished him much , and the more , because he perceived that his Army which had heard of it was thereby frighted , and fallen into disorder . Yet he loses not his judgment for all this ; and being well aware , that to turn back was to hazard all , he resolved , as in the Battel of Dara , to bear up the best he could , and to expect with a steady foot all Events . In the mean time , the disorder grew worse and worse in his Army : Sujah , who was resolved to profit of the occasion , taketh his time , and presseth him vigorously . He that led Aureng-Zebe's Elephant is killed with the shot of an Arrow ; he leads the Beast as well as he can himself , 'till another could be had in that Leaders place . Arrows rain upon him ; he returns many himself , his Elephant begins to be frighted , and to go back . Behold him now in great extremity , and brought to that point , that one foot of his was out of the seat , as if he meant to cast himself to the ground ; and no Man knows what in that trouble he had not done , if Emir-Jemla , being nigh , and performing , like a Great Man as he was , beyond imagination , called to him , in holding up his hand , Decan-kou , Decan-kou , where is Decan ? This seems to have been the greatest extremity , to which Aureng-Zebe could be reduced . One would have said , 't was now and here that Fortune had abandon'd him , and there is almost no appearance of a possibility to escape . But his good Fortune is stronger than all that : Sultan Sujah must be routed , and take flight , like Dara , to save his life : Aureng-Zebe must remain victorious , carry away the Bell , and be King of the Indies . We are to remember the Battel of Samonguer , and that , in appearance , slight accident which ruined Dara : 'T is the same over-sight , or rather the same Treason , which is now destroying Sultan Sujah . One of his chief Captains , Allah-verdi-Kan , who ( as some say ) had been gained , useth the same Artifice that Calil-ullah-Kan had employ'd towards Dara ; though there were some who believed , that there was no malice in the case , and that it was a meer piece of flattery . For seeing that the whole Army of Aureng-Zebe was in disorder , he ran towards Sultan Sujah , telling him the same thing , that Calil-ullah-Kan did to Dara , and begging of him with folded hands , that he would stay no longer in so great danger upon his Elephant . Come down , said he , in the Name of God , mount on Horse-back , God hath made you Soveraign of the Indies , let us pursue those Fugitives , let not Aureng-Zebe escape us . But not to stay long from declaring the strange Fortune of Aureng-Zebe , and the incredible conjuncture that recovers his desperate condition ; Sultan Sujah , not more considerate than Dara , commits the same Fault ; and he was no sooner come down from his Elephant , but his Army seeing him no more , was struck with a terrour , believing there was Treason , and that he was either taken or slain . Whereupon they disbanded without any more ado , as Dara's Army did in the Battel of Samonguer ; and the Defeat was so great , that the Sultan was fortunate in that he could save himself . Jessomseigne hearing this unexpected news , and perceiving it was not very safe for him to tarry there , contented himself with the Spoil he had got , and with all diligence marched streight to Agra , thence to pass to his Countrey . The noise was already in Agra , that Aureng-Zebe had lost the Battel , that he was taken , together with Emir-Jemla , and that Sultan Sujah brought them both Prisoners . In so much , that Chah-hest-Kan , who was Governour of the Town , and Uncle to Aureng-Zebe , seeing Jessomseigne , whose Treachery he had heard of , at the Gates , and despairing of his Life , had taken into his hand a Cup of Poyson to make himself away , and had , as they say , in very deed swallowed it , if his Women had not fallen upon him and hindred him : So that 't is thought , if Jessomseigne had had the wit and courage to stay longer in Agra , if he had threatened boldly , and promised and acted vigorously for the freedom of Chah-Jehan , he might have drawn him out of prison ; so much the more easily , because all Agra was for two whole days in that belief , that Aureng-Zebe was overcome . But Jessomseigne , who knew how all things went , and who durst not long stay there , nor attempt any thing , did nothing but pass , returning with all speed homewards . Aureng-Zebe , who apprehended mischief from Agra , and fear'd left Jessomseigne should undertake something for Chah-Jehan , was not long in the pursuit after Sultan Sujah ; he turn'd short for Agra with his whole Army , where he staid a good while , giving order for all things . Mean time he received intelligence , that Sultan Sujah had not lost many Men in his being routed , for want of farther pursuit ; that also from the Lands of the Raja's , which are in those quarters , on the right and left of Ganges , he raised great Forces , upon the score of the reputation he had of being very rich , and very liberal , and that he fortified himself in Elabas , that important and famous Passage of Ganges , which with its Fortress is the first In-let into Bengale . And then he considered also , that he had about him two Persons , which indeed were very capable to serve him , Sultan Mahmoud his Eldest Son , and Emir-Jemla ; but he well knew , that those who have done good service to their Prince , grow often insolent , in the belief , that all is due to them , and that they cannot be recompenced enough . He perceived already , that the former of them began very much to emancipate himself , and that every day he became more arrogant , for having seized on the Fortress of Agra , and by that means had broken all the Designs which Chah-Jehan could have formed . And as to the Latter , he knew indeed the force of his Understanding , his Conduct , and Valour ; but that was the very thing which made him apprehend him the more : For knowing that he was very rich , that his reputation was great , that he passed for the First Mover in Affairs , and for the ablest Man in all the Indies , he doubted not , but that after the Example of Sultan Mahmoud , he entertain'd himself with big hopes . All this certainly would have been able to perplex an ordinary Spirit , but Aureng-Zebe found a Remedy to all . He knew to remove them both with so much prudence , and even with so much handsomness , that neither of them found any cause to complain of it . He sent them both against Sultan Sujah with a puissant Army , letting Emir secretly know , that the Government of Bengale , which is the best quarter of Indostan , was design'd for him , to hold it during his life , and for his Son after his decease ; and that thereby he would begin to express to him his acknowledgments for the great Services he had done him ; and that therefore it belonged only to him to defeat Sujah , and that as soon as he should have compassed it , he would make him Mir-ul Omrahs , which is the first and the most honourable place of Indostan , and no less than the Prince of the Omrahs . To Sultan Mahmoud , his Son , he said only these few words : Remember that thou art the Eldest of my Children , that 't is for thy self thou goest forth to fight ; that thou hast done much , but yet nothing , if thou overcomest not Sujah , who is our greatest and powerfullest Enemy ; I hope , God assisting me , to be soon Master of the rest . With these words he dismissed them both , with ordinary honours , that is , with rich Vests , some Horses and Elephants gallantly harnessed ; making in the mean time Emir-Jemla to consent , that his only Son , Mahmet-Emir-Kan , should stay with him for a good Education , or rather for a Pledge of his Fidelity ; and Sultan Mahmoud , that his Wife should remain in Agra ( which was the Daughter of the above-mention'd King of Golkonda ) as too troublesome a thing in an Army , and in such an Expedition . Sultan Sujah , who was always in the apprehension , lest the Raja's of the lower Bengale , which he had ill treated , should be raised against him , and who feared nothing more than to have to do with Emir-Jemla , had no sooner received this News , but apprehending that the passage to Bengale would be obstructed , and that Emir would pass in some other place the River Ganges , either lower or higher than Elabas , raised his Camp , and went down to Benares and Patna , whence he betook himself to Mogiere , a small Town seated upon the Ganges , a place commonly call'd the Key of the Kingdom of Bengale , being a kind of Streight between the Mountains and the Woods , which are not far from thence . He thought fit to stay in that place , and there to fortifie himself ; and for greater safety , he caused a great Trench to be made , which I have seen , passing that way some years after , from the Town and River unto the Mountain , being well resolved there to attend Emir-Jemla , and to dispute that passage with him . But he was sufficiently astonish'd , when he was told , that the Troops of Emir , which slowly descended along the River Ganges , were certainly for nothing but to amuse him ; that himself was not there ; that he had gained the Raja's of those Mountains , which are on the right hand of the River ; and that he and Sultan Mahmoud marched apace over their Lands with all the Flower of the Army , drawing straight to Rage-Mehalle , to intercept him : So that he was constrained to quit , as soon as he could , his Fortifications ; yet notwithstanding he made so much haste , that though he was obliged to follow those windings , which the River Ganges on that side maketh toward the left hand , he prevented Emir by some days , and arrived first at Rage-Mehalle , where he had time to fortifie himself ; because Emir having heard this News , took his March to the left hand towards Ganges , through very ill ways , there to expect his Troops , which came down with the Body of the Artillery and the Baggage along the River . As soon as all was come , he went to attaque Sultan Sujah , who defended himself very well for five or six days ; but seeing that the Artillery of Emir , which played incessantly , ruined all his Fortifications , which were made but of sandy Earth and Faggots , and that he could not but with much difficulty make resistance in that place , besides that the Season of the Rain began , he retired himself , at the favour of the night , leaving behind two great Peeces of Cannon . Emir durst not follow him in the night , for fear of some Ambush , putting off the pursuit 'till the next morning : But Sujah had the good luck , that at the break of day there began to fall a Rain , which lasted above three days ; so that Emir could not only not stir out of Rage-Mehalle , but saw himself obliged to pass the Winter there , by reason of the excessive Rains in that Country , which render the ways so troublesome for more than four months , viz. July , August , September , and October , that the Armies cannot possibly march . And hereby Sultan Sujah had the means to retire himself , and to chuse what place he would , having time enough to fortifie his Army , and to send out of the inferiour Bengale for many Peeces of Cannon , and a good number of Portugals , that were retired thither , because of the great fertility of the Countrey : For he much courted all those Portugal Fathers , Missionaries , that are in that Province , promising them no less than that he would make them all rich , and build Churches for them wheresoever they would . And they were indeed capable to serve him , it being certain , that in the Kingdom of Bengale there are to be found no less than eight or nine thousand Families of Franguis , Portugals , and these either Natives or Mesticks . But Sultan Mahmoud , who for the reason above-mentioned was grown fierce , and aspired perhaps to greater things than at that time he ought , did pretend to command the Army absolutely , and that Emir-Jemla should follow his Orders , letting also from time to time fall insolent words in reference to his Father Aureng-Zebe , as if he were obliged to him for the Crown , and uttering Expressions of contempt and threat against Emir-Jemla ; which caused great coldness betwixt them two , which lasted a pretty while , until Sultan Mahmoud understood , that his Father was very much dissatisfied with his conduct : And apprehending , lest Emir had order to seize on his person , he went away to Sultan Sujah , accompanied with a very small number , and to him he made great promises , and swore fidelity . But Sujah , who feared Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla's snares , could not trust him , having always an Eye upon his Actions , without giving him any considerable Command ; which he so disgusted , that some months after , not knowing what would become of him , he left Sultan Sujah , and returned to Emir , who received him well enough , assuring him , that he would write in his behalf to Aureng-Zebe , and do his utmost to make him forget that fault . I think fit here to take notice , on the by , of what many have told me , viz. That this Escape of Sultan Mahmoud was altogether made by the Artifices of Aureng-Zebe , who cared not much to hazard this Son of his to try to destroy Sujah , and who was glad enough , that whatever the Event were , he might have a specious pretence to put him in a place of surety . However it be , he afterwards shew'd himself much dissatisfied with him , and wrote to him a severe Letter , in which he enjoyn'd him to return to Dehli , but giving order in the mean time , that he should not come so far : For he no sooner had passed the River Ganges , but he met with Troops that stopp'd him , and put him up in a small Chair , ( as was done to Morad-Bakche ) and carried him to Goualeor , whence 't is thought he will never be set at liberty : Aureng-Zebe by this means freeing himself from great perplexity ; who then also let his second Son , Sultan Mazum , know , that the point of Reigning is so delicate a thing , that Kings must be jealous even of their own shadow ; adding , that if he be not discreet , the like may befall him what had befallen his Brother , and that he ought to think Aureng-Zebe was not a Man , that would suffer that to be done to himself , what Chah-Jehan did to his Father Jehan-Guyre , and what he had also lately seen done to Chah-Jehan . And indeed we may on this occasion say , that if this Son continue to behave himself as he hath done hitherto , Aureng-Zebe will have no cause to suspect him , and to be dissatisfied with him : For no Slave can be more tractable , and Aureng-Zebe himself never appear'd more careless of Greatness , nor more given to Devotion than he : Yet I have known Men of Parts , who believed , that he is not so in good earnest , but by superlative policy and craft , like that of his Father , which we may have the proof of in time . Whilst all these things were thus transacted in Bengale , and that Sultan Sujah resisted the best he could the Forces of Emir-Jemla , passing now on one side of the River Ganges , of a Channel , or some other River , ( for that Countrey is full of them ) then on the other ; Aureng-Zebe kept himself about Agra , going to and fro ; and at length , after he had also sent Morad-Bakche to Goualeor , he came to Dehli , where in good earnest he took upon him publickly to act the King , giving order for all Affairs of the Kingdom , and especially thinking on means to catch Dara , and to get him out of Guzaratte , which was a very hard thing , for the Reasons already mentioned . But the great good Fortune , and the singular dexterity of Aureng-Zebe soon drew him thence ; which now follows next to be related . Jessomseigne , who had retired himself to his Countrey , and made the best of what he had taken in the Battel of Kadjoue , raised a strong Army , and wrote to Dara , that he should come to Agra as soon as he could , and that he would joyn with his Forces . Dara , who had by this time set on foot a pretty numerous Army ( though it consisted , for the most part , but of gathered people ) and who hoped , that approaching to Agra , many of his old Friends , seeing him with Jessomseigne , would not fail to joyn with him also , immediately leaveth Amadevad , and marcheth with great speed to Asmire , seven or eight days journey from Agra . But Jessomseigne kept not his word with him : The Raja Jesseigne interposed to make his peace with Aureng-Zebe , and to fasten him to his Party ; or , at least , to hinder his Design , which was capable to ruin himself , and to make all the Raja's rise ; and wrote to him several Letters , giving him to understand the great danger he went to expose himself to , by espousing a Party in that extremity , as that of Dara's was ; that he should well consider what he was going to do ; that he went about wholly to destroy himself , and all his whole Family ; that Aureng-Zebe would never forgive him ; that he was a Raja as himself ; that he should think on sparing the blood of the Ragipous ; that if he thought to draw the Raja's to his Party , he would find those that would hinder him from it . In a word , that it was a business which concern'd all the Gentry of Indostan , and exposed them to danger , if way were given to kindle a Fire , which would not be extinguish'd at pleasure . And lastly , if he would leave Dara to himself , Aureng-Zebe would forget all that had passed , and present him with all he had taken , and give him that very instant the Government of Guzaratte , which would be very convenient for him , that Countrey being near his Lands ; that he could be there in full liberty and safety , and as long as he pleased , and that himself would be Caution for all . In a word , this Raja acted his part so well , that he made Jessomseigne return to his Land , whilst Aureng-Zebe approached with his whole Army to Asmire , and encamped in the sight of that of Dara . And now what could this poor Prince Dara do ? He seeth himself abandoned , and frustrated of his hopes . He considers , that to turn back safe to Amadevad was impossible , in regard that it was a March of thirty and five days ; that it was in the heart of Summer ; that water would fail him ; that they were all the Lands of Raja's , Friends or Allies of Jesseigne or Jessomseigne ; that the Army of Aureng-Zebe , which was not harassed like his , would not fail to follow him . 'T is as good , saith he , to perish here ; and although the Match be altogether unequal , let us venture all , and give Battel once more . But alas ! what does he mean to do ? He is not only abandoned by all , but he hath yet with him Chab-Navaze-Kan , whom he trusts , and who betrays him , and discovers all his Designs to Aureng-Zebe . 'T is true , that Chah-Navaze-Kan was punish'd for his perfidiousness , and killed in the Battel , whether it was by the hands of Dara himself , as many told me , or ( which is more probable ) by some of Aureng-Zebe's Army , who being secret Partisans of Dara , found means to get to him , and to dispatch him , fearing lest he should discover them , and have some knowledge of the Letters they had written to Dara . But what did it benefit him at that time , that Chah-Navaze-Kan was dead ? Dara should have sooner follow'd the advice of his Friends , and never have confided in him . The Fight began between Nine and Ten of the Clock in the morning ▪ Dara's Artillery , which was very well placed on a little eminency , was loud enough ; but , as was said , most of the Peeces without Bullets ; so was he betray'd by all ! 'T is needless to relate the other particulars of this Battel ; it was properly not a Battel , but a Rout. I shall only say , that hardly the Onset was begun , but Jesseigna was near and in sight of Dara , to whom he sent word , that he should fly presently , unless he would be taken . So that this poor Prince , being altogether surprised , was constrained to run away instantly , and with so much disorder and precipitation , that he had not leisure to put up his Baggage . It was no small matter , that he was able to get away with his Wife , and the rest of his Family . And 't is eertain , that if the Raja Jesseigne would have done what he could , he could never have escaped ; but he always had a respect to the Royal Family ; or rather , he was too crafty and politick , and had too great forecast , to venture to lay hands on a Prince of the Blood. This unfortunate Prince , deserted by almost all , and finding himself accompanied but of two thousand Men at most , was forced in the hottest of Summer to cross , without Tents or Baggage , all those Countries of the Raja's , that are almost from Asmire to Amadevad . Mean time the Koullis , which are the Countrey People , and the worst of all the Indies , and the greatest Robbers , follow him night and day , rifle and kill his Souldiers , with so much cruelty , that no Man could stay two hundred paces behind the Body , but he was presently stripp'd naked , or butcher'd upon the least resistance . Yet notwithstanding , Dara made shift to get near Amadevad , when he hoped , that the next day , or soon after , he should enter into the Town to refresh himself , and to try once more to gather again some Forces : But all things fall out contrary to vanquished and unfortunate Men. The Governour , whom he had left in the Castle of Amadevad , had already received both menacing and promising Letters from Aureng-Zebe , which made him lose courage , and incline to that side ; in so much that he wrote to Dara , forbidding him to come nearer , if he did , he would find the Gates shut , and all in Arms. Three days before I met this unhappy Prince , by a strange accident , when he obliged me to follow him ; having no Physitian about him ; and the night before that he received this News from the Governour of Amadevad , he did me the favour to make me come into the Karavan-Serrak where he was , fearing lest the Koullis should assassinate me ; And ( what is hard enough to believe in Indostan , where the Crandees especially are so jealous of their Wives ) I was so near to the Wife of this Prince , that the Cords of the Kanates , or Wind-screen , which enclosed them ( for they had not so much as a poor Tent ) were fastened to the Wheels of my Chariot . I relate this circumstance by the by only , to shew the extremity Dara was reduced to . When these Women heard this sad news ( which was at the break of day , as I well remember ) they broke out upon a sudden into such strange cryes and lamentations , that they forced tears from ones Eyes . And now behold all was in an unexpressible confusion : Every one looks upon his neighbour , and no body knows what to do , or what will become of him . Soon after we saw Dara come forth , half dead , now speaking to one , then another , even to the meanest Souldiers . He seeth all astonish'd , and ready to abandon him . What counsel ? whither can be go ? he must be gone instantly . You may judge of the extremity he must needs be in , by this small accident I am going to mention . Of three great Oxen of Guzaratte , which I had for my Chariot , one died the night before , another was dying , and the third was tyred out ( for we had been forced to march for three days together , almost night and day , in an intolerable heat and dust : ) Whatever Dara could say or command , whether he alledged it was for himself , or for one of his Women that was hurt in her Leg , or for me ; he could not possibly procure for me , whether Oxe , or Camel , or Horse : So that he was obliged , to my good fortune , to leave me there . I saw him march away , and that with tears in his Eyes , accompanied with four or five hundred Cavaliers at most , and with two Elephants , that were said to be laden with Gold and Silver ; and I heard them say , that they were to take their march towards Tatabakar ; for he had no other Game to play , though even that seem'd in a manner impossible , considering the small number of people left him , and the great sandy Desarts to be waded through in the hottest season , most of them without water fit to drink . And indeed most of those that follow'd him , and even divers of his Women , did there perish , either of drought , or the nnwholesome waters , or the tiresome ways and ill food , or lastly , because stripped by the Koullis above-mention'd . Yet notwithstanding all this , Dara made hard shift to get to the Raja Katche ; unhappy even herein , that he perish'd not himself in this March. This Raja at first gave him a very good reception , even so far as to promise him assistance with all his Forces , provided he would give his Daughter in Marriage to his Son. But Jesseigne soon wrought as much with this Raja , as he had done with ●essomseigne . So that Dara one day seeing the kindness of this Barbarian cooled upon a sudden , and that consequently his Person was in danger there , he betakes himself to the pursuit of his Expedition to Tatabakar . To relate how I got away from those Robbers , the Koullis , in what manner I moved them to compassion , how I saved the best part of my small Treasure , how we became good friends by the means of my profession of Physick , my Servants ( perplexed as well as my self ) swearing that I was the greatest Physitian of the World , and that the People of Dara , at their going away , had ill treated me , and taken from me all my best things : How , after having kept me with them seven or eight days , they had so much kindness and generosity , as to lend me an Oxe , and to conduct me so far , that I was in sight of Amadevad : And lastly , how from thence after some days I returned to Dehli , having lighted on an occasion to go with a certain Omrah passing thither ; in which Journey I met from time to time , on the way , with Carkasses of Men , Elephants , Oxen , Horses , and Camels , the remainder of that unfortunate Army of Dara . These are things , I say , I must not insist upon to describe them . Whilst Dara advanced towards Tatabakar , the War continues in Bengale , and much longer than was believed , Sultan Sujah putting forth his utmost , and playing his last Game against Emir-Jemla : Yet this did not much trouble Aureng-Zebe , who knew 't was a great way between Bengale and Agra , and was sufficiently convinced of the prudence and valour of Emir-Jemla . That which disquieted him much more was , that he saw Soliman Chekouh so near ( for from Agra to the Mountains 't is but eight days journey ) whom he could not master , and who perpetually allarmd him by the rumours that went continually about , as if he were coming down the Mountains with the Raja . 'T is certainly very hard to draw him thence : But behold how he manages the matter to compass it . He maketh the Raja Jesseigne write one Letter after another to the Raja of Serenaguer , promising him very great things , if he would surrender Soliman Chekouh to him , and menacing War at the same time , if he should obstinately keep him . The Raja answers , that he would rather lose his Estate , than do so unworthy an action . And Aureng-Zebe , seeing his resolution , taketh the Field , and marcheth directly to the foot of the Hills , and with an infinite number of Pike-men causeth the Rocks to be cut , and the passage to be widen'd . But the Raja laughs at all that ; neither hath he much cause to fear on that side . Aureng-Zebe may cut long enough , they are Mountains inaccessible to an Army , and stones would be sufficient to stop the Forces of four Indostans ; so that he was constrained to turn back again . Dara in the mean time approacheth to the Fortress of Tatabakar , and when he was but two or three days journey off , he received News , that Mir-baba , who had long held it besieged , had at length reduced it to extremity : As I afterwards learned of our French , and other Franguis that were there , a pound of Rice and Meat having cost there above a Crown , and so of other Victuals in proportion : Yet the Governour held out ; made Sallies , which extremely incommoded the Enemy ; and shew'd all possible prudence , courage , and fidelity ; deriding the endeavours of the General , Mir-baba , and all the menaces and promises of Aureng-Zebe . And this also I learned afterwards of my Countrey-men , the French , and of all those other Franguis that were with him ; who added , that when he heard that Dara was not far off , he redoubled his liberalities , and knew so well to gain the hearts of all his Souldiers , and to encourage them to do bravely , that there was not one of them , that was not resolved to sally out upon the Enemy , and to hazard all to raise the Siege , and to make Dara enter ; and that he also knew so well to cast fear and terrour into the Camp of Mir-baba , by sending Spies about very cunningly to assure , that they had seen Dara approach with great resolution , and very good Forces ; that if he had come , as was believed he would do every moment , the Army of the Enemy was for disbanding upon his appearance , and even in part to go over to him . But he is still too unfortunate , to undertake any thing prosperously . Believing therefore , that to raise the Siege with such an handful of Men as he had was impossible , he did deliberate to pass the River Indus , and to endeavour to get into Persia ; although that also would have had mighty difficulties and inconveniencies , by reason of the Desarts , and the small quantity of good waters in those parts ; besides , that upon those Frontiers there are but mean Rajas and Patans , who acknowledge neither the Persian nor the Mogol . But his Wife did very much diswade him from it , for this weak reason , that he must , if he did so , expect to see his Wife and Daughter Slaves of the King of Persia ; that that was a thing altogether unworthy of the Grandeur of his Family , and 't was better to dye , than to undergo this infamy . Dara , being in great perplexity , remembred , that there was thereabout a certain Patan , powerful enough , called Gion-Kan , whose Life he had formerly saved twice , when Chah-Jehan had commanded he should be cast under the feet of an Elephant , for having rebelled divers times : He resolved to go to him , hoping that he could give him sufficient Succours to raise the Siege of Tatabakar ; making account , that thence he would take his Treasure , and that going from thence , and gaining Kandahar , he could cast himself into the Kingdom of Caboul , having great hopes of Mohabet-Kan , who was Governour of it , because he was both potent and valiant , well beloved of his Countrey , and had obtained this Government by his ( Dara's ) favour . But his Grandchild , Sepe-Chekouh , yet but very young , seeing his design , cast himself at his Feet , intreating him for God's sake , not to enter into the Countrey of that Patan . His Wife and Daughter did the same , remonstrating to him , that he was a Robber , a revolted Governour , that he would infallibly betray him ; that he ought not to stand upon the raising of the Siege , but rather endeavour to gain Caboul , that the thing was not impossible , forasmuch as Mir-baba was not like to quit the Siege to follow him , and to hinder him from getting thither . Dara , being carried head-long by the force of his unhappy Destiny , rejected this counsel , and would hearken to nothing of what was proposed to him , saying , as was true , that the March would be very difficult , and very dangerous ; and maintaining always , that Gion-Kan would not be so mean , as to betray him , after all the good he had done him . He departed , notwithstanding all that could be said to him , and went to prove , at the price of his Life , That no trust is to be given to a wicked Man. This Robber , who at first believed that he had numerous Troops following him , gave him the fairest reception that could be , and entertained him with very great kindness and civility in appearance , placing his Souldiers here and there among his Subjects , with a strict order to treat them well , and to give them what refreshments the Countrey afforded : But when he found that he had not above two or three hundred Men in all , he quickly show'd what he was . It is not known , whether he had not received some Letters from Aureng Zebe , or whether his avarice had not been tempted by some Mules said to be laden with Gold ; which was all that could be saved hitherto , as well from the hands of Robbers , as of those that conveyed it . Whatever it be , on a certain morning , when no body looked for any such thing , all being taken up with the care of refreshing themselves , and believing all to be safe ; behold this Traitor , who had bestirr'd himself all night to get armed Men from all parts , fell upon Dara and Sepe-Chekouh , killed some of their Men that stood up to defend themselves ; forgot not to seize on the loads of the Mules , and of all the Jewels of the Women ; made Dara to be tyed fast upon an Elephant , commanding the Executioner to sit behind , and to cut off his head upon the least sign given , in case he should be seen to resist , or that any one should attempt to deliver him . And in this strange posture he was carried to the Army before Tatabakar , where he put him into the hands of Mir-baba , the General , who caused him to be conducted in the company of this same Traitor to Lahor , and thence to Dehli . When he was at the Gates of Dehli , it was deliberated by Aureng-Zebe , whether he should be made to pass through the midst of the City , or no , to carry him thence to Goualeor . Many did advise , that that was by no means to be done ; that some disorder might arise ; that some might come to save him ; and besides , that it would be a great dishonour to the Family Royal. Others maintained the contrary , viz. That it was absolutely necessary he should pass through the Town , to astonish the World , and to shew the absolute Power of Aureng-Zebe , and to disabuse the People , that might still doubt , whether it were himself , as indeed many Omrahs did doubt ; and to take away all hopes from those , who still preserved some affection for him . The Opinion of these last was followed ; he was put on an Elephant , his Grand-child , Sepe-Chekouh , at his side ; and behind them was placed Bhadur-Kan , as an Executioner . This was none of those brave Elephants of Ceilan or Pegu , which he was wont to ride on , with gilt Harness and embroidered Covers , and Seats with Canopies very handsomely painted and gilt , to defend themselves from the Sun : It was an old Caitiff Animal , very dirty and nasty , with an old torn Cover , and a pitiful Seat , all open . There was no more seen about him , that Necklace of big Pearls , which those Princes are wont to wear , nor those rich Turbants and Vests embroider'd . All his Dress was a Vest of course Linnen , all dirty , and a Turbant of the same , with a wretched Scarf of Kachimere over his head , like a Varlet ; his Grand-son , Sepe-Chekouh , being in the same equipage . In this miserable posture he was made to enter into the Town , and to pass through the greatest Merchant-streets , to the end that all the People might see him , and entertain no doubt any more whether it was he . As for me , I fancied we went to see some strange Massacre , and was astonish'd at the boldness of making him thus pass through the Town ; and that the more , because I knew that he was very ill guarded , neither was I ignorant , that he was very much beloved by the lower sort of people , who at that time exclaimed highly against the cruelty and tyranny of Aureng-Zebe , as one that kept his Father in prison , as also his own Son Sultan Mahmoud , and his Brother Morad-Bakche . I was well prepar'd for it , and with a good Horse and two good Men I went , together with two others of my Friends , to place my self in the greatest street , where he was to pass . But not one Man had the boldness to draw his Sword , only there were some of the Fakires , and with them some poor people , who seeing that infamous Gion-Kan ride by his side , began to rail and throw stones at him , and to call him Traitor . All the shops were ready to break for the crowd of Spectators , that wept bitterly ; and there was heard nothing but loud Out-cryes and Lamentations , Invectives , and Curses , heaped on Gion-Kan . In a word , Men and Women , great and small ( such is the tenderness of the hearts of the Indians ) were ready to melt into tears for compassion ; but not one there was that durst stir to rescue him . Now after he had thus passed through the Town , he was put into a Garden called Heider-Abad . There were not wanting to tell Aureng-Zebe , how the People at this sight had lamented Dara , and cursed the Patan , that had deliver'd him ▪ and how the same was in danger to have been stoned to death , as also that there had been a great apprehension of some sedition and mischief . Hereupon another Council was held , whether he should indeed be carried to Goualeor , as had been concluded before ; or whether it were not more expedient to put him to death , without more ado ? Some were of opinion , that he should go to Goualeor with a strong Guard , that that would be enough ; Danechmend-Kan , though Dara's old Enemy , insisting much upon that . But Rauchenara-Begum , in pursuance of her hatred against this Brother of hers , pushed Aureng-Zebe to make him away , without running the danger there was in sending him to Goualeor ; as also did all his old Enemies , Calil-ullah-Kan , and Chah-hest-Kan , and especially a certain Flatterer , a Physitian , who was fled out of Persia , first called Hakim-Daoud , and afterwards being become a great Omrah named Takarrub-Kan : This Villain boldly rose up in a full Assembly , and cryed out , that it was expedient for the safety of the State to put him to death immediately , and that the rather , because he was no Mussulman ; that long since he was turn'd Kafire , Idolater , without Religion , and that he would charge the Sin of it upon his own head : Of which imprecation he soon after felt the smart ; for within a short time he fell into disgrace , and was treated like an infamous Fellow , and dyed miserably . But Aureng-Zebe , carried away by these instances and motives , commanded that he should be put to death , and that Sepe-Chekouh , his Grandchild , should be sent to Goualeor . The Charge of this Tragical Execution was given to a certain Slave , call'd Nazer , that had been bred by Chah-Jehan , and was known to have been formerly ill treated by Dara . This Executioner , accompanied with three or four Parricides more , went to Dara , who was then himself dressing some Lentils with Sepe-Chekouh his Grandchild . He no sooner saw Nazer , but cryed out to Sepe-Chekouh , My dear Son , behold those that come to kill us ! laying hold at the same time of a small Knife , which was all the Arms that were left him . One of these Butchers immediately fell upon Sepe-Chekouh ; the others , upon the arms and legs of Dara , throwing him to the ground , and holding him under , 'till Nazer cut his throat . His Head was forthwith carried to the Fortress to Aureng-Zebe , who presently commanded it to be put in a dish , and that water should be fetch'd ; which when brought , he wiped it off with an Handkerchief , and after he had caused the Face to be washed clean , and the blood done away , and was fully satisfied that it was the very head of Dara , he fell a weeping , and said these words ; Ah Bed-bakt ! Ah unfortunate Man ! Take it away , and bury it in the Sepulchre of Houmayon . At night , the Daughter of Dara was brought into the Seraglio , but afterwards sent to Chah-Jehan , and Begum-Saheb , who asked her of Aureng-Zebe . Concerning Dara's Wife , she had ended her days before at Lahor : She had poyson'd her self , foreseeing the extremities she was falling into , together with her Husband . Sepe-Chekouh was sent to Goualeor . And after a few days , Gion-kan was sent for , to come before Aureng-Zebe in the Assembly : To him were given some Presents , and so he was sent away ; but being near his Lands , he was rewarded according to his desert , being killed in a Wood. This barbarous Man not knowing , or not considering , that if Kings do sometimes permit such Actions for their Interest , yet they abhor them , and sooner or later revenge them . In the mean time , the Governour of Tatabakar , by the same Orders that had been required of Dara , was obliged to surrender the Fortress . It was indeed upon such a composition as he would have , but it was also with an intention not to keep word with him . For the poor Eunuch , arriving at Lahor , was cut in pieces , together with those few Men he had then with him , by Kalil-ullah-kan , who was Governour thereof . But the reason of the non-observance of the Capitulation was , that there was come intelligence , that he secretly prepar'd himself to go directly to Soliman-Chekouh , sparing no Gold , which under-hand he conveyed into the hands of our Franguis , and to all those that were come with him out of the Fortress to follow him , under pretext of accompanying him as far as Dehli to Aureng-Zebe , who had often said , that he should be very glad to see so gallant a Man , and who had so valiantly defended himself . There remained therefore none of the Family of Dara , but Soliman-Chekouh , who could not easily be drawn away from Serenaguer , if the Raja had been steady to his first Declarations . But the secret practises of the Raja Jesseigne , the promises and threats of Aureng-Zebe , the death of Dara , and the other Rajas his Neighbours that had been gain'd , and were prepared by the Orders , and at the cost of Aureng-Zebe , to make War against him , did at last shake the Faith of this perfidious Protector , and made him consent to their demands . Sepe-Chekouh , who was advertised of it , fled through the midst of those horrid Countries and fearful Desarts , towards the great Tibet . But the Son of the Raja , soon pursuing and overtaking him , caused him to be assaulted with stones . The poor Prince was hurt , seized , and carried to Dehli , where he was imprison'd in Serenguer , that little Fortress , where at first they had put Morad-Bakche . Aureng-Zebe , to observe what he had practised towards Dara , and that no body might doubt it was Soliman-Chekouh himself , commanded him to be brought before him in the presence of all the Grandees of the Court. At the entry of the Gate , the Chains were taken from his feet , leaving those he had about his hands , which seemed gilt . When this proper young Man , so handsome and gallant , was seen to enter , there was a good number of Omrahs that could not hold their tears ; and , as I was informed , all the great Ladies of the Court , that had leave to see him come in , fell a weeping . Aureng-Zebe , who appear'd himself to be touched at his misfortunes , began to speak very kindly to him , and to comfort him ; telling him amongst other things , that he should fear nothing , that no hurt should be done to him ; on the contrary , that he should be well treated , and therefore be of good courage ; that he had caused his Father to be put to death for no other reason , than that he was turn'd Kafer , and a Man without Religion . Whereupon this young Prince return'd him the Salem , and blessed him , abasing his hands to the earth , and lifting them , as well as he could , up to his head , after the custom of the Countrey ; and told him with resolution enough , That if he were to drink the Poust , he intreated him that he might dye presently , being very willing to submit to his Fate . But Aureng-Zebe promised him publickly , that he should drink none of it ; that he should rest satisfied as to that , and not entertain any sad thoughts about it . This being said , he once more repeated the Salem : And after they had asked him several Questions , in the Name of Aureng-Zebe , touching that Elephant which was charged with Roupies of Gold , taken from him when he went to Serenaguer , he was sent to Goualeor to the rest . This Poust is nothing else but Poppy expressed , and infused a night in water . And 't is that potion , which those that are kept at Goualeor , are commonly made to drink ; I mean those Princes , whose heads they think not fit to cut off : This is the first thing that is brought them in the morning , and they have nothing given them to eat 'till they have drunk a great cup full of it ; they would rather let them starve . This emaciates them exceedingly , and maketh them dye insensibly , they losing little by little their strength and understanding , and growing torpid and senseless . And by this very means 't is said , that Sepe-Chekouh , and the Grandchild of Morad-Bakche , and Soliman-Chekouh , were dispach'd . As to Morad-Bakche , he was made away by a more violent death . For Aureng-Zebe seeing , that though he was in prison , yet the generality had an inclination to him , and that many Verses were spread in the praise of his Valour and Courage , thought himself not safe enough by putting him to death in private , by giving him Poust like others ; apprehending , that his Death would be still doubted of , and that that might one time or other occasion some commotion , and therefore devised the following Charge against him . The Children of a certain Sayed , very rich , whom he had caused to be put to death in Amadevad , to get his Estate , when he there made his preparations for War , and borrowed or took by force great Sums of Money from all the rich Merchants , appeared in full Assembly , making their complaints , and demanding Justice , and the Head of Morad-Bakche , for the Blood of their Father . Not one of the Omrahs durst contradict it , both because he was a Sayed , that is , one of Mahomet's Kindred , to whom great Veneration was paid ; and that every body sufficiently understood the design of Aureng-Zebe , taking this for a pretence to rid himself openly of Morad-Bakche , under a shew of Justice . So that the Head of him , that had killed the Father of the Plaintiffs , was granted them without any other form of Process . Whereupon they went , with necessary Orders issued out for that purpose , to cut it off in Goualeor . There remained no other Thorn in the Foot of Aureng-Zebe but Sultan Sujah , who kept himself still in Bengale ; but he also was forced to yield at last to the power and fortune of Aureng-Zebe . There were sent so many Troops of all sorts to Emir-Femla , that at last he was encompassed on all sides , both on this and that side of the River Ganges ; so that he was necessitated to flye to Dake , which is the last Town of Bengale on the Sea side ; and here comes the conclusion of this whole Tragedy . This Prince being destitute of Ships to put to Sea , and not knowing whither to flye , sent his eldest Son , Sultan Banque , to the King of Racan or Moy , a Heathen or Idolatrous King , to know whether he would give him leave to make his Countrey his place of refuge only for some time , and do him the favour , when the Mousons or the Season-winds should come , to furnish him with a Vessel for Mecha , from thence to pass into some part of Turky or Persia . That King sent answer , that he should be very welcome , and have all possible assistance . So Sultan Banque returned to Dake with some Galeasses , manned with Franguis ( I mean , with those fugitive Portugals , and other straggling Christians , that had put themselves in service to that King , driving no other Trade than to ravage all this lower Bengale ; ) upon which Sultan Sujah embarked , with his whole Family , viz. his Wife , his three Sons , and Daughters . They were well enough received ; whatever was necessary for their subsistence , such as that Countrey would afford , was provided for them , in the name of that King. Some months pass , the Season of the favourable Winds come in , but not a word of the Vessel , though he demanded it no otherwise than for his Money ; for as yet he wanted not Rupies of Gold , nor Silver , nor Gems : He had too great a plenty of them ; his Riches were , in all appearance , the cause of his ruin , or at least contributed much to it . Those barbarous Kings have no true generosity , and are not much refrained by the Faith they have given , regarding nothing but their present Interests , without so much as considering the mischiefs that may befall them for their perfidiousness and brutality . To get out of their hands , one must either be the stronger , or have nothing that may tempt their avarice . Sultan Sujah may long enough sollicit for a Vessel ; all is in vain , he effects nothing : On the contrary , the King begins to shew much coldness , and to complain of his not coming to see him . I know not , whether Sultan Sujah thought it unworthy of himself , and too mean a thing to give him a Visit ; or rather , whether he fear'd , that being in the Kings House he might not there be seized on , to take away all his Treasure , and then be deliver'd into the hands of Emir-Jemla , who for that purpose promised , in the name of Aureng-Zebe , great Sums of Money , and many other considerable advantages . Whatever the matter was , he would not go thither himself , but sent his Son Sultan Banque , who being near the Kings House , began to shew liberality to the people , throwing out to them a good quantity of half Rupies , and whole Rupies , of Gold and Silver . And being come before the King , he presented him with store of Embroideries , and of rare pieces of Goldsmiths-work , set with precious Stones of great value , excusing his Father , Sultan Sujah , as being indisposed , and beseeching him in his name , that he would remember the Vessel , and the promise made to him thereof . But all that did not advance his business ; on the contrary , five or six days after , this King sent to Sultan Sujah , to ask of him one of his Daughters in Marriage ; which he could never resolve to grant him , whereat this barbarous Prince was highly offended . What then could he do in this case ? The Season passeth away . What shall become of him ? What other resolution can he take , but to do a desperate Action ? Behold a strange undertaking , which may give a great Example of what Despair can do ! Although this King of Racan be an Heathen , yet there is in his Dominions store of Mahumetans mingled with the people , that are retired thither , or have been , for the most part , taken Slaves , here and there , by those Franguis above-mention'd . Sultan Sujah did under-hand gain these Mahumetans ; and with two or three hundred Men , whom he yet had remaining of those that had follow'd him from Bengale , he resolved , one day to fall unexpectedly upon the House of this Barbarian , to kill all , and to make himself proclaim'd King of Racan . This was a very bold Enterprise , and such a one , as had more of a Desperado in it , than of a prudent Man. Yet notwithstanding , as I was inform'd , and by what I could learn from many Mahumetans , and Portugals , and Hollanders , that then were there present , the thing was feasible enough . But the day before the stroke was to be given , the Design was discover'd ; which did altogether overthrow the Affairs of Sultan Sujah , and was soon after the cause of his ruin . For not finding hereafter any way more to recover himself , he attempted to flye towards Pegu ; which was a thing in a manner impossible , by reason of the vast Mountains and Forrests to be passed . Besides , he was immediately pursued so close , that he was overtaken the same day he fled . It may well be thought , that he defended himself with as much courage as was possible . He killed so many of those Barbarians , that it will scarce be believed , but he was so overpow'red by the multitude of pursuers , that he was obliged to quit the Combat . Sultan Banque , who was not so far advanced as his Father , defended himself also like a Lion ; but at length , being all bloody of the wounds , by stones poured upon him from all sides , he was seized on , and carried away , with his two little Brothers , his Sisters , and Mother . As to the Person of Sultan Sujah himself , all what could be learnt of it , is this : That he , with one Woman , one Eunuch , and two other persons , got up to the Top of the Mountain ; that he received a wound in his Head by a stone , which struck him down , but yet he rose again , the Eunuch having wound his Head about with his Turbant , and that they escaped through the midst of the Woods . I have heard the Relation three or four other manner of ways , even by those persons that were upon the place . Some did assure , that he had been found among the dead , but was not well known : And I have seen a Letter of the Chief of the Dutch Factory , confirming this . So that 't is difficult enough to know aright what is become of him . And this it is , which hath administred ground to those so frequent Allarms , given us afterwards at Dehli : For at one time it was rumored , that he was arrived at Maslipatan , to joyn with the Kings of Golkonda and Visapour ; another time it was related for certain , that he had passed in sight of Suratte with two Ships , bearing the Red Colours , which the King of Pegu or the King of Siam had given him ; by and by , that he was in Persia , and had been seen in Chiras , and soon after in Kandahar , ready to enter into the Kingdom of Caboul it self . Aureng-Zebe one day said smiling , that Sultan Sujah was at last become an Agy or Pilgrim . And at this very day there are abundance of petsons who maintain , that he is in Persia , returned from Constantinople , whence he is said to have brought with him much Money . But that which confirms more than enough , that there is no ground for any of these reports , is that Letter of the Hollanders ; and that an Eunuch of his , with whom I travelled from Bengale to Maslipatan , as also the Great Master of his Artillery , whom I saw in the Service of the King of Golkonda , have assured me , that he is no more in being , though they made difficulty to say any more concerning him ; as also , that our French Merchants , that lately came out of Persia and from Hispahan , when I was yet at Dehli , had in those parts heard no news at all of him ; besides that , I have heard that a while after his Defeat , his Sword and Poynard had been found : So that 't is credible , that if he was not killed upon the place , he soon dyed afterwards , and was the prey of some Robbers , or Tygers , or Elephants , of which the Forrests of that Countrey are full . However it be , after this last Action his whole Family was put in Prison , Wives and Children , where they were treated rudely enough ; yet some time after they were set at more liberty , and they received a milder entertainment : And then the King called for the eldest Daughter , whom he married . Whilst this was doing , some Servants of Sultan Banque , joyned with divers of those Mahumetans which I have mentioned , went to plot another Conspiracy like the first . But the day appointed for it being come , one of the Conspirators , being half drunk , began too soon to break out . Concerning this also I have heard forty different relations , so that 't is very hard to know the truth of it . That which is undoubted is this , that the King was at length so exasperated against this unfortunate Family of Sujah , that he commanded it should be quite rooted out . Neither did there remain any one of it , that was not put to death , save that Daughter which the King had made his Wife . Sultan Banque , and his Brothers , had their Heads cut off with blunt Axes ; and the Women were mured up , where they dyed of hunger and misery . And thus endeth this War , which the lust of Reigning had kindled among those four Brothers , after it had lasted five or six years , from 1655 , or thereabout , to 1660 or 1661 ; which left Aureng-Zebe in the peaceable possession of this puissant Empire . The End of the FIRST TOME . PARTICULAR EVENTS : OR , The most considerable Passages after the War , of 5 years , or thereabout , IN THE EMPIRE OF THE GREAT MOGOL . Together with a LETTER CONCERNING The Extent of INDOSTAN , the Circulation of the Gold and Silver at last swallow'd up there ; the Riches , Forces , Justice , and the Principal Cause of the Decay of the STATES of ASIA . TOM . II. London , Printed by William Godbid , and are to be Sold by Moses Pitt . 1676. PARTICULAR EVENTS : OR , The most considerable Passages after the War for Five Years , or thereabout , in the Empire of the GREAT MOGOL . THe War being ended , the Tartars of Usbec entertained thoughts of sending Ambassadors to Aureng-Zebe . They had seen him fight in their Countrey , when he was yet a young Prince ; Chah-Jehan having sent him to command the Succours , which the Kan of Samarkand had desired of him against the Kan of Balk . They had experienced his Conduct and Valour on many occasions , and they consider'd with themselves , that he could not but remember the Affront they did him , when he was just taking Balk , the Capital Town of the Enemy : For the two Kans agreed together , and obliged him to retreat , alledging , that they apprehended he might render himself Master of their whole State , just as Ekbar had formerly done of the Kingdom of Kachimere . Besides , they had certain intelligence of all he had done in Indostan , of his Battels , Fortune , and Advantages ; whence they might sufficiently estimate , that though Chah-Jehan was yet living , yet Aureng-Zebe was Master , and the only Person that was to be owned King of the Indies . Whether then they feared his just resentments , or whether it was , that their inbred avarice and sordidness made them hope for some considerable Present , the two Kans sent to him their Ambassadors to offer him their Service , and to congratulate him upon the happy beginning of his Reign . Aureng-Zebe saw very well , that the War being at an end , this offer was out of season , and that it was nothing but fear or hope , as we said , that had brought them . Yet for all this , he received them honourably ; and , since I was present at their Audience , I can relate the particulars of it with certainty . They made their reverence at a considerable distance from him , after the Indian custom , putting thrice their hands upon their heads , and as often letting them down to the ground . Then they approached so near , that Aureng-Zebe himself might very well have taken their Letters immediately from their hands ; but yet it was an Omrah that took and open'd them , and gave them to him . He forthwith read them with a very grave countenance ; and afterwards commanded , there should be given to each of them an embroider'd Vest , a Turbant , and a Girdle of Silk in Embroidery , which is that which they call Ser-apah , that is , an Habit from head to foot . After this , their Presents were call'd for , which consisted in some Boxes of choice Lapis Lazulus , divers Camels with long hair , several gallant Horses , some Camel-loads of fresh Fruit , as Apples , Pears , Raisins and Melons ; ( for 't is chiefly Usbec that furnishes these sorts of Fruit , eaten at Dehli all the Winter long ; ) and in many loads of dry Fruit , as Prunes of Bokara , Aprecocks , Raisins without any stones that appeared , and two other sorts of Raisins , black and white , very large and very good . Aureng-Zebe was not wanting to declare , how much he was satisfied with the Generosity of the Kans , and much commended the beauty and rarity of the Fruit , Horses , and Camels ; and after he had a little entertain'd them of the state of the Academy of Samarkand , and of the Fertility of their Countrey , abounding in so many rare and excellent things , he desired them to go and repose themselves , intimating withall , that he should be very glad to see them often . They came away from their Audience full of contentment and joy , not being much troubled , that they had been obliged to make their reverence after the Indian custome , though it have something of slavish in it ; nor much resenting it , that the King had not taken their Letters from their own hands . I believe if they had been required to kiss the ground , and even to do something of a lower nature , they would have complied with it . 'T is true , it would have been in vain , if they had desired to make no other salute , but that of their own Countrey , and to deliver to the King their Letters with their own hands ; for that belongs only to the Ambassadors of Persia , nor have these this favour granted them , but with much difficulty . They stay'd above four months at Dehli , what diligence soever they could use to be dispatch'd , which did incommode them very much ; for they fell almost all sick , and even some of them dyed , because they were not accustomed to such heats as are in Indostan , or rather because they were sordid , and kept a very ill Diet. I know not whether there be a more avaricious and uncleanly Nation than they are . They laid up the Money , which the King had appointed them for their maintenance , and lived a very miserable life , altogether unworthy of Ambassadors : Yet they were dismissed with great honour : The King , in the presence of all the Omrahs , presented each of them with two rich Ser-apahs , and gave order , that eight thousand Rupies should be carried to their Lodgings , which amounted to near two thousand Crowns each . He also gave them , for Presents to the Kans their Masters , very handsom Ser-apahs , store of the richest and best wrought Embroideries , a good quantity of fine Cloth , and silk Stuffs , wrought with Gold and Silver , and some Tapestries , and two Poynards set about with precious stones . During their stay , I went thrice to see them , being presented to them as a Physitian by one of my Friends , that was Son of an Usbec , that had made his Fortune in that Court. I had a design to have learned something in particular of their Countrey , but I found them so ignorant , that they knew not so much as the Confines of their State , much less could they inform me of any thing concerning the Tartars that have conquer'd China of late years : In short , they told me nothing that I knew not before . I had once the curiosity to Dine with them , which liberty I obtained easily enough . They are not Men of much ceremony ; it was a very extraordinary Meal for such a one as I , it being meer Horse-flesh ; yet for all this I got my Dinner with them ; there was a certain Ragou , which I thought passable : And I was obliged to express a liking of so exquisit a dish , which they so much lust after . During Dinner there was a strange silence ; they were very busie in carrying in with their whole hands , for they know not what a Spoon is ; but after that this Horse-flesh had wrought in their stomachs , they began to talk , and then they would perswade me , they were the most dextrous at Bows and Arrows , and the strongest Men in the World. They call'd for Bows , which are much bigger than those of Indostan , and would lay a wager , to pierce an Oxe or my Horse through and through . Then they proceeded to commend the strength and valour of their Women , which they described to me quite otherwise than the Amazons ; telling me very wonderful stories of them , especially one , which would be admirable indeed , if I could relate it with a Tartarian Eloquence , as they did : They told me , that at the time when Aureng-Zebe made War in their Countrey , a Party of Twenty five or Thirty Indian Horsemen came to fall upon a small Village ; whilst they plundred , and tyed all those whom they met with to make them Slaves , an old Woman said to them : Children , be not so mischievous , my Daughter is not far off , she will be here very shortly , retreat if you be wise , you are undone if she light upon you . They laughed at the old Woman , and her advice , and continued to load , to tye , and to carry away her self ; but they were not gone half a Mile , but this old Woman , looking often backward , made a great out-cry of joy , perceiving her Daughter coming after her on Horse-back ; and presently this generous She - Tartar , mounted on a furious Horse , her Bow and Arrows hanging at her side , called to them at a distance , that she was yet willing to give them their Lives , if they would carry back to the Village all they had taken , and then withdraw without any noise . The advice of this young Woman affected them as little as that of her old Mother ; but they were soon astonish'd , when they found her let fly at them in a moment three or four great Arrows , which struck as many of their Men to the ground , which forced them to fall to their Quivers also . But she kept her self at that distance from them , that none of them could reach her . She laughed at all their effort , and at all their Arrows , knowing how to attack them at the length of her Bow , and to take her measure from the strength of her Arm , which was of another temper than theirs : So that after she had killed half of them with her Arrows , and put them into disorder , she came and fell upon the rest with the Zable in her hand , and cut them all in pieces . The Ambassadors of Tartary were not yet gone away from Dehli , when Aureng-Zebe fell exceeding sick ; a violent and continued Fever made him sometimes lose his understanding : His tongue was seized with such a Palsie , that he lost almost his speech , and the Physitians despaired of his recovery ; nothing was heard for the time , than that he was gone , and that his Sister Rauchenara-Begum concealed his death out of design . It was already bruited , that the Raja Jessomseigne , Governour of Guzaratte , was on the way to deliver Chah-Jehan ; that Mohabet-Kan ( who had at length obeyed the Orders of Aureng-Zebe ) quitting the Government of Caboul , and being already on this side Lahor to come back , made hast also with three or four thousand Horse for the same end ; and that the Eunuch Etbar-kan , who kept Chah-Jehan in the Fortress of Agra , would have the honour of his delivery . On one side we see Sultan Mazum bestir himself exceedingly with bribes , endeavouring by promises to assure himself of the Omrahs , so far as that one night he went disguized to the Raja Jesseigne , entreating him with expressions of deep respect , that he would engage himself for his interest . We knew from other hands , that Rauchenara-Begum , together with Teday-kan , the Great Master of Artillery , and many Omrahs , declared for the young Prince Sultan Ekbar , the third Son of Aureng-Zebe , though he was but seven or eight years old ; both parties in the mean time pretending , they had no other design than to deliver Chah-Jehan : So that the people believed , that now he was going to be set at liberty , though none of the Grandees had any such thing in their thoughts , spreading this rumour only to gain credit and concourse , and because they feared , least by the means of Etbar-kan , or some other secret intrigue , he should one day appear in the Field . And indeed of all the parties , there was not one that had reason to wish for his liberty and restoration to the Throne , except Jessomseigne , Mohabet-kan , and some others , that as yet had done no great matter to his disadvantage . The rest had been all against him , at least they had vilely abandon'd him . They knew very well he would be like an unchain'd Lyon , if he came abroad : Who then could trust him ? And what could Etbar-kan hope for , who had kept him up so close ? I know not , if by some adventure or other , he should have come out of prison , whether he would not have stood single , and been alone of his party . But though Aureng-Zebe was very sick , yet for all this he gave order for all things , and particularly for the sure custody of Chah-Jehan his Father ; and though he had advised Sultan Mazum to go and open the Gates to Chah-Jehan , in case he should die , yet he omitted not to have Etbar-kan incessantly writ to . And the fifth day , in the height of his sickness , he caused himself to be carried into the Assembly of the Omrahs to shew himself , and to disabuse those who might believe him to be dead , and to obviate popular tumults , or such accident as might have caused Chah-Jehan to be set at liberty . The seventh , ninth , and tenth day , he made himself to be carried again into the said Assembly for the same reason ; and , what is almost incredible , the thirteenth , after he had recollected himself from a fit of swounding , which accasioned a rumor through the whole Town of his being dead , he called for two or three of the greatest Omrahs , and the Raja Jesseigne , to let them see that he was alive ; made himself to be raised in his bed , called for Ink and Paper to write to Etbar-kan , and sent for the Great Seal ; which he had trusted with Rauchenara-Bagum , and commonly enclosed in a small bag , sealed with a Seal he always wore about his arm , fearing lest she had already made use of it for her designs . I was nigh my Agah , when all this news was told him , and I understood , that lifting up his hands to Heaven he said , What a Soul is this ? A matchless fortitude and courage of spirit ! God preserve thee Aureng-Zebe , for greater things ; certainly he will not that thou shouldest yet die . And indeed after this fit he recover'd by little and little . He had no sooner recover'd his health , but he sought to get out of the hands of Chah-Jehan , and Begum-Saheb , the Daughter of Dara , to secure the marriage of Sultan-Ekbar , his third Son , with this Princess ; on purpose thereby to gain him Authority , and to give him the greater right to the Empire ; For he it is , who is thought to be by him designed for it . He is yet very young , but he hath many near and powerful Relations at the Court , and is born of the Daughter of Chah-Navaze-kan , and consequently of the Bloud of the Antient Soveraigns of Machate ; whereas Sultan Mahmoud and Sultan Mazum are only Sons of Ragipontnis , or Daughters of Raja's . These Kings , though Mahumetans , do , for all that , marry of the Daughters of the Heathen , either for State-interest , or for extraordinary Beauty . But Aureng-Zebe , was disappointed in this design ; It will hardly be believed , with what height and fierceness of spirit Chah-Jehan and Begum rejected the Proposition , and the Young Princess her self , who in the fear of being carried away , was for some days desperate , and protested she would rather kill her self an hundred times over , if it were possible , than to marry the Son of him that had murthered her Father . He had no better satisfaction from Chah-Jehan about certain Jewels which he asked of him , in order to finish a piece of work which he caused to be added to a famous Throne , which is so highly esteemed . For he fiercely answer'd , that Aureng-Zebe should take no other care but to rule better then he did ; that he should let his Throne alone ; that he was weary to hear of these Jewels , and that the Hammers were ready to beat them to dust the first time he should be importun'd again about them . The Hollanders would not be the last in doing reverence to Aureng-Zebe ▪ they had thoughts of sending an Ambassador to him . They pitched upon Monsieur Adrican , the Commander of their Factory at Suratte ; and being a right honest man , and of good sense and judgment , not neglecting to take the counsel of his friends , he well acquitted himself of this employment . Aureng-Zebe , though he carries it very high , and affects to appear a zealous Mahumetan , and consequently to dispise the Franguis or Christians , yet thought fit to receive them with much respect and civility . He even was desirous , that this Ambassador should complement him in the mode of the Franguis , after he had been made to do it the Indian way . 'T is true , he received his Letters by the hand of an Omrah ; but that was not to be taken for any contempt , he having shew'd no more honour to the Ambassadors of Usbec . After this , he intimated to him , that he might produce his Present ; and at the same time he caused him , and some of his Train , to be dressed with a Ser-Apah embroider'd . The Present ●osisted of store of very fine Scarlet , some large Looking-glasses , and divers excellent pieces of Chinese and Japonese work , among which there was a Paleky , and a Tackravan , or a Field-Throne of admirable workmanship . This Ambassadour was not so soon dispatch't as he wish'd , it being the custom of the Kings of Mogol to detain Ambassodours as long as they well can , from a belief they have , that 't is the interest of their Greatness , to oblige Strangers to give long attendance at their Court ; yet he was not kept so long as the Ambassadours of Usbec . Mean time he had the misfortune , that his Secretary died there , and the rest of his Retinue began to grow sick . When the King dismissed him , he gave him such another Ser-Apah embroider'd , as the first was for himself ; and another , a very rich one , for the General of Batavia , together with a Poynard , set about with Jewels , all accompanied with a very obliging Letter . The chief aim of the Hollanders in this Embassy was , to make themselves immediately known to the King , thereby to gain credit , and to intimidate the Governours of the Sea-ports , and other places , where they have their Factories ; that so they may not attempt , when they please , to insult over them , or to trouble them in their Trade ; thereby letting them know , that they had to do with a potent Nation , and that hath a door open to address themselves , and to complain immediately to the King. Their end also was , to make it appear , what interest the King had in their Commerce ; and therefore they shew'd long Rolls of Commodities , bought up by them through the whole Kingdom , and Lists of considerable sums of Gold and Silver , every year brought thither by them ; but saying not a word of those which they draw thence , from the Copper , Lead , Cinamon , Cloves , Muscadin , Pepper , Wood of Aloes , Elephants , and other Commodities which they vend there . About this time , one of the most considerable Omrah's of Aureng-Zebe addressed himself to him , and represented , that this multitude and variety of perplexing affairs , and this perpetual attention of mind in him , might soon cause a great alteration in his temper , and a dangerous inconvenience in his health . But Aureng-Zebe , seeming to take almost no notice of what that Omrah said , turn'd himself another way , and approaching to another of the prime Omrah's of the Court , a person of great knowledge and judgment , spoke to him in this purpose ( as I was informed by the Son of this Lord , who was my friend . ) You other Sages , are you not all of the mind , that there are times and conjunctions so urgent , that a King ought to hazard his life for his Subjects , and sacrifice himself for their Defence with Arms in his hands ? And yet this Effeminate Man would disswade me from taking pains , and dehort me from watching and sollicitude for the Publick ; and carry me by pretences of Health , to the thoughts of an easie life , by abandoning the Government of my People , and the management of affairs , to some Visir or other . Doth he not know , that Providence having given me a Royal Extraction , and raised me to the Crown of Indostan , hath not made me for my self alone , but for the good and safety of the Publick , and for the procurement of tranquility and happiness to my Subjects , as far as that nay be obtained by Justice and Power ? He seeth not the consequence of his Counsels , and what mischiefs do attend Visirships . Doth he think it to be without reason what out Grand Sady hath so generously pronounced ; O Kings , cease , cease to be Kings , or govern your Kingdoms your selves ? Go tell thy Country-man , that I shall well like of the care he is constantly to take of the faithful discharge of his Place ; but advise him also , not any more to run out himself so far as he hath done . We have natural inclination enough to a long , easie , and careless life , and there need no Counsellors to shake off business and trouble . Our Wives , that lye in our bosom , do too often , besides our own genius , incline us that way . At the same time there happen'd an accident , that made a great noise at Dehli , especially in the Seraglio , and disabused a great many , that could as hardly believe as my self , that Eunuchs , though they had their Genitals quite cut away , could become amorous as other men . Didar-kan , one of the chief Eunuchs of the Seraglio , who had built an house , where he came often to divert himself , fell in love with a very beautiful Woman , the Sister of a Neighbour of his , that was an Heathen Scrivener . These Amours lasted a good while before any body blamed them , since it was but an Eunuch that made them , which sort of men have the priviledge to go where they please ; but the familiarity grew so great , and so extraordinary betwixt the two Lovers , that the Neighbours began to suspect something , and to rally the Scrivener , which did so touch him , that he threatned both his Sisters and the Eunuch to kill them if they should continue their commerce . And soon after , finding them in the night lying together , he stabbed the Eunuch out-right , and left his Sister for dead . The whole Seraglio , Women and Eunuchs , made a league together against him to make him away ; but Aureng-Zebe dissipated all these machinations , and was content to have him turn Mahumetan . Mean time 't is thought , he cannot long avoid the malice and power of the Eunuchs ; for 't is not , as is the common saying , with Men as with Bruits ; these latter become gentler and more tractable when they are castrated ; but men more vicious , and commonly very insolent , though sometimes it turneth to an admirable fidelity and gallantry . It was also about the same time , that Aureng-Zebe was somewhat discontented with Rauchenara-Begum , because she was suspected to have given access to two Young Gallants into the Seraglio , who were discover'd and brought before Aureng-Zebe . Yet this being but a suspicion , he expressed to her no great resentment of it ; nor did he make use of so great rigour and cruelty against those poor men , as Chah-Jehan had done against the person above spoken of . The matter was related to me by an old Portuguese Woman ( that had a long while been slave to the Seraglio , and went out and in at pleasure ) as followeth : She told me that Rauchenara-Begum , after she had drawn from a young man , hidden by her , all his abillty , deliver'd him to some Women to convey him away in the night thorough some Gardens , and so to save him : But whether they were discover'd , or whether they feared they should be so , or what else might be the cause , they fled , and left him there wandring in the midst of those Gardens , not knowing which way to get out : And being at last met with , and brought before Aureng-Zebe , who examined him strictly , but could draw nothing else from him , than that he was come in over the walls , he was commanded to get out the same way by which he entred : But it seems , the Eunuchs did more than Aureng-Zebe had given order for , for they cast him down from the top of the walls to the bottom . As for the other Young Gallant , this same Woman assured me , that he was found wandring in the Garden like the first , and having confessed that he was come in by the Gate , Aureng-Zebe commanded likewise , that he also should pass away again by the same Gate ; yet reserving to himself a severe chastisement for the Eunuchs , since not only the honour of the Royal House , but also the safety of the Kings person is herein concerned . Some months after , there arrived at Dehli several Ambassadours , almost at the same time . The first was Xerif of Meccha , whose Present did consist in some Arabian Horses : The second and third Ambassador were , he of the King of Hyeman , or Happy Arabia , and he of the Prince of Bassora , who likewise presented Arabian horses . The two remaining Ambassadors were sent from the King of Ethiopia . To the three first no great regard was given ; they appear'd in so miserable and confused an Equipage , that it was perceived they came only to get some money by the means of their Present , and of the many Horses and other Merchandise , which under the pretence of Ambassadors , entred without paying any duty into the Kingdom , there to be sold , and to buy for the money a quantity of Indian Stuffs , and so to return without paying likewise any Impost at all . But as to the Ethiopian Embassy , that deserves to be otherwise taken notice of ; the King of Ethiopia having received the news of the Revolution of the Indies , had a design to spread his Name in those parts , and there to make known his Grandeur and Magnificence by a splendid Embassy ; or , as malice will have it , or rather as the very truth is , to reap some advantage by a present as well as the rest . Behold therefore this great Embassy ! He chose for his Ambassadors two persons , that one would think were the most considerable in his Court , and the most capable to make such a design prosper . And who were they ? the one was a Mahumetan Merchant , whom I had seen some years ago at Moka , when I passed there coming out of Egypt over the Red-Sea , where he was to sell some Slaves for that Prince , and to buy of the money , raised thence , some Indian Commodities . And this is the fine Trade of that Great Christian King of Africa . The other was a Christian Merchant of Armenia , born and married in Aleppo , known in Ethiopia by the name of Murat . I had seen him also at Moka , where he had accomodated me with the half of his Chamber , and assisted me with very good advice , whereof I have spoken in the beginning of this History , as a thing taking me off from passing into Ethiopia , according to my first design . He also came every year to that place , in that Kings Name , for the same end that the Mahumetan did , and brought the Present which the King made every year , to the Gentlemen of the English and Dutch Company of the East-Indies , and carried away theirs . Now the King of Ethiopia , sutably to his design , and the desire he had of making his Ambassadors appear with great splendour , put himself to great expences for this Embassie : He gave them thirty two young Slaves , of both Sexes , to sell them at Moka , and thence to make a sum of Money to bear their Charges . A wonderful largess ! Slaves are commonly sold there for twenty five or thirty Crowns a piece , one with another . A considerable sum . Besides , he gave them for a Present to the Great Mogol five and twenty choice Slaves , among which there were nine or ten very young , proper to make Eunuchs of . A very worthy Present for a King , and he a Christian , to a Mahumetan Prince ! It seems the Christianity of the Ethiopians is very different from ours . He added to that Present , twelve Horses , esteem'd as much as those of Arabia , and a kind of little Mule , of which I saw the Skin , which was a very great Rarity , there being no Tyger so handsomely speckled , nor Silken Stuff of India so finely , so variously , and so orderly streaked , as that was . Moreover , there were for a part of the Present , two Elephants Teeth , so prodigious , that they assured it was all that a very able-bodied man could do to lift up one of them from the ground . Lastly , an Horn of an Oxe full of Civett , and so big , that the aperture of it being measur'd by me , when it came to Dehli , it had a Diameter of half a Foot , and somewhat better . All things being thus prepared , the Ambassadors depart from Gondez , the Capital of Ethiopia , situated in the Province of Dambea , and came through a very troublesome Countrey to Beiloul , which is a dispeopled Sea-Port over against Moka , nigh to Babel-mandel , not daring to come ( for reasons elswhere to be alledged ) the ordinary way of the Caravans , which is made with ease in forty dayes to Arkiko , and thence to pass to the Isle of Masoua . During their stay at Beiloul , and expecting a Bark of Moka , to waft over the Red Sea , there died some of their Slaves , because the Vessel tarried , and they found not in that place those refreshments that were necessary for them . When they came to Moka , they soon sold their Merchandise to raise a stock of Money according to order , But they had this ill luck , that that year the Slaves were very cheap ; because the Market was glutted by many other Merchants ; yet they raised a sum to pursue their Voyage : They embark'd upon an Indian Vessel to pass to Suratte : Their passage was pretty good ; they were not above five and twenty daies at Sea ; but whether it was that they had made no good provision , for want of stock , or what else the cause might be , many of their Slaves and Horses , as also the Mule , whereof they saved the Skin , died . They were no sooner arrived at Suratte , but a certain Rebel of Visapour , called Seva-Gi , came and ranscked and burned the Town , and in it their house , so that they could save nothing but their Letters , some Slaves that were sick , or which Seva-Gi could not light on , their Ethiopian Habits which he cared not for , and the Mules Skin , and the Oxes Horn , which was already emptied of the Civett . They did very much exaggerate their misfortune ; but those malicious Indians that had seen them arrive in such a wretched condition , without provisions , without habits , without money , or Bills of Exchange , said , that they were very happy , and should reckon the Plunder of Suratte for a piece of their best Fortune , forasmuch as Seva-Gi had saved them the labour of bringing their miserable Present to Dehli , and had furnisht them with a very specious pretence for their beggarly condition , and for the sale they had made of their Civet and of some of their Slaves , and for demanding of the Governour of Suratte provisions for their subsistance ; as also some Money and Chariots to continue their voyage to Dehli . Monsieur Adrican , chief of the Dutch Factory , my friend , had given to the Armenian Murat a Letter of recommendation to me , which he deliver'd himself at Dehli , not remembring that I had been his Host at Moka . It was a very pleasant meeting when we came to know one another , after the space of five or six years . I embraced him affectionately , and promised him that I would serve him in whatever I could ; but that , though I had acquaintance at the Court , it was impossible for me to do them any considerable good office there : For since they had not brought with them any valuable Present , but only the Mules Skin , and the empty Oxes Horn , and that they were seen going upon the streets without any Paleky or Horses , save that of our Father Missionary , and mine ( which they had almost killed ) cloathed like Beggars , and followed with seven or eight Slaves , bare-headed and bare-foot , having nothing but an ugly Sharse tyed between their Legs ▪ with a ragged Cloth over their left Shoulder , passing under their left Arm like a Summer-Cloak ; since , I said , they were in such a posture , whatever I could say for them was insignificant ; they were taken for Beggars , and no body took other notice of them . Yet notwithstanding I said so much of the Grandeur of their King to my Agah Danechmendkan , who had cause to hearken to me , as managing all forreign affairs there , that Aureng-Zebe gave them Audience , received their Letters , presented them each with an embroider'd Vest , a silken embroider'd Girdle , and a Turbant of the same , gave order for their entertainment , and dispatched them in a little time , and that with more honour than there was ground to expect : For in dismissing them , he presented them each with an other such Vest , and with 6000 Rupies for them all , which amounteth to about 3000 Crowns , of which the Mahumetan had four thousand , and Murat , because a Christian , but two thousand . He also gave them for a Present to their Master a very rich Ser-apah or Vest , two great silver and guilt Trumpets , two silver Tymbals , a Poynard cover'd with Jewels , and the value of about twenty thousand Francs in Golden and Silver Rupies , to let their King see Money coyned , as a Rarity he had not in his Countrey : But Aureng-Zebe knew very well that these Rupies would not go out of the Kingdom , and that they were like to buy commodities for them : And it fell out so ; for they laid them out , partly in fine Cotton Cloth , to make shirts of for their King , Queen , and their only lawful Son that is to be the Successor ; partly in filken stuffs streaked with Gold or Silver , to make Vests and Summer-Drawers of ; partly in English Scarlet , to make two Arabian Vests of for their King also ; and lastly , in Spices , and in store of courser Cloth , for divers Ladies of his Seraglio , and for the children he had by them ; all without paying any duty . For all my friendship with Murat , there were three things that made me almost repent to have served them . The first , because Murat having promised me to leave with me for 50 Rupies , a little Son of his , that was very pretty , of a delicate Black , and without such a swelled Nose , or such thick Lips as commonly the Ethiopians have , broke his word with me , and let me know , that he should take no less for him than 300 Rupies . For all this , I had thoughts of Buying him , for rarities sake , and that I might say , a Father had sold me his Son. The second , because I found , that Murat , as well as the Mahumetan , had obliged themselves to Aureng-Zebe , that they would employ their interest with their King , that he might permit in Ethiopia to rebuild an old Mosquee ruined in the time of the Portugals , and which had been Built for a Tomb of a great Dervich , which went from Mecha into Ethiopia for the propagation of Mahumetanism , and there made great progress . They received of Aureng-Zebe two thousand Rupies for this engagement . This Mosquee had been pulled down by the Portugals , when they came with their succors into Ethiopia , which the then King , who turn'd Catholick , had asked of them against a Mahumetan Prince , Invading his Kingdom . The third , because they desired Aureng-Zebe , in the name of their King , to give them an Alcoran , and eight other Books , which I well remember , were of the most reputed in the Mahumetan Religion : Which proceeding seemed to me very unworthy of a Christian Embassadour , and Christian King , and confirmed to me what I had been told at Moka , that the Christianity of Ethiopia must needs be some odd thing ; that it savours much of Mahumetanisme , and that the Mahumetans increase exceedingly in that Empire , especially since the Portugals , that came in there for the reason lately expressed , were either killed , upon the death of the King , by the Cabal of the Queen Mother , or expelled together , with the Patriarch Jesuite , whom they had brought along from Goa . During the time that the Ambassadors were at Dehli , my Agah , who is more than ordinary curious , made them often come to him , when I was present , to inform himself of the State and Government of their Country , and principally to learn something of the source of the Nile , which they call Ababile , of which they discoursed to us as a thing so well known , that no body doubted of it . Murat himself , and a Mogol , who was returned out of Ethiopia with him , had been there , and told us very near the same particulars with those I had received of it at Moka ; viz. That the Nile had its Origine in the Country of Agaus ; that it issued out of the Earth by two Springs bubling up , near to one another , which did form a little Lake of about thirty or forty paces long ; that coming out of this Lake , it did make a considerable River : and that from space to space it received small Rivers increasing it . They added , that it went on circling , and making as 't were a great Isle ; and that afterwards it tumbled down from steep Rocks into a great Lake , in which there were divers fruitfuls Isles , store of Crocodiles , and ( which would be remarkable enough , if true ) abundance of Sea-calves , that have no other vent for their Excrements than that , by which they take in their food ; this Lake being in the Country of Dambea , three small daies journey from Gondar , and four or five dayes journey from the source of the Nile : And lastly , that this River did break out of this Lake , being augmented with many River-waters , and with several Torrents falling into it , especially in the Rainy Season ( which do regularly begin there , as in the Indies about July , which is very considerable and convincing for the inundation of the Nile ) and so runs away through Sonnar , the capital City of the King of Fungi , Tributary to the King of Ethiopia , and from thence passeth to the Plains of Mesre , which is Egypt . The Ambassadors were not wanting to say more than was liked on the subject of their Kings Greatness , and of the strength of his Army ; but the Mogolian did not over-much agree with them in it ; and in their absence represented to us this Army , which he had seen twice in the field , with the Ethiopian King on the head of it , as the most wretched thing in the World. They also related to us divers particulars of that Country , which I have put in my Journal , one day perhaps to be digested and copied : In the mean time I shall insert here three or four things which Murat told me , because I esteem them very extravagant for a Christian Kingdom . He said then , that there were few men in Ethiopia , who besides their lawful Wife , had not many others , and himself owned that he had two , without reckoning her which he had left at Aleppo : That the Ethiopian Women did not so hide themselves , as they do in the Indies among the Mahumetans , nor even as among the Gentils : That those of the meaner sort of People ▪ Maids or Married Women , Slaves or Free , were often together pell-mell , night and day , in the same Chamber ▪ without those jealousies so common in other Countries : That the Women of Lords did not stick much to go into the House of a simple Cavalier , whom they knew to be a man of Execution : That if I had gone into Ethiopia , they would soon have obliged me to Marry , as they had done , a few years since , to a certain European , who named himself a Greek Physician : That an ancient man , of about fourscore years of age , did one day present to the King fourscore Sons , all of age , and able to bear Arms ; and that the King asked him , Whether he had no more but them ? To whom having answer'd , No , but only some Daughters , the King sent him away with this reproach ; Begone , thou Calf , and be ashamed for having no more Children at that age , as if Women were wanting in my Dominions ! That the King himself had at least fourscore Sons and Daughters running about pell-mell in the Seraglio , for whom he had caused to be made a number of round vernished sticks , made like a little maze ; those Children being fond of having that in their hand like a Scepter , distinguishing them from those that were Children of Slaves , or from others living in that place . Aureng-Zebe sent also twice for these Ambassadors , for the same reason that my Agah did , and especially to enquire after the state of Mahumetanisns in that Country . He had also the curiosity of Viewing the skin of the Mule , which remained , I know not how , in the Fortress amongst the Officers ; which was to me a great mortification , because they had designed it for me for the good services I had done them . I made account to have one day presented it to some very curious person in Europe . I urged often , that together with the Mules skin , they should carry the great Horn to Aureng-Zebe , to shew it him ; but they fear'd , least he should make a question , which would have perplexed them ; viz. how it came to pass , that they had saved the Horn from the plunder of Suratte , and lost the Civet ? Whilst these Ambassadors of Ethiopia were at Dehli , it came to pass that Aureng-Zebe called together his Privy Councel , and the most learn'd persons of his Court , to chuse a new Master for his third Son , Sultan Eckbar , whom he design'd for his Successor . In this Councel he shew'd the passion he hath to have this young Prince well Educated , and to make him a great Man. Aureng-Zebe is not ignorant of what importance it is , and how much 't is to be wished , that as much as Kings surmount others in greatness , they may also exceed them in Virtue and Knowledge . He also well knows , that one of the principal sources of the Misery , of the mis-Goverment , of the un-Peopling , and the decay of the Empires of Asia proceeds from thence , that the children of the Kings thereof are brought up only by Women and Eunuchs , which often are no other than wrecthed Slaves of Russia , Circassia , Mingrelia , Gurgistan and Ethiopia ; mean and servile , ignorant and insolent souls . These Prince become Kings , when they are of age , without being instructed , and without knowing what 't is to be a King ; amazed when they begin to come abroad out of the Seraglio , as persons coming out of another World , or let out of some subterraneous Cave , where they had lived all their life time ; wondring at every thing they meet , like so many Innocents ; believing all , and fearing all , like Children , or nothing at all , as if they were stupid : And all this , according to their Nature , and sutable to the first Images imprinted upon them ; commonly high and proud , and seemingly grave , but of that kind of pride and gravity , which is so flat and distasteful , and so unbecoming them , that one may plainly see , 't is noehing but brutality or barbarousness , and the effect of some ill-studied and ill-digested Documents ; or else they fall into some childish civilities , yet more unsavoury ; or into such cruelties , as are blind and brutal ; or into that mean and gross vice of drunkenness , or into an excessive and altogether unreasonable Luxury , either ruining their bodies and understandings with their Concubines , or altogether abandoning themselves to the pleasures of Hunting , like some carniverous Animals , preferring a pack of Dogs before the life of so many poor people , whom they force to follow them in the pursuit of their Game , and suffer to perish of hunger , heat , cold , and misery . In a word , they alwayes run into some extreme or other , being altogether irrational and extravagant , according as they are carried by their natural temper , or by the first impressions that are given them ; thus remaining , almost all , in a strange ignorance of what concerns the state of the Kingdom ; the reins of the Government being abandoned to some Visir , who entertains them in their ignorance and in their passions , which are the two strongest supports he can have to rule alwayes according to his own mind , with most assurance , and the least contradiction ; and given over also to those Slaves their Mothers , and to their Eunuchs , who often know nothing but to continue plots of cruelty , whereby they strangle and banish one another , and sometimes the Visirs , and even the Grand Signors themselves ; so that no man whatsoever , that hath any Estate , can be in safety of his life . But to return ; after all these Ambassadors , which we have spoken of , there came at last news , that the Ambassador of Persia was upon the frontiers . The Persian Omrah's , that are at the service of the Mogol , spred a rumor that he came for affairs of great importance ; though intelligent persons much doubted of a Commission of that nature , considering that the time of great conjunctures was passed , and that those Omrahs , and the other Persians did what they did , rather to make a show , than for any thing else . Mean time , on the day of the Entry , this Ambassador was received with all possible respect : The Bazars , through which he passed , were all new-painted , and the Cavalry attending on the way for above the length of a whole League . Many Omrah's accompanied him with Musick , Tymbals and Trumpets , and when he entred into the Fortress , or the Palace of the King , the Guns went off . Aureng-Zebe received him with much civility , and was content he should make his Address to him after the Persian mode , receiving also , without any scruple , immediately from his hands the Letters of his King ; which , out of respect , he lifted up even to his head , and afterwards read them with a grave and serious countenance : Which done , he caused an embroider'd Vest to be brought , together with a rich . Turbant and Girdle , commanding it to be put on him in his presence . A little after , it was intimated to him , that he might order his Present to be brought in , which consisted of five and twenty as handsome Horses as ever I saw , led , and cover'd with embroider'd trappings ; and of twenty very stately and lusty Camels , as big as Elephants : Moreover , of a good number of Boxes , said to be full of most excellent Rose-water ; and of a certain distilled water , very precious , and esteemed highly cordial ; besides , there were displayed five or six very rich and very large Tapisseries , and some embroider'd pieces exceeding Noble , wrought in small flowers , so fine and delicate , that I know not whether in all Europe any such can be met with . To all this were added four Damaskin'd Swords , with as many Poynards , all cover'd with Jewels ; as also five or six Harnasses of Horses , which were much esteem'd , being also very fine and rich , the stuff being raised with rich Embroidery set with small Pearls , and very fair Turcoises of the old Rock . It was observ'd , that Aureng-Zebe beheld this Present very attentively ; that he admired the beanty and rarity of every piece , and that several times he extolled the Generosity of the King of Persia ; assigning to the Ambassador a place among his chief Omrahs . And after he had entertained him a while with a discourse about the inconveniencies and hardships of his Voyage , he dismist him , and made instance , that he should come every day to see him . During the four or five Months that the Ambassador staid at Dehli , he was always splendidly treated at Aureng-Zebe's charge ; and the greatest Omrahs presented him one after another ; and at last he was very honourably dismissed : For Aureng-Zebe had him apparell'd with another rich Serapah or Vest , to which he added considerable presents for himself , reserving those he intended for his King , 'till he should send an Ambassador expresly ; which sometime after he did . Notwithstanding all these testimonies of honour and respect which Aureng-Zebe had shew'd to this Ambassador , the same Persians , above-spoken of , gave out , that their King had sensibly reproached him in his Letters , with the Death of Dara , and the imprisonment of Chah-Jehan , as actions unworthy of a Brother , and a Son , and a Musulman ; and that he had also hit him with the word A●m-Guire , or Conquerour of the World , which Aureng-Zebe had caused to be engraven on his Coyn. But 't is hard to believe , that the King of Persia should do any such thing to provoke such a Victorious Prince , since Persia is not in a condition to enter into a War with Indostan ; I am rather apt to believe , that Persia hath work enough to keep Kandahar on the side of Indostan , and the Frontiers on the side of Turky : Its Forces and Riches are known ; it produceth not always such great Kings as the Chah-Abbas , Valiant , Intelligent , and Politick , knowing to make use of every thing , and to do much with small expences . If it were in a condition of undertaking any thing against Indostan , or really sensible of Piety and the Musal-Man Faith , why was it that in these last troubles and Civil Wars , which continued so long in Indostan , the Persians sat still and looked on , when Dara , Chan-Jehan , Sultan Sujah , and perhaps the Governour of Caboul desired their assistance ; and they might with no very great Army , nor great expences have seized on the fairest part of India , beginning from the Kingdom of Caboul , unto the River Indus , and beyond it , and so made themselves Umpires of all things ? yet notwithstanding there must needs have been some offensive expressions in those Persian Letters , or else the Ambassador must have done or said something that displeased Aureng-Zebe ; because two or three daies after he had dismissed him , he made a rumour to be spread-abroad , that the Ambassador had caused the Ham-strings of the presented Horses to be Cut ; And the Ambassador being yet upon the Frontiers , he made him return all the Indian Slaves which he carried along with him , of which he had a prodigious number . Mean while , Aureng-Zebe was not so much concern'd , nor troubled himself so much with this Ambassador , as Chah-Jehan , upon a like occasion , did with him , that was sent to him from the Great Chah-Abbas . When the Persians are in the humor of Rallying against the Indians , they relate these three or four little Stories of them : They say , that Chah-Jehan seeing that the Courtship and promises made to their Ambassador were not able to prevail with him , so as to make him perform his salute after the Indian Mode , he devised this artifice ; he commanded to shut the great Gate of the Court of the Am-kas , where he was to receive him , and to leave only open the Wicket , through which one man could not pass but very difficultly , by stooping and holding down his Head , as the fashion is when one maketh an Indian Reverence , to the end that it might be said , he had made the Ambassador put himself in a posture which was something lower than the Indian Salam or Salute ; but that that Ambassador being aware of this trick , came in with his Back fore-most : And that Chah-Jehan , out of indignation to see himself catch'd , told him , Eh-Bed-bakt , Thou Wretch , dost thou think thou comest into a Stable of Asses , such as thou art ? And that the Ambassador , without any alteration , answered ; Who would not think so , seeing such a little Door ? Another story is this ; That at a certain time Chah-Jehan taking ill some course and fierce answers return'd to him by the Persian Ambassador , could not hold to tell him ; What , hath Chah-Abbas no other men at his Court , that he must send to me such a Fool as thy self ? And that the Ambassador answer'd ; He hath many better and wiser men than me , but to such a King , such an Ambassador : They add , that on a certain day Chah-Jehan , who had made the Ambassador to Dine in his Presence , and sought some occasion to affront him , seeing that he was busie in picking and gnawing of Bones , asked him smiling , Eh Eltchy-Gi , My Lord Ambassador , What shall the Dogs eat ? And that he answer'd readily , Kichery , that is , a dish of Pulse , which is the Food of the meaner sort of People , and which he saw Chah-Jehan eat , because he loved it . They say also , that Chah-Jehan once asked him , What he thought of his new Dehli ( which he was building ) in comparison of Hispahan ? and that he answer'd aloud , and with an oath , Billah , Billah , Hispahan doth not come near the dust of Dehli ; which Chah-Jehan took for a high commendation , though the Ambassador mocked him , because the dust is so troublesome at Dehli . Lastly , they relate that Chah-Jehan one day pressing him to tell him , What he thought of the Grandeur of the Kings of Indostan , compared to that of the Kings of Persia ? He answer'd , That , in his opinion , one could not better compare the Kings of India than to a large Moon of 15 or 16 daies old , and those of Persia , to a small Moon of 2 or 3 dayes . And that this answer did at first please Chah-Jehan ; but that soon after he perceived , that that comparison did him but little honour , the Ambassadors sense being , that the Kings of Indostan were decreasing , and those of Persia increasing . Whether these points are so commendable , and such marks of wit , every one is free to judge , as he seeth cause . My opinion is , that a discreet and respectful gravity is much more becoming Ambassadors , than rallery and roughness , especially , when they have to do with Kings , who will not be rallied with , witness an accident that befell this very Ambassador ; for Chah-Jehan was at length so weary of him , and his freedom , that he called him no otherwise than Fool ; and one day gave secret order , that when he should enter into a pretty long and narrow Stree , that is near the Fortress , to come to the Hall of the Assembly , they should let loose upon him an ill-conditioned and fierce Elephant ; and certainly , if the Ambassador had not nimbly lept out of his Paleky , and , together with his dextrous attendants , shot some Arrows into the Trump of the Elephant , which forced him to turn back , he had been utterly spoiled . It was at this time , upon the departure of the Persian Ambassador , that Aureng-Zebe received with that admirable wisdome his Tutor Mallah-Sale , the History of which is rare and considerable . This old man , who long since had retired himself towards Caboul , and setled himself on some Lands , which Chah-Jehan had given him , had no sooner heard of the great fortune of Aureng-Zebe his Discipline , who had overcome Dara and all his other Brothers , and was now King of Indostan , but he came in hast to the Court , swelled with hopes of being presently advanced to no less than the dignity of an Omrah . He maketh his Court , and endeavours to engage all his friends , and Rauchenara-Begum , the Kings Sister employs her self for him . But yet there pass three whole Months , that Aureng-Zebe does not so much as seem to look upon him ; till at length wearied to have him always at his Elbow , and before his Face , he sent for him to a plaee apart , where there was no body but Hakim-lul-Mouluk , Danech-mend-kan , and three or four of those Omr ahs , that pretend to Science , and then spoke to him to this effect ( as I was informed by my Agah . ) What is it you would have of me Doctor ? Can you reasonably desire I should make you one of the chief Omrahs of my Court ? Let me tell you , if you had instructed me as you should have done , nothing would be more just : For I am of this perswasion , that a Child well educated and instructed , is as much , at least , obliged to his Master as to his Father : But where are those good Documents you have given me ? In the first place you have taught me , that all that Frangistan ( so it seems they call Europe ) was nothing , but I know not what little Island , of which the greatest King was he of Portugal , and next to him he of Holland , and after him he of England ; and as to the other Kings , as those of France and Andalusia , you have represented them to me as our petty Raja's ; telling me , that the Kings of Indostan were far above them all together , and that they were the true and only Houmajons , the Ekbars , the Jehan-Guyres , the Chah-Jehans , the Fortunate ones , the Great ones , the Conquerors and Kings of the World ; and that Persia and Usbec , Kach-guer , Tatar and Catay , Pegu , China , and Matchina did tremble at the name of the Kings of Indostan : Admirable Geography ! You should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish all those different States of the World , and well to understand their strength , their way of fighting , their Customs , Religions , Governments & Interests ; and by the perusal of solid History , to observe their Rise , Progress , Decay , and whence , how , and by what accidents and errors , those great Changes and Revolutions of Empires and Kingdoms have happened . I have scarce learnt of you the name of my Grandsires , the famous Founders of this Empire ; so far were you from having taught me the History of their Life , and what course they took to make such great Conquests . You had a mind to teach me the Arabian Tongue , to read and to write , I am much obliged to you ( forsooth ) for baving made me lose so much time upon a Language , that requires ten or twelve years to attaein to its perfection ; as if the Son of a King should think it to be an honour to him , to be a Grammarian or some Doctor of the Law , and to learn other Languages than those of his Neighbors , when he cannot well be without them ; he , to whom Time is so precious for so many weighty tbings , which he ought by times to learn. As if there were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy , and even with a kind of debasement , employ it self in so sad and dry an exercise , so longsom and tedious , as is that of learning Words . Thus did Aureng-Zebe resent the pedantick Instructions of his Tutor ; to which 't is affirmed in that Court , that after some entertainment which he had with others , he further added the following reproof . Know you not , that Childhood well govern'd , being a state which is ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory , is capable of thousands of good Preceps and Instructions , which remain deeply impressed the whole remainder of a mans life , and keep the mind alwayes raised for great actions ? The Law , Prayers , and Sciences , may they not as well be learned in our Mother-Tongue , as in Arabick ? You told my Father Chah-Jehan , that you would teach me Philosophy . 'T is true , I remember very well , that you have entertain'd me for many years with airy Questions , of things that afford no satisfaction at all to the mind , and are of no use in humane society , empty Notions , and meer Phancies , that have only this in them , that they are very hard to understand , and very easie to forget , which are only capable to tire and spoil a good understanding , and to breed an Opinion that is insupportable . I still remember , that after you had thus amused me , I know not how long , with your fine Philosophy , all I retained of it , was a multitude of barbarous and dark words , proper to bewilder , perplex , and tire out the best wits , and only invented , the better to cover the vanity and ignorance of men like your self , that would make us believe , that they know all and that under those obscure and ambiguous words , are hid great mysteries , which they alone are capable to understand : If you had season'd me with that Philosophy , which formeth the mind to ratiocination , and insensibly accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but solid reasons ; if you had given me those excellent precepts and doctrines , which raise the Soul above the assaults of Fortune , and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal temper , and permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity , nor debased by adversity ; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are , and what are the first principles of things ; and had assisted me in forming in my mind a fit Idea of the greatness of the Universe , and of the admirable order and motion of the parts thereof ; if , I say , you had instilled into me this kind of Philosophy , I should think my self incomparably more obliged to you than Alexander was to his Aristotle ; and believe it my duty to recompence you otherwise , than he did him . Should not you , instead of your flattery , have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a King , which is , what the reciprocal duties are of a Soveraign to his Subjects , and those of Subjects , to their Soveraign ? And ought not you to have consider'd , that one day I should be obliged with the Sword to dispute my Life and the Crown with my Brothers ? Is not that the destiny almost of all the Sons of Indostan ? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn , what 't is to besiege a Town , or to set an Army in array ? For these things I am obliged to others , not at all to you . Go , and retire to the Village , whence you are come , and let `no body know who you are , or what `is become of you . At that time there arose a kind of Tempest against Astrologers , which did not displeaie me . Most people of Asia are so infatuated by Judiciary Astrology , that they believe there is nothing done here below , but 't is written above ( for so they speak . ) In all their undertakings therefore they consult Astrologers . When two Armies are ready to give Battel , they beware of falling on , till the Astrologer hath taken and determined the moment he fancies propitious for the beginning of the Combat . And so , when the matter is about electing a Captain-General of an Army , of dispatching an Ambassador , of concluding a Marriage , of beginning a Voyage , and of doing any other thing , as buying a Slave , putting on new Apparel , &c. nothing of all that is done without the sentence of Mr. Star-Gazer ; which is an incredible vexation , and a custom drawing after it such important consequences , that I know not how it can subsist so long . For the Astrologer must needs have knowledge of all that passeth , and of all that is undertaken from the greatest Affairs to the least . But behold , it happen'd , that the Prime Astrologer of the King was drown'd , which occasioned a great noise at Court , and was a great discredit to Astrology : For he being the person that determined the moments of all enterprizes and actions for the King , and the Omrahs , every one wondred , how a man so experienced , and that for so long time had dispensed good adventures to others , could not foresee his own misfortune . There were not wanting those , who pretended to be wiser than others , and said , that in Frangistan , where Sciences did flourish , the Grandees do suspect all such kind of people , and that some hold them even no better than Mountebanks , that 't is much doubted , whether this Knowledge is grounded upon good and solid reasons , and that it may very well be some fancy of Astrologers , or rather an artifice to make themselves necessary to the Great ones , and to make them in some measure to depend on them . All these discourses very much displeased the Astrologers ; but nothing angred them so much as this Story , become very famous , viz. That the Great Chah-Abas King of Persia , commanded to be digged and prepared a little place in his Seraglio to make a Garden ; that the young Trees were all ready , and that the Gardner made account to plant them the next day . Mean time the Astrologer taking upon him , said , that a good nick of time was to be observed for planting them , to make them prosper . Chah-Abas being content it should be so , the Star-gazer took his Instruments , turned over his Books , made his Calculation , and concluded , that by reason of such and such a Conjunction and Aspect of the Planets , it was necessary they should be set presently . The Master-Gardner , who minded nothing less than this Astrologer , was not then at hand ; yet for all that , they fell to work immediately , making holes , and planting the Trees , Chah-Abas himself setting them , that it might be said , that they were Trees set with Chah-Abas's own hands . The Gardner returning at night , was sufficiently amazed when he saw the work done ; and finding that the right place and order designed by him , was not taken ; that , for example , an Apricock-tree stood where an Apple-tree should stand , and a Pear-tree where all Almond-tree ; being heartily angry with the Astrologer , caused all the Trees to be plucked up again ▪ and laid them down , with some Earth about them , for next morning , the time chosen by himself . The news hereof came soon to the Ears of the Astrologer , who presently told Chah-Abas of it : He forthwith sent for the Gardner , and with some indignation asked him ; What had made him so bold as to pull up those Young Trees he had planted with his own hand ; that the time had been so exactly taken for them , that so good an one would never be had again ▪ and that so he had marred all . The rude Gardner , who had a Cup of Chiras-wine in his head , look'd aside upon the Astrologer , and grumbling and swearing , said to him these words , Billah , Billah , that must needs be an admirable point of time which thou hast taken for these Trees ; unhappy Astrologer ! They were planted this day Noon , and this Evening they have been plucked up again . When Chah-Abas heard this , he fell a laughing , turned his back upon the Astrologer , and went away . I shall here add two particulars , though hapned in the time of Chah-Jehan , because such things fall out often enough , and do withal give occasion to observe that ancient and barbarous custom , which makes the Kings of India Heirs of the goods of those that die in their service : The first was of Ne●knamkan , one of the most ancient Omrahs of the Court , and who for the space of 40 or 50 years , wherein had alwayes been employ'd in confiderable Offices , had heaped up great store of Gold and Silver . This Lord seeing himself near his end , and thinking upon this unreasonable custom , which often renders the Wife of a great man , upon his decease , poor and miserable in an instant , and necessitates her to present a Petition begging some small pension for her subsistence and for that of her Children , who are constrained to list themselves for common Souldiers under some Omrah ; who , I say , considering this with himself , secretly distributed all his Treasure to indigent Knights and poor Widows , filled his Trunks with old pieces of Iron , old shoes , rags and bones , and locked and sealed them , telling every body that they were goods belonging to Chah-Jehan the King. These Trunks , after his Death , were brought before Chah-Jehan , when he was in the Assembly , and by his command instantly opened in the presence of all the Omrahs , that saw all this fine Stuff , which so provoand discomposed Chah-Jehan , that he rose in great fury , and went away . The other is only a piece of Gallantry . A rich Banean , or Heathen Merchant , being a great Usurer ( as most of them are ) who had alwayes been in employment , and in the pay of the King , came to die . Some years after his death , his Son did extremely importune the Widow , his Mother , to let him have some Money : She finding him to be a prodigal and debauched Youth , gave him as little as she could . This young Fool , by the perswasion of others like himself , made his Complaints to Chah-Jehan , and was so silly , as to discover to him all the goods his Father had left , which amounted to two hundred thousand Crowns . Chah-Jehan , who soon got an itch for this treasure , sent for the Widow , and commanded her in the open Assembly to send him an hundred thousand Rupies , and to give fifty thousand to her Son , giving order at the same time to put her away . The old Woman , though surprized at this Command , and perplext enough , that she was so suddenly thrust out , without the liberty of speaking yet lost not her judgment , but with a loud voice gave out , that the had something of moment to discover to his Majesty : Whereupon being brought in again , she said , God save your Majesty ; I find that my Son hath some reason to demand of me the Goods of his Father , as being of his and my flesh and blood , and therefore our Heir ; but I would gladly know , what Kindred your Majesty is to my deceased Husband ▪ to be his Heir . When Chah-Jehan heard so plain a piece of rallery , and a discourse of Parentage of the King of the Indies with a she-Banian or Idolatrous she-Merchant , he could not hold laughing , and commanded she should be gone , and that nothing should be asked of her . But to return , I shall not relate all the other considerable things that have happened since the end of the War , that is , since 1660 , unto my departure , which was above six years after ; though doubtless that would tend much to the design I had in relating the other particulars , which is , to make known the Genius and Temper of the Mogols and Indians . This I may do in another place : Here I shall only give an account of five of six particulars , which those that shall have read this Relation , will doubtless be curious of . The first , that though Aureng-Zebe made Chah-Jehan his Father , to be kept in the Fortress of Agra with all imaginable care and caution ; yet notwithstanding he still left him in his old Apartment with Begum-Saheb , his Eldest Daughter , his other Women , Singers , Dancers , Cooks , and others ; nothing of that kind was wanting to him . There were also certain Mullahs , that were permitted to come and to read the Alceran to him ( for he was become very devout . ) And when he thought fit , there were brought before him brave Horses , and tamed Gazelles ( which is a kind of Goat ) to make them fight with one another ; as also divers sorts of Birds of prey , and several other rare Animals , to divert him as formerly . Aureng-Zebe himself used an art to overcome at last his fierceness and obstinacy , which he had hitherto kept , though a prisoner . And this was the effect of the obliging Letters , full of respect and submission , which he often wrote to his Father , consulting him often as his Oracle , and expressing a thousand cares for him ; sending him also uncessantly some pretty Present or other ; whereby Chah-Jehan was so much gained , that he also wrote very often to Aureng-Zebe touching the Government and State-affairs , and of his own accord sent him some of those Jewels , which before he had told him of , that Hummers were ready to beat them to powder the first time he should again ask for them . Besides , he consented that the Daughter of Dara , which he had so peremptorily denied , should be deliver'd to him ; and granted him at length that pardon and paternal blessing which he had so often desired without obtaining it . Yet , under all this , Aureng-Zebe did not alwayes flatter him ; on the contrary , he sometimes return'd sharp answers , when he met with strains in his Fathers Letters that were pregnant , or expressed something of his former height and authority . Of this we may judge by the Letter , which I know from a very good hand was once written to him by Aureng-Zebe , to this effect : Sir , You would have me indispensably follow those ancient Customs , and make my self Heir to all those that are in my pay with the wonted rigour : An Omrah , and even a Merchant can no sooner die , and sometimes even before his death , but we seal up his Trunks , and seize on his goods , and make a strict enquiry into his Estate , imprisoning and ill-treating the Officers of the House to discover to us all he hath , even to the least Jewels . I will believe that there is some policy in doing so , but it cannot be denied , that 't is very rigorous , and sometimes very unjust ; and to speak the very truth , we may deserve well enough , that the same should befal us every day , what hapned to you from your Neikman kan , and from the Widow of your rich Indian Merchant . Moreover ( said he ) it seems , I am by you reputed proud and haughty now I am King : As if you knew not by the experience of more than forty years of your Reign , how heavy an Ornament a Crown is , and how many sad and restless nights it passeth through : as if I could forget that excellent passage of Mir-Timur ( commonly called Tamberlan ) which is so seriously delivered to us by that Great Granfather of ours , Ekbar , to the end that we might the more weigh the importance and value of it , and consider , whether we have cause to pride our selves so much in a Crown . You well know , that he said , that the same day when Timur took Bajazet , he made him come before him , and having fixed his eyes on him , fell a laughing ; at which Bajazet being highly offended , fiercely said to him , Laugh not at my Fortune , Timur ; know that 't is God that is the Dispenser of Kingdoms and Empires ; and that the same can befal you to morrow , that hath befallen me to day . Whereupon Timur made this serious and brave Answer ; I know as well as you , Bajazet , that 't is God that distributeth Kingdomes and Empires ; I laugh not at your ill Fortune ; God forbid I should do so : But beholding your face , I smiled , and had this thought , That certainly these Kingdomes and Empires must in themselves be very little and contemptible things in the eyes of God , since he giveth them to persons so ill made as You and I both are ; a deformed one-eyed man , as you ; and a lame wretch , as my self . You require also , that abandoning all my other employments , which I believe very necessary for the establishment and happiness of this State , I should think on nothing but Conquests , and the enlargement of the Empire . I must confess that this is indeed the business of a great Monarch , and of a Soul truly Royal , and that I should not deserve to be of the Blood of the Great Timur , if I were not of that mind , and had not such inclinations . Mean time , I think I sit not idle , and my Armies are not useless in the Kingdoms of Decan and Bengale : But we must also aver , that the greatest Conquerors are not alwayes the greatest Kings ; that we too often see a Barbarian making Conquests , and that those great Bodies of Conquests do ordinarily fall of themselves , and by their own weight . He is a great King , that knows to acquit himself worthily of that Great and August Employment and Charge of Kings , which is to dispence Justice to their Subjects , &c. The rest is not come to my hands . The second is in regard of the Emir-Jemla . It were to injure this great Man , to pass by with silence his deportment to Aureng-Zebe after the War , and the manner of ending his dayes . This eminent person after he had dispatched the Affair of Bengala , with Sultan-Sujah ( the second of these four Brothers ) not like Gionkan , that infamous Patan with Dara ; nor like the Raja of Serenaguer with Soliman-Chekouh ; but like a Great Captain and dextrous Polititian , pursuing him as far as the Sea-side , and necessitating him to fly and to escape out of his hands ; after , I say , he had done these things , he sent an Eunuch to Aureng-Zebe , intreating him , that he would give him leave to transport his Family to Bengale ; that now that the War was at an end and he broken with Age , he hoped he would grant him the advantage of ending his life in the company of his Wife and Children . But Aureng-Zebe is too sharp-sighted , not to pierce into the designs of Emir . He seeth him triumphing over Sujah ; he knows his great credit and reputation , and that he hath the esteem of a very wise , undertaking , valiant and rich man ; and that the Kingdom of Bengale is not only the best of all Indostan , but strong of it self , and further , that this Emir is in the head of a well disciplin'd Army , which both honours and fears him . Besides , he is not ignorant of his ambition , and foreseeth well enough , that if he should have with him his Son Mahmet-Emir-kan , he would aspire to the Crown , and at least take full possession of Bengale , if he should not be able to advance vance things further . At the same time he is also well aware , that there is danger in refusing him , and that he may possibly prove such a man , as in case of denial , may run into some dangerous extream , as he had done in Golkonda . How then , think ye , did he carry himself in this conjuncture ? He sends to him his Wife and Daughter , and all the Children of his Son : He maketh the Emir a Mir-Ul Omrah , which is in that Empire the greatest degree of honour that a Favourite can be raised to : And as to Mahmet-Emir-kan , he maketh him the Great Bakchis , which is a dignity and charge like that of our Great Master of the Horse , the second or third Office in the State , but such an one as absolutely obligeth the possessor of it to be alwayes at the Court , not suffering him , but very difficultly , to be absent from the person of the King. The Emir soon perceived , that Aureng-Zebe had skilfully put by the stroke , that it would be in vain the second time to ask of him his Son ; that he could not do it without offending him ; and that therefore the safest way would be to rest contented with all the testimonies of Friendship , and with all the Honours , together with the Government of Bengale ; being in the mean time alwayes upon his guard , and in such a posture , that since he could attempt nothing against Aureng-Zebe , Aureng-Zebe should not be able to attempt any thing against him . Thus have we seen these two Great Men carry themselves to one another : And in this condition did affairs remain for almost a year ; till Aureng-Zebe , too well knowing that a great Captain cannot be long at rest , and that , if he be not employed in a Forreign War , he will at length raise a Domestick one ; proposed to him to make War upon that rich and potent Raja of Acham , whose Territories are on the North of Dake , upon the Gulf of Bengale . The Emir , who in all appearance had already designed this same thing of himself , and who believed , that the Conquest of this Countrey , would make way for his Immortal Honour , and be an occasion of carrying his Arms as far as China , declared himself ready for this Enterprize . He embarked at Dake with a puissant Army , upon a River which comes from those parts ; upon which having gone about an hundred Leagues North-Eastward , he arrived at a Castle called Azo , which the Raja of Acham had usurped from the Kingdom of Bengale , and possessed for many years . He attacked this place , and took it by force in less than fifteen dayes ; thence marching over Land towards Chamdara , which is the Inlet into the Countrey of that Raja ; he entred into it after 26 dayes journey , still Northward : There a Battel was fought , in which the Raja of Acham was worsted , and obliged to retreat to Guerguon , the Metropolis of his Kingdom , four miles distant from Chamdara . The Emir pursued him so close , that he gave him no time to fortifie himself in Guerguon : For he arrived in sight of that Town in five dayes , which constrained the Raja , seeing the Emir's Army , to fly towards the Mountains of the Kingdom of Lassa , and to abandon Guerguon , which was pillaged , as had been Chamdara . They found there vast riches , it being a great , very fair and Merchant-like Town , and where the Women are extraordinarily beautiful . Mean time , the season of the Rains came in sooner than usually ; and they being excessive in those parts , and overflowing all the Countrey , except such Villages as stand on raised ground , the Emir was much embarassed . For the Raja made his people of the Mountains come down from all parts thereabout , and to carry away all the provisions of the Field ; whereby the Emir's Army ( as rich as 't was ) before the end of the rains fell into great streights , without being able to go forward or backward . It could not advance , by reason of the Mountains very difficult to pass , and continually pester'd with great Rains ; nor retreat , because of the like Rains and deep wayes ; the Raja also having caused the way to be digged up as far as to Chamdara : So that the Emir was forced to remain in that wretched condition during the whole time of the Rain ; after which , when he found his Army distasted , tired out , and half starved , he was necessitated to give over the Design he had of advancing , and to return the same way he was come . But this Retreat was made with so much pains , and so great inconveniencies , by reason of the dirt , the want of victuals , and the pursuit of the Raja falling on the Rear , that every body ( but he ) that had not known how to remedy the disorder of such a March , nor had the patience to be sometimes five or six hours at one passage to make the Souldiery get over it withont confusion , would have utterly perish'd , himself , Army , and all ; yet he , notwithstanding all these difficulties and obstacles , made a shift to come back with great honour and vast riches . He design'd to return thither again the next year , and to pursue his undertaking , supposing that Azo , which he had fortified , and where he left a strong Garrison , would be able to hold out the rest of the year against the Raja . But he was no sooner arrived there , but Fluxes began to rage in his Army : Neither had himself a body of Steel more than the rest ; he fell sick and died , whereby Fortune ended the just apprehensions of Aureng-Zebe . I say , the Just apprehensions ; for there was none of those that knew this great man , and the state of the affairs of Indostan , who did not say , 'T is this day that Aureng-Zebe is King of Bengale . And himself could not forbear to express some such thing ; for he publickly said to Mahmet-Emir-kan ; You have lost your Father , and I the greatest and the most dangerous Friend I had ; yet notwithstanding he comforted this Son , and withal assured him , that he would ever be a Father to him . And whereas 't was thought , that he would at least cut off his Salary , and make Inquisition into his Treasury , he confirmed him in his Office of Bakehis , augmented his Pension to a thousand Rupies a moneth , and left him Heir of all the Estate of his Father , although the Custom of the Country empowred him to seize on all . The third is concerning Chah-hest-kan , whom Aureng-Zebe made first Governour of Agra , when he went out to the Battel of Kadjoue against Sultan Sujah ; and afterward , Governour and General of the Army in Decan ; and at last , after the death of Emir-Jemla , Governour and General of the Army in Bengale ▪ together with the charge of Mirul ▪ Omrah which Emir-jemla had possessed . This Chah-hest-kan is he , whom in our History we have mention'd as Uncle to Aureng-Zebe , and one that hath so much contributed to his happiness by his eloquent and skilful pen , as well as by his intrigues and counsels . It would be injurious to his Renown also , to be silent of the important enterprise , which he undertook presently when he entred upon his Government ; and that the rather , because Emir-jemla , whether out of policy , or for another cause , had no mind to tempt him ; as also , because the particularities , which I am going to relate , will shew not only the passed and present state of the Kingdoms of Bengale and Rakan , which hitherto hath not been well described to us by any ; but also some other things that are worth knowing . To the end therefore that the importance of Chah-hest-kan's attempt may be well understood , and a good Idea be had of what passeth about the Gulf of Bengale , we are to know , that the e many years there have always been in the Kingdom of Rakan or Moy , some Portugueses , and with them a great number of their Christian Slaves , and other Franguis , gather'd from all parts . That was the refuge of the Run-aways from Goa , Ceilan , Cochin , Malague , and all those other places , which the Portugueses formerly held in the Indies ; and they were such as had abandoned their Monasteries , men that had been twice or thrice Married , Murtherers : In a word , such as had deserved the Rope , were most welcome and most esteem'd there , leading in that Country a life that was very detestable , and altogether unworthy of Christians , insomuch that they impunely butchered and poysoned one another , and assassinated their own Priests , who sometimes were not better than themselves . The King of Rakan in the apprehension he hath ever had of the Mogol , kept them for a guard of his Frontiers , in a Port-Town called Chategon , giving them Land , and liberty to live as they pleased . Their ordinary Trade was Robbery and Piracy . With some small and light Gallies they did nothing but coast about that Sea , and entring into all Rivers thereabout , and into the Channels and Arms of Ganges , and between all those Isles of the lower Bengale , and often penetrating even so far as forty or fifty leagues up into the Countrey , surprized and carried away whole Towns , Assemblies , Markets , Feasts and Weddings of the poor Gentiles , and others of that Countrey , making Women Slaves , great and small , with strange cruelty ; and burning all they could not carry away . And thence it is , that at present there are seen in the mouth of Ganges so many fine Isles quite deserted , which were formerly well peopled , and where no other Inhabitants are found but wild Beasts , and especially Tygers . This great number of Slaves , which thus they took from all quarters , behold what use they made of . They had boldness and impudence enough , to come and sell to that very Country the old people , which they knew not what to do with ; where it so fell out , that those who had escaped the danger by flight , and by hiding themselves in the Woods , labour'd to redeem to day their Fathers and Mothers , that had been taken yesterday . The rest they kept for their service to make Rowers of them ; and such Christians as they were themselves , bringing them up to robbing and killing ; or else they sold them to the Portugueses of Goa , Ceilan , St. Thomas , and others ; and even to those that were remaining in Bengale at Ogouli , who were come thither to settle themselves there by the favour of Jehan-Guyre , the Grandfather of Aureng-Zebe , who suffered them there upon the account of Traffick , and of his having no aversion to Christians , as also because they promised him to keep the Bay of Bengale clear from all Pyrats . And it was towards the Isle of Galles , near the Cape of Palmes , where this fine Trade was . These Pyrates lay there in wait at the passage for the Portugueses , who filled their Ships with them at a very easie rate ; this infamous Rabble impudently bragging , that they made more Christians in one year , then all the Missionaries of the Indies in ten ; which would be a strange way of enlarging Christianity . These were the Pyrates that made Chah-Jehan , who was a more zealous Mahumetan than his Father Jehan-Guyre , to express at last his passion , not only against the Reverend Fathers the Jesuites , Missionaries of Agra , in that he caused to be pulled down the best part of a very fair and large Church that had been built , as well as that of Lahor , by the favour of Jehan-Guyre , who , as I said , did not hate Christianity ; and upon which there stood a great Steeple with a great Bell in it , whose sound might be heard over all the Town ; not only , I say , against those Jesuites , but also against the Christians of Ogouli : For being impatient to see them connive at the Pyrates , to make the name of the Franguis formidable , and to fill their houses with Slaves that were his own Subjects , he wasted and utterly ruined them , after he had both with fair words and menaces drawn from them as much money as he could : And because they were indiscreetly obstinate , in refusing what he demanded of them , he besieged them , and caused them all to be brought to Agra , even their very Children , their Priests and Friers . This was a misery and a desolation not to be parallell'd ; a kind of Babilonian transmigration . There they were all made Slaves : The handsom Women were shut up in the Seraglio ; the old Women and others , were distributed among divers Omrahs . The young Lads were circumcised , and made Pages ; and men of age renounced for the most part their Faith , either terrified by the threatnings they heard daily , that they should be trampled upon by Elephants , or drawn away by fair Promises . 'T is true , that there were some of those Friers , who persisted , and that the Missionaries of Agra , who notwithstanding all this unhappiness , remained in their houses , found means afterwards , partly by Friends , partly by Money , to get many of them away , and to have them conveyed to Goa , and to other places belonging to the Portugueses . They were also the same Pyrates , who some time before the desolation of Ogouli , offered to the Vice-Roy of Goa to put the whole Kingdom of Rakan into their hands for the King of Portugal ; but he refused , they say , this offer , out of arrogance and jealousie , and would not send the succours , which for that end was demanded of him by a certain Bastian Consalve , who had made himself head of those people , and was become so potent and considerable , that he married one of the Kings Daughters ; being unwilling that it should be said , that a man of so mean Extraction as this Bastian was , had done such a Master-piece . But it may be said on this occasion , that this is not much to be wondred at , considering that the Portugueses in the Indies by such a conduct have divers times been faulty on the like occasions , in Japan , in Pegu , in Ethiopia , and other places ; not to mention , that by this way , and that perhaps by a just Divine chastisement ( as they all frankly confess themselves ) they are become a prey to their Enemies , and fallen so low in the Indies , that I know not whether they will ever recover there ; whereas formerly , before they were corrupted by vice , and degenerated through pleasure , they made all others tremble in those parts ; forasmuch as then they were brave and generous men , zealous for the Christian Religion , considerable for gallant exploits and for riches ; all the Indian Kings seeking their friendship . Besides this , the same Pyrates seized at that time on the Isle of ●ondiva , an advantageous Post to command a part of the Mouth of Ganges : In which Isle a cettain Augustin Frier , a very famous man , acted the King for many years , having taken a course , God knows how , to rid himself of the Commander of that place . Moreover , the same Robbers took Sultan-Sujah at Daka , to carry him away in their Galeasses to Rakan , as we related above , and found means to open his Coffers , and to rob him of good store of Jewels , which afterwards were secretly , and at a very cheap rate , sold in Rakan , most of them being fallen into the hands of people that had no skill in them , and afterwards into the hands of the Hollanders , and others , who knew how to buy them up quickly , making those fellows believe , that they were soft Diamonds , and that they would pay them according to the degrees of their hardness . Lastly , They are they that for many years have given exercise to the Great Mogol in Bengale ; having obliged him there to keep alwayes Garrisons every where upon the Passes , and a great Militia , and a Fleet also of Galeasses to oppose their courses , and who , notwithstanding all this , have made shift to make strange devastations , and often to enter far into the Country , and to laugh at all the Souldiery of the Mogols ; in regard they were become so bold , and so dextrous at their Weapons , and so skilful in piloting their Galeasses , that four or five of them stuck not to set upon fourteen or fifteen Mogolians , which they ▪ also actually worsted , and took , or run aground . And upon these Pyrates Chah-hest-kan cast his eyes as soon as he came into Bengale , taking a resolution to deliver the Countrey of this plague of people , that had so long wasted it ; and designing afterwards to pass on , and to attack the King of Rakan , according to the order of Aureng-Zebe , who at any price had a mind to revenge the blood of Sultan-Sujah , and all his Family , that had been so cruelly handled , and to teach that Barbarian , how the Blood Royal was to be regarded and esteemed on any occasion whatsoever , Behold now with what dexterity Chah-hest-kan carrieth on his design ! Knowing that 't is impossible to pass any Cavalry by Land , no not so much as any Infantry , from Bengale into Rakan , because of the many channels and rivers upon the Frontiers ; and also that on the other side , those Pyrates of Chatigon , whom we just now were speaking of , would be powerful enough to hinder him from transporting them by Sea ; he thought upon this experiment , viz. to engage the Hollanders in his design . He therefore sent a kind of Ambassador to Batavia , empowering him to treat upon certain Conditions , with the General of that Company , joyntly to subdue the whole Kingdom of Rakan ; as formerly Chah-Abbas subdued that of Ormus , in conjunction with the English . The General of Batavia seeing the thing to be possible , and that it was a means more and more to break the Portugueses in the Indies , and that it would turn to a very good account to the Company , dispatcht away two Men of War for Bengale , to favour the transportation of the Mogolian Troops in spight of those Pyrates . But observe what Chah-hest-kan did before these Men of War arrived : He equipped a great number of Galeasses , and many large Vessels to transport the Army ; threatned the Pyrates , utterly to spoil and ruine them ; acquainted them with the design of Aureng-Zebe upon Rakan ; that a potent Army of the Dutch was near ; that they should think on themselves and their families , if they were wise ; and in a word , if they would abandon the service of the King of Rakan and take that of Aureng-Zebe , he would procure very good conditions for them , distribute amongst them as much Land in Bengale as they desired , and pay them the double of what they had now . 'T is doubtful , whether these Menaces and Promises made impression upon them , or whether it was not an accident that moved them ; they having about that time assassinated one of the chief Officers of the King of Rakan , and apprehending a punishment for that crime : However it be , they were caught , and they were one day struck with such a panick terror , that they shipp'd themselves all at once in forty or fifty of their Galeasses , and wafted over to Bengale to Chah-hest-kan , and that with so much precipitation , that they hardly took time to embark their Wives and Children , and what else was most precious to them . Chah-hest-kan received them with open arms , courted them exceedingly , gave them very considerable pay , and without letting them cool , made them , joyntly with his whole Army , to attack and take the Isle of Sondiva , which was fallen into the hands of the King of Rakan ; and thence to pass with all his Horse and Foot to Chatigon . About this time the two Holland-Vessels arrived ; but Chah-hest-kan , who thought that henceforth it would be easie for him to compass his design , thanked them . I saw these Ships in Bengale , and their Commanders , who were but little contented with such thanks and liberalities of Chah-hest-kan . As to the Pyrates , since now he holds them fast , and hopeless of ever returning to Chatigon , and hath no more need of them , he makes nothing of all those large promises he made them , and treats them not as he should , but as they deserve , leaving them whole moneths without pay , and not looking upon them otherwise than Traitors and infamous men , unfit to be trusted , after they have so vilely deserted him , whose Salt they had eaten so many years . After this manner did Chah-hest-kan put an end to this Rabble , which , as I said , have ruined and dispoiled all the lower Bengale . Time will shew whether he will be as happy in the remainder of his Enterprize against the King of Rakan . The fourth particular is concerning the two Sons of Aureng-Zebe , viz. Sultan Mahmoud , and Sultan Mazum . He still keeps the first of them in Goualeor , but ( if one may believe the common report ) without making him take the Poust , which is the ordinary Drink of those that are put into that place . As to the other , though he hath alwayes been a pattern of reservedness and moderation , yet one knows not whether he was not too forward in making a party , when his Father was so extreamly sick ; or whether Aureng-Zebe have not upon other occasions perceived something that might give him cause of jealousie ; or whether he had not a mind to make an authentick proof of both his Obedience and Courage . However it be , one day he commanded him in an unconcerned manner , in a full Assembly of the Omrahs , to go and kill a Lyon , that was come down the Mountains , and had made great havock and waste in the Countrey ; and this he did without giving order to furnish him with those strong and large Nets , which they are wont to employ in this dangerous kind of hunting in a real mood ; telling the great Hunting-Master , who presently called for those Nets , that when he was Prince , he did not look for such Formalities . It was the good fortune of Sultan Mazum , that he prosper'd in this attempt , not losing any more than two or three men , and some horses that were wounded , although , on the other hand , the matter went not off so pleasantly , the wounded Lyon having leapt up to the head of the Sultan's Elephant . Since that time , Aureng-Zebe hath not been backward to express much affection to him ; he hath given him even the Government of Decan , though with so little power and treasure , that there is no great cause to apprehend any thing upon that account . The fifth thing toucheth Mohabet-kan , the Governour of Kaboul , whom Aureng-Zebe took from his Government , and generously pardoned ; not willing , as he said , to lose so brave a Captain , and that had stuck so close to his Benefactor Chah-Jehan . He made him even Governour of Guzuratte , in the place of ●essemseignue , whom he sent to make War in Decan . It may very well be , that some considerable Presents he made to Rauchenara-Begum , and a good number of excellent Persian Horse and Camels , wherewith he presented Aureng-Zebe , together with fifteen or sixteen thousand Rupies of Gold , did contribute to make his peace . On this occasion of mentioning the Government of Kaboul , which borders upon the Kingdom of Kandahar , which is now in the hands of the Persians , I shall here briefly add some particulars , that serve to this History , and will still more discover that Country , and declare the Interests between Indostan and Persia , which no body , that I know of , hath explained hitherto . Kandahar , that strong and important place , which is the Capital and the swaying City of this Noble and Rich Kingdom of the same Name , hath in these latter Ages been the subject of grievous Wars between the Mogols and Persians , each of them pretending a right thereto . Ekbar , that great King of the Indies , took it by force from the Persians , and kept it during his life . And Chah-Abbas , that famous King of Persia , retook it from Jean-Guyre , the Son of Ekbar . Afterwards it return'd to Chah-Jehan , Son of John Guyre , not by the Sword , but by the means of the Governour Aly-Merdan-kan , who surrendred it to him , and went over to live at his Court , apprehending the Artifices of his Enemies , who had brought him into disfavour with the King of Persia , that sent for him to make him give an accompt , and to deliver up his Government . The same City was besieged and retaken afterwards by the Son of Chah-Abbas , and since that besieged twice again , yet without being taken , by Chah-Jehan . The first time it was saved from being taken by the ill understanding and jealousie between the Persian Omrahs , that are Pensioners of the Great Mogol , and the most powerful of his Court , as also by the respect they bear to their Natural King : For they all behaved themselves very effeminately in the Siege , and would not follow the Raja Roup , who had already planted his Standards upon the Wall on the side of the Mountain . The second time it was saved by the jealousie of Aureng-Zebe , who would not fall into the breach of the Wall , that our Franguis , the English , Portugueses , Germans , and French had made by their Canon , though it was a large one ; being unwilling to have it said , that in the time of Dara , who was in a manner the first mover of that Enterprise , and was then in the City of Caboul , with his Father Chah-Jehan , the Fortress of Kandahar was taken . Chah-Jehan , some years before the late trouble , was also ready to besiege it the third time , had not Emir-Jemla diverted him from it , advising him to turn his Forces towards Decan , ( as hath been said ; ) with whom Aly-Merdan-kan himself concurred , who was so earnest in his disswading him from it , as to say to him these words , which I shall punctually relate , as having something extravagant in them : Your Majesty will never take Kandahar , unless you had such a Traytor there as my self ; except you were resolved never to bring a Persian into it , and to make the Bazars or Markets wholly free , that is , to lay no Impost on those that furnish the Army with provision . At length , Aureng-Zebe , like the others , had prepared himself in these latter years to besiege it also ; whether it was that he was offended at the tart Letters , written to him by the King of Persia , or by reason of the affronts and ill treatment which he had offered to Tarbiet-kan his Ambassador ; that hearing of the King of Persia's death , he turned back , saying , ( which yet is not very credible ) that he would not meddle with a Child , a new King ; although Chah-Soliman , who hath succeeded his Father , is , in my opinion , about 25 years of age . The sixth particular we purposed to speak of , concerns those that have faithfully served Aureng-Z be . Those he hath almost all raised to great places . For first , as we have already related , he made Chah-hest-kan , his Uncle , Governour and General of the Army of Decan , and afterwards , Governour of Bengale . Next , he made Mir-kan Governour of Kaboul ; Then Kalilullah-kan , of Lahor ; and Mirhaba , of Elubas ; and Lasker-kan , of Patna . The Son of that Allah-Verdi-kan of Sultan Sujah , he appointed Governour of Scimdy ; and Fazel-kan , who had considerably served him both by his counsels and dexterity , he made Kane-saman , that is , Great Steward of the House Royal : And Danechmend-kan , Governour of Dehli , with this particular grace and priviledge , that since he is perpetually employed in studies and forreign affairs , he so dispenseth with him for not coming twice a day ( after the ancient custom ) to wait on the King in the Assembly , as not to retrench any thing of his pension for his absence , as he doth to the other Omrahs , if they fail . He hath given to Dianet-kan the Government of Kachmire ( aliàs Cassimere ) that little , and in a manner inaccessible Kingdom , which Ekbar seized on by craft , that Earthly Paradise of the Indies ; which hath its Histories written in its peculiar Language ; whereof I have an abridgement in the Persian Tongue , made by the command of Jehan Guyre , containing a large Catalogue of many very ancient Kings , that often were so powerful , that they subdued the Indies as far as China . 'T is true , that Aureng-Zebe dismissed Nejabat-kan , who did very well in the two Battels of Samonguer and Kadjoue , but then 't is not fit at all , that a Subject should ever reproach his King , as he did , with the services done him . As to those infamous men , Gion-kan and Nazer , 't is known , that the former hath been recompenced as he deserved ; but the other no man knows what is become of him . What concerns Jessomseigne and Jesseigne , there is something as to them that is intricate , which I shall endeavour to unfold . There is a certain Heathen revolted from the King of Visapour , who knew how to possess himself of many important Fortresses , and of some Sea-ports of that King. His name is Seva-Gi , that is , Lord Seva . He is a stout man , vigilant , bold , and undertaking in the highest degree , who gave Chah-hest-kan more work and trouble in Decan , than the King of Visapour with all his forces , and all his Raja's joyned with him for their common defence : Insomuch that having designed to take away Chah-hest-kan and his Treasures out of the midst of his Army and of the Town Aurenge-Abad , he carried on his design so far , that he had effected it , if he had not been discovered a little too soon ; for one night , accompanied with a number of resolute Fellows he hath about him , he was got into the very apartment of Chah-hest-kan , where his Son , who was forward in the defence , was killed , and himself grievously wounded ; Seva-Gi in the mean time getting away as well as he came : Who for all this was so far from being daunted , that he undertook another very bold and very dangerous enterprise , which succeeded much better . He took two or three Thousand chosen men of his Army , with whom he took the Field without noise , spreading a report by the way , that it was a Raja going to the Court. When he was near Suratte , that Famous and Rich Port of the Indies , instead of Marching further ( as he made the Great Provost of that Country , whom he met , believe ) he fell into that Town , where he staid about three Dayes , cutting off the Arms and Legs of the Inhabitants , to make them confess where were the treasures ; searching , digging , and loading away , or burning what he could not carry with him . Which done , he returned , none opposing his return , loaden with millions of Gold , Silver , Pearls , Silken Stuffs , Fine Linnen , and other rich Merchandise . Jessomseigne was suspected to have had since intelligence with this seva-Gi , which was the cause that Aureng Zebe called him away from Decan ; but he , instead of going to Dehli , went to his own Territory . I forgot to mention , that in the plunder of Suratte , that Ring-leader Seva-Gi , like a Saint , had so much respect to the House of the Reverend Father Ambrose , a Missionary Capucian , that he gave order it should not be plundered ; because , said he , I know that the Fathers Franguis are good men . He had also regard to the House of the Deceased De Lale , because he understood that he had been Great Almoner . He also consider'd the Houses of the English and Dutch , not from Devotino , as he did the former , but because they were in a good posture of defence ; especially the English , who having had time to send for assistance from some of their ships that lay near the Town , behaved themselves gallantly , and saved , besides their own , several other houses near them . But a certain Jew of Constantinople , who had brought Rubies of a very great value , to sell them to Aureng-Zebe , carried away the Bell from all , by saving himself from the hands of Seva-Gi ; for , rather than to confess that he had any Jewels , he was brought thrice upon his knees , and the knife held up to cut his throat : But it became none save a Jew , hardned in avarice , to escape in such a manner . Touching Jesseigne , King Aureng-Zebe made him content to go General of the Army in Decan , sending Sultan-Mazum with him , without any power . He presently and vigorously besieged the principal Fortress of Seva-Gi , and knowing more than all the rest in matter of Negotiation and Treaty , he so ordered the business , that Seva-Gi surrendred rendred before it came to extremity ; and then he drew him to Aureng-Zebe's party against Visapour , King Aureng-Zebe declaring him a Raja , taking him under his protection , and giving the pension of a very considerable Omrah to his Son. Some time after , Aureng-Zebe designing to make War against Persia , wrote to Seva-Gi such obliging Letters touching his Generosity , Ability and Conduct , that he made him resolve , upon the faith of Jesseigne , to come to him to Dehli . There a kinswoman of Aureng-Zebe , the Wife of Chah-hest-kan ( who was then at Court ) by the influence she had upon the spirit of Aureng-Zebe , perswaded him to arrest him that had murdered her Son , wounded her Husband , and sacked Suratte : So that one evening Seva-Gi saw his Pavilions beset with three or four Omrahs ; but he made shift to get away in the night . This escape made a great noise at Court , every one accusing the Eldest Son of the Raja Jesseigne to have assisted him in it . Jesseigne , who presently had news that Aureng-Zebe was very angry with him and his Son , and was advised no more to go to the Court , was day and night upon his guard , apprehending lest Aureng-Zebe should take this for a pretence to fall upon his Lands , and possess himself of them . Whereupon he also soon left Decan to secure his Estate ; but when he was at Brampour , he died . Yet notwithstanding Aureng-Zebe was so far from expressing any coldness or resentment to the Son of Jesseigne , that he sent to condole with him for the Death of his Father , and continued to him his Pension ; which confirms what many say , that it was by the consent of Aureng-Zebe himself , that Seva-Gi escaped , forasmuch as he could retain him no longer at Court , because all the Women there had too great a spleen against him , and looked upon him as a man that had embroiled his hands in the blood of his Kinsmen . But to return to Decan , we are to consider , that that is a Kingdom , which these forty years hath constantly been the Theater of War , and upon the score whereof the Mogol hath much to do with the Kings of Golkonda , and of Visapour , and divers little Soveraigns ; which is not to be understood , unless it be known , what considerable things have passed in those parts , and the condition of the Princes that govern them . All this great Peninsule of Indostan , cutting it from the Bay of Cambaja unto that of Bengale , near Jaganrate , and passing thence to Cape Comori , was searce two hundred years since entirely ( some mountanous parts excepted ) under the Dominion of one only Prince , who consequently was a very great and very potent Monarch : But now it is divided among many different Soveraigns , that are also of different Religions . The cause of this division was , that the King Ramras , the last of those that have possessed this mighty State entirely , did imprudently raise three Slaves , Gurgis , he had about him too high , so as to make them all three Governors of places : The first , of the greatest part of those Countries , which at present are possessed by the Mogol in Decan , about Daulet-Abad , from Bider , Paranda , Suratte , unto Narbadar : The second , of all the other Lands , now comprehended under the Kingdom of Visapour : And the third , of all that is contained under the Kingdom of Golkonda . These three Slaves grew very rich , and found themselves supported by a good number of the Mogols , that were in the service of Ramras , because they were all three Mahumetans , of the Sect Chyas , like the Persians . And at length they all revolted together with one accord , killed King Ramras , and returned to their Government , each taking upon him the Title of Chah or King. The Issue of Ramras , not finding themselves strong enough for them , were content to keep themselves in a Corner , viz. in that Countrey which is commonly called Karnatek , in our Maps , Bisnaguer , where they are still Raja's to this very day . All the rest of the State was also at the same time divided into all those Rajas Naiques and petty Kings , such as we see there ▪ These three Slaves and their posterity have alwayes defended themselves very well in their Kingdoms , whilst they kept a good mutual correspondence , and assisted one another in their grievous wars against the Mogols . But when they once came to think every one to defend their Lands apart , they soon found the effects of their division . For the Mogol so well knew to take his time upon that occasion ( which is now about thirty five or forty years since ) that he possessed himself within a little time of all the Countrey of Nejam-Chah , or King Nejam , the fifth or sixth of the family of the first Slave , and at last took him prisoner in Daulet-Abud , the Capital , where he died . After that time , the Kings of Golkonda have maintained themselves well enough ; not as if they could compare with the power of the Mogol , but because the Mogol hath alwayes been employed against the two others ; from whom he was to take Amber , Paranda , Bider , and some other places , before he could conveniently march towards Golkonda . And because they have always been so politick , being very opulent , as to furnish under hand the King of Visapour with Money , and thereby to help him to maintain a War against the Mogol : Besides that , they ever have a considerable Army on foot , which is alwayes ready , and never fails to take the Field , and to approach to the Frontiers , at the time when there is news that that of the Mogol marches against Visapour ; to let the Mogol see , not only that they are alwayes ready to defend themselves , but also that they could easily assist the King of Visapour , in case he should be reduced to any extremity . Next , which is very considerable , they know also how to convey Money under hand to the Chieftains of the Mogolian Army ; who thereupon advise the Court , that it is more to purpose to attack Visapour , as being nearer to Daulet-Abad . Further , they send every year very considerable Presents to the Great Mogol , by way of Tribute ; which consist partly in some rare manufactures of the Countrey ; partly in Elephants , which they send for from Pegu , Siam , and Ceilan , partly in fair ready money . Lastly , the Mogol considers that Kingdom as his own , not only because he looks upon the King thereof as his Tributary , but chiefly since that agrement heretofore spoken of , which the present King made with Aureng-Zebe , when he besieged Golkonda ; and there being also no place able to resist , even from Daulet-Abad unto Golkonda , he judgeth , that when he shall think fit to push for it , he may take in the whole Kingdom in one Campagne ; which in my opinion , he would certainly have done , if he did not apprehend , lest sending his Forces towards Golkonda , the King of Visapour should enter into Decan ; as , no doubt , he would do , knowing it to be very important to his conservation , that that Kingdom may alwayes subsist as now it is . From all which , something may be understood of the Interests and Government of the King of Golkonda with the Mogol , and what way he taketh to support himself against him . Yet notwithstanding all this , I find this state much shaken , in regard that the King that now is , since that unhappy affair of Aureng-Zebe and Emir-Jemla , seems to have lost heart , and as 't were abandoned the reins of the Kingdom , not daring any more to go forth of this Fortress of Golkonda , nor so much as appear in publick to give Audience to his People , and to render Justice according to the custom of the Country : Which discomposeth things very much , and occasions the Grandees to tyrannize over the meaner sort of People , and to lose even their respect to the King , often slighting his Commands , and considering him no more than a Woman ; and the People , weary of the injustice and ill treatment , breathing after nothing but Aureng-Zebe . 'T is easie to judge of the streights this poor King is in , by four or five particulars I am about to relate . The first , that An. 1667. when I was at Golkonda , King Aureng-Zebe having sent an Ambassador Extraordinary to declare War to that King , unless he would furnish him with 10000 Horse against Visapour , he did extraordinary honour , and give excessive presents to that Ambassador , as well for him in particular , as for Aureng-Zebe , and made an agreement with him , to send him , not 10000 Horse , but as much Money as is necessary to maintain so many ; which was all that Aureng-Zebe looked for . The second is , that Aureng-Zebe's Ambassador in Ordinary , that is constantly at Golkonda , commands , threatens , striketh , gives Pass-ports , and saith and doth whatsoever he will , no man daring with the least word to cross him . The third is , that Mahmet-Emir-kan , the Son of Emir-Jemla , though he be no more than a simple Omrah of Aureng-Zebe , is yet so much respected through that whole Kingdom , and especially in Maslipatan , that the Taptata , his Commissioner , is as 't were Master thereof , buying and selling , bringing in and sending abroad his Merchants Ships , no body daring to contradict him in any thing , not to demand any Customs . So great was once the power of Emir-Jemla his Father in this Kingdom , which time hath not yet been able to root out . The fourth is , that the Hollanders scruple not to threaten him sometimes , to lay an Embargo upon all the Merchants Ships of the Country that are in that Port , and not to let them go out , untill their demands be granted ; as also to put in protestations against him : which I have seen actually done , upon the account of an English Vessel , which they had a mind to take by force in the Port of Maslipatan it self , the Governour having hindred it , by arming the whole Town against them , and threatning to put fire to their Factory , and to put them all to death . A fifth is , that the Portugueses , as poor , and miserable , and decayed as they are in the Indies , yet stick not to threaten that King also with War ; and that they will come and sack Maslipatan , and all that Coast , if he will not render them that place of St. Thomas , which some years ago they chose to put into his hands , rather than to be constrained to yield it up to the Dutch. Yet for all this , I have been informed in Golkonda , by very intelligent persons , that this King is a Prince of very great judgment , and that whatever he so does and suffers , is only in policy , to the end to provoke no body , and principally to remove all suspition from Aureng-Zebe , and to give him to understand , that he hath in a manner no share any more in the Kingdom : But that in the mean time a Son of his , that is kept hid , grows up , the Father watching for a fit time to declare him King , and so to laugh at the agreement made with Aureng-Zebe . Of this , time will shew us more ; in the mean time , let us consider somewhat of the Interests of Visapour . The Kingdom of Visapour hath also not been wanting to support it self , though the Mogol do almost continually make war against it ; not so much as if he of Visapour were able to bid head to the Mogolian Forces , but because there is never any great effort used against him . For it is not very frequent there , no more than 't is elsewhere , for Generals of Armies to desire the end of a War ; there being nothing so charming , as to be in the head of an Army , commanding like little Kings , remote from the Court. It is also grown to a Proverb , that Decan is the Bread and Life of the Souldiers of Indostan . Besides , the Countrey of Visapour is on the side of the Mogol's Dominions of a very difficult access , upon the account of the searcity of good Waters , Forrage , and Victuals ; and because Visapour , the Capital City , is very strong , and situate in a dry and steril Countrey , there being almost no good Water but in the Town . And lastly , because there are many Fortresses in that Countrey , seated on Hills hard to climb . Yet notwithstanding all this , that State is much shaken , if considering that the Mogol hath taken Paranda , the Key , as 't were , of that Kingdom ; as also that fair and strong Town Bider , and some other very important places : But principally because the last King of Visapour died without Heirs Males , and he that now calls himself King , is a Youth , whom the Queen , Sister of the King of Golkonda , hath raised , and taken for her Son ( a favour for which he hath made an ill return , having shew'd no esteem for this Queen after her return from Mecca , under the pretext of some ill demeanour in her on a Dutch Vessel that carried her to Moka : ) Lastly , because that in the disorders of that Kingdom , the Heathen Rebel , Seva-Gi , above discoursed of , found means to seize on many strong Holds , mostly seated on steep Mountains , where he now acteth the King , laughing at the Visapour and the Mogol , and ravaging the Countrey every where , from Suratte even to the gates of Goa . This notwithstanding , if he wrongs Visapour one way , he helps to support it another , forasmuch as he is resolutely bent against the Mogol , preparing alwayes some Ambush , and cutting so much work for his Army , that there is no discourse , no apprehension but of Seva-Gi ; insomuch that he hath come and sacked Suratte , and pillaged the Isle of Burdes , which belongs to the Portuguese , and is near the Gates of Goa . The seventh particular , which I learn'd at Golkonda , when I was come away from Dehli , is the death of Chah-Jehan ; and that Aureng-Zebe had been exceedingly affected therewith , having discover'd all the marks of grief , that a Son can express for the loss of his Father : That at the very hour of receiving that news , he went towards Agra ; that Begum-Saheb caused the Mosquee , and a certain place , where he was at first to stop , before he entred the Fortress , to be hung with richly embroider'd Tapisseries : That at his entring into the Seraglio , she presented him with a great Golden Bason , wherein were all her Jewels , and all those of Chah-Jehan ; and in short , that she knew to receive him with so much Magnificence , and to entertain him with that dexterity and craft , that she obtained his pardon , gain'd his favour , and grew very confident with him . To conclude , I doubt not , but most of those , who shall have read my History , will judge the wayes taken by Aureng-Zebe , for getting the Empire , very violent and horrid . I pretend not at all to plead for him , but desire only , that before he be altogether condemned , reflexion be made on that unhappy custom of this State , which leaving the succession of the Crown undecided , for want of good Laws , setling it , as amongst us , upon the eldest Son , exposeth it to the Con quest of the strongest , and the most fortunate , subjecting at the same time all the Princes born in the Royal Family , by the condition of their Birth , to the cruel necessity either to overcome , or to reign , by destroying all the rest , for the assurance of their power and life , or to perish themselves , for the security of that of others : For I am apt to believe , that upon this consideration the Reader wil not find Aureng-Zebe's conduct so strange as at first it appear'd . However I am perswaded , that those who shall a little weigh this whole History , will not take Aureng-Zebe for a Barbarian , but for a great and rare Genius , a Great States-man , and a Great King. A Letter to the Lord COLBERT , of the Extent of Indostan ; the Circulation of Gold and Silver , coming at length to be swallowed up , there , as in an Abyss ; the Riches , Forces , Justice , and the principal Cause of the decay of the States of Asia . My Lord , SInce it is the custom of Asia , never to approach Great Persons with empty hands , when I had the honour to kiss the Vest of the Great Mogol Aureng-Zebe , I presented him with eight Roupies as an expression of respect ; and the illustrious Fazel-kan , the prime Minister of State , and he that was to establish my Pension as Physitian , with a Case of Knives garnished with Amber . My Lord , though I intend not to introduce new customs in France , yet I cannot forget this upon my return from those parts ; being perswaded , that I ought not to appear before the King , for whom I have a far deeper veneration than for Aureng-Zebe , nor before You , My Lord , for whom I have a much higher esteem than for Fazel-kan , without some little Present to both , which is rare , at least for its novelty , though it be not so upon the account of the presenting hand . The Revolution of Indostan by reason of its extraordinary occurrences and events , hath to me seemed worthy of the Greatness of our Monarch , and this Discourse , for the quality of the matters therein contained , sutable to the rank you hold in his Counsels ; to that Conduct , which at my return appeared to me so admirable in the Order , which I found setled in so many things , that I thought incapable of it ; and to the passion you entertain to make it known to the ends of the Earth , what a Monarch we have , and that the French are fit to undertake , and with honour to atchieve , whatsoever you shall have designed for their honour and advantage . 'T is in the Indies , My Lord ( whence I am lately return'd after twelve years absence ) where I learn'd the felicity of France , and how much this Kingdom is obliged to your cares ; and where your Name is so diffused , and so well known . This were a fair Theme for me to enlarge upon ; but my Design being no other than to discourse of things New , I must forbear to speak of those that are already so notorious to all the world . I shall doubtless please you better , by endeavouring to give you some Idea of the state of the Indies , which I have engaged my self to give you an account of . My Lord , you may have seen before this , by the Maps of Asia , how great every way is the extent of the Empire of the Great Mogol , which is commonly call'd India or Indostan . I have not measur'd it Mathematically ; but to speak of it according to the ordinary journeys of the Country , after the rate of three whole Months March , traversing from the Frontiers of the Kingdom of Golkonda , as far as beyond Kazni near Kandahar , which is the first Town of Persia , I cannot perswade my self otherwise , but that it is at least five times as far as from Paris to Lyons , that is , about five hundred common Leagues . Next , you may please to take notice , that of that vast extent of Land , there are large Countries that are very fertil , and some of them to that degree ( for example , that whole great Kingdom of Bengale ) that they exceed those of Egypt , not only upon the account of the abundance of Rice , Corn , and all other things necessary for life , but also upon the score of all those Commodities so considerable , which Egypt is destitute of , as Silks , Cottons , Indigo , and so many others , sufficiently related by Authors . Moreover , that of these same Countries there are many that are well enough peopled and cultivated , and where Trades-men , though naturally very lazy there , are not wanting , either from necessity or other Causes , to apply themselves to work , as to Tapisseries , Embroideries , Cloth of Gold and Silver , and to all those kinds of Silk and Cotton Manufactures , that are used in the Countrey , or transported to other parts . You may further observe , how that Gold and Silver circulating as it were upon the Earth , comes at last in part to be swallowed up in this Indostan . For of that which comes out of America , and is dispersed through the several Kingdoms of our Europe , we know , that one part is carried into Turky many wayes , for the Commodities drawn thence ; and that another part is conveyed into Persia , by the way of Smyrna , for the Silks afforded there : That all Turky generally needs Coffee , which comes out of Hyeman or Happy Arabia , and is the common Drink of the Turks : That the same Turky as well as Hyeman and Persia cannot be without the Commodities of India ; and that thus all those Countries are obliged to carry to Moka over the Red-Sea , near Babelmandel ; and to Bassora the utmost part of the Persian-Gulf ; and to Bandar-Abbasi , or Gomoron near to Ormus , a part of that Gold and Silver , that had been brought into their Country , to be thence transported into Indostan , in Vessels , that yearly , in the season of the Mounsons , come purposely to those three famous parts : That on the other hand , all those Ships of India , whether they be Indian ones , or Dutch , or English , or Portuguese , that every year Transport Merchandise out of Indostan to Pegu , Tanasseri , Siam , Ceilan , Achem , Macasser , the Maldives , Mosambic , and other places , bring back also much Gold and Silver from all those Countries , which meets with the same Destiny , that the other doth : That of that quantity of Gold and Silver which the Hollanders draw from Japan ( which is stored with Mines ) a part also comes to be at length discharged in this Indostan ; And that lastly what is carried thither directly by Sea , whether from Portugal , England , or France , seldom comes back from thence but in Merchandise , the rest remaining there , as the former . I very well know , that it may be said , that this Indostan needs Copper , Cloves , Nutmegs , Cinamon , Elephants , and sundry other things , which the Hollanders carry thither from Japan , the Molucques , Ceilan , and Europe ; as also that it hath occasion for Lead , which in part , it is furnish'd with out of England ; likewise for Scarlet , which it hath from France ; Moreover , that it stands in need of a good number of Horses , it being certain , that from the side of Usbec it receives yearly more than 2500. That out of Persia also it is furnished with abundance of the same ; as also out of Ethiopia , Arabia , the Ports of Moka , Bassora , and Bander-abbasy : Besides that it needs that store of fresh Fruit , which comes thither from Samarkand , Ball-bocara , and Persia , as Melons , Apples , Pears , and Grapes , that are spent at Dehli , and bought at great Rates , almost all the Winter long ; as well as dry Fruit , which are had there all the year long , and come from the same Countries , as Almonds , Pistaches , Nuts , Prunes , Abricots , Raisins , and the like : And that lastly , it wants those little sea-cockles of the Maldives , which serve for common Coyn in Bengale , and in some other places ; as also Ambergriece , carried thither from the said Maldives and Mosambic , Rhinoceros-horns , Elephants-teeth , Musk , China-dishes , Pearls of Baharen , and Tutucoury near Ceilan ; and , I know not of how many other things of this kind . But all this makes not the Gold and Silver to go out of that Empire , because the Merchants at their return freight their ships with the Commodities of the Country , finding a better account by so doing , than if they should bring back Money , so that that hinders not , but that Indostan proves , as we have said , a kind of abyss for a great part of the Gold and Silver of the World , which finds many ways to enter there , and almost none to issue thence . In a word , you may take notice , that this Great Mogol makes himself heir of the Omrahs or Lords , and of the Manseb-dars , or petty Lords , that are in his Pay ; and ( which is of very great consequence ) that all the Lands of that Expire are his propriety , excepting some Houses and Gardens , which he giveth leave to his Subjects to sell , divide , or buy amongst them , as they shall think fit . These are the things , which sufficiently show , both that there must needs be a very great store of Gold and Silver in Indostan , though there be no Mines ; and also that the Great Mogol , the Soveraign of the same , at least , of the best part of it , hath immense Revenues and Riches . But on the other hand , there are also many things to be observed , which are a poise to these Riches . The first , that among those vast tracts of Land there is much , which is nothing but sand and sterill Mountains , little Tilled or Peopled : That even of those that would be fertile , there is much , that is not used for want of Workmen , some of which have perish'd by the too evil treatment of the Governours , who often take from them their necessary lively-hood , and sometimes their very Children whom they make slaves when they are not able , or are unwilling to pay : Others have abandoned the Field for the same reason , and desponding out of the consideration that they labour'd only for others , have cast themselves into Towns or into Armies , to serve there for Porters , or waiting men , and many have fled to the lands of the Rajas , because there they found less tyranny , and more kindness . The second is , That in this same extent of Country there are sundry Nations , which the Mogol is not full Master of , most of them retaining yet their particular Sovereigns and Lords , that obey him not , nor pay him tribute but from constraint ; many , that do little ; some that do nothing at all ; and some also , that receive tribute from him , as we shall see anon . Such are those petty Sovereigns , that are seated on the Frontiers of Persia , who almost never pay him any thing , no more than they do to the King of Persia : As also the Balouches and Augans , and other Mountineers , of whom also the greatest part pay him but a small matter , and even care but very little for him : witness the affront they did him , when they stopp'd his whole Army by cutting off the Water , which they kept back within the Mountains , when he passed from Atek on the River Indus to Caboul , to lay siege to Kandahar ; not suffering the Water to run down into the Fields , where was the High-way , 'till they had received presents , although they asked them by way of Alms. Such are also the Patans , a Mahumetan People , issued from the side of the River Ganges towards Bengale ; who before the Invasion of the Mogols in India , had taken their time to make themselves potent in many places , and chiefly at Dehli , and to render many Rajas thereabout their Tributaries . These Patans are fierce and warlike , and even the meanest of them , though they be waiting men and porters , are still of a very high spirit , being often heard to say by way of swearing ; Let me never be King of Dehli , if it be not so : A People that despise the Indians , Heathen , and Mogols , and mortally hate the last , still remembring what they were formerly , before they were by them driven away from their large Principalities , and constrained to retire hither and thither , far from Dehli , and Agra , into the Mountains , where now they are setled , and where some of them have made themselves petty Sovereigns , like Rajas , but of small strength . Such an one also is the King of Visapour , who pays to the Magol nothing , and is always in War with him ; maintaining himself in his Country , partly by his own forces , partly because he is very remote from Agra and Dehli , the ordinary places of Residence of the Great Mogol ; partly also because his Capital City Visapour is strong and of difficult access to an Army , by reason of the ill Waters and the want of Forrage on the way ; and partly because many Rajas joyn with him for their common defence , as did the famous Seva-gi , who not long since came pillaging and burning that rich Sea-port , Suratte , and who sometimes will pay little or no Tribute . Such is likwise that potent and rich King of Golkonda , who under-hand gives Money to the King of Visapour , and hath always an Army ready on the Frontiers for his own defence , and for the assistance of Visapour , in case he find him too much pressed . Of the like sort are more than an hundred Rajas , or considerable Heathen Sovereigns , dispersed through the whole Empire , some near to , others remote from Agra and Dehli : amongst whom there are about fifteen or sixteen that are very rich and puissant ; such as is Rana ( who formerly was , as 't were , Emperour of the Rajas ; and who is said to be of the Progeny of King Porus ; ) Jesseignae and Jessom seignae , which are so great and powerful , that if they three alone should combine , they would hold him tack ; each of them being able , in a very short time to raise and bring into the Field Twenty five thousand Horse , better Troops than the Mogols . These Caveliers are called Ragipouts , or the Children of Rajas . They are men , who , as I have elsewhere said , carry Swords from Father to Son , and to whom the Rajas allot Land , on condition to be always ready to appear on Horseback , when the Raja commands . They can endure much hardship , and they want nothing to make them good Souldiers , but good Order and Discipline . The third thing to be noted is , that the Mogol is a Mahumetan , not of the Sect called Chias , who follow Aly and his off-spring , ( such as the Persians are , and consequently the greatest part of his Court ; ) but of that , which follows Osman , and thence are called Osmanlys , such as the Turks are . Besides , that he is a stranger , being of the Race of Tamerlan , who was the head of those Mogols , that about the year 1401 , over-ran India ; where they made themselves Masters : so that he is in a Country , almost all hostile ; and that the more , because not only for one Mogol , but in general , for one Mahumetan , there are hundreds of Gentiles or Heathen ; which obligeth him , constantly to entertain ( for his defence among so many Domestick and Potent Enemies , and against the Persians and Usbecks , his Neighbours ) very great Armies , whether in time of Peace or War , as well about his Person as in the Field ; as well of the People of the Countrey , ( Rajas and Patans , ) as chiefly Mogolians , or at least esteemed such because they are White , and Mahumetans ; which sufficeth at present ; his Court being no more now as 't was at first , consisting altogether of true Mogols ; but a mixture of all sorts of strangers , Usbecks , Persians , Arabians , and Turks , or their Children ; but with this distinction , that the Children of the third or fourth generation , and that have taken the Brown colour , and the soft humour of the Countrey , are not so much esteem'd as the new comers ; being also seldom raised to publick Offices ; but counting themselves happy , if they may serve as simple Horsemen or Foot. Of these Armies I am now going to give you some description , that thereby knowing the great expences , which the Grand Mogol is obliged to be at , you may the better judge of his true Riches ; let us first take a view of the Field Militia , he is necessitated to maintain . The chief thereof are the Rajas , such as Jesseignae , Jessomseignae , and many others , to whom he allows very great pensions to have them always ready with a certain number of Ragipouts , esteeming them like Omrahs , that is , like other Strangers , and Mahumetan Lords ; both in the Army , that is always about his person , and in those also , that are in the Field . These Rajas are generally obliged to the same things , that the Omrahs are , even to the point of keeping guard ; yet with this distinction , that they keep not the guard within the Fortress , as those , but without , under their Tents ; they not liking to be shut up twenty four hours in a Fortress , nor so much as ever to go thither but well attended with Men resolute to be cut in pieces for their service ; as hath appeared , when they have been ill dealt withal . The Mogol is obliged to keep these Rajas in his service for sundry reasons . The first , because the Militia of the Rajas is very good ( as was said above , ) and because there are Rajas , ( as was intimated also ) one of whom can bring into the Field above 25000 men . The Second , the better to bridle the other Rajas , and to reduce them to reason , when they cantonize , or when they refuse to pay tribute , or when out of fear or other cause they will not go out of their Country to the Army , when the Mogol requireth it . The third , the better to nourish jealousies and keenness amongst them , by Favouring and Caressing the one more than the other , which is done to that degree , that they proceed to fight with one another very frequently . The fourth , to employ them against the Patans , or against his own Omrahs and Governours , in case any of them should rise . The fifth , to employ them against the King of Golkonda , when he refuseth to pay his tribute , or when he will defend the King of Visapour , or some Rajas his neighbours , which the Mogol hath a mind of rifle , or to make his tributaries ; the Mogol in the those cases not daring to trust his Omrahs overmuch , who most are Persians , and not of the same Religion with him , but Chias , like the Kings of Persia and Golkonda . The sixth , and the most considerable of all , is , to employ them against the Persians upon occasion ; not daring then also to confide in his Omrahs , who for the greatest part , as was just now said , are Persians , and consequently have no stomach to Fight against their natural King ; and the less , because they believe him to be their Imam , their Caliph or high Priest , descended from Aly , and against whom therefore they believe they cannot make War without a crime or a great sin . The Mogol is farther obliged to entertain some Patans for the same , or somewhat like reasons , that he doth the Rajas . At last he must entertain that stranger Militia of the Mogols , that we have taken notice of : And as this is the main strength of his State , and which obliges him to incredible charges , me thinks it will not be amiss to describe to you , of what nature it is , though I should be somewhat long in doing it . Let us therefore consider , if you please , this stranger Militia , both Cavalry and Infantry , as divided into two ; the one being always near the Mogol's Person ; the other , dispersed up and down in the several Provinces . And in the Cavalry that is about his Person , let us first take notice of the Omrahs ; then , of the Mansebdars ; next , of the Rousindars ; last of all , of the simple Horsemen . From thence let us proceed to the Infantry , in which we shall consider the Musquetiers , and all those men on foot that attend the Ordnance ; where something will occur to be said of their Artillery . It is not to be thought , that the Omrahs or Lords of the Mogol's Court are Sons of great Families , as in France ; All the Lands of that Empire being the Mogol's propriety , it follows , that there are neither Dutchies , nor Marquisats , nor any Family Rich in Land , and subsisting of its own income and patrimony . And often enough they are not so much as Omrahs Sons , because the King being Heir of all their Estates , it is consequent that the Houses cannot subsist long in their greatness ; on the contrary , they often fall and that on a sudden , insomuch that the Sons , or at least the Grandsons of a Potent Omrah are frequently , after the death of their Father , reduced in a manner to Beggery , and obliged to list themselves under some Omrah for simple Horsemen . 'T is true , that ordinarily the Mogol leaves some small pension to the Widow , and often also to the Children ; or , if the Father liveth too long , he may by particular favour advance them sooner , especially if they be proper men , white of Face , having as yet not too much of the Indian Complexion and temper , and so passing yet for true Mogols : Though this advancement by favour do always proceed in a slow pace ; it being almost a general custom , that a man must pass from small Pays and small Places to great ones . These Omrahs then are commonly but Adventurers and Strangers of all sorts of Nations , such as I have said ; which draw one another to this Court ; men of a mean descent , some of them slaves ; most of them without instruction , which the Mogol thus raiseth to dignities as he thinks good , and degrades them again , as he pleaseth . Amongst these Omrahs , some are Hazary , others Dou Hazary , others Penge , Hecht , and Deh Hazary , and even ( such as was the the Kings eldest Son ) Dovazdeh Hazary , that is to say , Lord of a thousand Horse , of two thousand , five thousand , seven , ten , and tweive thousand ; their pay being less or more in proportion to the number of Horses ; I say , of Horses , because they are not paid in respect of the Horsemen , but of the Horse ; the Omrahs having power to entertain Horsemen of two Horses a man , to be the better able to serve in the hot Countrys , where 't is a common saying , that the Horseman that hath but one Horse , is more than half a Footman . Yet we must not think , that they are obliged to entertain , or that the King effectively pays so many Horse , as these great names of Dovazdeh or Hecht Hazary do impart , that is , 12000 or 8000 Horse . These are specious Names , to amuse and attract Strangers ; the King determines the number of Horses in actual service , which they are bound to entertain , pays them according to this number ; and besides that , he payes them a certain number which they are not bound to entertain ; and this is that which ordinarily makes the principal part of their pensions ; not to speak of what they finger out of the pay of every Horseman , and of the number of the Horses ; which certainly amounts to very considerable Pensions ; especially if they can obtain good Jah-ghirs , that is , good Lands for their Pension . For I saw , that the Lord , under whom I was , that was a Penge-hazary , or one of five thousand Horse , and who was only obliged to entertain five hundred in effect , had , after all his Cavalry was paid , remaining for his Pension near five thousand Crowns a Month ; though he was Nagdy , that is , paid in Money drawn out of the Treasury , as all those are , that have not Lands . Yet notwithstanding all these great Pensions , I see none but very few that are rich , but many that are uneasie and indebted : Not that they are ruined by keeping too plentiful Tables , as elsewhere great Lords frequently are ; but that which exhausteth them , are the great Presents which they are obliged to make to the King at certain Festivals of the year , every one after the rate of his pay ; next , the vast expences they must be at for entertaining their Wives , Servants , Camels , and many Horses of great value , which they keep in their particular Stables . The number of the Omrahs , as well of those , that are in the Field in the Provinces and Armies , as of those that are at the Court , is very great . I I never could precifely learn it ; nor is it determined : But I have never seen less of them at Court , than twenty five or thirty , that are thus Pensionaries according to a greater or lesser number of Horses to be entertain'd by them , from 12000 downward to 1000. These are the Omrahs , that arrive to the Governments and principal Offices of the Court and Armies ; that are , as they speak , the Pillars of the Empire , and that keep up the splendor of the Court ; never going abroad , but richly deck'd , sometimes riding on Elephants , sometimes on Horseback , sometimes carried in a Paleky or Chair , commonly attended by a good number of Horsemen , to wit , of those that have the guard at that time , as also by many Foot-men , marching before and on his sides , to make way , to drive away the Flies , to take off the dust with Peacocks-tails , to carry water for drink , and sometimes Books of Accounts , or other Papers . All those that are at Court , are obliged , under a considerable penalty , to come twice every day to salute the King in the Assembly , once about ten or eleven a Clock in the morning , when he renders Justice ; and the second time , about six hours at night . They are also obliged by turns to keep the guard in the Castle once a week , during twenty four hours . Thither they carry at that time their Beds , Tapisseries and other Moveables , the King furnishing them with nothing but provisions of Meat and Drink , which they receive with great reverence ; making a treble obeisance , with their face turned to his Apartment , their hands down to the ground , and then lifted up upon their heads . Besides , they are obliged on horseback to follow the King whithersoever he marcheth in any weather , rainy or dusty , whether he be carried in his Chair , or on an Elephant , or a Field-Throne , which last is done by eight men carrying him on their shoulders , eight others marching on his side , to relieve the others ; himself being in all Marches well cover'd from the inconveniencies of the weather , whether he go to war , or to hunt , or to exercise his Souldiery . And this attendance those Omrahs are to give , except some of them be exempted by the Mogol because of their peculiar Offices , or upon the account of sickness or old age , or to avoid embarasment , as commonly 't is practised , when he goeth only to some neighbouring Town to hunt , or to some house of pleasure , or to the Mosquee , there being then seldom any about him but those that keep the Guard that day . Mansebdars are Cavaliers of Manseb , which is particular and honourable pay ; not so great indeed as that of the Omrahs , but much greater than that of the others ; they being esteemed as little Omrahs , and of the rank of those , that are raised to that dignity . These acknowledge also none for their Head but the King , and they are generally obliged to whatever we have said the Omrahs are . In a word , they would be true Omrahs , if they had , as divers heretofore have had , some Horsemen under them ; whereas they have ordinarily but two , four , or six Horses having the Kings mark , and their pay goes no higher than from 200 , to 600 or 700 Roupies a Month. Their number also is not fixed , but much exceeds that of the Omrahs , there being of them at the Court always two or three hundred , besides those that are in the Provinces and Armies . Rouzindars are also a sort of Cavaliers , but such as have their pay by the day , ( as the word it self imports ) which yet sometimes is greater than that of many Mansebdars , but not so honourable ; but then they are not bound , as the Mansebdars , to take at a set price ( which someties is not too reasonable ) of those Tapisseries and other House-hold-stuff , that hath served for the Kings Pallace . Their number is very great ; they enter into the meaner Offices , many of them being Clerks , under-Clerks , Signet-men , and the like . Simple Cavaliers , are those , that are under the Omrahs ; amongst whom the most considerable and having most Pay are those , that have two Horses marked on the Leg with the mark of their Omrah . Their Pay is not absolutely fixed , but depends chiefly from the generosity of the Omrah , who may favour whom he pleaseth . Yet the Mogol's intention is , that the Pay of a simple Cavalier or Horseman be no less than twenty five Roupies or thereabout a Month , stating his accound with the Omrahs upon that Foot. The pay of the Foot is the least ; and their Musquetiers are pitiful men , unless they discharge when their Musket leans on that small woodden fork hanging to it ; yet even then they are afraid of singeing their great Beards , and of burning their Eyes , but most of all , least some Dgen or evil spirit burst their Musket . Some of these have 20 Roupies a Month , some 15 , some 10. But yet there are some Gunners , that have great Pay , especially those of the Franguis or Christians , as Portugueses , English , Dutch , Germans , French , that retire thither from Goa , flying from English and Dutch Companies . Heretofore when the Mogols did not yet know how to manage Artillery , their Pay was very great . And there are yet some of that time , who have 200 Roupies a Month ; but now they will recieve none for more than thirty two . Their Artillery is of two sorts ; the one is the great and heavy Artillery ; the other the light . As for the former , I remember , that when the King after his Sickness went with his whole Army abroad into the Country , diverting himself every day in Hunting , sometimes of Cranes , sometimes of the gray Oxen ( a kind of Elks ) sometimes of Gazels , Leopards and Lions , and making his progress towards Lahor and Kachemire ( that little paradise of India ) there to pass the Summer , the Army had seventy pieces of Cannon , most of them cast , not counting the two ▪ or three hundred Camels , carrying each a small Field-piece of the bigness of a good double Musket , fastned to those Animals . The other light Artillery is very brave and well order'd , consisting of fifty or sixty small Field-pieces all of Brass , each mounted on a little Chariot , very fine and well painted , with a small Coffer before and behind for the Powder , drawn by two very fair Horses , driven by a Coachman like a Caleche , adorned with a number of small red Streamers , each having a third Horse , led by the Chariot for relief . The great Artillery could not alwayes follow the King , who often left the High-way , and turn'd sometimes to the right , sometimes to the left hand , crossing the fields , to find the true places for Game , and to follow the course of the Rivers . That therefore was to keep the High way to go the more easily , and to avoid the embarasments , which it would have met with in the ill passages , especially in those Boat-Bridges made to pass Rivers . The light Artillery is inseparable from the person of the King , it marcheth away in the morning , when the King comes out of his Tent , and whereas he commonly goes a little aside into the places for game , this Artillery passeth on straight with all possible speed , to be in time at the Rendez-vous , and there to appear before the Kings Tent , which is there made ready the day before ; as are also the Tents of the great Omrahs : And this whole Artillery giveth a volley just when the Kihg enters into his Tent , thereby to give notice to the Army of his arrival . The Militia of the Field is not different from that which is about the King : There are every where Omrahs , Mansebdars , Rousindars , simple Horsemen , and Foot and Artillery where-ever any War is made . The difference is only in the number , which is much greater in the Field-Army , than in the other . For that Army alone , which the Mogol is constrained perpetually to maintain in Decan , to bridle the potent King of Golkonda , and to make War upon the King of Visapour , and upon all the Raja's that joyn with him , must consist at least of twenty or twenty five thousand Horse , sometimes of thirty . The Kingdom of Kaboul , for its ordinary Guard against the Persians , Augans , Balouches , and I know not how many Mounteniers , requireth at least fifteen thousand . The Kingdom of Kachmire , more than four thousand ; and the Kingdom of Bengale , much more ; not counting those that are employed in the War , which must almost alwayes be maintained on that side ; nor those which the Governors of the several Provinces do need for their defence , according to the particular extent and situation of their Governments ; which maketh an incredible number . Not to mention the Infantry ( which is inconsiderable ) I am apt to believe with many others , well informed of these matters , that the number of the Horse in actual service about the Kings person , comprehending the Cavalry of the Raja's and Patans , mounteth to thirty five or forty thousand ; and that this number , joyned to those that is abroad in the Field , may make two hundred thousand , and better . I say , that the Infantry is inconsiderable ; for I can hardly believe , that in the Army which is about the King , comprising the Musquetiers , and all the Gunners and their Mates , and whatever serves in this Artillery , can amount to much more than fifteen thousand ; whence you may make a near guess , what the number of the Foot must be in the Field . So that I know not whence to take that prodigious number of Foot , which some do reckon in the Armies of the Great Mogol , unless it be , that with this true Souldiery they confound all the Serving-men and Victualers , that follow the Army ; for in that sence I should easily believe , that they had reason to reckon two or three hundred thousand men in that Army alone which is with the King , and sometimes more ; especially when 't is certain , that he is to be long absent from the Capital City : which will not seem so strange to him , that considers the multitude and confusion of Tents , Kitchens , Baggage , Women , Elephants , Camels , Oxen , Horses , Waiting-men , Porters , Forragers , Victualers , Merchants of all sorts , that must follow the Army ; nor to him , that knows the State and particular Government of that Countrey , wherein the King is the sole proprietor of all the Lands of the Kingdom ; whence it necessarily follows , that a whole Metropolitan City , such as Dehly and Agra , liveth of almost nothing but of the Souldiery , and is consequently obliged to follow the King when he taketh the Field ; those Towns being nothing less than Paris , but indeed no otherwise governed than a Camp of Armies a little better and more conveniently lodged than in the open Field . Besides all these things , you may also consider , if you please , that generally all this Militia , which I have been representing to you , from the greatest Omrah , to the meanest Souldier , is indispensably paid every two months ; the Kings pay being its sole refuge and relief ; nor can its pay be deferred there , as 't is sometimes with us ▪ where , when there are pressing occasions of the State , a Gentleman , an Officer , and even a simple Cavalier , can stay a while , and maintain himself of his own Stock , Rents and the Incomes of his Land. But in the Mogol's Countrey , all must be paid at the time prefix'd , or all disbands and starves , after they have sold that little they have ; as I saw in this last War , that many were going to do , if it had not soon ceased . And this the more , because that in all this Militia there is almost no Souldier that hath not wife and children , servants and slaves , that look for this pay , and have no other hope of relief . And hence it is , that many wonder , considering the huge number of persons living of pay ( which amounts to millions ) whence such vast Revenues can be had for such excessive Charges : Although this need not to be so much wondred at , considering the Riches of the Empire , the peculiar Government of the State , and the said universal propriety of the Sovereign . You may add to all this , that the Grand Mogol keeps nigh him at Dehly and Agra , and thereabout , two or three thousand brave Horses , to be always ready upon occasion ; as also eight or nine hundred Elephants , and a vast number of Mules , Horses , and Porters , to carry all the great Tents and their Cabinets , to carry his Wives , Kitchens , Houshold-stuff , Ganges-Water , and all the other Necessaries for the Field , which he hath always about him as if he were at home ; things not absolutely necessary in our Kingdoms . To this may be added those incredible Expences upon the Seraglio , more indispensable than will be easily believed ; that vast store of fine Linnen , Cloth of Gold , Embroideries , Silks , Musk , Amber , Pearls , sweet Essences , &c. consumed there . All these Charges being put together , and compared with the Revenues the Mogol may be thought to have , it will be easie to judge , whether he be indeed so very rich , as he is made to be . As for me , I very well know , that it cannot be denied , that he hath very great Revenues ; I believe , he hath more alone than the Grand Seignior and the King of Persia both together : But then , to believe all those extravagant Stories made of the vastness of his Revenues , is a thing I could never do : And if I should believe the best part of them , yet should I not believe him in effect and truly so rich , as the World rings of him ; unless a man would say , that a Treasurer , who receiveth great sums of Money from one hand at the same time when he is obliged to disburse them to another , were therefore truly rich . For my part , I should count that King rich indeed , who , without oppressing and impoverishing his People too much , should have a Revenue sufficient to keep a Great and Gallant Court ( after the manner of that of ours , or otherwise ) and a Militia sufficient both to guard his Kingdom , and to make an important War for divers years against his Neighbours ; as also to shew liberality , to build some Royal Edifices , and to make those other Expences which Kings are wont to make according to their particular Inclinations ; and who , besides all this , should be able to put up in his Treasury , for a Reserve , Sums big enough to undertake and maintain a good War for some years . Now I am apt enough to believe , that the Great Mogol enjoyeth very near these Advantages , but I cannot perswade my self , that he hath them in that excess , as is thought and pretended . Those vast and unevitable Expences , that I have taken notice of , will certainly incline you to my opinion without any other consideration ; but you will doubtless be altogether of my mind , when I shall have represented to you these two things , which I am very well informed of . The one is , that the Great Mogol , now reigning , about the end of this last Revolution , though the Kingdom was every where in peace ( except in Bengale , where Sultan-Sujah yet held out ) was much perplexed where to find means for the subsistence of his Armies , though they were not so well paid as at other times , and the War lasted no longer than five years or thereabout , and though also he had laid hold of a good part of the Treasury of his Father Chah-Jehan . The other is , That all this Treasure of Chah-jehan , who was very frugal , and had Reigned above forty Years without considerable Wars , never mounted to six Kourours of Roupies . A Roupy is about twenty nine pence . An hundred thousand of them make a Lecque , and an hundred Lecques make one Kourour . 'T is true , I do not comprehend in this great Treasure that great abundance of Gold-smiths work , so variously wrought in Gold and Silver ; nor that vast store of precious Stones and Pearls of a very high value . I doubt , whether there be any King in the World that hath more . The Throne alone , cover'd with them , is valued at least three Kourours , if I remember aright ; But then , it is to be consider'd also , that they are the spoils of those ancient Princes , the Patans and Rajas , gathered and piled up from Immemorial times , and still increasing from one King to another , by the Presents which the Omrahs are obliged yearly at certain Festival-days to make him ; and which are esteemed to be the Jewels of the Crown , which it would be criminal to touch , and upon which a King of Mogol in case of necessity would find it very hard to procure the least Sum. But before I conclude , I shall take notice , whence it may proceed , that though this Empire of Mogol be thus an Abyss of Gold and Silver , ( as hath been said , ) yet notwithstanding there appears no more of it among the People , than elsewhere ; yea , rather that the People is there less Monied than in other places . The first reason is , that much of it is consumed in melting over and over all those Nose and Ear-rings , Chains , Finger-rings , Bracelets of Hands and Feet , which the Women wear , but chiefly in that incredible quantity of Manufactures , wherein so much is spent , which is lost , as in all those Embroideries , Silk-stuffs , enterwoven with Gold and Silver , Cloath , Scarf , Turbants , &c. of the same : For generally all that Militia loveth to be guided from the Omrahs to the meanest Souldiers with their Wives and Children , though they should starve at home . The second , That all the Lands of the Kingdom being the Kings propriety , they are given either as Benefices , which they call Jah-ghirs , or , as in Turky , Timars , to men of the Militia for their Pay or Pension ( as the word Jah-ghir imports : ) Or else they are given to the Governours for their Pension , and the entertainment of their Troops , on condition that of the surplus of those Land-revenues they give yearly a certain sum to the King , as Farmers ; Or , lastly , the King reserveth them for himself as a particular Domaine of his House , which never or very seldom are given as Jah-ghirs , and upon which he keeps Farmers , who also must give him a yearly sum ; which is to say , that the Timariots , Governours and Farmers have an absolute Authority over the Country-men , and even a very great one over the Trades-men and Merchants of the Towns , Boroughs , and Villages , depending from them : so that in those parts there are neither great Lords nor Parliaments , nor Presidial Courts , as amongst us , to keep these People in awe ; nor Kadis or Judges powerful enough to hinder and repress their violence ; Nor , in a word , any person ; to whom a Country-man , Trades-man , or Merchant , can make his complaints to , in cases of extortion and tyranny , often practised upon them , by the Souldiery and Governours , who every where do impunely abuse the Authority Royal , which they have in hand , unless it be perhaps a little in those places that are near to Capital Cities , as Dehly and Agra , and in great Towns , and considerable Sea-ports of the Provinces , whence they know that the complaints can be more easily conveyed to the Court. Whence it is , that all and every one stand in continual fear of these People , especially of the Governours more than any Slave doth of his Master : that ordinarily they affect to appear poor and Money-less , very mean in their Apparel , Lodging , Houshold-stuff , and yet more in Meat and Drink ; that often they apprehend even to meddle with Trade , lest they should be thought Rich , and so fall into the danger of being ruined : So that at last they find no other remedy to secure their Wealth , than to hide and dig their Money deep under Ground , thus getting out of the ordinary commerce of Men , and so Dying , neither the King nor the State having any benefit by it . Which is a thing not only happens among the Peasants and Artizans , but ( which is far more considerable ) amongst all sorts of Merchants , whether Mahumetans or Heathens , except some that are in the Kings , or some Omrahs Pay , or that have some particular Patron and support in power : But principally among the Heathen , which are almost the only Masters of the Trade and Money , infatuated with the belief , that the Gold and Silver , which they hide in their life-time , shall serve them after death . And this , in my opinion , is the true reason , why there appears so little Money in Trade among the People . But thence ariseth a Question very considerable , viz. Whether it were not more expedient , not only for the Subjects , but for the State it self , and for the Sovereign , not to have the Prince such a Proprietor of the Lands of the Kingdom , as to take away the Meum and Tuum amongst private persons ; as 't is with us ? For my part , after a strict comparing the State of our Kingdoms , where that Meum and Tuum holds , with that of those other Kingdoms , where it is not , I am thoroughly perswaded , that it is much better and more beneficial for the Sovereign himself , to have it so as 't is in our parts . Because that in those parts where 't is otherwise , the Gold and Silver is lost , as I was just now observing : There is almost no person secure from the violences of those Timariots , Governours , and Farmers : The Kings , how well soever they be disposed toward their people , are never almost in a condition ( as I lately noted ) to get Justice administred to them , and to hinder tyrannies ; especially in those great Dominions , and in the Provinces remote from the Capital Towns ; Which yet ought to be , as doubtless it is , one of the chief employments and considerarations of a King. Besides , this tyranny often grows to that excess , that it takes away what is necessary to the life of a Peasant or Trades-man , who is starved for hunger and misery , who gets no Children , or if he does , sees them die young for want of food ; or that abandons his Land , and turns some Cavalier's man , or flies whither he may to his neighbours , in hopes of finding a better condition . In a word , the Land is not tilled but almost by force , and consequently very ill , and much of it is quite spoiled and ruined , there being none to be found , that can or will be at the charge of entertaining the ditches and channels for the course of waters to be conveyed to necessary places ; nor any body that care to build Houses , or to repair those that are ruinous ; the Peasant reasoning thus with himself : Why should I toil so much for a Tyrant that may come to morrow to take all away from me , or at least all the best of what I have , and not leave , if the fancy taketh him , so much as to sustain my life even very poorly ? And the Timariot , the Governour and the Farmer , will reason thus with himself ; Why should I bestow Money and take pains of bettering or maintaining this Land , since I must every hour expect to have it taken from me , or exchanged for another ? I labour neither for my self nor for my Children ; and that place which I have this year , I may perhaps have no more the next . Let us draw from it what we can , whilst we possess it , though the Peasant should break or starve , though the Land should become a desert , when I am gone ! And for this very reason it is , that we see those vast Estates in Asia go so wretchedly and palpably to ruin . Thence it is , that throughout those parts we see almost no other Towns but made up of earth and dirt ; nothing but ruin'd and deserted Towns and Villages , or such as are going to ruin . Even thence it is , that we see ( for Example ) those Mesopotamia's , Anatolia's , Palestina's , those admirable plains of Antioch , and so many other Lands , anciently so well tilled , so fertile , and so well peopled , at the present half deserted , untill'd , and bandon'd , or become pestilent and uninhabitable bogs . Thence it is also , that of those incomparable Lands of Egypt it is observed , that within less than four-score years , more than the tenth part of it is lost , no people being to be found , that will expend what is necessary to maintain all the Channels , and to restrain the River Nile from violently overflowing on one hand , and so drowning too much the low Lands , or from covering them with Sand , which cannot be removed from thence but with great pains and charges . From the same root it comes , that Arts are languishing in those Countries , or at least flourish much less than else they would do , or do with Us. For what heart and spirit can an Artizan have to study well , and to apply his mind to his work , when he sees , that among the people , which is for the most part beggerly or will appear so , there is none that considers the goodness and neatness of his Work , every body looking for what is cheap ? and that the Grandees pay them but very ill and when they please ? The poor Tradesmen often thinking himself happy , that he can get clear from them without the Korrah , which is that terrible whip , that hangs nigh the gate of the Omrahs : Further , when he seeth that there is no help at all ever to come to any thing , as to buy an Office , or some Land for himself and Children , and that even he dares not appear to have a peny in cash , or to wear good cloaths , or to eat a good meal , for fear he should be thought rich . And indeed the beauty and exactness of Arts had been quite lost in those parts long ago , if it were not that the Kings and Grandees there did give wages to certain Workmen , that work in their Houses , and there teach their Children , and endeavour to make themselves able in order to be a little more considered , and to escape the Korrah ; and if also it were not , that those great and rich Merchants of Towns , who are protected by good and powerful Patrons , pay'd those workmen a little better : I say , a little Better ; for , what fine stuffs soever we see come from those Countreys , we must not imagine , that the workman is there in any honour , or comes to any thing ; 't is nothing but meer necessity or the cudgel , that makes him work , he never grows rich ; it is no small matter , when he hath wherewith to live and to cloath himself narrowly . If their be any Money to gain of the work , that is not for him , but for those great Merchants of Towns , I was just now speaking of ; and even these themselves find it often difficult enough to maintain themselves , and to prevent extorsion . 'T is from the same cause also , that a gross and profound ignorance reigns in those States . For how is it possible , there should be Academies and Colleges well founded , where are such Founders to be met with ? And if there were any , whence were the Schollars to be had ? Where are those that have means sufficient to maintain their Children in Colleges ? And if there were , who would appear to be so rich ? And if they would , where are those Benefices , Preferments and Dignities that require knowledge and abilities , and that may animate young men to study ? Thence it is likewise , that Traffick languishes in all that Country , in comparison of ours . For how many are there , that care to take pains , to run up and down , to write much , and to run danger for another , for a Governour , that shall extort , if he be not in league with some considerable sword-man , whose slave he in a manner is , and that makes his own conditions with him ? It is not there , that the Kings find for their service , Princes , Lords , Gentlemen , sons of rich and good Families , Officers , Citizens , Merchants and even Trades-men well-born , well-educated , and well-instructed ; men of courage , that have a true affection and respect for their King , that often live a great while at the Court and in the Army at their own expences , entertaining themselves with good hopes , and content with the favourable aspect of the Prince ; and who upon occasion fight manfully , covetous to uphold the honour of their Ancestors and Families . Those Kings , I say , never see about them but men of nothing , Slaves , Ignorants , Brutes , and such Courtizans as are raised from the dust to dignities , and that for want of good education and instruction almost always retain somewhat of their off-spring , of the temper of beggars , enriched , proud , unsufferable , heartless , insensible of honour , dis-ingenuous , and void of affection and regard for the honour of their King & Countrey . Here it is , where those Kings must ruine all , to find means to defray all those prodigious Charges , which they cannot avoid for entertaining their great Court , which hath no other source to subsist but their Coffers and Treasure , and for maintaining constantly the vast number of Souldiers , necessary for them to keep the People in subjection , to prevent their running away , to make them work , and to get what is exacted from them , they being so many Desperado's , for being perpetually under hatches , and for labouring only for others . Thence it is also , that in an important War that may happen ( which may be almost at all times ) they must almost of necessity sell the Government for ready Money and immense Sums ; whence chiefly that ruine and desolation comes to pass which we see . For the Governour , which is the Buyer , must not he be re-imbursed of all those great Sums of Money , which he hath taken up , perhaps the third or fourth part , at high interest ? Must not a Governour also , whether he have bought the Government or not , find means as well as a Timariot and a Farmer , to make every year great Presents to a Visir , an Eunuch , a Lady of the Seraglio , and to those other persons , that support him at Court ? Must he not pay to the King his usual Tributes , and withal enrich himself , that wretched Slave , half famish'd and deeply indebted when he first appeared , without Goods , Lands , and revenues of his House ; such as they all are ? Do not they ruin all , and lay all waste ; I mean those , that in the Provinces are like so many small Tyrants with a boundless and unmeasured Authority , there being no body there , as hath been already said , that can restrain them , or to whom a Subject can have refuge , to save himself from their tyranny and to obtain justice ? 'T is true , that in the Empire of the Mogol the Vakea-nevis , that is , those Persons , whom he sends into the Provinces to write to him whatever passeth there , do a little keep the Officers in awe , provided they do not collude together ( as it almost always happens ) to devour all ; as also that the Governments are not there so often sold , nor so openly as in Turky ; I say , not so openly ( for those great Presents , they are from time to time obliged to make , are almost equivalent to Sales ) and that the Governors ordinarily remain longer in their Governments ; which maketh them not so hungry , so beggarly , and so deep in debt , as those new Comers , and that consequently they do not always tyrannize over the people with so much cruelty ; even apprehending , lest they should run away to the Raja's ; which yet falls out very often . 'T is also true , that in Persia the Governments are not so frequently nor so publickly sold as in Turky ; the Sons of the Governors also succeding often enough to their Fathers ; which is also the cause , that the people there is often not so ill treated as in Turky , and occasions withal , that there is more politeness , and that even some there are that addict themselves to study . But all that is really but a slight matter ; those three States of Turky , Persia and Indostan , forasmuch as they have all three taken away the Meum and Tuum as to Land and Propriety of possessions ( which is the foundation of whatever is good and regular in the world ) cannot but very near resemble one another : they have the same defect , they must at last , sooner or later , needs fall into the same inconveniencies , which are the necessary consequences of it , viz , Tyranny , Ruine , and Desolation . Far be it therefore , that our Monarchs of Europe should thus be proprietors of all the Lands which their Subjects possess . Their Kingdoms would be very far from being so well cultivated and peopled , so well built , so rich , so polite and flourishing as we see them . Our Kings are otherwise rich and powerful ; and we must avow that we are much better and more royally served . There would be Kings of Desarts and Solitudes , of Beggars and Barbarians , such as those are whom I have been representing ; who , because they will have all , at last lose all ; and who , because they will make themselves too rich , at length find themselves without riches , or , at least , very far from that which they covet after , out of their blind ambition and passion of being more absolute than the Laws of God and Nature do permit . For , where would be those Princes , those Prelates , those Nobles , those rich Citizens and great Merchants , and those famous Artizans , those Towns of Paris , Lyons , Thoulouse , Rouën , London , and so many others ? Where would be that infinite number of Burroughs and Villages , all those fair Countrey-houses , and Fields , and Hillocks tilled and maintained with so much industry , care and labour ? And where would consequently be all those vast Revenues drawn thence , which at last enrich the Subjects and the Sovereign both ? We should find the great Cities , and the great Burroughs rendred inhabitable because of the ill Air , and to fall to ruine without any bodies taking care of repairing them ; the hillocks abandoned , and the fields overspred with the bushes , or filled with Pestilential Marishes , as hath been already intimated . A word to our dear and experienc'd Travellers : They would not find those fair conveniencies of travelling ; they would be obliged to carry all things with them , like the Bohemians ; and all those good Inns , for example , that are found between Paris and Lyons , would be like ten or twelve wretched Caravans-serrahs , that is , great Barns , raised and paved , such as our Pont-neuf is , where hundreds of men are found pel-mel together with their Horses , Mules and Camels , where one is stifled with heat in Summer , and starved of cold in Winter , if it were not for the breathing of those Animals , that warm the place a little . But it will be said , we see some States , where the Meum and Tuum is not ( as for example , that of the Grand Seignor , which we know better than any , without going so far as the Indies ) that do not only subsist , but are also very powerful , and encrease daily . 'T is true , that that State of the Grand Seignor , of such a prodigious extent as it is , having so vast a quantity of Lands , the Soil of which is so excellent , that it cannot be destroyed but very difficultly , and in a long time , is yet rich and populous ; but it is certain also , that if it were cultivated and peopled proportionably to ours ( which it would be , if there were propriety among the Subjects throughout ) it would be a quite different thing ; it would have people enough to raise such prodigious Armies as in old times , and rich enough to maintain them . We have travelled through almost all the parts of it ; we have seen how strangely it is ruin'd and unpeopled ; and how in the Capital City there now need three whole Months to raise five or six thousand men . We know also , what it would have come to ere this , if it had not been for the great number of Christian Slaves , that are brought into it from all parts . And no doubt but that , if the same Government were continued there for a number of years , that State would destroy it self , and at last , fall by its own weakness , as it seems that already it is hardly maintained but only by that means , I mean , by the frequent change of Governors ; there being not one Governor , nor any one man in the whole Empire , that hath a penny to enable him to maintain the least thing , or that can almost find any men , if he had Money . A strange manner to make States to subsist ! There would need no more for making an end of the Seditions , than a Brama of Pegu , who killed the half of the Kingdom with hunger , and turned it into Forests , hindring for some years the Lands from being tilled , though yet he hath not succeeded in his Design , and the State have afterwards been divided , and that even lately Ava , the Capital Town , was upon the point of being taken by an handful of China-fugitives . Mean time we must confess , that we are not like to see in our dayes that total ruine and destruction of this Empire we are speaking of ( if so be we see not something worse ) because it hath Neighbors , that are so far from being able to undertake any thing against him , that they are not so much as in a condition to resist him , unless it be by those succours of strangers , which the remoteness and jealousie would make slow , small , and suspect . But it might be yet further objected , that it appears not , why such States as these might not have good Laws , and why the people in the Provinces might not be enabled to come and make their complaints to a Grand Visir , or to the King himself . 'T is true , that they are not altogether destitute of good Laws , and that , if those which are amongst them were observed , there would be as good living there , as in any part of the world . But what are those Laws good for , if they be not observed , and if there be no means to make them to be executed ? Is it not the Grand Visir , or the King that appoints for the people such beggarly Tyrants , and that hath no others to set over them ? Is it not He that sells those governments ? Hath a poor Peasant or Tradesman means to make great journeys , and to come and seek for Justice in the Capital City , remote perhaps 150 or 200 Leagues from the place of his abode ? Will not the Governour cause him to be made away in his journey ( as it hath often hapned ) or catch him sooner or later ? And will he not provide his Friends at Court , to support him there , and to represent things quite otherwise than they are ? In a word , this Governour , hungry as well as the Timariots and Farmers ( that are all men for drawing Oyl out of Sand , as the Persian speaks , and for ruining a world , with their heap of Women-harpies , Children and Slaves ) this Governor , I say , is he not the absolute Master , the Super-intendant of Justice , the Parliament , the Receiver , and all ? It may perhaps be added , that the Lands , which our Kings hold in Domaine , are no less well tilled and peopled , than other Land. But there is a great difference between the having in propriety some Lands here and there in a great Kingdom ( which changes not the Constitution of the State and Government ) and the having them all in propriety , which would alter it altogether . And then we in these parts have Laws so rational , which our Kings are willing to be the first to observe , and according to which they will that their particular Lands shall be governed as those of their Subjects are , so as to give way , that Actions of Law may be laid against their own Farmers and Officers , so that a Peasant or Tradesman may have means to obtain Justice , and to find remedy against the unjust violence of those that would oppress him : Whereas in those parts of Asia , I see almost not any refuge for those poor people ; the Cudgel and the Hammer of the Governour being in a manner the only Law that rules , and decides all Controversies there . Lastly , It may be said , that 't is at least certain , that in such States there is not such a multitude of long-lasting sutes of Law , as in these parts , nor so many Lawyers of all sorts , as amongst us . It is in my opinion , very true , that one cannot too much applaud that old Persian Saing , Na-hac Kouta Beter-Ez hac Deraz , that is , Short Injustice is better than long Justice ; and that the length of Law-Sutes is unsufferable in a State , and that it is the indispensable duty of the Sovereign , by all good means to endeavour a remedy against them . And 't is certain , that by taking away this Meum and Tuum , the root would be cut of an infinite number of Law-processes , and especially of almost all those , that are of importance , and long and perplexed ; and consequently there would not need so great a number of Magistrates , which our Sovereigns do employ to administer Justice to their Subjects , nor that swarm of men , which subsist only by that way . But 't is also manifest , that the remedy would be an hundred times worse than the Disease , considering those great inconveniences that would follow thereupon , and that in all probability the Magistrates would become such as those of the Asiatick States , who deserve not that Name ; for in a word , our Kings have yet cause to glory upon the account of good Magistracy under them . In those parts , some Merchants excepted , Justice is only among the meanest sort of people , that are poor and of an unequal condition , who have not the means of corrupting the Judges , and to buy false Witnesses , that are there in great numbers , and very cheap , and never punished . And this I have learn'd every where by the experience of many years , and by my solicitous enquiries made among the people of the Country , and our old Merchants that are in those parts , as also of Ambassadors , Consuls and Interpreters ; whatever our common Travellers may say , who , upon their having seen by chance , when they passed by , two or Porters , or others of the like Gang , about a Kady , quickly dispatching one or other of the parties , and sometimes both , with some lashes under the sole of their feet , or with a Maybalé Baba , some mild words , when there is no wool to sheer ; who , I say , upon sight of this , come hither , and cry out , O the good and short Justice ! O what honest Judges are those in respect of ours ! Not considering in the mean time , that if one of those wretches , that is in the wrong , had a couple of Crowns to corrupt the Kady , or his Clerks , and as much to buy two false witnesses , he might either win his process , or prolong it as long as he pleased . In conclusion , to be short , I say , that the taking away this Propriety of Lands among private men , would be infallibly to intoduce at the same time Tyranny , Slavery , Injustice , Beggery , Barbarism , Desolation , and to open a high way for the ruine and destruction of Mankind , and even of Kings and States : Aud that on the contrary ; this Meum and Tuum , accompanied with the hopes that every one shall keep , what he works and labours for , for himself and his Children , as his own , is the main foundation of whatever is regular and good in the World : Insomuch that whosoever shall cast his eyes upon the different Countries and Kingdoms , and taketh good notice of what follows upon this Propriety of Sovereigns , or that of the People , will soon find the true source and chief cause of that great difference we see in the several States and Empires of the world , and avow , that this is in a manner that which changes and diversifieth the Face of the whole Earth . FINIS . THe Relation of a Voyage into Mauritania in Africk , by Roland Frejus of Marseilles , by the French King's Order , 1666. To Muley Arxid , King of Tafiletta , &c. For the establishment of a Commerce in the Kingdom of Fez , and all his other Conquests : With a Letter in Answer to divers curious Questions concerning the Religion , Manners and Customs of his Countries : Also their Trading to Tombutum for Gold , and divers other Particulars ; by one who lived five and twenty years in the Kingdom of Sus and Morocco . Printed at Paris , 1670. Englished , 1671. 8 ▪ , Price 1 s 6 d. Sold by M. Pitt , at the Angel near the Little North-Door of St Paul. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A27515-e30380 A Roupy is about half a Crown , So that the six Kourours would make about seven Millions and an half English Money . 
A95658	----	A voyage to East-India. Wherein some things are taken notice of in our passage thither, but many more in our abode there, within that rich and most spacious empire of the Great Mogol. Mix't with some parallel observations and inferences upon the storie, to profit as well as delight the reader. / Observed by Edward Terry minister of the Word (then student of Christ-Church in Oxford, and chaplain to the Right Honorable Sr. Thomas Row Knight, Lord Ambassadour to the great Mogol) now rector of the church at Greenford, in the county of Middlesex. Terry, Edward, 1590-1660. 1655 Approx. 839 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 292 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A95658 Wing T782 Thomason E1614_1 ESTC R234725 99863593 99863593 115803 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A95658) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115803) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 204:E1614[1]) A voyage to East-India. Wherein some things are taken notice of in our passage thither, but many more in our abode there, within that rich and most spacious empire of the Great Mogol. Mix't with some parallel observations and inferences upon the storie, to profit as well as delight the reader. / Observed by Edward Terry minister of the Word (then student of Christ-Church in Oxford, and chaplain to the Right Honorable Sr. Thomas Row Knight, Lord Ambassadour to the great Mogol) now rector of the church at Greenford, in the county of Middlesex. Terry, Edward, 1590-1660. [24], 352, 349-545, [3] p., [5] plates (1 folded) : map, port. Printed by T.W. for J. Martin, and J. Allestrye, at the Bell in St. Pauls Chutch-Yard [sic], London, : 1655. A variant lacks the phrase "student of Christ-Church in Oxford, and". Annotation on Thomason copy: "July. 25.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng India -- Description and travel -- 1498-1761 -- Early works to 1800. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Voyage to EAST-INDIA . Wherein Some things are taken notice of in our passage thither , but many more in our abode there , within that rich and most spacious Empire Of the Great Mogol . Mix't with some Parallel Observations and inferences upon the storie , to profit as well as delight the Reader . Observed by Edward Terry ( then Chaplain to the Right Honorable Sr. Thomas Row Knight , Lord Ambassadour to the great Mogol ) now Rector of the Church at Greenford , in the County of Middlesex . In journeying often , in perils of waters , in perils of Robbers , in perils by the Heathen , in perils in the Sea. 1 Cor. 11. 26. The Lord on high is mightier than the noise of many waters ; yea , than the mighty waves of the Sea , Psal . 93. 4. — Digitis a morte remotus Quatuor , aut Septem . — Ju. Sat. 12. Qui Nescit orare , discat navigare ▪ ubique Naufragium . London , Printed by T. W. for J. Martin , and J. Allestrye , at the Bell in St. Pauls Church-Yard , 1655. To the Reader . READER , THere was never age more guilty than this present , of the great expence , and waste of paper : whose fair innocence hath been extreamly stubber'd by Errors , Heresies , Blasphemies , and what not , in these bold times : which like so many ( the foulest of all ) blots , & blurs , hath defiled very much of it , so true is that of the Poet , — Tenet insanabile multos Scribendi Cacoëthes . — Ju. Certainly there hath been of late abundantly more printed than ought , than should : & if what follows in this discourse lay under the guilt of any such just exception , it should feel the fire , not the press . The summe & substance of what here follows ( as a description of that Empire ) I long since composed , shortly after my return from East-India , and then presented it in writing unto the late King , when he was Prince of Wales , in the year 1622. with this short following Epistle . Most Renowned Prince , I Have nothing to plead for this high presumption , but the Novelty of my subject , in which I confesse some few have prevented me , who bv traveling India in England , or Europe , have written somewhat of those remotest parts , but like unto poor Tradesmen , who take up Wares on trust , have been deceived themselves , and do deceive of others . For my self I was an eye-witnesse of much here related , living more than two years at the Court of that mighty Monarch the great Mogol , ( who prides himself very much in his most famous Ancestor Tamberlane ) in the description of whose Empire , your Highnesse may meet with large Territories , a numerous Court , most populous , pleasant , and rich Provinces , but when all these shall be laid in the Balance against his miserable blindnesse , your Highnesse shall have more cause to pity , than envy his greatnesse . I am not ambitious to make this my Relation publick , and therefore if it consume more paper , it shall not be my fault : As it is , in a fearfull boldnesse 't is offered to your Princely hands , and if it may be any way pleasing and usefull , I have my reward ; if not , my most humble desires to have ministred something this way unto your Highnesse , shall be my comfort . Thus ( Reader ) thou hearest when this Relation was first written , and into what hands it was then put : And although there be now a very great space of time 'twixt the particulars then observed , and their publication now ; which may make thee look upon that which is here brought forth as an untimely birth , or as a thing born out of due time . Therefore know ( which may give thee some satisfaction herein ) that for the commodities , and discommodities of those remote parts ; for the customes and manners of that people ; for their Religion and policie , with every thing beside ( wherein thou mayest desire information ) which lies within the vast compasse of that huge Monarchy expressed in the Map , and further described in this following discourse ( time not making that people at all to varie from themselves ) thou mayest look upon it now , as if it hath been taken notice of , but immediately before it was here communicated ; and if it prove usefull now , I shall be very glad that it was reserved even for this present time , wherein it might do some good . Yet notwithstanding this , it should never have been brought by me into this more open view , ( especially in such a scribling writing age as this ) where there is no end of making many books ; ( and many of those written to no end , but what is evil and mischievous ) but that the Printer , who had gotten my Original Copie , presented as before , desired to publish it . And because so , I have revised , and in some particulars by pertinent , though in some places very long digressions ( which I would intreat the Reader to improve ) so enlarged it ; that it may , ( if it reach my aim ) contain matter for instruction and use , as well as for relation and novelty . So that they , who fly from a Sermon , and will not touch sound , and wholesom , and excellent treatises in Divinity , may happily ( if God so please ) be taken before they are aware , and overcome by some Divine truths that lie scattered up and down in manie places of this Narrative . To which end I have endeavoured so to contrive it for every one ( who shall please to read it through ) that it may be like a well form'd picture , that seems to look stedfastly upon everie heholder , who so looks upon it . But here Reader , let us sit down and wonder that in these dayes ( which are called times of Reformation ) manie choise books are often published , which contain in themselves , and declare unto others very much of the minde of God : yet are laid aside , as if they were not worth the looking into , and in their stead Romances , and other Pamphlets , ejusdem farinae , of the like kinde , which do not inform , but corrupt rather the mindes of those , which look so much into them , teaching wickednesse while they seem to reprove it , are the books ( O times ! ) which are generally call'd for , bought up , read , and liked . When a Traveller sometimes observed the women in Rome to please themselves in , and overmuch to play with their Curs , and Monkeys ; he asked whether or no the women of Rome did not bear Children to delight themselves withall . The storie is so parallel to what I before observed ; that he who runs may make Application , and therefore I forbear to do it . As for that I have here published I know , — habent sua fata libelli , that books have their Fates , as well as their Authors ; and therefore this Relation now it is got into the World , must take its chance , whatsoever its successe , or acceptance be : But however I shall never be of their minde , who think those books best , which best sell , when certain it is that they are not to be valued by their good sale , but good use . Which while some may make of this ; others who love to carp , and censure , and quarrel ( so as to make a man an offender for a word ) may put harsh interpretation upon some passages they may find in this following discourse . Mala mens , malus animus , an evil minde in it self , is an evil minde to all others . 'T was said of Diogenes that he was tuba convitiorum ; the Trumpet of reproaches ; and that when he accused Plato of pride , he beat it down with greater pride . The Gramarians were laughed at for taking so much pains to find out the faults of Ulysses , and would not take notice of any of their own . They are the worst of the Creatures that breed in , and delight to be ever stirring up and down in corruption . But I would have all , who have an eye standing too far out of their heads , and are therefore apt to see more in others than themselves , and consequently may observe more than is meant , from some passages of this book , to bound all their conceivings a● to what they may finde here within the compasse of it , by that rule , which holds good in charity and law , and is true in Divinity likewise , in dubiis benigniora , that when any thing delivered may bear two interpretations , to take the fairest . And now that this following relation may not appear to be a losse , either of time or paper , he that shall please to read it , in our passage to East-India may observe very large foot-steps of the Almighty in his works of Creation & Providence . And when I have brought him thither on shore he may finde that there is not one question ( as before ) of any consequence concerning those parts I have undertaken to write of , but it findes satisfaction in one part or other of this discourse . For the Court there , there is so much riches and splendour sometimes to be seen in it , that it may draw up the meditations of those which behold it , as the thoughts of Fulgentius sometimes were , ( when he beheld the glorie of the Court of Rome ) raised up seriously to consider of the glorie of Heaven . And for the soil it is exceeding pleasant , rich , and good , as in some other parts of the world , where the inhabitants are meer strangers to God ; and if Almighty God hath given such sweet places of abode here on the earth to very many whom he owns not ; how transcendently glorious is that place which he hath prepared for them that love him . Yet for the Inhabitants there , a man may clearly see , the law of Nature to be so ingraved upon the hearts of very many , both Pagans and Mahometans : as that it may make multitudes , who professe themselves Christians ( if they would but turn their eyes inward ) extreamly to wonder , how it comes to be so much wor 〈…〉 out of theirs . And then he may further behold , such Temperance , Justice , unwearied devotion ( but in a wrong way ) with many other excellent Moralitics so to shine its them ; that by this very light , he may see thousands of those ( whom before I nam'd ) that have means to know , and therefore should do better , in many things to come exceeding short of them , who ( themselves are ready to conclude ) come short of Heaven . But I shall not further anticipate my discourse , in being like a vain-glorious entertainer , who fills the ears of his guests with his dishes , before they see , or taste them . Which if thou shall please to do , read on , and thou art very welcome however . Farewell Edward Terry . To his worthy friend Mr. Edward Terry , on his Voyage to East-India . I. WOrth will break prison , though detain'd awhile To try its truth ; yet lends the World a smile At last : the glorious all ey'd Sun , though late Defies its cloud , asserts its Native state , And in a Sovereign Grandeur , doth arise To scorn those mists that aim'd it to disguise : So doth thine Indian Voyage after years In silence buried , please our eyes and ears ; Not with Vtepian tancies , nor with vain Delusions , brought unto us from the main Invention , backt with boldnesse , so set out As if we must believe , not dare to doubt ; No , thou to those appeal'st , whose knowledge can Upbray'd thee , if thou over-act the man , Thou seem'st to be ; thou by his light hast gone Who knows exactly what is wrote , or done . II. The World 's a Theatre , in which each wight His part doth act , The body to the Sprite But shadow . Faces differ nothing more Than do the Souls , which flesh hath cover'd ore . On wedg'd is to the gain of homestayes ; when Another counts his home a Lazers Denn . A third man proves so active that he knows No bounds but his vast pha●fie overflows ; With Alexander he to India flies , Not it to Conquer , but to please his eyes . No Sea , no danger , no amazing foe Gives his brave Emulation overthrow , Leviathan's a gudgeon ; he can vye With Behemoth , no monster makes him fly . Hurri'd he is from East , to West , and thence North , South to compasse earths circumference : Here picks he up a rarity , anon , Posts to some new discovered Horizon . III. Yet fond they are , who mak 't their greatest aim To rifle earth , onely to purchase fame . But you through hazards Torrid Zones arrive To bring some Honey to your Countreys hive . No Spices , Orient Peals , no Tysseus are Thy traffick , these with thee accounted ware For pedling dolts ; thy venture no return Admits , but what enrich the mental Urne , And makes thy Readers , at thy pains appear Acquainted with that South-East Hemisphear . Wherein rare secrets of Dame Nature lye Couch'd , but discovered knowledge multiply . Welfare thy Noble minde , which gives us cause To view in it the force of Natures Laws Read in those Indians : Proceed , and let us know What other fruits within th●ne India grow . And tell us what thou know'st . A man 's not born To see and to observe For 's self alone . But to succession we grow still in debt , Worth lives , when dead , day lasts , though sun be set . Edward Waterhouse , Esq To my ancient friend Mr. Edward Terry . On his Indian Voyage . GEographers present before mens eyes How every Land seated and bounded lies , But the Historian , and wise Traveller Desery what mindes and manners so journ there , The common Merchant brings thee home such wa●● As makes thy Garment wanton , or thy fare . But this hath Traffick in a ●e●ter kinde To please and profit both thy virtuous minde . He shews what reason finds in her dim night By groping after God with natures light . Into what uncouth paths those Nations stray Whom God permits to walk in their own way . And how the Sun , a Lamp to seek God by , Dazles some eyes into idolatry . Read it and thou w●lt make this gain at least , To love thy one true God , and Countrey best . Henry Ashwood . To my ingenious friend and dear Kinsman , the Author of these Relations . THough most Geographers have the good hap To travel in a safe expencelesse Map , And while the world to us they represent , No further yet then Pilgrim Purchas went , Past Dovers dreadfull cliffe afraid to go , And took the Lands end for the worlds end too ▪ Spand Countreys at the fingers ends at case , Crack'd with their nail all France , turn'd blots to Seas ; Of whom this strong line we may ridling say , They travel not , but sit still a great way . I must applaud whither thy choise , or lot Which hath beyond their lazie knowledge got , Who onely in the Globe do crosse the line There raise the Pole , and draw whole Maps in wine Spil'd on the Table : measure Seas and Lands By scale of miles wherein their Compasse stands . But you the truths eye-witnesse have not been Homer it'● dark , but what you write have seen : A rich and absolute Prince , whose mighty hand Indus and Ganges solely doth command ; A numerous people , wealthy traffick ; new Manners , and men , things wonderfull and true . Some Relicks of the ancient Bramins race , And what religious follies yet take place ; Whose pious eirours , though they want our sense , Have in lesse knowledge more of conscience . Who to condemne ou● barren light , advance A just , obedient , humble ignorance . While vice here seeks a voluntary night As over-glitter'd with to clear a light , Neglected love , and the fair truths abuse Hath left our guilty blushes no excuse , And their blinde zeal ' gainst us a witnesse stands Who having so good eyes , have lost our hands . This you with pious faithfulnesse declare , Nor quit the Preacher for the Traveller . And though these leaves nothing to Merchants owe For Spices , Cuchineal , or Indico . Yet all confesse , who weigh the gains you brought , Your ship was laden with a richer fraught . While the glad world by you instructed sings , Wisdom's the noblest ware that Travel brings . Robert Creswell . The Printer to the Reader . IF this whole Relation had been brought unto me at first , as it is here presented unto thee , it should not have been so crouded together , as here thou seest it , but had found better room where it might have been more decently lodged , in a fitter Edition : the want of which may make some curious eye behold it as a bundle , rather then a book . But the Author revising , and enlarging some of it , while I was printing the rest , in conclusion it grew much bigger , than either of us supposed it would , which hath put me now upon this Apologie , who had proceeded so far in the printing thereof , as that I thought it great pity to make what I had done waste paper ; and so wilt thou think , now thou hast it all before thee , if thou readest it over . Fare well . The Contents of this following Relation . THe beginning of our Voyage , our Ships and chief Commander pag. 1. 2. A Tempest pag. 2. 3. The grand Canaries , and and Island of Teneriffa . p. 3. 4. The Turnadoes , or self opposing windes 5. 6. Divers kinde of Fishes 7. &c. The Bay of Souldania and Cape of good Hope , with the Barbarous people there inhabiting 13. &c. The great Island Madagascar , and some other parts of Africa 33. 34. A Sea fight with a Portugal Caraque and the issue thereof 35. &c. The Island Mohilia 53. 54. The Coquer Nut-tree 55. Our arrive at Swally-Road in East-India 57. Some particulars to revive the memorie of that now almost forgotten ) English Pilgrim Tom. Coriat . 58. &c. The large Territories under the subjection of the great Mogol . Where , Section 1. pag. 78. &c. Of the several Provinces , the chief Cities , the principal Rivers , the extent of that vast Empire in its length and breadth . Section 2. p. 92. &c. Of the Soyl there , what it is , and what it produceth . Section 3. p. 111. &c. Of the chief Merchandizes , and most staple , and other Commodities which are bought in this Empire . Section 4. p. 121. &c. Of the discommodities , inconveniences , and annoyances that are to be found , or met withall in this Empire . Section 5. p. 127. &c. Of the Inhabitants of East-India , who they are of their most excellent ingenuity expressed by their curious manufactures , their Markets at home , to buy , and sell in , and of their trade abroad . Section 6. p. 139. &c. Of the care & skill of this people in keeping , and managing their excellent good Horses , of their Elephants , and the ordering , and managing them , and how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place . Section 7. p. 158. &c. Of their numerous Armies , their Ammunition for war ; how they lade themselves with Weapons ; how terribly they appear ; yet how pusill animous , and low spirited they are . Section 8. p. 170. &c. Of our safe and secure living amongst the Natives there , if we do not provoke them , of their faithfulnesse unto those that entertain them as servants : for how little they serve , and yet how diligent they are . Section 9. p. 187. &c. Of their buildings in Villages , Towns , and Cities . How their houses are furnished : Of their Sarraes , or houses for the entertainment of Passengers : Of their Tankes and Wells , and of their places of pleasure . Section 10. p. 205. &c. Of their diet , and their Cookery in dressing it . Section 11. p. 212. &c. Of the civilities of this people : Of their compliments , and of their habites . Section 12. p. 232. &c. Of their Language , their books , their learning . Section 13. p. 241. &c. Of their Physicians , diseases , cures , when they begin their year , and how they measure their time . Section 14. p. 248. &c. Of the most excellent moralities , which are to be observed amongst the people of those Nations . Section 15. p. 259. &c. Of their Religion , their Priests , their Detion , their Churches . Section 16. p. 281. &c. Of their Votaries , where of the voluntary , and sharp penances that people undergo . Of their Lent , and of their fasts and feasts . Section 17. p. 297. &c. Of the marriages of the Mahometans , and of their Poligamy . Section 18. p. 305. &c. Of their burials , and of their mourning for their dead , and their stately Sepulchres and Monuments . Section 19. p. 318. &c. Of the Hindooes , or Heathens which inhabite that Empire . Section 20. p. 326 &c. Of the tendernesse of that people in preserving the lives of all inferiour creatures . Section 21. p. 342. Of strange groundlesse and very grosse opinions proceeding from the blacknesse & darkness of ignorance in that people . Section 22. p. 363. Of their King the great Mogol , his descent , &c. Section 23. p. 369. &c. Of the Mogols policy in his Government exercised by himself and Substitutes . Section 24. p. 389. &c. Of the Mogol shewing himself three times publickly unto his people every day , and in what state and glorie he doth oftentimes appear . Section 25. p. 402. &c. Of the Mogols pastimes at home and abroad , where something of his quality and disposition . Section 26. p. 410. &c. Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his subjects , how they are raised , and how long they are continued . Section 27. p. 418. &c. Of the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal. Section 28. p. 426. &c. Of the Mogols wives and women , where something of his Children . Section 29. p. 436. &c. Of the manner of the stile , or writing of that Court. Section 30. p. 440. &c. Of the Jesuits sent thither by their Superiours to convert people unto Christianity . Section 31. p. 452. &c. The Corollarie and conclusion . ERRATA . Pag. line Errata . Correct . 3 14 who ●nd hee 54 1 but cut . 5● 12 Fort ●ort . 70 18 Roopus Roopees 80 5 gently . greatly . 111 3 brought into bought in . 150 22 lost this left that 158 23 by any by way 172 9 Huts Tents . 187 5 Tents Tanks 225 7 Numb . Psal . 235 13 man mad 244 28 into just 250 22 release relief 299 10 Taphat Taphath 305 5 Budda by Budda Bij 325 22 wast rost . 351 15 these those 370 1 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 374 6 pity piety ibid 18 came ran 376 20 words work 414 30 Canker Cancer 428 10 Perum Parveen 433 2 presage promise 438 16 ●eceive revive 439 8 the your 444 1● — after Paul after A Description of EAST INDIA Conveyning the Empire of the Great MOGOLL map of Indostan A Voyage to East-India . With a Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great Mogol . APologies doe more question than strengthen Truth ; which Truth hath such power in prevailing , that she doth not know , and much less needs the use of Preface , or words of Perswasion to get her credit ; for though she appear simple and naked unto open view yet dares she encounter with armed falshood , and is sure at last to overcome ; which Truth being the best ornament of this ensuing discourse , looks to be credited , in what is here faithfully related . Veritas est vita Historiae . Some that in Countries far remote have been And safe return'd , write more than Known , than Seen , Or Heard , that boldness here disclaim shall I , Truth is the Life , and Soul of Historie . So to make a re-entry upon a long-since finished Voyage ; The third of February 1615. Our Fleet consisting of six good Ships , three great , viz. the Charles , Admirall of that Companie , then a New-built goodly Ship of a Thousand Tuns , ( in which I sayled ; ) the Unicorn ; a new Ship likewise , and almost of as great a burden ; the James , a great Ship too ; Three lesser , viz. the Globe , the Swan , the Rose , ( all under the Command of Captain Benjamin Joseph ) fell down from Graves-end into Tilbury Hope . where we continued till the eighth day following , when we weighed Anchor , and by a slow , that we might have the safer passage , the twelfth came into the Downs , where an adverse wind forced our abode till the ninth of March , on which day it pleased God to send us , what wee had much desired , a North-East wind , which made us leave that weary Road , and set sayl for East-India ; and the eleventh about night , we were in the height of the Lizard in Cornwall , and that day , for that time took our last sight of our Country . This wind was favourable to us till the sixteenth day at night , at which time a most fearfull storm met us , we being then in the Bay of Portugal , whose violence continued five whole dayes and nights ; and that Tempest was the most lively and reall Comment , that ever I observed ▪ on that place recorded in Psal . 107. 23. verse , &c. thus rendred ; In winged Ships who passage make , And through vast Seas their journeys take , See , while their Ships on Billowes keep , God's works , and wonders in the deep ; Who there Commands the Winds to storm , These mount the waves , on which are born The tottering Ships on watery heaps , Now high to th' Heavens , then low to th' Deep● ; The Sea-mens hearts they melt for woe , Nor Head , nor Foot their office know ; They reel like to a drunken one , And stagger , for their wisdome's gone . Then cry they to the Lord in these Great streights , who them hears , them frees ; The winds , and waves obey Gods will , The storme 's a calm , the waves lie still , Then are they glad — &c. The 28. day we had sight of the Grand Canaries , and of that Mou●tain in the Island of Teneriffa , commonly called the Peake . Qui — Caput inter nubila condit . — so high , As that it threats the Neighbouring skie . or — that shrowds It 's loftie head amongst the Clouds . This over-grown rise of Earth , is in shape like to a Pyramis or Sugar-loafe , circled , and wrapt about which many wreaths of clouds , which encompass it by severall distances , as first earth , then clouds , above which the earth appears again , then clouds , again , then earth , the top of it being of such an immense height , that it may be as truly sayd of this , as Virgil. Eclog ▪ 5. writes of Olympus . Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi , Sub pedibusque videt Nubes , & sidera . — So beautifull , it Heavens unwonted spires , And Clouds , and Stars under its feet admires . This Peake of Teneriffa , in a cleer day , may be seen ( if the Mariners report truth ) more than forty leagues at Sea. These Islands lye 28 Degrees of North Latitude . The 31. being Easter day , we passed under the Tropick of Cancer ; and the seventh of April the Sun was our Zenith or Verticall , at noon day directly over our heads , which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife , or long Needle , set upright , and did cast no shadow . The Sun in this course like the Equinoctiall , divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equall parts ; and in this Motion ariseth so directly or upright , that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning for 't is dark immediatly before the Sun then appears ; and so 't is in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere . Here wee were becalmed fourteen dayes , enduring extreme heat . The sixteenth we met with winds , ( we being then against , and not far from the Coasts of Africa ) which the Mariners call the Turnadoes ▪ very strange Gusts indeed , like those in Aeschylus , on the shore Aesc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( ad finem . ) — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . — Whirlwinds around Hurry the dust : the blasts rebound Storming on all sides : thus together . Enraged Gusts oppose each other . Or like those in Virgil at Sea. Aeneid . 1. v. 85. &c. Haec ubidicta , Cavum conversa cuspide montem Impulit in latus : at venti velut agmine facto , Quà data porta , ruunt , & terras turbine perslant . Incubuere mari , totumque à sedibus imis Unà Eurusque Notusque ruunt , creberque procellis Africus : & vastos volvunt ad littora fluctus . Thus sayd , with his spears point the hollow Hill He turn'd aside , the winds left to their will All sally out , and blustering through the world Fall on the Sea ; which from the depth● is hurld By th' East , and South at once , and stormy North , Which to th● shore , huge wallowing waves roul forth . Those self-opposing blasts we there had , were so variable and uncertain , that sometimes within the space of one hour , all the thirty two severall winds , ( which are observed in so many points of the Compasse ) will blow , so that if there be many Ships in company , you may observe them all to sayl so many severall wayes , and every one of them seem to goe directly before the wind . Now that it should be so here , and not known so to be in any part of the world beside I ever heard of , if not in those winds , which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland Witches , I can give no reason for it , unlesse Satan ( who is most Tyrannicall where he is most obeyed ) that Prince of the Ayr seems to rule more here , than hee doth in other parts . And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main , the poor , ignorant , and most miserable Negroes , born for sale ▪ and slavery , and slaughter . These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Lightning and with extreme rain , so noysome , that it made their cloths who stir'd much in it ▪ presently to stink upon their backs ; the water likewise of those slimy , unwholsome , hot , and unsavorie showres , wheresoever it stood , would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures . These Turnadoes met with us when we were about 12. Degrees of North Latitude , and kept us company ere they quitted us , two Degrees Southward of the Equinoctial , under which we passed the 28. of April . The 19th of May being Whitsunday , wee passed the Tropick of Capricorn , so that we were seven weeks compleat under the Torrid Zone . Between the Tropicks wee saw ( almost every day ) different kinds of fishes , in greater abundance than else-where , as the great Leviathan whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea ; Granpisces , or lesser whales , Sharkes , Turtles or Torteises , Dolphins , Bonitoes , Albicores , Porpisces , Flying fishes , with many others . Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatnesse , who in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water , where they appear like unto great Rocks , in their rise , spouting up into the Ayr with noyse , a great quantity of water which falls down again about them like a showr . The Whale may well challenge the Principalitie of the Sea , yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion ; for instance , a little long Fish called a Thresher often encounters with him , who by his agilitie vexeth him as much in the Sea , as a little Bee in Summer , doth a great Beast on the shore . The Shark hath not this name for nothing ; for he will make a morsell of any thing he can catch , master and devour . These Shark are most ravenous fishes ; fo● I have many times observed that when they have been swimming about our Ships ( as oftentimes they doe ) and we have cast over-board an iron hook made strong for this purpose , fastned to a roap strong like it , bayted with a piece of beese of five pounds weight ▪ this bayt hath been presently taken by one of them and if by chance the weight of the fish , thus taken , in haling him up , hath broken out the Hooks hold , not well fastned ( as sometimes it did ) so that he fell again into the Sea , he would presently bite at an other Bayt , and so bite till he was taken . Not much unlike many vile men , who think they may safely take any thing they can finger and get , and having been fastned in , and escaped out of many Snares will take no warning but be still nibling and biting at what they like not once considering that there is an hook within the bayt , that will take them at last , and hamper them to their unavoydable destruction . This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eating , as he is in qual 〈…〉 y a very moyst watery fish , yet eaten at Sea ( because any f●esh thing will there down ) but no good food . This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey by which he gives warning to many other little fishes , who ever swim about him , to avoyd his swollow . Those Fishes that thus keep him company , are called by the Mariners , Pilate-fishes , who alwayes shape their course the same way the Shark takes , and by consequence ( nature having made them so wary ) he becomes their guard , they not his food . And there are other fishes too they call Sucking-fish , that stick as close to the body of the Shark , as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast , and so receive their nourishment from him and he must be contented , for while he is swimming up and down , he cannot possibly free himself of them ▪ Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness ; they have a broad roundhead , in which are three rowes of teeth very strong and sharp , by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one bite , as some have found by wofull experience , while they have been carelesly swimming in these hot Seas , where these Sharks most use and certainly were they as nimble as they are mischievous , would doe very much hurt . The Turtle or Torteis is one of those creatures we call Amphibia , that lives sometimes in the Sea and sometimes on the shore , he is marvellously fortified by Nature dwelling ( as it were ) continually under a strong roof , which moves with him , and covers ( when he will ) his whole body ; therefore Testudo which signifies a Torteise , signifies also the roof or vault of an house , which covers all within it . Those concave backs ( like bucklets , but of an Oval shape ) that cover these creatures , are many of them so exceeding strong , that they will bear off the weight of a Cart-wheel . These Torteises increase by eggs ( as I have been often told ) are very good to eat , the substance within them ( whether you will call it flesh or fish ) first boyled , and after minced with butter , tastes like buttered Veal , Their shell makes ( as is very commonly known ) excellent good Combes , Cups , or Boxes , and further it is used by them in East-India , to make or adorn little or great Cabinets . The Dolphin is a fish called for his swiftnesse the Arrow of the Sea differing in this one particular from all other fishes I ever observed , in that he hath many little teeth upon the top of his tongue . Hee is very pleasing to the eye , smell and taste , of a changeable colour , finn'd like a Roach , covered with many small scales , having a fresh delightsome sent above other fishes , and in taste as good as any ; these Dolphins are wont often to follow our ships , not so much I think for the love they bear unto man , ( as some write , ) as to feed themselves with what they find cast over board , whence it comes to pass , that many times they feed us , for when they swim close to our ships wee often strike them with a broad instrument , full of barbs , called an Harping-iron , fastned to a roap , by which we hale them in ; This Dolphin may be a fit Embleme of an ill race of people , who under sweet countenances , carry sharp tongues . Bonitoes and Albicores , are in colour , shape , and taste , much like unto Mackrels , and as good fish as they , but they grow to be very exceeding large . The Porpisces or Hogfish , are like the former ; very large and great , but better to look upon than to taste ; they usually appear at Sea in very great sholes or companies , and are ( as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine , that ran violently into the Sea ) very swift in their motion , and like a company matching in rank and file ; They leap or mount very nimbly over th● waves and so down and up again , making a melancholy noyse , when they are above the water . These are usually , when they thus appear , certain presagers of very foul weather . The Flying fishes have skinny wings like unto Batts , but larger ▪ they are stifned and strengthned with many little bones , such as are in the back finns of Pearches , by which they fly ▪ but a little way at a time ; they have small bodyes like unto Pilchers , and appear when they fly , in marvellous great companies , and some of them often fly into our ships , by which we have tasted that they are excellent good fish . Of all other , these flying Fishes live the most miserable lives , for being in the water , the Dolphins , Bonitoes , Albicores , and Porpisces , chase persecute and take them , and when they would escape by their flight , are oftentimes caught by ravenous Fowls , somewhat like our Kites , which hover over the water . These flying Fishes are like men professing two trades and thrive at neither . I could further enlarge , but my business is not to write an History of Fishes , yet in those wee have named , as in thousands more which inhabite that watery Main , I desire with David , to admire and say , O Lord , how manifold are thy works ; manifold , and wonderfull indeed , as he that will take notice , many observe every where , but in a speciall manner ( because they are more rare ) in the great varietie of strange Creatures , which the Sea , that womb of moysture , brings forth , in which many things we behold are wonderfull , and many things besides we cannot see , are certainly more full of wonder . In which unfadom'd , water y deep , Creatures innumerable keep , Some small , some great , among the waves , As if they liv'd in moving graves . Through which the ships doe plow their way , In which the Whales doe sport and play . Psal . 104. 24 , 25 , 26. But to proceed on our Voyage , the 12. of June early in the morning , we espied our long-wished for harbour the Bay of Souldania , about twelve leagues short of the Cape of good Hope , where we came happily to an Ankor that forenoon . In which Bay we found a Dutch-ship bound for Bantam , which had taken in her course , and brought thither , a small Portugal bound to Angola , a Colonie belonging to the Portugals , lying in the skirts of Africa , about ten degrees South of the Line ; in which small ship amongst many rich Commodities ( as we heard ) to the value of five or six thousand pounds sterling , there were ten Portugal Virgins ( as they call'd themselves ) sent to that Colonie I suppose for Husbands . The young women were well-favoured , and well clad in silks , but such were the courtesies of these Dutch-men towards them , as that they took not only away all the goods , Artilerie , and good provisions of their ship , but they rob'd these poor captive Maidens of all their apparell , ( which they most sadly complained of ) to one poor suit ( and I suppose of their honour too , if they brought it with them ) then giving them water for their wine , and a very scant proportion of all other provisions , turn'd them with their unarm'd , leakie , and ill-man'd ship , to the mercy of the Seas , the twentieth day following . This Bay of Souldania lyeth in 34 degrees and half of South Latitude in a sweet Climate , full of fragrant herbs ( which the soyl produceth of its self ) pleasing to the sense , where our ships companies , when they have often-times there arrived , with very weak and feeble bodies , usually by that Sea disease the Scurvy , in which disease ( I shall observe by the way ) if any that have it , be not too much overgone with it , assoon as hee comes to enjoy the fresh ayr on any shore , with fresh water , and fresh food he will presently recover ; but if this disease have over-much prevailed on him , immediatly after he sets his foot on shore , he usually dies . I say our people when they have come hither with very crazie bodies , have often found here much good refreshing ; for besides a most delectable brook of pure good water , arising hard by , out of a mighty hill ( call'd for its form the Table , close by which there is another Hill , which ariseth exceeding high like a Pyramis , and called by Passengers the Sugar-loaf ) there are good store of Cattell , as little Beeves , called by the barbarous Inhabitants . Boos ; and Sheep which they call Baas , who bear a short coarse hairie wooll , and I conceive are never shorn . These Boos and Baas , ( as they call them ) were formerly bought in great plenty , for small quantities of Kettle-brasse , and Iron Hoops , taken off our Empty Cask ; ( which are all for this long voyage hoop'd with Iron . ) These Salvages had their cattell which we bought of them , at a very great Command , for with a call they would presently run to them , and when they had sold any one of their bullooks to us , for a little inconsiderate peece of brasse , if we did not presently knock him down , they would by the same call , make the poor creature break from us and run unto them again , and then there was no getting them out of their hands , but by giving them more brasse , and by this trick now and then , they sold the same beast unto us , two or three times ; and if they had thus sold him more often , he had been a good penny worth ; how ever in this wee might observe , the covetousness and deceit of this brutish people . Here yee must know that this people of all metals seem to love brasse , I think ( as you may ghesse afterward ) for the ranknesse of its smell ; with which they make great rings to wear about their wrists ; yea , so taken are they with this base metall that if a man lay down before them a peece of gold worth two pounds sterling , and a peece of brasse worth two pence , they will leave the Gold , and take the brasse On this shore there likewise are found excellent good , though small roots for Salads , which the soyl brings forth without husbanding . And in the head of the Bay , may be taken with netts , great store of fayr fat Mullets , of which we took abundance . This remotest part of Africa , is very mountainous , over-run with wild beasts , as Lions , Tygres , Wolves , and many other beasts of prey , which in the silent night discover themselves by their noyse and roaring ; to the Teeth and Jawes of which cruell Beasts , the Natives here expose their old people , if death prevent it not , when once they grow very old and troublesome , laying them forth in some open place in the dark night , When the wild beasts ( as David observes , Psal . 104. 20 , 21. ) doe creep forth , and the young lyons roar after their prey . One miserable poor old wretch was thus exposed when we were there , who by his pittifull cryes , was discovered by our Court of Guard , there on shore , and not far off from him , and by them relieved and delivered for that present time , out of the jawes of Death ; And wee asking Coorce one of the Natives ( whose story you shall have by and by ) why they did so , he told us , it was their custome , when their people had lived so long , that they knew not what to doe with them , thus to be rid of them . Wee saw in this Bay of Souldania many Whales , and about the shore divers party-coloured Fowles ; And here are Ostriches to be seen . For the soyl about the Bay , it seems to be very good , but the Sun shines not upon a people in the whole world , more barbarous than those which possesse it ; Beasts in the skins of men , rather than men in the skins of beasts , as may appear by their ignorance , habit , language , diet , with other things , which make them most brutish . First for God , the great God of Heaven and Earth , whom generally all the people in the world , Heathen , as well as Christians doe confess , they ( as this Cooree told us ) acknowledge none . For their speech it seemed to us inarticulate noyse rather than Language , like the clucking of Hens , or gabling of Turkeys ; and thus making a very strange confused noyse , when they walk here or there : if there be two or three , or five , or ten , or twenty , or very many more in company , it is their manner to walk in rank one after the other , in small paths they have made by their thus walking , as Kine in Summer many times doe , when they come home to the Payl ; or as wild-geese who fly in ranks , and as they fly make a noyse ; so these walking together thus gabble from the first to the last in company , as if all spake , but none answered . Their Habits are their sheeps skins undrest , thonged together , which cover their bodies to the middle , with a little flap of the same skin tyed before them , being naked downward , and when t is cold keep the woolly , when hotter weather , the fleshy side of those skins next to their bodies . Their ornaments and Jewels . Bullocks or sheeps-guts full of excrement , about their necks , and therefore when we bought their Cattell they would take ( and we were content they should ) their skins , guts , and garbage , which plentifully furnished them with that rich attire , and gay ornaments ; and when they were hungry , they would sit down upon some hillock , first shaking out some of that filthy pudding out of the guts they wore about their necks , then bowing and bringing their mouths to their hands , almost as low as their knees , like hungry doggs would gnaw , and eat the raw guts , when you may conceive their mouths full of sweet green sawce . The women as the men are thus adorned , thus habited , and thus dieted only they wear more about their lower parts than the men . And ( by the way ) these carry their sucking infants under their skins upon their backs , and their brests hanging down like Bag-pipes , they put up with their hands to their children , that they may suck them over their shoulders . Both sexes make coverings for their heads like to skull caps , with Cow-dung , and such like filth mingled with a little stinking grease , with which they likewise besmear their faces , which makes their company unsufferable , if they get the wind of you . I observed , that some of the rest of their dyet was agreeable to the former , for they would eat any refuse thing , as rotten and mouldy Biskets , which we have given them , fit indeed for nothing but to be cast away ; yea , they will eat that which a ravenous dog in England will refuse . I once tooke notice of a Couple of them , who had found on the neighbouring shore a large piece of a dead fish the Sea had cast up , which did most sufficiently stink , they presently made a little fire with dry Cow-dung , and with this they warm'd it , and then they eat it , with as much seeming appetite , as an hungry man with us , would feed upon a very choyse and savoury dish , which makes me almost to believe , that those wretched creatures have but three senses , wanting the benefit both of Smelling and Tasting . They lodge upon the earth in Hovels , so ill covered , that they keep not out the weather , made like to those we call Summer-houses , with Boughs and sticks . Et pecus , & Dominus communi clauditur umbrâ . The beast and 's master under one shade dwell , But which the veriest beast , is hard to tell . These Brutes devote themselves to idlenesse , for they neither dig nor spin . For their stature and making they are very streight , and well lim'd , though not very tall but in their faces very ill-favoured , for the noses of most of them are flat . They have little or no beard ; the hair on their heads short black and curled ; their skins very tawny ; swift they are of foot , and will throw Darts , and shoot Arrows , which are their weapons very dangerously . Me thinks when I have seriously considered , the Dresses the Habitations , and the Diet of this people , with other things , and how these beasts of Mankind live all like Brutes , nay worse , I have thought that if they had the accommodations wee enjoy ( to make our lives more comfortable ) by good dwelling , warm clothing , sweet lodging , and wholsome food , they would be abundantly pleased with such a change of their condition ; For as Love proceeds from Knowledge , and liking ; and we can neither love nor like any thing we cannot know : so when we come to a sensible understanding of things wee knew not before ; when the Belly teaches , and the Back instructs a man would believe that these should work some strong convictions . But I shall here insert a short story ; About three years before I went to India , it happened , that one of the Companie ships returning thence , and arriving at this barbour , after a little stay , when she was ready to set sayl for England , and having then two of these Salvages aboard , her Commander resolv'd to bring them both home with him , thinking that when they had got some English here they might discover something of their Country which we could not know before . These poor wretches being thus brought away , very much against both their minds , one of them ( meerly out of extreme sullenness though he was very well used ) died shortly after they put to Sea , the other who call'd himself Cooree ( whom I mentioned before ) lived and was brought to London , and there kept , for the space of six moneths , in Sir Smith's house ( then Governour of the East-India Company ) where he had good diet good clothes , good lodging , with all other fitting accommodations ; now one would think that this wretch might have conceived his present , compared with his former condition , an Heaven upon earth , but he did not so , though he had to his good entertainment made for him a Chain of bright Brasse , an Armour , Brest , Back , and Head-piece , with a Buckler all of Brasse , his beloved Metall , yet all this contented him not , for never any seemed to be more weary of ill usage , than he was of Courtesies ; none ever more desirous to return home to his Countrey than he ; For when he had learned a little of our Language , he would daily lye upon the ground , and cry very often thus in broken English , Cooree home goe , Souldania goe , home goe ; And not long after when he had his desire , and was returned home , he had no sooner set footing on his own shore , but presently he threw away his Clothes , his Linnen , with all other Covering , and got his sheeps skins upon his back , guts about his neck , and such a perfum'd Cap ( as before we named ) upon his head ; by whom that Proverb mentioned , 2 Pet. 2. 22. was literally fulfill'd , Canis ad vomitum ; The dogge is return'd to his vomit , and th● swine to his wallowing in the mire . From all which wee may draw this Conclusion , that a continued Custome may make many things that seem strange and loathsom to some , even naturall to others , and that the most brutish life may seem civill , and best to a most brutish man ; and he thus pleading for it . Custome the Nurse of Nature oft is prov'd , Like Nurses , than the Mother more belov'd . Thus Bestiall crimes men by their wont excuse , And love not what is good , but what they use . So Plutarch's Gryllus argues ( turn'd a Swine . ) Against the Lawes that Wit and Arts refine ; Affirmes that man too curiously nice , Bought his poor Reason at too dear a price ; Since all his actions limited must bee , By measur'd Rules , when beasts have liberty ; And unconfin'd on Natures Common feed , No Lawyer , no Physician , Taylor need , Clothes are but marks of shame , med●cines but show Diseases , and we Lawes to Quarrells owe : Cookes are the Instruments of Luxury , Painters of Lust , Builders of Vanity . Let all then live as Nature them produc'd , And frame their maners as they have bin us'd . 'T is most strange that a Creature who hath any thing of Reason in him , should thus degenerate , thus plead , or thus doe , but it is most true in these , as of millions more of brutish Heathens in the world , who live as if they had nothing at all of man left in them . For man the worst of brutes , when chang'd to Beast , Counts to be civiliz'd , to be opprest ; And as he tames Hawks , & makes Lions mild By Education : so himself growes wild . After this fellow was returned , it made the Natives most shie of us when we arrived there , for though they would come about us in great Companies when we were new come thither , yet three or four dayes before they conceiv'd we would depart thence , there was not one of them to be seen , fearing belike we would have dealt with some more of them , as formerly we had done with Cooree . But it had been well if he had not seen England ; for as he discovered nothing to us , so certainly when he came home , he told his Country-men ( having doubtless observed so much here ) that Brass was but a base and cheap commoditie in England , and happily we had so well stored them with that metall before , that we had never after such a free Exchange of our Brass and Iron for their Cattell . It was here that I asked Cooree who was their God ? he lifting up his hands answered thus , in his bad English , England God , great God , Souldania n● God. Now if any one desire to know under whose Command these Brutes live or whether they have any Superiority , & Subordination amongst themselves , or whether they live with their females in common , with many other questions that might be put , I am not able to satisfie them ; But this I look upon as a great happiness not to be born , one of them , and as great , nay a far greater misery , to fall from the loyns of Civill & Christian Parents , and after to degenerate into all brutishness , as very many doe , qui Gentes agunt sub nomine Christianorum ; the thing which Tertullian did most sadly bewail in many of his time , who did act Atheism under the Name of Christianity , and did even shame Religion by their light and loose professing of it . When Anacharsis the Philosopher was sometime upbraided with this , that he was a Scythian by birth , he presently returned this quick and smart answer unto him that cast that in his teeth ; Mihi quidem Patria est dedecus , tu autem Patriae , my Country indeed is some disparagement to me , but thou art a disgrace to thy Country , as there be many thousands more beside , who are very burdens to the good Places that give them Brea●h & Bread. Alas , Turkie , and Barbary , and these Africans , with many millions more in that part of the world & in America , and in Asia , I and in Europe too , would wring their hands into peeces , if they were truly sensible of their condition , because they know so little ; And so shall infinite numbers more one day born in the visible Church of God , in the valley of visions , Es . 22. 1. have their very hearts broken into shivers , because they knew so much , or might have known so much , and have known and done so little ; for without all doubt , the day will one day come , when they who have sinned against the strongest means of Grace and Salvation shall feel the heaviest miserie , when their means to know God , in his will revealed in his Word , shall be put in one Balance , and their improvement of this means by their Practice in the other , and if there have not bin some good proportion betwixt these two , manifested in their lives , what hath been wanting in their Practice shall be made up in their Punishment . But I would not here more digress . I have one thing more which accidentally relates to this place , and then I will leave it . In the year 1614. ten English men having received the sentence of death for their severall crimes at the Sessions house in the old-Baily at London , had their Execution respited by the intreaty of the East-India Merchants , upon condition that they should be all banished to this place , to the end ( if they could find any peaceable abode there ) they might discover something advantagious to their trade ; And this was accordingly done . But two of them when they came thither were taken thence , and carried on the voyage . One whose sirname was Duffield by Sir Thomas Row , that year sent Ambassadour to the Great Mogol ; that fellow thus redeemed from a most sad Banishment , was afterward brought back again into England by that noble Gentleman , and here being intrusted by him , stole some of his Plate and ran away ; another was carried on the Voyage likewise , but what became of him afterward I know not . So that there remained eight which were there left with some Ammunition ▪ and victual , with a small ●oat to carry them to and from a very little un●●habited Island lying in the very mouth of that Bay , a place for their retreat and safety from the Natives on the Main . The Island called Pen-guin Island , probaby so named at first by some Welshman , in whose language Pen-guin signifies a white head and there are very many great lazy fowls upon , and about this Island , with great cole-black bodies , and very white heads , called Pen-guins . The chief man of the eight there left was sirnamed Cross , who took the Name upon him of Captain Cross , He was formerly a Yeoman of the Guard unto King James ; But having had his hand in blood twice , or thrice , by men 〈◊〉 by him in severall Duels , and now being condemned to die with the rest , upon very great fute made for him , he was hither Banished with them , whither the justice of Almighty God was dispatched after him , as it were in a Whirlwind , and followed him close at the very heels , and overtook him , and left him not till he had payd dear for that blood he had formerly spilt . This Cross was a very stout , and a very resolute man ▪ who quarrelling with , and abusing the Natives ; and engaging himself farre amongst them , immediatly after himself with the rest were left in that place , many of these Salvages being go 〈…〉 together , fell upon him , and with their Darts thrown , and Arrows shot at him , stuck his body so full of them , as if he had been Larded with Darts and Arrows , making him look like the Figure of the man in the Almanack , that seems to be wounded in every part , or like that man described by Lucan , totum pro vulnere corpus , Who was all wound , where blood touched blood . The retaliations of the Lord are sure and just ; Hee that is mercy it self abhorrs cruelty above all other sins ; Hee cannot endure that one man should devour another , as the Beasts of the field , Birds of the ayr , Fishes of the Sea doe , and therefore usually shewes , exemplary , signall revenges for that sin of Blood , selling it at a dear rate unto them that shed it . Every sin hath a tongue , but that of blood our-cryes ; and drowns the rest ; Blood being a clamorous , and a restless suter , whose mouth will not be stopt ▪ till it receive an answer , as it did here . The other seven , the rest of these miserable Bandi●i , who were there with Cross , recovered their Boat , and go● off the shore , without any great hurt , and so rowing to their Island , the waves running high , they split their boat at their landing , which engaged them to keep in that place , they having now no possible means left to stirre thence . And which made their condition while they were in it most extremely miserable , it is a place wherein growes never a tree , either for sustenance or shelter , or shade , nor any thing beside ( I ever heard of ) to help sustein nature ; a place that hath never a drop of fresh water in it , but what the showrs leave in the holes of the rocks . And besides all this , there are a very great number of Snakes in that Island ( as I have been told by many that have been upon it ) so many of those venemous worms that a man cannot tread safely in the long grasse which growes in it , for fear of them ; And all these put together must needs make that place beyond measure uncomfortable to these most wretched men . To this may be added their want of provision having nothing but dry Bisket , and no great quantity of that ; so that they lived with hungry bellies , without any place fit for repose , without any quiet rest , for they could not choose but sleep in fear continually ; And what outward condition could make men more miserable than this ? Yet notwithstanding all they suffered , these seven vile wretches , all live to be made examples afterward of Divine Justice . For after they had continued in , and endured this sad place for the space of five or six moneths , and they were grown all even almost mad by reason of their several pressing wants and extremities , it pleased God by providence , to bring an English Ship into that road , returning for England ; four of these 7. men being impatient of anymore hours staythere , immediatly after that ship was come in , made a float with the ruines of their split boat , which they had saved togither , and with other wood which they had gotten thither , and with raveld and untwisted boat-roapes , fastned as well as they could all together ( for there are no such sudden teachers and instructers as extremities are ) These four got upon the Float , which they had thus prepared , and poysing it as well as they could by their severall weight , hoped by the benefit of their Oares , and strength of the tyde , ( that then ran quick toward the ship newly arrived ) they might recover it ; but this their expectation failed them , for it being late in the day when they made this attempt , and they not discovered by the ship , which then road a good way up in the Bay , before they could come up neer unto her , the tyde return'd , and so carried them back into the main Sea where they all perished miserably . The day following , the ship sent a boat to the Island , which took those three yet surviving into her , as the other four might have been , if they could but have exercised their patience for one night longer ; these survivers came aboard the ship , related all that had befallen to their fellows ; But these three notwithstanding all their former miseries , when they were taken into the ship , behaved themselves so l●wdly , as they returned homewar● , that they were very often put into the Bilbowes , or ship-stocks , in the way returning , and otherwise many times punished for their great and severall misdemenours at last the ship being safely returned into the Downes , she had not been there at an anchor above three hours , but these three Willains got on shore , and they had not been ashore above three hours , but they took a Purse , and a very few hours after were apprehended and all taken for that fact , and suddenly after that , their very foul storie being related to the Lord chief Justice , and they looked upon as men altogether incorrigible , and uncapable of amendment by lesser corrections , by his speciall Warrant were executed upon their former Condemnation ( for which they were banished , not to return hither again , but never pardoned ) neer Sandwich in Kent , where they committed the robbery ; from whose example wee may learn , that it is not in the power of any affliction , how heavy soever it light , and how long soever it lye , if it be not sanctified , to do any man good . That when the rod is upon a man , if he be not taught as well as chastned ; all the stripes bestowed on him are cast away . A man might have hoped that these wretched fellowes had been long enough in the fire to have purged away their dross . But afflictions , like fire , harden as well as soften ; and experience teaches us , that the winds and waves though they beat with their greatest violence upon the rocks , yet leave them as they found them unmovable ; It being a most tryed truth recorded by Solomon , Prov. 27. 22. That bray or beat a fool in a morter , he will not leave his foolishness ; But as he was put in , so will he come out a fool . The year following we carried three more condemned persons to be left in this place , but they hearing of the ill successe of their predecessors , and that it was very unlikely for them to find any safe footing here , when we were ready to depart thence , and to leave them on the shore , they all came and presented themselves on their knees , with many tears in their eyes unto our chief Commander Captain Joseph , most humbly beseeching him , that he would give order that they might be hanged before he departed , in that place , which they much rather chose , than to be there left ; wee thought it was a very sad sight to behold three men in such a condition , that made them esteem hanging to be mercy . Our Commander told them , that he had no Commission to execute them , but to leave them there , and so he must doe , and so believed he had done ; But our fift ship the Swan staying in this place after us a day or two , took these poor men into her , and then took her course for Bantam whither she was bound . And the Rose our last ship , whose sight and company we lost in that most violent storm ( before mentioned ) at the beginning of our voyage was safely preserved , and happily afterward found her way to Bantam likewise . Wee made our abode in this Harbour till the 28th following , on which day we being well watered , and refreshed , departed . And the 29th we doubled the Cape of good Hope , whose Latitude is 35 Degree South . Off this Cape there setteth continually a most violent Current Westward , whence it comes to pass , that when a strong contrary wind meets it ( as often-times it doth ) their impetuons opposition makes the Sea so to rage , as that some ships have been swallowed , but many more very much endangered amongst those huge mountains of water , and very few ships pass that way without a storm . We kept on in a circular course , to gain a South-west wind ; for yee must know , that the wind in those parts , and so in East-India , blows ( and but with a very little variation ) half the year South-west , and the other half North-East ; we sayled here Southerly , till we had raised the South-Pole almost forty degrees above the Horizon . This Pole is a Constellation of four starrs , the Mariners call the Crosiers , these starrs appear neer one another like a Cross , and almost equidistant . And while we had the view of this Pole , the Sun ( as it must needs be ) was North at Noon unto us . The 22. of July we discovered the great M●dagascar , Commonly called St. Laurence , we being then betwixt it and the African Shore , which Iland lies almost every part of it unde● , or within the Southern Tropick : we touched not at it , but this I dare say , from the Credit of others who have been upon it , that as it is an exceeding great Iland ( if not the greatest in the known world ) So is it stored with abundance of very excellent good Provisions , though inhabited by a barbarous and heathenish people , but stout , and warlike , and very numerous . Over against this Iland , on the main Continent of Africa , are Zef●la , and Mozambique , whereon the Portugals have got some footing ; the places ( as may be strongly supposed ) whither Solomon sent his Navy of Ships , built at Eziongeber , which stood on the banks of the R●d-Sea in Arabia the Happy , the Countrey of that famous Queen of the South , who hearing of the wisdome , and renown , took her journey thence to visit the Court of King Solomon , who had understanding like a flood . From that place forenamed , Solomon sent his Ships for gold and Silver , and ●vory , &c. 1 Ki. 10 , 22. they Coasting all along the shore of Africa ; for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known , and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land alwayes in their sights , as without question those ships did , and to those forementioned places , stored ( as is related ) above other Parts of Africa . with those richest Commodities . I might have taken notice before , ( but yet it will not be unseasonable ) of many suddain , strong and violent Gusts of wind frequently to be observed in those-South-west Seas which surprize a Ship so suddainly , that if she have many sayles abroad , and the Mariners be not very watchfull , and Nimble to strike them their strength is such , that they will endanger her overturning And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they Call Spouts , which appear like a Funnel , or water tankard , very large and big at the one end but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length ; They Contain a great Quantity of water wrapt together by a whirl-wind , that falls within a very narrow Compass , the abundance whereof by ' its great weight , if it fall directly ( as sometimes it doth ) upon the body of a small ship , it will much endanger it and would do much more harm but that these Spouts when they are seen , may be easily avoided . From the Iland Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course , and the 5 of August following approached neer the little Ilands of Mohilia , Gazidia , St. John de Castro , with some others , whose Names I have not , called in general the Ilands of Comora , lying about 12. Degrees South of the Equator . The day following being the 6 of August , early in the morning our men looking out for Land espied a sail which stood directly in our Course . but far before us ; at first sight she appeared , as if there had been some great hill interposed betwixt us : for first , we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop , after this , of her Masts and Sailes , and then of her Hull ; after which manner , ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another , which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas , have a Convex , or Globous and round body placed by Almightie God , as it were in Hills , or Heaps , and being above the earth , and higher than it , they have set Limits , and Commanded they are to their Bounas , contrary to their Nature , which they may not passe , for to saith the Psalmist , Ps . 104. 9 Thou hast set a bound which they may not passe over , that they return not again to Cover the earth . But this is known to all that have been at sea , therefore we proceed . Upon the first sight of that ship , we were all glad of the object . improving all endeavours we could to overtake her withall preparing our great ordnance , that if she were a Friend we might salute her ▪ if an Enemy be in readinesse for her . so eagerly pursuing this unlooked for ship with the wings of the wind , after that we had given her Chase about five howers , her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa , lying in the Skirts of East-India , and principally inhabited by Portugals , the Citie of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain , her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces , a brave resolute man , as the sequent will demonstrate . About noon the Globe our least ship ( by reason of her Nimblenesse sailing better than her fellows ) came up with her on her broad side to windward , and according to the Custome of the Sea , ●ayl'd her , asking whence she was ; she answered indirectly of the Sea , calling our men Rogues , Theev , Hereticks , Devils , and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was , in loud Cannon language , discharging seven great Peeces of Ar●lrey at our Globe ( though she had very little reason so to do , we having four ships in Company , and she alone ) whereof six pierced her through the Hull , maiming some of her men , but killing none Our Globe replied in the same voice , and after that fel of . About three of the Clock in the afternoon , the Charls our Admiral came up with her so near , that we were within pistoll shot , our Commaunder Captain Joseph proceeded religiously , in offering them a treaty , before he proceeded to revenge ; So we saluted her with our Trumpets , she us with her wind Instruments , then we shewed our men on both sides aloft ; this done , our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us ; they answered , they had never a boat ; our Commaunder replyed that he would send them one , and immediately cansed his Barge to be man'd , and sent off to them , which brought back one of their officers ▪ and two others of inferiour ●ank , with this message from their Captain , how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship , and therefore forc'd he might , but never would be Commanded out of her . Captain Joseph received the message , and used those that brought it Civilly , and then ordered , that they should be shewed ( in a broad side of great Guns , that lay all ready p●im'd to be sir'd against them ) how we were prepared to vindicate our selves , which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling , and upon it desir'd out Commander to write a few words to theirs that happily with their perswasion might make him come , Captain Joseph . willing to preserve his honour ▪ and to prevent blood , consented , and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrot unto him ▪ That . Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our ship that saild peaceably by him , he wil'd him to come presently , and give reason for that wrong , or else at his perill . So he discharged those Portugals ▪ sending one of our Masters Mates back with them , with those few words ▪ and this further message , that if he refused to come , he would sink by his side , but that he would force him before he left him ; Mor●entium verb● sunt prophetica , his words came to passe , for he himself suddainly after , fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side . The Commander of the Caraque notwithstanding the Message , and Menace sent to him , was still peremptory in his first answer ; So our men returning , Captain Joseph himself made the three first Shot at them , all which , the mark being so fair , and neer , hit them ; this done , the bullets began to fly on both sides , our Captain Cheering his Company immediately ascended the half - Deck , the place where Commanders use to keep in those encounters , to shew their own galantry ▪ and to encourage the Company under their Command where he had not been the Eighth part of an hower , ere a great S●ot from the Caraques quarter deprived him of life in the twinkling of an eye . For this Captain Joseph , he was certainly one , who had very much of a Man in him for years antient , who had commanded before in Sea-sights , which he met withall , within the streights in the Madland Sea , and neer death , many times in them , which took others round about him , while himself went off untouched , and the Reason was , because his appointed time for dying was not yet come . Certainly there is never a bulle● flyes that carries not a Commission with it to hit , or m●sse , to kill , or spare , the time the Place , and every Circumstance beside of mans D●ssolution is fore-determined . That one dyes in the field , another in his bed one on the Sea , another on the Shore , one by Sicknesse , another by Violence , one in his own , another in a forein Nation , is fore decreed in Heaven ; the time of every mans change being set to a minute , which he must not pass . And though we hear it not vocally , yet Almighty God calls every one by his Name and saith to one , dye thou there ; and to another dye thou ●onder ; whence it was , that the Place where our Commander then stood W●vi●g his sword must of necessity be the S●age of his present mortality . Before ▪ what his purposes were in relation to his enemy with whom he now encounted I know not , but his thoughts what ever they were , in the shortest moment of time perished , Death surprizing him now swifter than ●ought , So that in his own Person he could do his enemy now no more hurt . For ●●ad Lions bi●e not . The Bullet which carried away his life , hit him on the brest , beating out of his body his Heart , and other of his Vitals , which lay round about him scattered in his diffused blood . A Runner is tried by a Ra●e , A Pilate by a ●empest , A Commander , whether at Sea , or Land , by a Battail , and , Ducem oportet in acie mori . — A Captain no where dyes Better , than in the face of Enemies . Yet as Sophocles sometimes spake of Philoctetes , that he killed others glorioussy when he was slam himself : So the blood of this resolute Commander was more than sufficiently revenged , as will appear by the Consequence in the fall and Ruine of most of his provoking enemies . After Captain Joseph was slain , the Master of our ship continued the fight about half an hower , then ( knowing there was another to be admitted into that prime place of Command ) the night approaching , for that time gave over , putting out a flag of Counsel to call the Captain of the vice Admiral ( Capt : Henry Pepwell ) who was to succeed , and the other Commanders aboard to consult about the prosecution of this encounter . The night being come , we now proceeded no further . The Caraque stood still on her Course , putting forth a light at her Poop for us to follow her ▪ and about midnight ●ame to an Anker under the Iland of Mohilia , which when we perceived , we let fall our Ankers to . The seaventh early before it began to dawn , we prepared for a new assault first Commending our selves in Prayer to Almighty God , who doth whatsoever he pleaseth in Heaven , and in Earth , in the Sea , and in all places , Ps . 135. 6. towards the close of which exercise , I spake some words of exhortation , and encouragment , to all the people of the ship there together assembled ; But was presently out - Rhetorick'd by our New Commander , who spake to the Company thus ; My master's , I have never a speech to make unto you , but to speak to the Cooper to give every one of you a good Cup of Sack ▪ and so God blesse us . Here was a speech indeed that was Short and Sweet ▪ that had somthing following it ▪ to make it most savoury , that it might be tasted , as well as heard . Mine was verbal without any such relish , and therefore I for 〈…〉 r to insert it . The morning come we found the Caraque so close to the Shore and the nearest if our ships at least a league off that we held our hands for that day expecting when she would weigh her Ankers and stand off to Sea , a fitter place to deal wi●h her . And that afternoon , we chested our late slain Commander putting some great shot with him into it that he might presently sink , and without any Ceremony of Guns , &c. usual upon such loccasions because our enemy should take no notice put him overboardgainst the Iland ▪ of Mohil●a , whore he made his own Grave , as all dead bodies do , buried not in dust but water which shall one day as well as the earth give up its de●d , Rev. 20 13 ▪ when all the bodies of men since the wo●ld began , that have● tasted Death in their several generations , however after death they have been bestowed ▪ wheresoever laid up shall be raised again , And though all would not , yet all must . A little before night that present day the Caraque departed again to Sea , we all loosed our Ankers , opened our Sayles , and ●ollowed . The day now left us and our proud Adversary unwilling as it should seem to escape , put forth a light ( as before ) for us to follow him , ( as afterward we did to purpose ) The night well●●gh 〈…〉 spent we commended again our selves and cause to God , when I observed more seeming devotion in our Sea-men that morning , than at any time before , or after while I kept them company ; who , for the generality are such a kind of people that nothing will bow them , to bring them on their knees , but extream Hazads . When this exercise was ended the day began to appear in a red ma●nt●l , which prov'd bloud● unto many that beheld it . And now we entred upon a second encounter , our four ships resolving to take their turns one after the other , that we might compel this proud Portugal either to bend , or break . But before I shall give an account of our further engagement . I will take notice of two accidents which to me seemed very observable , and exemplary ; the first this , there was one in our ship whose Sir name was Raven ( a servant to our late slain Commander ) who immed●ately before we began to engage , came to me and told me that he had a very great desire to follow his Master ; with what mind he spake this I know not , but if hea 〈…〉 ly and with desire his speech was very all for if it be an extreme madnesse for a man to intreat God ▪ to take away the life of his Beast , much more to request him to take away his own Life . But whatsoever his Petition was in respect of his inward desire it pleased Ma●ghev God presently to answer him herein , by the first great Shot that came from the E 〈…〉 my , which strook off his Head. Aman may hope to speed well , that knows how to Peti●●on well ▪ but by the Righteous ●udgment of God it oftentimes fall out , that such unadvised requests , meet with a return of most sad , and unwelcome answers There was another a Taylor ( but not in our ship ) who while the Company he sailed with , were engaged , brought his pressing ▪ iron to one of the Gunners , and desired him to put it into a Peece of Ordnance already laden , telling him that he would send it as a token to the Portugals , withall swearing that he would never work again at his trade ; it pleased God immediately after to sentence him out of his own mouth , and to let his tongue to fall upon himself , for that great Peece was no sooner discharged , but a great Bullet was returned from the enemy , which strook him dead . And now Reader thou mayest suppose us speaking again to our adversary , and he to us , in the harshest and lowdest of all Dialects , no arguments being so strong as those that proceed from the mouths of Guns , and Points of Swords . Our Charles the Admiral played her part first , and e●e she had been at defyance with her enemy half an hower there came another great shot from him , which hitting against one of our iron Peeces mounted on our half Deck , brak into many little parts , which most dangerously wounded our New Commander , and the Master of our ship ▪ with three others beside , who received several hurts by it . Captain Pepwels left Eye , by a glance of a Peec● of that broken bullet , was so Torn that it lay like Raggs upon his cheek ; another hurt by a peece of the same bullet , he received on his Jaw-bone , and by another , on his Head , and a fourth hurt he received in his Leg , a ragged peece of that broken shot sticking fast betwixt the two bones thereof , grating there upon an Artery , which seemed by his complayning to afflict him so much , that it made him take very little notice of all the rest of his Hurts , it being most true of bodily Pains , that the extremity of a greater pain will not suffer a man much to feel and complain of that which is lesse , as that tormen●ing pain by the Toot-ach , makes a man insensible of the a king of his head ▪ and when the Gout and Stone surprise the Body at once together , the torture by the Gout is as it were lost in the extremity of the Stone . And thus was our new Commander welcomed to his Authority ; we all thought that his wounds would very suddainly have made an end of him , but he lived till about fourteen Moneths after , and then Dyed as he was returning for England . I told you before , that this man suffered not alone by the scattered peeces of that broken shot , for the Master of the Ship had a great peece of the Brawn of his Arm strook off by it , which made him likewise unserviceable for a time , and three other of the Common sailers received several and dangerous hurts by it likewise . The Captain and Master both thus disabled , deputed their Authority to the chief Masters mate , who behaved himself resolutely and wisely ; so we continued Alternis vicibus one after the other , shooting at our adversary , as at a But , and by three of the clock in the after noon had shot down Her Main-mast by the board her Mizen-masts , her fore top mast , and moreover had made such breaches in her thick sides ▪ that her case seemed so desperate as that she must either yeild , or perish . Her Captain thus distressed stood in for the shore being not far ●rom the Iland of Gaziaia ; we pursued as sar as we durst without hazard of Ship wrack then we sent off a Boat with a flag of ●●uce to speak with him , He waved us with another , upon which Mr. ●onnick our chief Merchant imployed in that service came up to them and being invited , entred their ship , where he was civi●ly used , and there he delivered this Message to the chief Commander , and his Company , that he had brought them Life , and Peace . if they would accept it , withall telling them that they had deserved so well by their undaunted valour , that if they would put themselves into our hands , they should be entertained with all honour and respect ; how , the Ordinary sort in the Caraque were taken with this profer I know not , yet all this would not work upon that high-resolv'd Commander , who like Fabr●c●us in 〈…〉 ly could not be turn'd in the least measure , from his former and firm resolution , But Duris ut Ilex tonsa bipennibus Nigrae feraci frondis in Algido , Per damna , per caedes , ●b ipso Duc●t opes animumque ferro . Hor : As the lop't Holm-tree that is made By two edg'd Bils to part with shade , Growing in Algid , fer●il● grounds , New life receives and strength from wounds : So he contemning the Misery he could not prevent ; O● like a prun'd hedge which growes stronger by Cutting answering our meffenger thus that no infelicity should make him alter his first resolution , and therefore must not be talk't out of the ship ; That he would stand off to Sea if possibly he could and fight us again , and then if fire , or sword forc'd him , he might unhappily be taken but he would never yield , and if we took him alive he hoped to find the respect of a Gentleman , and till then we had our answer . So our Meffenger was discharged , and shortly after , this distressed Ship wanting her wings , was forc'd by the wind and waves upon the adjacent Iland of Gazidi● , where she stuck fast between two Rock● : those that were left alive in her , by their boats got upon the shore , which when they had all recovered , willing ( as it should seem ) to destroy what they could not keep , they set her on fire to make her a Coal , rather than we should make her a Prize . She was a ship of an Exceeding great value in Coyn and Bullion , besides many other rich commodities ▪ ( if report afterward abused us not ) but we got nothing from her but blows , for which she was repayed by us with Ruin. The poor distres●ed Portugalls after they had left their Ship were most inhumanly used by the barbarous Islanders , who spoyled them of all they brought on shore for their succour , some of them finding Death in the place they chose to escape , it and doubtless they had made havock of them all , had they not presently been relieved by two Arabian Junks ( for so their small ill built ships are called ) there in Trade ; which , in hope I suppose of some great reward , took them in , and conveyed them safely to their own City Goa . In this Sea-fight we lost , out of our four ships but five men ; three out of our Admirall , and two out of the James besides we had about twenty in our whole Fleet hurt . But of seven hundred which sayled in the Carrague , ( for she was a Ship of an exceeding great bulk and burthen our Charls , though a ship of a thousand Tunns , looking but like a Pinace when she was beside her ) there came not near half her Company to Goa as afterward we were informed . Our Charles in this opposition made at her adversary for her part , three hundred seventy and five great Shot ( as our Gunners reported ) to these we had one Hundred ▪ Musquetiers that plyed them with small shot all that while ; neither was our Enemy Idle , for our ship received from him at least one hundred great shot , and many of them dangerous ones , through the Hull ▪ Our fore-mast was peirced through the middle , our Main-mast hurt , our Main-stay almost spoyled , and many of our Main-shrouds cut asunder . Thus , Reader , thou hast the sum of that seaencounter , which I did the rather insert , because I believe that of all warlike oppositions there are none that carry more horror in them than Sea - Fights do , if the parties engaged be both very resolute , as very many who use the Sea are , who will desperatly run upon the mouth of a Cannon , rush into the very jawes of Death , before they have at all learned what it was to live ; that being most true , which was antiently observed in the generality both of souldiers , and Sea-men , Armatis Divûm nullus timor , that they fear neither God nor Man. And therefore when I seriously consider of the terrours which usually accompany this kind of fighting , I do more pity and less wonder at the behaviour of a poor Scotch Merchant in such an encounter , who observing the Bullets to make quick returns , gets into his Cabin , and there covered himself as close as he could ; but being pursued thither by his own tears , which he could not keep thence , they made his lower Passages both to open , and then feeling himself in those parts more warm and moyst than usually he was , cried out . Ice slene , Ice slene , Ice all goar blud ; yet when he was searched his hurts proved not mortal . But in good earnest , there is no opposition in the World so full of dread as this , and no Contentions 'twixt men and men carry them so far out of themselves , and make them turn so savage , as these . Where men act Wolves parts , where their highest skill Expressed is by knowledge how to kill ; One Bullet throws a Leg into the Main , An Arm that follows it , as if again ( Like a swife Post ) in winged hast it meant To fetch it back toth ' parts from which 't was rent . In a torn Car●ase one here lodges , crying , And at his feet there others gasp a dying : Here goes an Head , and there an Heart is made Its lodging to forsake , and fly to 's shade . Of all Encounters there are none so fell As Fights at Sea , where nought but Horrors dwell . Mongst all the Arts of Killing none more dire Than these by Bullets , Wracks , Noyse , Sword and fire . I want words to express the extreme horror that is to be observed in these Sea-fights , where Fire like Lightning darts into mens Eyes , and the over-loud Cracks of great Ordnance like Thunder roars in their Ears , besides the Noyse made by Musquets , Drums and Fifes , with men hurrying up and down the Ship ▪ in a confused tumult , wrapt about in a thick Cloud of suff●cating smoak made by the Powder . Here a Bullet comes and leaves Death behind it , and there Splinters kill or ma●m others ; so that a man in this Case is many times as if he were placed in the midst of a Beam holding two Ballances , where the one Scale hangs over the Fire , and over the Water the other : For it often fals out in these Encounters , that by sinking or firing a Ship a man is put to this most miserable choyce , either to Burn or Drown ; and in these extremities there is no escaping by flight , as in Field-Battels . And therefore though it be easy and safe to sail in the Harbour , or to sit upon the shore , and there to make these most sad Conflicts matter of talk , discourse or , merriment as some do , yet I conceive they should not be seen or heard of without grief and detestation : Because the very name of a man implies Humanity , which a man forgets to shew , when he sees or hears of the ●uine and destruction of others with Content , who are men like himself . It is well observed , that Almighty God in Scripture shewing mercy is oftentimes called by the name of a Man , as Gen. 32. 24. & 29 ▪ A Man wrestled with Jacob and blessed him . So in many other places . But when God threatens displeasure and vengeance against a man , he ●aith , I will not meet thee as a man , I● . 47. 3. that is , he will shew no pity , no compassion . Which implies thus much , that they who at any time are wanting in this , deserve not the names of Men , they being without natural affections ; Appearing to be such , as if they had been hewen from the Rocks , and not fal● from Loyns of flesh and blood ; as if they had sucked the Dragons in the Wilderness , rather than the Daughters of Men. But to conclude what I have to say of this ; If it be very terrible ( as indeed it is ) to be in the midst of such Encounters as these , though a man come off untouched , it is much more to smart under the sad consequences thereof ; It being by much more hard to feel , than it is easy to talk of them . And now , Reader , if thou shalt be pleased to accompany me further , I shall carry thee from this sad discourse , where we may be both refreshed upon a near rich and pleasant Iland ; And to make way for our entertainment there , take further notice , that after we saw the Carr●que in a flame ( which was about midnight ) we stood off and on till morning , to see if any thing might be found in her Ashes ; of which when we despaired , we sought about to succour and comfort our wounded and sick men on the shore . The Land there was very high , against which the Sea is alwaies deep ; so that it was the tenth day of that month ●re we could be possessed of a good Harbour ; which enjoyed , we found the Iland called Moh●l●a , very pleasant , full of Trees , and exceeding fruitful , abounding in Beeves , Kids , Poultrey of divers kinds , Rice , Sugar-Canes , Plantens ( of which Fruit more shall be spoken hereafter ) Oranges , Coquer-nuts , as with many other wholsome things , of all which we had sufficient to relieve our whole Company , for little quantities of White Paper , Glass Beads , low prized Looking-Glasses , and cheap Knives . For instance ▪ we bought as many good Oranges as would fill an Hat for one quarter of a shee● of white writing - Paper , and so in proportion all other Provisions . Here we had the best Oranges that ever I tasted , which were little round ones ▪ exceeding sweet and juicie , having but a little s●●ng●e skin within them , and the rinde on them almost as thin as the paring of an Apple : We eat all together , Rinde and Juice , and found them a Fruit that was extraordinary well pleasing to the Tast . Much of their Fruits the Ilanders brought unto ●s in their little Canoos ( which are long narrow boats , but like troughs out of firm trees ) but their Cattel we bought on the shore ; Where I observed the people to be streight , well limm'd , stout , able men , their colour very tawney ; most of the men , but all the women , I saw uncloathed , having nothing about them but a Covering for their shame . Such as were cloathed had long Garments like unto the Arabians , whose Language they speak , and of whose Religion they are , Mahumetans , very strict ( as it should seem ) for they would not endure us to come near their Churches . They have good convenient Houses for their Living , and fair Sepulchres for their Dead . They seemed to live strictly under the Obedience of a King , whose place of residence was some miles up in the Countrey ; His leave by Messengers they first craved , before they would sell unto us any of their better Provisions . Their King hearing of our arrival , bad us welcome by a Present of Be●ves , and Goats , and Poultrey , and the chief and choyce Fruits of his Countrey , and was highly recompenced as he thought again , by a Quire or two of white Paper , a pair of low prized Looking-Glasses , some strings of Glass Beads , some cheap Knives , and with some other English toyes We saw some Spanish Money amongst them , of which they seemed to make so little reckoning , that some of our men had from them many Royals of Eight in exchange for a little of those very low and very cheap Commodities which before I named . The Coquer-nu●tree ( of which this Iland hath abundance ) of all other Trees may challenge the preheminence : for , meerly with these Trees , without the least help of any other Timber , or any other thing ( unless a little Iron-work ) a man may build , and furnish , and fit and victual a small Ship to Sea. For the Heart of this Tree ( being very tough , firm and fast wood ) growing up streight and high , will make Timber , and Planks , and Pins , and Musts and Yards ; a strong Gum that issues out of it , with the Rinde that grows about it , will serve to calk the Ship ; and that spongie Rinde ( that looks like our Hemp when it is a little bruised ) will make Cordage and Sails , and the very large Nuts that grow upon it ( of which are made many excellent drinking Cups ) when it is newly gathered ▪ hath a milk-white substance that is tender ( tasting like an Almond ) round about of a good substance within it ; and within that a very pleasant Liquor , that is wholsom , as well as savoury , which may for a need serve those which sail in this Ship for meat and drink . Now well-stored with these Nuts and other good Provisions , after six daies abode there ; the breaches our Ship had lately received in fight being repaired , and our men well refreshed , we put again to Sea the sixteenth day , and a prosperous gale following us , were carried happily a second time under the Aequinoctial , without the le●st heat to offend us , the 24 day of the same Month. Our Course was for the Iland of Zocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea , from whence comes our Aloes Zocotrina ; but an adverse gale from the Arabian shore kept us so off that we could by no means recover it . We passed by it the first of September . Missing that Fort we proceeded on our Voyage , and the fourth of September made a solemn Funeral in memory of our late slain Commander , when after Sermon the small Shot and great Ordnance made a large Peal to his Remembrance . On the sixt of September at night , to our admiration and fear , the Water of the Sea seemed to us as white as milk , which did not appear onely so in the body of the Sea , but it looked so likewise in Buckets of water which we did then draw out of the Sea. Others of our Narion passing on that Course have observed the like : but I am yet to learn what should be the true reason thereof , it being there very far from any shore , and the Sea so deep as that we could fetch no ground . The 21. we discovered the main Continent of Asia the Great , in which East-India takes up a large part . The 22. we had sight of Deu and Damon , places that lye in the skirts of India , principally inhabited and well fortified by Portugals ; and the 25 of September we came happily to an Anchor in Swally-Road within the Bay of Cambaya , the Harbour for our Fleet while they make their stay in these remote Parts . Then after a long , and troublesome , and dangerous passage , we came at last to our desired Port. And immediately after my arrival there , I was sent for by Sir Thomas Row , Lord Embassadour , then residing at the Mogol's Court ( which was very many miles up in the Countrey ) to supply the room of Mr. John Hall his Chaplain ( Fellow of Corpus Christi College in Oxford ) whom he had not long before buried . And I lived with that most Noble Gentleman at that Court more than two years , after which I returned home to England with him . During which space of my abode there I had very good advantage to take notice of very many places , and persons , and thing , travelling with the Embassadour much in Progress with that King up and down his very large Territories . And now , Reader . I would have thee to suppose me setting my foot upon the East-Indian shore at Swally before named . On the banks whereof , amongst many more English that lye there interred , is laid up the body of Mr. Thomas ▪ Coryat , a man in his time Not us nimis omnibus , very sufficiently known . He lived there , and there died while I was in those parts , and was for some Months then with my Lord Embassadour , during which time he was either my Chamber-fellow or Tent-mate , which gave me a full acquaintance of him . That Greek-travelling-Thomas ( they which know his story know why I call him so ▪ ) formerly wrote a Book entituled Coryats ●rud 〈…〉 ies , Printed in the beginning of the year 1611. and then ushered into the World by very many Copies of excellent Verses made by the Wits of those Times , which did very much advantage and improve , if not enforce the sale thereof ( doing themselves much more honor than him whom they undertook to commend in their several Encomiasticks ) And if he had lived , he would have written his last Travels to , and in , and out of East-India , for he resolved ( if God had spared him life ) to have rambled up & down the world ( as sometimes Ulysses did ) and though not so long as he , yet ten full years at least before his return home , in which time he purposed to see Tartaria in the vast parts thereof , with as much as he could of China , and those other large Places and Provinces interposed betwixt East-India and China , whose true Names we might have had from him , but yet have not . He had a purpose after ●his to have visited the Court of Prester John in Aethiopia , who is there called by his own people , Ho B●ot , The King ; and after this it was in his thoughts to have cast his eyes upon many other places ; which if he had done , and lived to write those Relations , seeing as he did , or should , such variety of Countries , Cities , Nations , Things , and been as particular in them as he was in his Venetian Journal , they must needs have swoln into so many huge Volumns , as would have prevented the perishing of Paper . But undoubtedly , if he had been continued in life to have written them , there might have been made very good Use of his Observations ; for as he was a very Particular , so was he without question a very Faithful Relator of things he saw ; he ever disclaiming that bold liberty which divers Travellers have , and do take , by speaking and writing any thing they please of remote parts , when they cannot easily be contradicted , taking a Pride in their feigned Relations , to overspeak things ; being resolved in this case Not onely things to do , but or'-do ; Speaking , writing all , and more too : I therefore for my part , believing this Relaton to be none of those ▪ have taken some things from his trust and credit in this my following Discourse ; And because he could not live to give an account unto the world of his own Travels , I shall here by the way make some little discovery of his footsteps and flittings up and down , to and fro , with something besides of him , in his long peregrinations , to satisfie very many yet living , who if they shall please to read this Discourse , may recall that man once more into their remembrance , who while he lived was like a perpetual motion , and therefore now dead should not be quite forgotten . In the year 1612. he shipt himself from London for Constantinople , now called by the Turks Stombole , where he took special notice of all things there most observable . In which place he found very great respect , and encouragement from Sir Paul Pinder , then and there Embassadour , to whose House he had free and welcom access whensoever he pleased . Being there for some time , he took his opportunities to view divers parts in Grecia ; and in the Hellespont took special notice of those two Castles directly opposed to each other , called Sestos and Abydos , which stand on the several banks that bound that very narrow Sea ; which Places Musaeus makes famous in his very antient Poem of Hero and Leander . He desired much to see where those seven Churches sometimes famous in Asia the Less stood ; but since their sin so darkned their light , and God removed their Candlesticks from them ( as before he threatned ) those Places lye so in the dark , that it cannot be well discovered where they once were : Onely Smyrna is famous at this present day for Trade , but not Religion ; and Ephesus and some others of them keep their names still , though they left and lost their Faith , and profession of Truth , with the rest . He saw what yet remains of the Ruins of sometimes great Troy , but Jam Seges est ubi Troia fuit — That place which was once so populous as if it had been sow'n with People , And seeded thus , had after born Millions of men , now 's sow'n with Corn. And — O jam periere Ruinae , the very Ruins of that place are almost all gone to Ruine : The most observable thing there yet remaining is part of an exceeding great House , which is continued by Tradition to have been sometimes a part of the famous Palace of great King Priamus . From Smyrna he found a Passage to Alexandria in Egypt , Egypt that is called by some in regard of the Plenty it produceth , the Granary or Storehouse of the World. And in Egypt near Gran-C●iro ( antiently called Memphis ) he observed what remains of the once fam'd Pyramids . Returning thence back to Alexandria with one Englishman more , they found a pass by Sea to Jatta ▪ antiently called Joppa , and there they met some others going to Jerusalem , which is about twenty English miles distant from Joppa , whence they departed together towards Jerusalem , and found it a very solitary , rocky , uncomfortable way , full of danger , by reason of the wild Arabs who keep about those Passages to make poor Travellers their prey and spoyl . But they came safe to Jerusalem , now inhabited by Turks , and that place called by them Cutts ; where he told me , that himself and his Companion were courteously received by the Father Guardian of the Convent of Franciscan Friars that keep their residence in Jerusalem , and by some of them were met at the Gate of the City , where they were compelled by the Turkish Souldiers who keep those Gates ( as all others that bear the names of Christians , are ) at their first coming thither to redeem their heads by paying each of them the value of five shillings , before they could have admittance into that place ; which they had no sooner ●nt●●d ▪ but they were presently carried by those Franciscans which met them to their Convent ; and then the first thing they did to or for them , they washed their feet , then set some comfortable refection before them , and after went in Procession about a little Cloyster they had , praising God that he had brought in safety those two Votaries ( as they called them ) to visit that Holy Place . A day or two after they accompanied them to Bethlehem , the place of our Blessed Saviours birth , about five English miles distant from Jerusalem ; and in the way betwixt those two places shewed them a Rock , on which ( as they said ) the Blessed Virgin sate down , as she went on a time betwixt Jerusalem and Bethlehem , to give her Babe suck ; and that the Rock might not feel hard under her , it yielded ( as they told them ) to her body like a Cushion , and that impression made by her so sitting remaineth unto this day ; and is most devoutly kissed by Votaries as they pass up and down . After this they returning back shewed them all that was to be seen in and about Jerusalem . Many particulars they told them ( stories which are there kept by Tradition ) concerning our Blessed Saviour and his Mother : Then they had a sight of as much of Mount Calvarie ( where our Blessed Saviour suffered ) as could be shewed them , that Hill being now enclosed within the Wals of Jerusalem . They undertook to shew them afterwards the place wherein our Blessed Saviour was buried ; and after that upon Mount Olivet , the very place whence he after ascended , where upon a Rock there was an impression of the former part of two feet , such as is seen in soft earth , when a man lifts up his body to leap thence ; and these Franciscans confidently affirmed , and seemed undoubtedly to believe , that it was so as they shewed and told them . Many other things they affirmed , which being but Circumstantials , ( though appertaining to the best of all stories ) were enough for these Pilgrims to believe , and enough to make doubt of . At Jerusalem this our Traveller had made upon the Wrists of his left Arm the Arms of Jerusalem , a Cross Crossed , or Crosslets ; and on the Wrist of his right , a single Cross made like that our Blessed Saviour suffered on ; and on the sides of the stem or tree of that Cross these words written , Via , Veritas , Vita ▪ some of the letters being put on the one side of that stem or tree , and some of them on the other ; and at the foot of that Cross three Nails , to signifie those which fastned our Saviour unto it : All these impressions were made by sharp Needles bound together , that pierced onely the skin , and then a black Powder put into the Places so pierced , which became presently indelible Characters , to continue with him so long as his flesh should be covered with skin : And they were done upon his Arms so artificially , as if they had been drawn by some accurate Pencil upon Parchment . This poor man would pride himself very much in the beholding of those Characters , and seeing them would often speak those words of St. Paul written to the Galatians , Gal. 6. 17. ( though far besides the Apostles meaning ) I bear in my body the marks of the Lord Jesus . Now after that himself and Camrade had seen what they desired in and about Jerusalem , they took their leave of those Franciscans , leaving with them money to recompence the curtesy they had received from them ; the Friars being very poor , and consequently unable to entertain them freely without requitals . From hence they took their way to take a view of the Dead Sea ( so called , either because the water therein is still , and moves not , or because no living Creature is in it , and nothing thrives on the banks thereof ) the place where Sodom and Gomorrah , and Admah and Zeboim once stood , those Cities which Almighty God overthrew in anger , and repented not , Jer. 20. 16. Hence they went to have a sight of the River Jordan , which dischargeth it self into that most uncomfortable Lake ; and from hence they journied North-east through those ten Tribes , ( which for the sin of Salomon were rent from his son Rehoboam ) till they came to Mount Libanus . Thence back to Sidon , which retaineth that name still . And here he told me as his last observation made in that Land of Cauaan , sometimes ( like the Garden of the Lord ) flowing with milk and honey , being then enriched with a very great variety , and abundance of Gods good Creatures ; and in the daies of David so populous , that there were numbred in it at one time thirteen hundred thousand fighting men , 2 Sam. 24. 9. besides Women and Children , and others unfit to draw swords ; which was a most wonderful thing , to consider that such a spot of ground in comparison , not above one hundred and sixty miles in length , from Dan to Beersheba , and not above sixty miles in bredth , from Joppa to Jordan , should be able to bear and feed such a numerous people ; and now the very self-same tract of Earth , either for want of manuring , or ( which is rather to be conceived ) for the want of the blessing of Almighty God which once shined upon it , but now long since withdrawn from it , ( For a fruitful Land the Lord makes barren for the wickedness of them that dwell therein , Psal . 107. 34. ) is now become unable to sustein one in an hundred of such a number . From Sidon they got a passage by Sea unto Alexandretta , now called Scanderoon ( in the extremest bottom of the Mediterranean Sea ) which is one of the unwholsomest places in the World ; where I have often heard that no Stranger ( that was born far from it ) comes to continue there for the space of one Month , but is sure to meet with a sickness , which very often proves Mortal . At this place his English Companion left him , and turned his face towards England , and he presently took his way towards Aleppo in Syria , about seventy miles or more distant from Scanderoon , which is as much renowned for wholsomness , as the place before-named for being unwholsome ; and therfore it is called , sweet-air'd Aleppo . Here he being kindly received by the English Consul , stayed a time to gain the company of a Carava● , which consists of a great mixt multitude of people from divers parts , which get and keep together travelling those parts , for fear of the incursions and violences by Thieves and Murtherers , which they would undoubtedly meet withall , if they travelled single , or but few together . With these he after set forwards towards , and to that City antiently called Nineveh in Assyria , which we find in the Prophesie of Jonah was sometimes a great and excellent City of three daies journey , Jonah 3. 3. but now so exceedingly lessen'd and lodg'd in obscurity , that passengers cannot say of it , this was Nineveh , which now hath its old name changed , and is called Mozel . From hence they journied to Babylon in Chaldaea , situated upon the River Euphrates , once likewise so great that Aristotle called it a Countrey , not a City , but now it is very much contracted , and 't is called Bagdat . From this place they proceeded through both the Armeniaes , and either did , or else our Traveller was made to believe , that he saw the very Mountain Ararat whereon the Ark of Noah rested after the Flood , Gen. 8. And from hence they went forward towards the Kingdome of Persia , and there to Uzspahan , the usual place of residence for that great King , then called Sha Abbas , or King Abbas . And after they went to Seras , antiently called Shushan , where the great King Ahasuerus kept his Royal and most Magnificent Court , Est . 1 From hence they journied afterwards to Candahor , the first Province North east under the subjection of the Great Mogol and so to Lahore the chiefest City but one belonging to that great Empire ; a place , as I have been often told by Tom : Coryat and others of very great trade , wealth and delight , lying more temperately out of the Parching Sun than any other of his great Cities do : And to this City he wanted not Company , nor afterwards to Agra , the Mogol's Metropolis or chief City . And here it is very observable , that from Lahore to Agra it is four hundred English miles , & that the Countrey betwixt both these great Cities is rich , even , pleasant and flat , a Campania ; and the rode-way on both sides all this long distance planted with great Trees which are all the year cloathed with leaves exceeding beneficial unto Travellers for the shade they afford them in those hot Climes . This very much extended length of way 'twixt these two places is called by Travellers the Long Walk , very full of Villages and Towns for Passengers every where to find Provision . At Agra our Traveller made an halt , being there lovingly received in the English Factory , where he staid till he had gotten to his Turkish , and Morisco or Arabian Languages , some good knowledge in the Persian and Indostan Tongues , in which study he was alwaies very apt . and in little time showed much proficiency . The first of those two , the Persian , is the more quaint ; the other , the Indostan , the vulgar Language spoken in East-India : In both these he suddenly got such a knowledge and mastery , that it did exceedingly afterwards advantage him in his Travels up and down the Mogol's Territories , he wearing alwaies the Habit of that Nation , and speaking their Language . In the first of these , the Persian tongue , he made afterwards an Oration to the Great Mogol , bringing in that Story of the Queen of Sheba , 1 King. 10. ( in which parts of that Sacred Historic the Mahumetans have some knowledge ) and he told him , that as the Queen of Sheba having heard of the fame of King Salomon , came from far to visit him , which when she had done , she confessed that though she had heard very much of him and many things beyond her belief , yet now seeing what she did , acknowledged that she had not heard half of that which she now saw concerning the Wisdome , and Greatness , and Re●inue , and Riches of Salomon : So our Orator told the Mogol , that he had heard very much of him before he had the Honour to see him ( when he was very far off in his own Countrey ) but now what he beheld did exceedingly surmount all those former Reports of him which came to his ears at such a distance from him : Then larding his short Speech with some other pieces of Flattery , which the Mogol liked well , concluded : And when he had done , the Mogol gave him one hundred Roopus , which amounts to the value of twelve pounds and ten shillings of of our English Money ; looking upon him as a Derveese , or Votary , or Pilgrim ( for so he called him ) and such as bear that name in that Countrey seem not much to care for money , and that was the reason ( I conceive ) that he gave him not a more plentiful Reward . After this he having got a great mastery likewise in the Indostan or more vulgar Language , there was a woman , a Landress , belonging to my Lord Embassadors house , who had such a freedome and liberty of speech , that she would sometimes scould , brawl and rail from the Sun-rising to Sun-set ; one day he undertook her in her own language , and by eight of the clock in the morning so silenced her , that she had not one word more to speak . I shall have occasion to say more of this man in some passages of this following Discourse , and therefore shall not wrap all I have to speak of him in this , although it be a very long digression : Yet because I must now shortly bring you to his journies end , I shall take the freedome to enlarge my self a little further concerning him here in this place , before I leave him for the present ; and to give thee , Reader , a piece of his Character , it speaks thus : That he was a man of a very coveting eye , that could never be satisfied with seeing , as Salomon speaks , Eccles . 1. 8. though he had seen very much ; and I am perswaded that he took as much content in seeing , as many others in the enjoying of Great and Rare things . He was a man that had got the mastery of many hard Languages ( as before I observed ) to the Latine and Greek he brought forth of England with him ; in which , if he had obtained wisdome to husband and manage them as he had skill to speak them , he had deserved more fame in his generation . But his knowledge and high attainments in several Languages made him not a little ignorant of himself , he being so covetous , so ambitious of praise , that he would hear and endure more of it than he could in any measure deserve ; being like a Ship that hath too much Sail , and too little Ballast : Yet if he had not fall'n into the smart hands of the Wits of those Times , he might have passed better . That itch of Fame which engaged this man to the undertakings of those very hard , and long , and dangerous Travels , hath put thousands more ( and therefore he was not alone in this ) into strange attempts onely to be talked of . One long ago built a Temple to Diana in hope of Glory , intending it for one of the Great Wonders of the World ; Another after in hope of Fame burnt it . Whither will not the thirst of Fame carry men ! It hath made some seek to climbe up to Heaven , though by a wrong way : Thus the Builders of Babel say one to another , Let us build us a City , and a Tower , whose top may reach up to Heaven , and let us make us a Name , Gen. 11. 4 And it hath made others , who are penurious of their Honour , and prodigal of their Souls , not fear to run down headlong into Hell. 'T was Fame , without doubt , that stirred up this man unto these voluntary , but hard undertakings , and the Hope of that Glory which he should reap after he had finished his long Travels , made him not at all to take notice of the hardship he found in them . That hope of name and repute for the time to come did even feed and feast him for the time present . And therefore any thing that did in any measure eclipse him in those high conceivings of his own worth , did too too much trouble him , which you may collect from these following instances . Upon a time one Mr. Richard Steel a Merchant and servant to the East-India Company , came unto us from Surat to Mandoa , the place then of the Mogol's residence ( of which place somewhat more hereafter ) at which time Mr. Coryat was there with us ▪ This Merchant had not long before travelled over-land from East-India , through Persia , and so to Constantinople , and so for England ; who in his travel homeward had met with Tom : Coryat , as he was journeying towards East-India ; Mr. Steel then told him , that when he was in England , King James ( then living ) enquired after him , and when he had certified the King of his meeting him on the way , the King replied , Is that Fool yet living ? which , when our Pilgrim heard , it seemed to trouble him very much , because the King spake no more nor no better of him ; saying , that Kings would speak of poor men what they pleased . At another time when he was ready to depart from us , my Lord Embassadour gave him a Letter , and in that a Bill to receive ten pounds at Aleppo when he should return thither : The Letter was directed unto Mr. Libbeus Chapman , there Consul at that time , in which that which concerned our Traveller was thus : Mr. Chapman , when you shall hand these Letters , I desire you to receive the Bearer of them , Mr. Thomas Coryat , with curtesy , for you shall find him a very honest poor Wretch ; and further I must intreat you to furnish him with ten pounds , which shall be repayed , &c. Our Pilgrim lik●d tho gift well , but the language by which he should have received it did not at all content him , telling me , That my Lord had , even spoyled his curtesy in the carriage thereof ; so that if he had been a very Fool indeed , he could have said very little less of him than he did , Honest poor Wretch ! and to say no more of him was to say as much as nothing . And furthermore he then told me , that when he was formerly undertaking his journey to Venice , a Person of Honour wrote thus in his behalf unto Sir Henry Wott●n , then and there Embassodour : My Lord , Good Wine needs no Bush , neither a Worthy man Letters Commendatory , because whithersoever he comes he is his own Epistle , &c. There ( said he ) was some language on my behalf ; but now for my Lord to write nothing of me by way of Commendation , but Honest poor Wretch , is rather to trouble me than to please me with his favour . And therefore afterwards his Letter was phras'd up to his mind , but he never liv'd to receive the money . By which his old acquaintance may see how tender this poor man was to be touched in any thing that might in the least measure disparago him . O what pains this poor man took to make himself a Subject for present and after discourse ! being troubled at nothing for the present , unless with the fear of not living to reap that fruit he was so ambitious of in all his undertakings . And certainly he was surprized with some such thoughts and fears ( for so he told us afterwards ) when upon a time he being at Mandoa with us , and there standing in a room against a stone Pillar , where the Embassadour was , and my self present with them , upon a sudden he fell into such a swoon , that we had very much ado to recover him out of it ; but at last , come to himself , he told us that some sad thoughts had immediately before presented themselves to his Fancy , which as he conceived put him into that distemper ; like Fannius in Martial — Ne moriare mori , to prevent death by dying : For he told us that there were great Expectations in England of the large Accounts he should give of his Travels after his return home ; and that he was now shortly to leave us , and he being at present not very well , if he should dye in the way toward Surat , whither he was now intended to go , ( which place he had not as yet seen ) he might be buried in Obscurity , and none of his Friends ever know what became of him , he travelling now , as he usually did , alone . Upon which my Lord willed him to stay longer with us , but he thankfully refused that offer , and turned his face presently after towards Surat , which was then about three hundred miles distant from us , and he lived to come safely thither : but there being over-kindly used by some of the English who gave him Sack , which they had brought from England , he calling for it as soon as he first heard of it , and crying , Sack , Sack : Is there such a thing as Sack ! I pray give me some Sack : and drinking of it , though , I conceive , moderately ( for he was a very temperate man ) it increased his Flux which he had then upon him ; and this caused him within a few daies after his very tedious and troublesome Travels ( for he went most on foot ) at this place to come to his Journies end ; for here he overtook Death in the Month of December , 1617. and was buried ( as a foresaid ) under a little Monument , like one of those are usually made in our Church-yards : On which he should have been remembred by this or the like Epitaph , if it could have been there engraved upon his Tombe . Here lies the Wanderer of his age , Who living did rejoyce , Not out of need but choyce , To make his life a Pilgrimage . He spent full many pretious daies , As if he had his being To wast his life in seeing ; More thought to spend , to gain him Praise . Some weaknesses appear'd his stains : Though some seem very wise , Some yet are otherwise . Good Gold may be allow'd its Grains . Many the Places which he ey'd ; And though he should have been In all parts yet unseen , His eye had not been satisfi'd . To fill it when he found no Room By the choyce things he saw In Europe and vast Asia , Fell blinded in this narrow Tombe . Sic exit Coryatus ; Hence he went off the Stage , and so must all after him , how long soever their parts seem to be : For if one should go to the extremest part of the World East , another West , another North , and another South , they must all meet at last together in the Field of Bones , wherein our Traveller hath now taken up his Lodging , and where I leave him . And shall now proceed to give an account of what I have undertaken , and do principally intend in the description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great Mogol . Which following Discourse ( that I may put it into , and after continue it in some due order ) I shall digest into several Parts or Sections : As , SECTION I. Of the several Provinces , the chief Cities , the Principal Rivers , the extent of this vast Empire in its length and bredth . THE most spacious Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Provinces , which antiently were particular Kingdomes , whose true Names ( which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records ) with their Principal Cities and Rivers , their Situation and Borders , their Extent in length and bredth , I shall first set down very briefly , beginning at the North-west . Yet as I name these several Provinces , I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most remarkable . 1. Candahore , the chief City so called ; it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-west ; it confines with the King of Persia , and was antiently a Province belonging to him . 2. Cabut , the chief City so called , the extremest part North of this Emperours Dominions ; it confineth with ●artaria ; the River Nilob hath its beginning in it , whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus . 3. Multan , the chief City so called ; it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore , and to the West joyns with Persia . This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bowes and Arrowes made in it : The Bowes made of Horn ; excellently glued and put together ; the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds , both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish : They which are made here are more neat and good than in any part of East-India besides . 4. Haiacan , the Province of the Baloches , who are a very stout and warlike people that dare fight . I insert this , because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Territories who appear as likely as these , but so low-spirited ( as I shall after observe ) that they dare not sight . This Province hath no renowned City . The famous River Indus ( called by the Inhabitants Skind ) borders it on the East ; and Lar , a Province belonging to the King of Persia , meets it on the West . 5. Buckor , the chief City called Buckor-Succor ; that famous River Indus makes its way through it , and gently enricheth it . 6. Tatta , the chief City so called ; the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant , the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sinde , a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts . 7. Soret , the chief City is called Janagar ; it is but a little Province yet very rich ; it lyes upon Guzarat ; it hath the Ocean to the South . 8. Jesselmure , the chief City so called ; it joyneth with Soret ; but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof . 9. ●ttack , the chief City so called ; it lyeth on the East side of Indus , which parts it from Hai●can . 10. Peniab , which signifieth five Waters , for that it is seated amongst five Rivers , all Tributaries to Indus ; which , somewhat South of Labore , make but one Current : It is a large Province ; and most fruitful . Lahore is the chief City thereof , built very large , and abounds both in people and riches , one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India . 11. Chishm●ere , the chief City called Siranakar ; the River Bhat finds a way through it , though it be very mountainous , and so creeps to the Sea. 12. Banchish , the chief City is called Bishur ; it lyeth East , somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere , from which it is divided by the River Indus . 13. Jangapore , the chief City so called ; it lyeth upon the River Kaul , one of those five Rivers which water Peniab . 14. Jenba , the chief City so called ; it lyeth East of Peniab . 15. Dellee ( which signifies an Heart , and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories ) the chief City so called ; it lyeth between Jenba and Agra ; the River Jemni ( which runneth through Agra , and after falleth into Ganges ) begins in it . This Dellee is both an antient and a great City , the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors , where most of them lye interred . It was once the City and Seat of King Porus , who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great , and here he encountring with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Hoast of Men , said , as Curtius reports , Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum , That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind . I was told by ●om : Cor●at ( who took special notice of this place ) that he being in the City of Dellee , observed a very great Pillar of Marble , with a Greek inscription upon it , which time hath almost quite worn out , erected ( as he supposed ) there , and then , by Great Alexander , to preserve the memory of that famous Victory . 16. Bando , the chief City so called ; it confineth Agra to the West . 17. Malway , a very fruitful Province ; Rantipore is its chief City . 18. Chitor , an antient great Kingdome , the chief City so called , which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top , walled about at the least ten English miles . There appear to this day above an hundred ruin'd Churches , and divers ▪ fair Palaces , which are lodged in like manner among their Ruins , besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone , and the Ruins likewise at the least of an hundred thousand stone houses , as many English by their observation have ghessed . There is but one ascent unto it , cut out of a firm Rock , to which a man must pass through four ( sometimes very magnificent ) Gates . It s chief Inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim , Birds and Wild Beasts ; but the stately Ruins thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride . It was won from Ranas , an antient Indian Prince , who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Province , and his Posterity to live there ever since . Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha ( the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts ) after a very long sieg● ; which fa●●ished the besieged , without which it could never have been gotten . Let me digress here a little ; and put my Reader in mind of a sad truth which he must needs know already , how that this Hunger is the most powerful Commander , the most absolute Conquerour in the World ; for though Nature may be content , and in extremi●ies can make shift with a little , yet something must be had ; Bread being the Staff of Life , the Prop , the Pillar which next under the Giver hereof keeps up these Houses of Gla● . Earthly Enemies , be they never so many , never so mighty , may be long opposed , but Famine is irresistible . A man may flee from a Sword , the Arrow of Pestilence may misshim ; but there is no defence nor resistance against Hunger , against Thirst ; which sometimes made the besieged Bethulians ( as their Story relates ) to faint and dye in the streets of their City for want of water . The Widdow of Zarepthah was in a very low condition ( in a time of a most miserable Famine ) when she told the Prophet Elias , that she had left for her sustenance but an handful of Meal in a Barrel , and a little Oyl in a Cruse , and she was gathering two sticks to dress it for her self and son , that they might eat and dye , 1 Kings 17. 12. For when that Provision was gone , all was gone : O how great is the extremity of Famine ! in which some have been threatned to eat their own dung , and to drink their own piss , 2 Kings 18. 27. In what a sad case were the people in the siege of Samaria , when one woman said unto another , Give me thy son and we will eat him to day , and we will eat my son to morrow ? 2 Kings 6. 29. So in the siege and streightness of Jerusalem , when the Women did eat the fruit of their own bodies , their Children of a span long , Lam. 2. 20. when by reason of Famine the visages of these men were made blacker than coles , and the hands of pitiful women were forc'd , by reason of the most grievous extremities , by the want of all bodily provisions , to boyl their own children to be their meat . Lam. 4. 8. It were well if people in the enjoyment of spread Tables , and full Cups , would be often thinking of such sad stories , which indeed are much better apprehended by the empty , than by full and pampered bellies : Ingens telum necessitas : there is no such strong prevailing weapon as want , as want of food is ; the loss ( as it hath been of many other places ) so of this ( sometimes most famous ) City : And thus , gained , as it was , by the command of the Conquerour , so , now , it is demolished . 19. Guzarat , a very goodly , and large , and an exceeding rich Province ; it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya ; its chief City is Amadavaz ; besides , it hath in it Cambaya , Brodera , Baroch and Surat , fair Cities ; but the first of those I named , more spacious , and populous , and rich , than any of the other . It is watered with many goodly Rivers , as that of Cambaya ( falsly supposed to be Indus ) with the River Narbodah ( passing by Baroch , and so to the Sea ) with the River Taplee , which watereth Surat . The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea , to Achin , and to divers other places . 20. Chandis , the chief City called Brampore , which is very great , and rich , and full of people . Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince , called Partapsha , tributary to the Mogol ; and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories . 21. Berar , the chief City is called Shapore , the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire . 22. Narvar , the chief City is called Gehud ; it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it , and dischargeth it self into Ganges . 23. Gwaliar , the chief City so called , where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City , within an exceeding strong Castle , wherein the Kings Prisoners are likewise kept . The Castle is continually guarded by a very strong Company of Armed Souldiers . 24. Agra , a principal and very rich Province , the chief City so called , this great Emperours Metropolis , in North Latitude about twenty eight Degrees and an half . It is very well watered by the River Jemni . This and Lahore are the two principal and choyce Cities of this Empire , betwixt whom is that Long Walk ( I made mention of before ) of four hundred miles in length , shaded by great Trees on both sides : This is looked upon by Travellers , who have found the comfort of that cool shade , as one of the rarest and most beneficial Works in the whole World. 25. Sanbat , the chief City so called : the River Jemni parts it from Narvar ; and after at the City Hellabass fals into that most famous River Ganges , which is called by the Inhabitants of East-India , Ganga . 26. Bakar , the chief City called Bikaneer ; it lyeth on the West side of the River Ganges . 27. Nagracot , the chief City so called ▪ in which there is a Chapel most richly set forth , being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Silver , most curiously imbossed over head in several Figures , which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it ; and all this cost those poor seduced Indians are at , to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chapel . What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be content to bear for their gross Idolatry ! nothing is too rich , too pretious , or too dear for their Idol . And what cost the Superstitious Israelites were content to bear for their leud devotion , we may further see , Exod. 32. 2. they are ready to give their Gold , not out of their Purses onely , but from their Ears too to further their misdevotion ; most willing they were to part with their Jewels to their Molten God. O how do these Heathens and these Israelites condemn thousands , which call themselves Christians , who cannot abide to be at any cost for Religion ! That service of God which is most cheap and chargeless , they like best . Those I first named were ready to give freely to their false Gods , these to take all they can from the true God , being very Prodigals for their Lusts , very Niggards for their Souls . The Idol thus kept in that so Richly adorned Chapel , they call Matta , and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels , who , out of the officiousness of their Devotion , cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice ; which ( they say ) grow out again as before : but in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular . In this Province likewise there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place called Jallamakee , where , out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks , are daily to be seen continued Eruptions of Fire , before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship . Both these places were seen , and strictly observed by Mr. Coryat . 28. Siba , the chief City is called Hardware , where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks , makes presently after a pretty full Current : but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus , from whence they both first issue . That principal Rock , through which this River Ganges there makes a Current , is indeed , or ( if not ) according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians , like a Cowes Head , which of all sensible Creatures they love best ( of which more hereafter ) thither they assemble themselvs daily in Troops to wash their bodies , ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters , but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges . And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place . 29. Kakares , the principal Cities are called Dekal●e and Purhola ; it is a large Province , but exceeding mountainous ; divided it is from Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus ; it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's subjection . 30. Gor , the chief City so called ; it is full of Mountains ; the River Sersily , a tributary unto Ganges , hath its beginning in it . 31. Pitan , the chief City so called ; the River Canda waters it , and fals into Ganges in the Confines thereof . 32. Kanduana , the chief City is called Karhakatenka ; the River Sersily parts it from Pitan : This and Gor are the North-east bounds of this Monarchy . 33. Patna , the chief City so called ; the River Ganges bounds it on the West . Sersily on the East ; it is a very fertile Province . 34. Jesuat , the chief City is called Ra●apore ; it lyeth East of Patna . 35. Mevat , the chief City is called Narnol ; it is very mountaino●s . 36. Udessa , the chief City called Jikanat ; it is the most remote part East of this Empire . 37. Bengala , a most spacious and fruitful Province , but more properly to be called a Kingdome , which hath two very large Provinces within it , Purb and Patan , the one lying on the East , the other on the West-side of the River Ganges : It is limited by the Golph of the same name , whereinto the River Ganges ( which at last comes to be divided into four great Currents ) dischargeth it self , after it hath found a way through the Mogol's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length The chief Cities in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka . It hath many Havens and Ports belonging unto it , which are places of very great trade . Now these are the several Provinces belonging to the Great Mogol , and all of them under his subjection , which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map , first made by theespecial observation & direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman Sir Thomas Row , here contracted into a less compass ; yet large enough to demonstrate , that this great Empire is bounded on the East with the Kingdome of Maug ; West , with Persia ; and with the Main Ocean Southerly ; North with the Mountain Caucasus and Tartaria , South with Decan and the Gulph of Bengala . Decan , lying in the skirts of Asia , is divided betwixt three Mahumeran Princes , and some other Indian Rhaiaes , which are Princes likewise . The length of these Provinces is North-west to South-west more than two thousand English miles ; North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles ; the Southermost part lying in twenty , and the Northernmost in forty and three degrees of North Latitude . The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles . And here a great errour in Geographers must not escape my notice , who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neighbours , when as many large Countries are interposed betwixt them ; which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian Merchants , who are usually ( they going and returning all the way by Land ) in their journey , and return , and some stay there , two full years ▪ from Agra to China . Now to give an exact account of all those forenamed Provinces , were more than I am able to undertake ; yet out of that which I have observed in some of them ( by travelling many miles up into that Countrey ▪ and then up and down with my Lord Embassadour unto many places there in progress with that King ) I shall adventure to ghess at all , and think for my particular , that the Great Mogol , considering his most large Territories , his full and great Treasures , with the many rich Commodities his Provinces afford , is the greatest and richest known King of the East , if not of the whole World. I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good : Where SECTION II. Of the Soyl there , what it is , and what it produceth , &c. THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy ( called by the Inhabitants Indostan ) so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man , to feed , and cloath , and enrich him , as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self , without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation . Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most , Food , which this Empire brings forth in abundance ; as , singular good Wheat , Rice , Barley , with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread ( the staff of life ) and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds , very good and exceeding cheap . For their Wheat , it is more full and more white than ours , of which the Inhabitants make such pure , well-relished Bread , that I may say of it , as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Leige , it is Panis Pane melior , Bread better than Bread. The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain , but both toothsome , and wholsome , and hearty ; they make it up in broad Cakes , thick like our Oaten-cakes ; and then bake it upon small round iron hearths , which they carry with them when they journey from place to place , making use of them in their Tents . It should seem to be an antient Custome in the East , as may appear by that president of Sarah when she entertained the Angels , who found her in her Tent ; She took fine meal , and did knead it , and made Cakes thereof upon the hearth , Gen. 18. 6. To their Bread they have great abundance of all other good Provision , as of Butter ( beating their Cream into a substance like unto a thick Oyl , for in that hot Climate they can never make it hard ) which though soft , yet it is very sweet and good . They have Cheese likewise in plenty , by reason of their great number of Kine , and Sheep , and Goats . Besides , they have a Beast very large , having a smooth thick skin without hair , called a Buffelo , which gives good milk ; the flesh of them is like Beef , but neither so toothsome nor wholsome . These Buffeloes are much employed in carrying large skins of water ( for they are very strong Beasts ) which hang on both sides of them , unto Families that want it : their Hides make the most firm and excellent Buff. They have no want of Venison of divers kinds , as Red-Deer , Fallow-Deer , Elks ( which are very large , and strong , and fierce Creatures ) Antilops , Kids , &c. but their Deer are no where imparked , the whole Empire being ( as it were ) a Forrest for them ; for a man can travel no way but he shall here and there see of them . But because they are every mans Game that will make them so , they do not multiply to do them much hurt , either in their Corn , or other places . To these , they have great store of Hares , and they have plenty of Fowls wild and tame , as abundance of Hens , Geese , Ducks , Pigeons , Turtle-Doves , Partriches , Peacocks , Quails , and many other singular good Fowl. They have variety of Fish ; all which , by reason of their Plenty . and because many of the Natives eat no kind of Flesh at all ▪ nor of any thing that hath or may have life , and those that feed on such things eat not freely of any of those living Creatures they are all bought there at such easy rates , as if they were not worth the valuing . They do not cut their Chickens when they be little to make Capons , and therefore they have no Creatures of that name , but men , their Eunuchs called there Cogees or Capons in their Language : so made , when they be very young , and then deprived of all that might after provoke jealousie ; and therefore they are put to be attendants on their women , the great men of that Nation keeping many of them , a soft , tender people , tener Spado , as Juvenal cals one of them , that never come to have any Hair on their Faces . But to return again to their Provisions , the Beeves of that Countrey differ from ours , in that there are none of them very large ; and those they have , have each of them a great bunch of grisly flesh which grows upon the meeting of their shoulders . The flesh of their Beeves is much whiter than the flesh of ours , and very sweet , tender and good . Their Sheep differ from ours by their great fleshy Bob-tails , which severed from their bodies are very ponderous . Their Wool is generally coarse , but their flesh is not so . Now to season all their good Provisions , there is great store of Salt ; and to sweeten all , abundance of Sugar growing in that Countrey ; which , after it is well refined , may be there had at a very low rate ; out of which they make very pure white Sugar-Candy , which may be had there at a small easy Price likewise . Their Fruits are every way answerable to the rest , the Countrey abounding in Musk-Melons ( very much better , because they are better digested there by the heat of the Sun , than these with us ) They have many Water-Melons , a very choyce good Fruit , and some of them as big as our ordinary Pompions , and in shape like them ; the substance within this Fruit is spongie , but exceeding tender and well tasted , of a colour within equally mixed with red & white , and within that an excellent cooling and pleasing liquor . Here are likewise store of Pome-granats , Pome-citrons ; here are Limons and Oranges , but I never found any there so good as I have seen elswhere . Here are Dates , Figs , Grapes , Prunelloes , Almonds , Coquernuts ( of which I observed something before ) and here they have those most excellent Plums called Mirabolans , the stone of which Fruit differs very much from others in its shape , whereon Nature hath curiously quartered several strakes equally divided , very pretty to behold ; many of which choyce Plums ( they write ) are very cordial , and therefore worth the prizing , are there well preserved , and sent for England . They have to these another Fruit we English there call a Planten , of which many of them grow in Clusters together ; long they are in shape , made like unto slender Cucumbers , and very yellow when they are Ripe , and then tast like unto a Norwich Pear , but much better . Another most excellent Fruit they have , called a Manggo , growing upon Trees as big as our Walnut-trees ; and as these here , so those Trees there , will be very full of that most excellent Fruit , in shape and colour like unto our Apricocks , but much bigger ; which taken and rolled in a mans hands when they are through ripe , the substance within them becomes like the pap of a roasted Apple , which then suck'd out from about a large stone they have within them , is delicately pleasing unto every Palate that tasts it . And to conclude with the best of all other their choyce Fruits , the An●anas , like unto our Pine-Apples , which seems to the Taster to be a most pleasing Compound made of Strawberies , Claret-wine , Rose-water and Sugar well tempered together . In the Northernmost parts of this Empire they have variety of Pears and Apples , every where good Roots , as Carrets , Potatoes , and others like them . They have Onions and Garlick , and some Herbs and small Roots for Salads ; and in the Southernmost parts , Ginger growing almost in every place : the large Races whereof are there very excellently well preserved , as we may know by our tasting them in England . And all these things I have last named may be there likewise bought at very low rates And lastly , some one kind or other of their very good and choyce Fruits may be there had at every time or season of the Year . And here I cannot chuse but take notice of a very pleasant and clear liquor , called Toddie issuing from a Spongie Tree , that grows strait and tall without Bowes to the top , and there spreads out in tender branches , very like unto those that grow from the Roots of our rank and rich Artichokes , but much bigger and longer . This Toddie-tree is not so big , but that it may be very easily embraced , and the nimble people of that Countrey will climb up as fast to the top thereof ( the stem of the Tree being rough and crusty ) as if they had the advantage of Ladders to help them up . In the top tender branches of those Trees they make incisions , which they open and stop again as they please , under which they hang Pots made of large and light Gourds , to preserve the influence which issues out of them in a large quantity in the night season , they stopping up those vents in the heat of the day . That which thus distils forth in the night , if it be taken very early in the morning , is as pleasing to the tast as any new White-wine , and much clearer than it . It is a very piercing , and medicinable , and moffensive drink , if taken betimes in the day , onely it is a little windy : but if it be kept till the heat of the day , the Sun alters it so , as if it made it another kind of liquor , for it becomes then very heady , not so well relished , and unwholsome ; and when it is so not a few of our drunken Sea-men chuse to drink it ; and I think they so do , because it will then presently turn their brains ; for there are too too many of the common sort of those men who use the Sea , who love those brutish distempers too much , which turn a man out of himself , and leave a Beast in the skin of a man. But for that drink , if it be taken in its best , and most proper season , I conceive it to be of it self very wholsome , because it provokes urine exceedingly ; the further benefit whereof some there have found by happy experience , thereby eased from their torture inflicted , by that shame of Physicians , and Tyran of all Maladies , the Stone . And so cheap too is this most pleasing Wine , that a man may there have more than enough for a very little money . At Surat , and so to Agra , and beyond , it seldome or never rains , but one season of the year ; but yet there is a refreshing Dew during all that time the Heavens there are thus shut up , which every night fals , and cools , and comforts , and refresheth the face of the earth . Those general Rains begin near the time that the Sun comes to the Northern Tropick , and so continue till his return back to the Line . These showers at their beginning most extremely violent ▪ are usher'd in ▪ and usually take their leave with most fearful Tempests of Thunder . Lightning , more terrible than I can express , yet seldome do harm ; the reason in Nature may be , the subtilty of the Air in those parts wherein there are fewer Thunder-stones made , than in such Climates where the Air is thick , gross , and cloudy . During those three months it rains usually every day more or less , sometimes one whole quarter of the Moon together , scarce without any intermission ; which abundance of moysture , with the heat of the Sun , doth so enrich their Land , which they never force ( if I observed right ) by Soyling of it , as that , like Egypt , by the inundation of Nilus , it makes it fruitful all the year after . When the time of this Rain is passed over , the face of the Skye there is presently so serene and clear , as that scarcely one Cloud appears in their Hemisphere the nine months after . And here a strong Argument that may further , and most infallibly shew the goodness of their Soyl , shall not escape my Pen , most apparent in this , That when the Ground there hath been destitute of Rain nine months together , and looks all of it like the barren Sands in the Deserts of Arabia , where there is not one spire of green Grass to be found , within a few daies after those fat enriching showers begin to fall , the face of the Earth there ( as it were by a new Resurrection ) is so revived , and throughout so renewed , as that it is presently covered all over with a pure green Mantle . And moreover , to confirm that which before I observed concerning the goodness of that Soyl , amongst many hundred Acres of Corn of divers kinds I have there beheld , I never saw any but what was very rich and good , standing as thick on the Ground as the Land could well bear it . They till their Ground with Oxen and Foot-Ploughs , their Seed-time in May , and the beginning of June , they taking their time to dispatch all that work before that long Rainy season comes ; and though the Ground then hath been all the time we named before without any sufficient moysture by showers , or otherwise , to supple and make it more fit for tilliage , yet the Soyl there is such a brittle fat mould ( which they sow year after year ) as that they can very easily till it . Their Harvest is in November and December , the most temperate months of all that year . Their Ground is not enclosed , unless some small quanty near Towns and Villages , which stand scattered up and down this vast Empire very thick , though , for want of the true names , not inserted in the Map. They mow not their Grass ( as we ) to make Hay , but cut it off the ground , either green , or withered , as they have occasion to use it . They sow Tobacco in abundance , and they take it too very much , but after a strange way much different from us ; for first , they have little Earthen Pots , shaped like our small Flower-pots , having a narrow neck , and an open round top , out of the belly of which comes a small spout , to the lower part of which spout they fill the Pot with water , then putting their Tobacco loose in the top , and a burning coal upon it , they having first fastned a very small strait hollow Cane or Reed ( not bigger than a small Arrow ) within that spout , a yard or ell long , the Pot standing on the ground , draw that smoak into their mouths , which first falls upon the Superficies of the water , and much discolours it . And this way of taking their Tobacco , they believe , makes it much more cool and wholsome . The Tobacco which grows there is doubtless in the Plant as good as in any other place of the world , but they know not how to cure and order it , like those in the West-Indies , to make it so rich and strong . The Countrey is beautified with many Woods and Groves of Trees , in which those winged Choristers make sweet Musick . In those Woods some excellent Hawks make their nests , and there are very often to be seen great flocks of Parakeetoes , or little Parrats , who have their breeding and lodging amongst those Melancholy Shades . And ( in the number of many other Creatures covered with Feathers ) there are some very little Birds less than our Wrens , who are exceeding pretty , for their neat shape , and their covering , with most curious parti-colour'd Feathers , full of variety of little spots . I have seen there many of those rare Creatures kept together in large Cages , who please the Eye with their curious Colours , and the Ear with their variety of pleasant Notes . The Woods and Groves in the Southernmost parts of Indostan , have great store of wild Apes , and Monkeys , and Baboons in them , some of which I have seen as high as our tallest Greyhounds , which live among the Trees , and climbe them at pleasure . Those Apes , &c. are very terrible to those little Birds , which make their Nests in those Woods ; and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtilty ( to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them ) to build their Nests in the twigs , and the utmost boughs of those Trees , where some of them hang like little Purse-nets , to which those Apes and Monkeys , be they never so little and light , cannot come to hurt them . Besides their Woods , they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single , but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords . They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building , and other uses ; but much of their brush , or small wood , I observed to be very sappie , so that when we brake a twig of it , there would come a substance out of some of it , like unto Milk , and the sappiness of that underwood may ( as I apprehend it ) be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soyl. Some of their Trees have Leaves upon them broad as Bucklers , others are parted small like out Fern or Brakes , as the Tamerine Tree , which bears Gods somewhat like our Beans , in which when the Fruit is ripe , there is a very well tasted pulp , though it be sowr , most wholsome to open the body , and to cool and cleanse the blood . There is one very great and fair Tree growing in that Soyl , of special observation , out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root ( as they will certainly do if they be let alone ) and taking Root , at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them . Whence it comes to pass , that those Trees in time ( their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported ) grow to a very great height , and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth , they growing round every way , as that hundreds of men may shade themselves under one of them at any time ; the rather , because these , as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India ( as particularly I observed before ) still keep on their green Coats . For their Flowers , they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds , which , though their colour be excellent , they rather delight the eye than affect the smell ; for not many of them , except Roses , and some few kinds more ; are any whit fragrant : Amongst them that are , there is one white Flower , like to Spanish Jessamin ( if it be not the same ) which is exceedingly well sented , of which they make a most excellent pure sweet Oyl , with which they anoynt their heads , and other parts of their bodies ; which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet . This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers ( as they are expressed in the Map ) the two principal are Indus and Ganges ; where this thing is very observable ( for they say there that it is very true ) that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy ▪ And therefore ( they say ) that the Mogol , wheresoever he is , hath water brought him from that River , that he may drink thereof , by some appointed for that service , who are continually either going to it , or coming from it : The water is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars , excellently well tin'd on the inside , and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water-bearers for the King's use ; two of which Jars every one carries , hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders . Besides their Rivers , they have store of Wels fed with Springs ; and to these , they have many Ponds , which they call Tanques , some of them exceeding large , fill'd with water when that abundance of Rain fals ( of which more hereafter . ) That most antient and innocent Drink of the World , Water , is the common drink of East-India ; it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water ; and must needs be so , because in all hot Countries it is more rarified ▪ better digested , and freed from its rawne●s by the heat of the Sun , and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither , though they never made it their drink before , than any other liquor and agreeth better with mens bodies . Sometimes we boyl the water there with some wholsome seeds and after drink it cold , and then it is by much more cold after an heat . ( Like unto some men , who have shewed formerly much zeal and heat for good , and afterward become more chill and cold than ever they were before ) Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Limons and Sugar , which makes an exceeding pleasant drink , which we call there Sherbet . Some small quantity of Wine , but not common , is made amongst them ; they call it Ra●k , distilled from Sugar , and a spicy rinde of a Tree called Jagra ; it is very wholsome , if taken very moderately . Many of the people there , who are strict in their Religion , drink no Wine at all ; but they use a Liquor more wholsome than pleasant , they call Coffee , made by a black seed boyled in water , which turns it almost into the same colour , but doth very little alter the tast of the water ; notwithstanding it is very good to help digestion , to quicken the spirits , and to cleanse the blood . There is yet another help for those that forbear Wine , by an Herb they have , called Beetle , or Paune , in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf , but more tender ; they chew it with an hard Nut , somewhat like a Nutmeg ( but not in tast like that ) and a very little pure white-lime amongst the leaves , and when they have sucked down the juice , put forth the rest . It hath ( as they say and I believe very much of it ) many rare qualities , for it preserves the Teeth , strengthens the Stomack , comforts the Brain , and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath . This I am sure of that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle , being chewed in a close room , that the breath of him so chewing it fils it with a very pleasing savour . This Empire further affords very excellent good Horse , curiously made , high mettled , and well managed by the Natives . Besides their own , they have many of the Persian , Tartarian , and Arabian breed , which have the name to be the choyce ones of the World. But of these more when I come to speak of the Inhabitants . Here are a great number of Camels , Dromedaries , Mules and Asses , imployed for the carriage of burthens , or the carrying of the people , to which use also they employ many of their Oxen , and their Buffeloes likewise . ( which before I spake of ) The Camels , as I oft observed there , have one strange quality , who cry and make a very piteous noyse at night , when they take off their burthens ; but in the morning , when they are laid on , the poor Creatures are very still and quiet , making no noyse at all . Many wicked men , who are most fitly called by the Psalmist , the Beasts of the people , P●al . 68. ●0 . ( for so it is in the Vulgar Translation , Beast● for want of Reason , and for not using Reason well , worse than Brutes ) may be most fitly resembled by those dull Camels , who being burthen'd and clogg'd with a great load of sin already , enough to press them down into that bottomless pit , seem to feel nothing , nor to complain at all , but with much quiet and content keep on their burthens ▪ and take up , more still ; as if that wickedness , which the Prophet Zachary , 5. 7. compares to a Talent of Lead , were as light as a Feather . But when we go about by our Exhortations , Intreaties , Perswasions of them , and by the strongest Arguments besides we can invent , press them to suffer God through Christ Jesus to save their souls , and consequently to get themselves freed from that most intollerable burthen , which will unavoydably sink them into Hell at last , if they be not freed from it ; then these , like those stupid Creatures , cry and complain , and seem to be much disquieted , as if we did them much wrong , while we labour to do them the greatest right . The reason is , because their Pride ( as every beloved sin besides ) compasseth them as a Chain , Psal . 73. 6. it is their Jewel , their Ornament ( as they think ) and therefore they will keep it , they will not part from it , though it be their greatest shame , because they esteem it their chiefest Glory . I would intreat my Reader , when he comes to this digression , to read it over and over again . The Dromedary is called by the Prophet Jeremy , 2. 23. the swift Dromedary ; the reason may be , because these , like the Camels , have very long legs , and consequently make long steps , and so travelling rid ground apace ; or because at a pinch , or time of need , they will carry a man exceeding far without rest , and but with a very little food . They have some Rhynocerots , but they are not common , which are very large square Beasts , bigger than the largest Oxen England affords ; their skins , without hair , lye in great wrinkles upon their necks , breasts and backs , which doth not make them seem lovely unto the beholders . They have very strong , but short Horns , growing upon very firm bones , that lye over their Nostrils ; they grow upwards , towards the top of their head , every one of these Creatures being fortified with one of them , and that enough to make them so terrible , that they are shunn'd by other , though very large Creatures . With these Horns ( from which those Creatures have their Names ) are made very excellent Cups , which ( as is conceived ) give some virtue unto the liquor put into them , if it stand any whit long in those Cups . And now to conclude with the largest and the most intelligent ( as we shall hereafter shew ) of all the sensible Creatures the Earth produceth , the Elephant , of which this vast Monarchy hath abundance ; and of them , the Mogol is Master of many thousands ; and his Nobles , and all men of quality besides , in those large Territories , have more or less of them . But of these much shall be spoken in my sixt Section . I observed before , that the Inhabitants of this Empire did carry most of their burthens upon the backs of their Beasts , and in a special manner this people employ their Camels and Dromedaries for this use , to carry their Merchandizes from place to place , and therefore I shall let my Reader see SECTION III. What the chief Merchandizes , and most Staple , and other Commodities are , which are brought into this Empire . THE most Staple Commodities of this Empire are Indico and Cotten-Wool ; of that Wool they make divers sorts of Callico , which had that name ( as I suppose ) from Callicute , not far from Goa , where that kind of Cloth was first bought by the Portugals . For the Spices brought hither by the East-India Fleet they are had more Southerly ; from the Islands of Sumatra , from Java major and minor , from the Moluccoes , and from other places thereabout : In which , as in the Molucco Islands , and those other parts too from whence the richest Spices come , the Low-Countrey Merchants have got such footing , and such a particular interest , that our English Factors there ( for the present ) buy those Commodities , as we sometimes do buy Provisions and Commodities here at home , out of the engrossing Hucksters hands : So that our English in those parts have a free Trade for no kind of Spice , but for that , which is one of the lowest prized , namely Pepper , which they fetch from Bant 〈…〉 . Which more general Trade of the Dutch , they have formerly gained , at a very vast expence , by fortifying them●●●ves there , i● the places where-ever they settle ; and then standing upon their Guard , put a kind of force upon the Natives to fell them their Commodities . What the carriage of that people hath formerly been in those parts towards our English , ( where th 〈…〉 Sword hath been longest ) is sufficiently made known by other Pens : This I may conclude from their example ( and I would that they were ●●ingular and alone in it ) that when a people will not be ordered by that Royal Law , which commands us , Mat. 7. 12. to do nothing , but what we would be content to suffer : as to do nothing unto other's , but what we would be well content to suffer from others : But on the contrary when they measure things , not by the strait and even Rule of Equity , but by the crooked and oblique Line of Power ▪ arming their In justice to do what they please , because they can do what they will ; This causeth many to make very bold with God in cases that seem to give advantage unto their high Thoughts and Commodities : for what evil cannot Ambition and Covetousness do , when they are back● with an arbitrary and unlimited power here below , if they be not ch 〈…〉 by a stronger Arm from above ? Whence we se● it often come to pass , that when the Laws of Nature and Nations , yea of God himself , lye in the way of their profit , or earthly advantages ( whatever their sufferings or loss be afterward ) they either spurn them thence , or else tread and trample upon them at pleasure , to compass their ends for the present . This I can say of the Dutch ( something from my own knowledge , but more from the report of others ) that when I lived in those parts , and we English there were more for number than they , and consequently could receive no hurt from them , we there used them as Neighbours and Brethren ; but in other places , where they had the like advantage of us , they dealt with us neither like Christians , nor Men. But I will not here any longer digress , but return to speak further of the Commodities to be had in East-India . The Indico we bring thence , is a good , and a rich Commodity . It is there made of little leaves , not bigger than those on our Gooseberry bushes , and the shrubs that bear those leaves are about their bigness . These leaves they slip off from the small branches of those bushes , which grow with round and full heads without pricks . The leaves thus stripp'd off , are laid in great heaps together certain daies , till they have been in a hot sweat ; then are they removed , and put into very great and deep Ve●sels fill'd with a sufficient quantity of water to sleep them in , where they leave their blew tincture , with their substance ! this done , the water is drain'd out into other exceeding broad , but very shallow Vessels ▪ or Vats , made of Plaister ( like to that we call Plaister of Paris ) which will keep in all the Liquor till the hot Sun in short time extracts the moysture from it ; and then what remains in the bottom , is a Cream about one quarter of an inch thick , which suddenly becomes hard , and dry , and that is our Indico ; the best sort whereof comes from Biana , near unto Agra , and a coarser sort is made at Cirkeese , not far from Amadanaz ; about which two places are a very great number of those shrubs planted which bear those leaves . For their Cotton-wool , they sow seed , and very large quantities of Ground in East-India are thus seeded . It grows up like small Rose-b●shes ; and then puts forth many yellow blossoms ; those afterward falling off , there remain little Gods , about the bigness of a Man's thumb , in which the substance at first is moyst , and yellow ; but as they ripen , they swell bigger , till they break their Covering , and after , in short time , that within them becomes Wool , as white as Snow , and then they gather it . Amongst that Wool they find seeds to sow again as they have occasion ; but those shrubs bear that Wool three or four years e're they supplant them . Of this Cotton-wool they make divers sorts of white Cloth ( as before I observed ) some broad , some narrow , some coarse , some sine , and very fine indeed , for some that I have seen there I believe was as fine as our purest Lawn . Much of the coarser sort of that Cloth they dye into Colours , or else stain in it variety of well-shaped and well-coloured Flowers or Figures , which are so fixed in the Cloth , that no water can wash them out . That pretty art of staining , or printing and fixing those variety of Colours in that white Cloth , the People of Asia have engrossed to themselves , where the most curious Pint●daes are made ; whither neighbouring , as well as more remote Nations , bring their Monies to fetch them thence . In Decan , which bounds upon the Mogol's Territories South ( the Princes whereof are Tributaries unto him ) there are many Diamond Rocks , in which are found those most pretious of all other Stones ; and they are to be sold in this Empire ; and consequently to be had by those who have skill to buy them and Money to pay for them . But as all the Stones in East-India are not pretious ▪ so those that are , the Natives know very well how to value . But further , for the Merchandizing Commodities the Mogol's Provinces afford , there is Musk ( by reason of their abundance of Musk-Cats ) to be had in good quantity ; and there are Bezar-stones , which are not so called from any Beast of that name , but they grow in the maws of Goats , which when they observe to grow exceeding lean , they kill them , and find those Stones in them ; and if they did not so , that Stone in them would make an end of them ; by which we may observe , how that pretious Bezar-stone , that proves , many times , such a Cordial , and Preservative to the Life of Man , is destructive and mortal unto the poor Creature from whence it is taken : Like that pretious Word of God , that may proceed from the lips of him that hath a lean soul , and may do others good , but himself nothing but mischief . The greatest number of those Goats , from whence those Bezars are taken , feed on the Mountains of Lar in the Persian's Territories , the West bound ( as before ) of the Mogol's great Empire . They have some store of Silk here ; but the greatest quantity of that rich Commodity , that any place in the whole World affords , comes out of Georgia , a Province belonging unto the King of Persia . Those Georgians ▪ and Armenians , ( both under the Command of the Persian King ) are by profession Christians , like those of the Greek Church . And the Abissins , under the Command of Prester John , are in profession Christians likewise , but these Abissins circumcise their Males before they baptize them . Alas poor People ! who for want of better instruction cannot know what they should , and therefore know not what they do . All those Armenians , Georgians , and Abissins ( as I have it from others , but can relate something of it out of my own knowledge ) even all of them see Christ but in the dark , and by reason of the general ignorance that is in them , cannot know God as they ought in Jesus Christ . These are the different cases of many which profess Christ in the World ; some cannot know him , some care not to know him , and some will not know him ; Amongst the first of these , they all may be ranked whom I but now named , as many others of the Greek , and those that profess Christianity in Russian Churches , with many-many others of the Romish , who have the Truths of God sealed up in an unknown tongue , to keep , and to continue them in ignorance ; who instead of the two Breasts of the Church , the Law , and the Gospel , are fed with mouldy and finnowed Traditions ; and their case being so , our Charity towards them may lead us thus far , to believe , that they would do better , if they knew better ; and this may speak much in their excuse . But what plea may be made for us of this Nation , that do not what we know ; or if we be ignorant , it is because we will be so ; not because we cannot know , but because we care not for knowledge , and will not know ? But to return to the place where I began my last digression ; I told you that the People there have some store of Silk , of which they make Velvets , Settins , Taffat●es , either plain , or mingled , or striped in party-colours ; but the best of them for richness and goodness come not near those which are made in the parts of Italy . Many curious Boxes , Trunks , Standishes , Car●ets , with other excellent Manufactures , may be there had . They have medicinable Drugs , and amongst them very much Cassia growing there in Canes . They have Gums well sented , and much Lignum Aloes , which burnt , yields a perfume better than any one thing in the World that I ever smelled . They have great store of Gum-lac , of which they make their hard Wax , and that Gum likewise they there imploy for many other ●eat usis . The Earth there yields good Minerals of Lead ▪ Iron , Copper , Brass ; and ( they say ) that they have Silver-Mines too , which ( if true ) they need not open , being so enriched from other Nations of Europe , and other parts 〈◊〉 who yearly bring thither great Quantities of Silver to purchase their Com●modities . Which I collect from our English Trade there ; for though we ●ent some quantity of our Woollen Cloth , with some other things we carry thithe● , yet the greatest part by far of Commodities brought thence 〈…〉 are caught by the Silver hook . And this is the way to make any Nation of the World rich ●●to bring , and leave Silver in it , and to take away Commodities . And , as all Rivers run into the Sea : so many Silver Streams run into this Monarchy , and there stay ; the People of any Nation being there very welcome that bring in their Bull●on , and carry away the others Merchandizes , but it is look'd on as a Crime that is not easily answered , to transport any quantity of Silver thence . The Coyn , or Bullion brought thither from any place , is presently melted , and refined , and the Mogol's Stamp ( which is his Name , and Titles , in Persian Characters ) put upon it . The Coyn there is more pure than in any other part of the World , being ( as they report ) made of pure Silver without any Allay ; so that in the Spanish Money , the purest of all Eur●pe , there is some loss . They call their pieces of Money Roopees , of which there are ●ome of dive●s values , the meanest worth two shillings and three pence , and the best two shillings and nine pence sterling . By these they account their Estates and Payments . They have another Coyn of inferiour value in Guzarat , called Mamoodies , about twelve pence sterling ; both the former , and these , are made in halfs , and some few in quarters ; so that three pence is the least piece of Silver current in those Countryes , and very few of them to be seen . That which passeth up and down for exchange under this rate , is Brass or Copper money , which they call Pices ; whereof three , or thereabouts , countervail a Penny. Those pices ▪ are made so massie , and thick , as that the baser-metal of which they are made , put to other uses , is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at . Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square , but so thick , as that it never breaks , nor wears out . They have pure Gold Coyn likewise , some pieces of great value ; but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them . I have now done with this Section , wherein I have related much of the Commodities , Riches , as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy , and I conceive nothing but what Truth will justifie . And now , lest that place I have describ'd , should seem to be an Earthly Paradise , I must acquaint my Reader , that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts ; are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things , which he must needs know , when he takes notice SECTION IV. Of the discommodities , inconveniences , and annoyances , that are to be found or met withall in this Empire . AS the Poets feigned that the Garden of the Hesperides ( wherein were Trees that bare Golden apples ) was guarded by a Serpent : so there are stings here , as well as fruits ; all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mentioned , Re. 9. 7 , 8 , 10. verses , who had the Faces of men , and the haire of women , and Crowns as of Gold on their heads , but they had too , the teeth of Lyons , and the tayles of Scorpions , and there were stings in those tayles . Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them , to make their life more comfortable , but withall here are Teeth to tear , and stings to Kill : All put together , are nothing but a mixture made up ( as indeed all earthly things are ) of good , and bad ; of bitter , and sweet ; of what contents , and of what contents not . The annoyances of these Countryes are , first many harmfull beasts of prey , as Lions , Tygres , Wolves , Jackalls , with others ; those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs , who in great companies run up and down in the silent night , much disquieting the peace thereof ; by their most hidious noyse . Those most ra●enous creatures will not suffer a man to rest quietly in his grave , for if his body be not buried very deep they will dig him thence , and bury as much of him again , as they can consume , in their hung●y bellyes . In their Rivers are many Crocodiles , and — Latet anguis in herbâ , on the land , not a few overgrown snakes , with other vene●●ous , and pernicious creatures . In our houses there we often see Lyzards , shaped like unto Crocodiles , of a sad green colour , and but little creatures , the fear of whom presents its self most to the eye , for I do not know that they are hurtfull . There are many Scorpions to be seen , which are oftentimes felt , which creep into their houses especially in that time of the raines , whose stinging is most sensible , and deadly , if the patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions , to annoint the part affected , which is a suddain , and a certain cure . But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him , ( as sometimes they do ) the oyly substance it affords , being beaten in peeces , suddenly applyed , is a present help . The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death , the bitterness and angu●sh whereof nothing can asswage ; and cure so well , as a serious consideration , and a continuall application of the thoughts of Dying . Facile contemnit omnia , qui cogitat se semper moriturum , that man may trample upon every thing , whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his change . He cannot dye but well , who dyes dayly , dayly in his preparations for death , though he dye not presently . The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Crafishes , and not bigger , and look black like them , before they are boyled : they have a little round tayl which turns up , and lyes usually upon their backs , at the end whereof is their sting , which they do not put in , and l●t out of their bodyes , as other venemous creatures doe , but it alwayes appeares in their tayles ready to strake ; it is very sharp , and hard , and not long , but crooked like the talon of an Hawk . The aboundance of Flyes ( like those swarmes in Egypt Ex. 8. 21. ) in those parts did likewise very much annoy us , for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such , as that we could not be quiet in any place for them , they beeing ready to fly into our cupps , and to cover our meat assoon as it was placed on the table , and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there , who were our servants , to stand round about us on purpose while we were eating , with Napkins to fright them away . And as in the day one kinde of ordinary flyes troubled us ; so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqu●etoes , like our Gnatts , but somewhat less , and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches , another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures , like little Tikes , and these annoyed us two wayes , as first by their biting , and stinging , and then by their stink . From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in tents ( as there we did much ) than when we abode in houses ; where in great cities and towns , ( to adde unto the disquiets I before named ) there were such an aboundance of large hungry Ratts , that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our bedds , either on our toes or fingers , or on the tipps of our eares , or on the tops of our noses , or in any part of our bodies besides they could get into their mouths . The winds in those parts ( as I observed before ) which they call the Mo●t soone , blow constantly one way , altering but few points , six months Southerly , and six months Northerly . The months of April , May , and the beginning of June , till the rain falls , are so extremely hot , as that the winde when it blowes but gently , receives such heat from the parched ground , that the reflection thereof is ready to blister a mans face that receives the breath of it , And if God did not provide for those parts , by sending a breeze or breath , or small gale of winde daily , which somewhat tempers that hot sulphureous air there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English , who have been used to breath in a tēperate climate ; and notwithstanding that benefit , the air in that place is so hot to us English , that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture , but that we stirre very little in the heat of the day , and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it . And no marvail , for the coldest day in the whole year at noon ( unless it be in the time when those raines fall ) is hotter there than the hottest day in England . Yet I have there observed most strange and suddaine changes of heat and cold within few houres , as in November and December the most temperate months of their year ( as before ) and then at midnight the air was so exceeding fresh and cold , that it would produce a thin Ice on the water , and then as we lay in our Tents , we would have been very glad of the warmth of a Rugg upon us , and the Noon of that following day would be so extreme hot , as that it was troublesome then to keep on the thinnest cloathing . Sometimes there , the winde blowes very high in those hot and dry seasons , not long before the rain begins to fall raising up into the air a very great height , thick clouds of Dust and Sand , which appear like dark clouds full of moysture , but they deceive like the bro●k in Job 6. 15. that hath no water in it . These dry showers ( which Almighty God threatens to send among a people as an heavy judgment , Deut. 28. 34. When he will make the rain of a land pouder and dust ) most grievously annoy all those amongst whom they fall , enough to smite them all with a present blindness ; filling their eys , ears , nostrills and their mouths are not free if they be not also well guarded ; searching every place as well within as without our tents or houses , so that there is not a little Key-hole , of any trunk or cabinet , if it be not covered , but receives some of that dust into it , the dust forced to finde a lodging any where , every where , being so driven and forced , as it is , by the extreme violence of the winde . But there is no place nor Countrey under Heaven , nor yet ever hath been , without some discommodities . The Garden of Eden had a Serpent in it , Gen. 3. He that made all things by his absolute command , hath so mixed , and tempered , and ordered all things here below by his infinite wisdom , that either too much Heat , or too much Cold ; Either the barrenness of the soyl , or the unwholesomeness of the air , or some thing else , ministers matter of exception more or less against every place , that the sons of men might hence learn , that there is no true and perfect content to be found in any Kingdom , but in that of Heaven : For while we are here , trouble and peace , mourning and joy , comfort and discontent come all of them by courses and successions , so that there is no weeding up of those tares , no removing of those Annoyances from the life of man. And so having observed what is truth , and what is enough to be said of the inconveniences and annoyances , as well as of the commodities and contentments which are to be found in those parts , I come now to speak of the people that inhabit there . And because many particulars will necessarily fall within the compass of this part of my observations , which would more w●ary my Reader if they should be presented unto him in one continued discours● ▪ I shall therefore ( as I have begun ) break this into Sections , and proceed to speak SECTION V. Of the Inhabitants of East-India , who they are , of their most excellent ingenuity expressed by their curious manufactures , their Markets at home to buy and sell in , and their Trade abroad . THe Inhabitants in generall of Indostan were all antiently Gentiles , called in generall Hindoes , belonging to that very great number of those which are called Heathens , which take up almost two thirds of the number of the people who Inhabit the face of the whole earth : But of this more hereafter . There are some Jewes ( but they are not many ) here and there scattered and lost as it were , in those other great numbers of people ; the greatest company of Jewes now to be found together in any one place of the world ( as I have been made to believe from the observation of others ) are to be seen at Grand Cairo in Egypt , whither they are returned , and where setled , to take their fill of their fore-fathers Flesh-pots . For the Inhabitants of East-India , ever since they were subdued by Tamberlain , they have been mixed with Mahumetans , which though they be by far in respect of their number less than those Pagans , yet they bear all the sway , and command all in those Countreys . There are besides these , ( now become as it were natives there ) a great number of Persians and Tartars ( who are Mahumetans by Religion ) that there inhabit , very many of which the Mogol keeps for Souldiers to serve on hors-back called there Haddees : There are of both these many daring , stout , hardy and valiant men . For the Persians there are of them many comely persons , not so swart as those of East-India . But for the Tartars I have there seen , ( and I have seen many of them ) they are more to be commended for their valour than beauty , a square , stout , strong people , having pla●ter faces , and flat Noses . There are many Armentans and some Abissins amongst them , who wear the Livery of Christ in being called Christians , the greatest part of whose Christianity lyes in their Name . Those Armenians there make some wine to sell , of Reysons , Sugar , and other ingredients , that is strong and heady , and luscious , tasted too much by many Christians that Come thither , as by those too that make it . Of the green grapes there , though they have abundance and they great , and sweet , and good , yet they make no wine at all : The Mahumetans ( in obedience to a precept of Mahumets which forbids wine ) neither make , nor drink it , and others are not suffered there to make it of those green grapes , for fear ( as I suppose ) they should make , and drink too much of it . To those I have named of other nations , ( that are to be seen in East-India ) there are besides some few almost of every people in Asia , and many Europeans of divers parts ( that use to stirre from their own fires ) to be found amongst them ; and among that great variety of people and nations there to be observed , I have taken speciall notice of divers Chinesaas , and Japanesaas there , and those I have seen of them for the generality , are a people of no large stature , with little eyes , and noses something flatted , de tribus Capillis , with a few black hayres that stand scattered on their upper lipps , which make them as handsome beards as are to be seen on our Hares , or Catts . There are some Jewes here ( as before I observed ) whose stubbornness and Rebellion , long agoe , caused Almighty God to threaten them , that they should be after sifted , and scattered a-among all the Nations of the world . So the Prophet Jeremy speaks Jer. 24. 9. That God would deliver them , to be removed into all the Kingdomes of the earth , for their hure , to be a reproach , and a Proverb , and a taunt , and a curse , in all places whither he should drive them . And Jer. 42. 18. they were threatned to be made an execration and an astonishment , &c. and so after it came to pass , For , there is no word of the Lord that shall fall to the ground , unfulfilled . And since those prophesies , that antient imprecation of their own spoken against themselves in derision of our Blessed Saviour , Mat. 27. 25. His Blood be on us , and on our Children ▪ followes them close all the world over , they beeing every where strangers , but no where beloved , though they be a people that get wealth wheresoever they come , yet this frees them not from being a Proverb ( as was long before prophesied ) of contempt and reproach . Those ancient Satyrists Persius , and Juvenal , after that most horrid act committed by them in Crucifying our B. Saviour ( though not in respect unto that most cruell action , for they were Heathens ) yet they call them Verpos , that is circumcised , Worms , vermin . Tacitus after gives thē a most unsavoury Epit●ite , calling them foetentes Judaeos , stinking Jewes . Marcus the Emperor observing them well , concluded that they were a generation of men worse than savages or Canibals , to be even the worst of men , as if they were the very refuse and dreggs of mankind . How usuall is that Proverb , that when men are suspected to do otherwise than they should , to answer , what , am I Jew , that I should do so , and so ? I have observed something to this purpose , from the people of East-India , who are very valiant at tongue-fights , though not so with their weapons ( as you will hear afterward ) that people I say , who have a very nimble but a base quality in rayling at , and miscalling one another , and their language is so full , and significant , that they can call a man in it , two or three base things in one word ; But when they come to call him , whom they miscall , Judeo Jew , they believe ( as I have been often told ) that they can goe no higher , esteeming that , above all other tearms , the heighest name of obloqu● . Yet we do believe , ( because the Lord hath promised it ) that he will finde a time to call home this people again to himself , when they shall receive honour above all the contempt they have been long under , after they shall see with sorrow , and with the eye of faith , Him , 〈…〉 their Forefathers , out of ignorance , a 〈…〉 and unbelief Pierced . For the stature of the Natives of East-India they are like us , but generally very streight , for I never observed , nor heard of , any crooked person amongst them . And one reason may be , because they never lace nor g●rt in their b●dyes , and when they sleep , they accustome themselves to stretch out their bodyes at their full length without any thing to raise up their heads . And further amongst many other things I take speciall notice of there , I never observed any deformed person , nor Idiot , or naturall fool in those parts . Now for the cōplexion of this people , they are all of them of a sad tawney or Olive colour , their hair black as a Raven , very harsh , but not curl'd . They like not a man or woman that is very white or fair , because that ( as they say ) is the colour of Lepers common amongst them . Most of the Mahumetans except the Moola●s ( which are their Priests ) or those which are very old and retyred , and have ( as it were ) given the world quite over , keep their chinns continually bare , but suffer the hair on their upper lipp● to grow very long ; and they keep it in its naturall colour by combing it continually with black-lead combes , till they be of good yeares ; but afterward , when time hath so snowed upon them , that they can no longer keep in nor conceal their gray haires , 〈…〉 use the Rasor ( as they did ) no more but let 〈…〉 of their chins to grow long and large , which makes many gray-beards amongst them , and I conceive that there are of those , many old men . And further it is the manner of the Mahumetans to shav● all the hair from off their heads , reserving only one lock on the crown of them for Mahume● to pull them up to heaven ( as they fondly conceit ) . The Hindooes shave their heads likewise , but cut all off , and both of them , shave thus and that very often , but however their baldnes appe●res not at all , because their Heads are continually covered with a shash , or a wreath of narrow ▪ Callico-cloth many times wrapt about them ( usually for the colour white , or red ) which they never pull off as we doe our hatts in complements . Their much and often shaving makes many excellent Barbers amongst them , who besides their Sizers and Rasors use a little instrument about the length of a short bodkin , very sharp , made like a chizell , but not broader at the cutting end than the shank of a six-penny nayl , with which they pare and cleanse the nayles on their fingers , and toes . Every Barber carryes alwayes about him , a round looking-glass made of steel , about the compass of a large tr●ncherplate , made somewhat hollow , and kept by them exceeding clean and sleek , so that it will represent the face of him that beholds it on the convex side very well . These Babers , as they walk up and down , often present these glasses unto men whom they finde sitting still , which is a tender of their service if they shall please to make use of them . The people there often wash their bodyes , and keep their feet as clean and as sweet as their hands . The better sort annoint themselves very much with sweet oyles , which makes their company ( as before I observed ) very savoury . The Natives there ( of which there is something before in my third Section ) shew very much ingenuity in their curious manifactures ; as in their silk stuffs which they most artificially weave , some of them very nearly mingled either with silver or gold , or both . As also in making excellent quilts of their stayned cloth , or of fresh coloured Taffata lined with their Pintado●t , or of their satten lined with Taffata , betwixt which they put Cotton wooll , and work them together with silk . Those Taffata or Satten quilts , are excellently stitched by them , being done as evenly , and in as good order , as if they had been drawn out to them , for their direction , the better to work them . They make likewise excellent carpetts of their Cotten-wool , in fine mingled colours , some of them more than three yards broad , and of a great lenghth . Some other Richer Carpets they make all of Silk , so artificially mixed , as that they lively represent those flowers , & figures made in them . The ground of some other o their very Rich Carpets is Silver or Gold , abou● which are such silken flowers , and Figures ( as before I named ) most excellently and orderly disposed throughout the whole worke . Their skill is likewise exquisite in making of Cabinetts , or Boxes , or Trunks , or standishes , curiously wrought , within , and without ; inlaid with Elephants tooth , or Mother of Pearl , or Ebony , or ●ortoyse shell , or wire ; they make excellent Cupps , and others things of Agate , and Cornelian , and curious they are in cutting all manner of stones Diamonds as well as others . They paint staves , or bedsteads or cheasts of Boxes , or Fruit dishes , or large Chargers , extreme neatly , which , when they be not inlayd ( as before ) they cover the wood ( first being handsomely turnd ) with a ●hick Gumme , then put their Paint on , most artificially made of liquid silver , or gold , or other lively colours , which they use , and after make it much more beautifull with a very cleer varnish put upon it . They are excellent at Limning , and will coppie out any picture they see to the life : for confirmation of which , take this instance ; It happened that my Lord Ambassadour visiting the Mogol on a time , as he did often , He presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England . The Mogol was much pleased with it ; but told the Ambassadour withall , that happily he supposed that there was never a one in his Countrey that could do so well in that curious Art , and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopies ( a sum which amounted to no less then 10000 l. sterl . ) that in a few dayes he would have two Coppies made by that presented to him , so like , that the Ambassadour should not know his own . He refused the great Wager , but told the King he would adventure his judgmēt on it : Two Coppies taken from that Originall were within few dayes after made , and brought & laid before the Ambassadour , in the presence of the King ; the Ambassadour viewing them long , either out of Courtship to please the King , or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the pictures being all exquisitly done , took one of them which was new made , for that which he had formerly presented , and did after Profess that he did not flatter , but mistake in that choise . The truth is , that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Apes for imitation in the world , so full of ingenuity that they will make any new thing by pattern , how hard soever it seem to be done , and therefore it is no marvell , if the Natives there make Shooes , and Boots , and Clothes , and Linnen , and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion , which are all of them very much different from their fashions and habits , and yet make them all exceeding neatly . They have Markets , which they call Bazars , to sell and buy their commodities , in all their great Towns twice every day , a little before , and an hour after Sun rising in the morning , and so a little before and a little after Sun-set at night . The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet together ; and those are the seasons we English-men there make use of , to ride abroad and take the air , the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses . The people there ●ell almost all their provisions , as very many other things , by weight . For the forein Trade of this people , it is usually once a year into the Red Sea to a City called Moha in Arabia the happy , about thirty leagues from the mouth of it ; It is a principall Mart for all Indian commodities , but the staple and most principall there vented is their Cotten-cloth , either white , or steyned , and their Cotten-wooll . Hither they come from grand Cairo in Egypt , as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions to trafique ; Hither they come from Prester Johns Countrey which lyes on the other side of the Arabian Golfe ( for so the Red Sea is there called ) and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha . The Ship or Junk ( for so it is called ) that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an exceeding great burden , some of them I believe fourteen or fifteen hundred Tunns , or more , but those huge vessels are bery ill built , like an over-grown Liter , broad and short , but made exceeding big , on purpose to waff passengers forward and backward : which are Mahumetans , who goe on purpose to visit Mahomets sepulcher , at Medina neer Mecha , but many miles beyond Moha . The passengers , and others in that most capacious vessell that went and returned that year I left India , ( as we were credibly told ) amounted to the number of seventeen hundred . Those Mahumetans that have visited Mahumets Sepulcher , are ever after called Hoggees , or holy men . This Junk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea , as she hath many people in her , so hath she good Ordnance , but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence . She begins her voyage about the twentieth of March , and finisheth it , about the end of September following . The voyage is but short , and might easily be made in less than three moneths , but the ship is very slow , and ill-built to abide foul weather , and in the long season of the rain , and a little before and after it , the winds upon those coasts are commonly so violent that there is no comming but with much hazard into the Indian Sea. This Ship returning is usually worth ( as I have heard it faithfully reported and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers two hundred thousand pounds ster 〈…〉 g , and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver ; some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise , but that huge mass of wealth thus brought home into India , is another especiall thing , and might have been added to that I spake of before towards the continuall enriching of this great Monarchy : where , in the next place I shall speak SECTION VI. Of the care and skill of this people in keeping and managing their excellent good Horses . Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them . And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place . THe Souldery here , and so many of the Gentry , and better sort of the people , who live at Court , shew excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turn'd , high metald , choise horses , which are excellent good at mounting up , bounding and curvetting , and when they runne them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a foots breadth ; for the scantling of those creatures , they are in proportion like ours , but excellently well eyed , headed , limn'd ; for their colours there are some of them Raven black , but many more of them white , curiously dapled ; and a very great number Pied and spotted all o●er , and there are some of other bright colours . But it is a usual custom there amongst Gallants who ride upon the bright coloured horses , to have their leggs & lower parts of their Bellyes and Brests died into a Saffron colour ( of which they have much there ) which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars vate , just up to such an height of their bodyes . The hair upon their Horses ( whom they keep plump and fat ) is very short , soft , and lyes sleek upon them , and I wonder not at it , they are kept so daintily , every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him , and to run by him when he is rode forth , and this is all his work . They tye not down their horse heads when they stand still ( as we do ) with hal ets , but secure each horse by two ropes , fastned to their hinde feet , which ropes are somwhat long to be staked down behind them in tents , or other places wherein they are kept . They cut grass for them green or withered on the earth as they have occasion to use it , never mowing their ground and making hay as we do . But that which keeps their Horses in heart , and in flesh , is the provender they eat which is a kinde of round grain they call Donna , somewhat bigger than our Tares , which they give not unto them drye but boyl'd . and mingled with some corse sugar amongst it and when it is cold give it them , made up in round Balls , which they put into their mouths , as if they cramb'd them ; and sometimes they put a little Butter into these bals to scour their bodyes . Their choyse good horses are valued there at as dear if not an higher rate , than those we esteem most of in England are prized with us . They make excellent Sadles , and some of them of great value adorned with handsome and rich trapings , all of them very easy both for the horse , and his rider . They manage their horses with strong snafles , whose reigns and head-stalls are made suitable to their Saddles and Trapings . The Elephants in this vast Monarchy are very numerous , and though they be the largest , and that by far , of all the Creatures the earth brings forth , yet are they so tractable , unless at some times when the Males are mad ( of which more afterward ) as that a boy of twelve years old is able to rule the biggest of them , in which we may in a speciall manner read a Comment on that truth which tells us how that the Lord hath put the fear of man upon all the creatures here below ; even upon the greatest of them , as well as the least . Thou makest him saith David Psal . 8 ▪ 6 , 7. to have domixion over the works of thy hands ; thou hast put all things under his feet ; all sheep and Oxen , yea and the beasts of the field , &c. Now if Almighty God should let loose the Creatures upon man , if he should let go those reigns by which they restrained , and suffer the Creatures to renounce their obedience to man , when man throws off his yoak of obedience to God , what mischief might not those vast overgrown Creatures do in those parts where there are so many of them ? nay , What mischief might not any other Creatures do , even the least of them , as the Locust , and Canker-worm , and Catterpillar , &c. which are called Gods great Army , Joel 2. 25. If God should give them Commission to put themselves in Battel-aray , and to march forth , to vex and annoy the Nations of the earth ? We may read Ex. 8. how that all the Power that Pharaoh and Egypt were able to make , could not guard and defend them from the incursions made upon them , and mischiefs done to them , by Froggs , and Lice , and Flyes . There are spirits which are Created for vengeance ( saith Syracidos ) &c. as the teeth of wild beasts , and Scorpions , and Serpents , punishing the wicked to destruction , they rejoyce to do Gods Commandement , &c. If Almighty God should free the Creatures from their subjection , they would be able with their Horns , and Hoofs , and Fangs , and Teeth , and Beaks , and Claws , and stings , ( which are their natural Artillerie ) exceedingly to annoy , if not to destroy man from the face of the Earth . But for the Elephants ( I have begun to speak of ) they are very huge vast overgrown Creatures , some of whem which I have seen , I conceive at the least twelve foot high , but there are amongst them ( as they say ) fourteen or fifteen foot in height . The colour of them all is black ; their skins thick , and smooth without hair ; They have full eyes , but not proportionable to their great bodys , they have eares like our Oxen , but not exceeding large , and those eares edged ( as it were ) about with a short hair-fringe ; and at the end of their tayls ( which are slender and not very long ) there growes some hair likewise , and a little on their eyelids ; but no where els about their bodyes . The feet of the Elephants look like the trunks of small trees cut square off from their roots , round about which there are thick , and short , and broad claws growing . Some that write of them have abused the world with this tradition that they have no joints in their leggs , and therefore stand when they sleep against trees to hold them up , which is all very false , for they ly down and arise again at their pleasure as other beasts do . Their motion is not swift , a walking rather than a pace , about three miles at the most an hour , but of all heasts that carry burdens , they are most sure of foot , for they never fall , nor yet stumble to endanger their Rider . They are most docile creatures , and of all those we account meerly sensible come neerest unto reason . Lipsius in his Epistles Cent. 1. Epist . 50. out of his observation from others , writes more of them than I can confirm , or any , I perswade my self , believe ; yet many things most remarkable , which seem indeed to be acts of reason rather than sense , I have observed in them , for instance , an Elephant will doe any thing his keeper Commands him , as if he bid him to affright a man , he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him into peeces , but when he is come at him do him no hurt at all ; so if he would have him , to abuse or to disgrace a man , he will take dirt or dust , or kennel-water into his Trunk , and dash it on his face . Their Trunks are grisly snouts of a great length , hanging down betwixt their long teeth , which teeth nature hath given them for their defence , otherwise they are of little use to them . In their Trunks they have such marvellous strength , that by them they can do very much mischief , for if they strike an Horse , or Camel , or any other the like beast with them , ( as sometimes they do when as they are mad ) they will so break their bones , as that they will spoyl , nay kill them at one blow , and much more a man if he chance to come in their way . Those Trunks of the Elephants are to them as an hand by which they ●eed themselves , and make great use of them otherwise upon all occasions , for with those Trunks they tear off bowghs from trees , by winding them about them , and after , with them , put boughs into their mouths , and eat the tenderest parts of them . With these they pull up green corn ( if they be suffered ) and grass by the roots , and then against their leggs beat off the earth and dust that hangs about them , before they eat thereof . Thus they deal with sedgs , or weeds which they find in the water , first washing off the dirt which hangs on the roots thereof , and then down they go into their vast bellyes . The Elephants delight much to bathe themselves in water , in which , when they find depth enough , they swim as well as any other Creatures . I observed before , that the male Elephants when they grow lusty are sometimes mad for their Femals , but in few dayes come again in temper ; before which time they are so mischievous , that they will strike any thing , but their Keepers , that comes in their way ; and their strength is such ( as before I observ'd ) that there is no blow they give which lights either upon men or beast , but carryes death with it . At those times to prevent mischief they are kept apart from Company , fetterd with strong chaines unto trees ; but if by chance in their phrensie they get loose ( as sometimes they do ) they will make after every thing they see stir , in which case they have no means to stop them in their violent course , but by firing of Crackers made of Gunpowder , whose sparkling , and noyse makes them to stand still and tremble . When those creatures are in that mad distemper , they sweat much , which makes their savour exceeding rank and filthy like that ill smel of a Boa● when he is fatting in his Stye , but by much more strong , and more offensive than that . An English Merchant there , of good credit upon his own knowledge , reported this thing which followes , and is very observable , of an Elephant in Adsmeer , ( the place then of the Mogols residence ) who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place , a woman who usually sat there to sell herbs , was wont to give this great Elephant an handfull , as he many times passed by ; this Elephant after , being mad , brake his fetters , and took his way through that Bazar ; the people being all of them much affrighted , made hast to secure themselves by getting out of his way , amongst whom was this herb-woman , who , for fear and hast , forgot her little Child which she had brought thither ; the Elephant came to the place where this woman usually sate , stopt , and seeing a little Child lying there about her herbs , took it up gently with his Trunk , not doing it the least harm , and presently after layd it down upon the stall of an house that was hard by ; and then proceeded on in his furious course . Acosta , a Jesuit , relates the like of an Elephant in Goa from his own experience . The Elephant , though he be vast , and terrible , yea and cruell too , when he is set to do mischief , or when he is mad , yet otherwise is a tame gentle Creature , so that the dread of this huge beast , most appears to the eyes . But notwithstanding his terribleness , I once there saw a Creature compared with an Elephant , not much bigger than a small Fish compared with a Whale , boldly to encounter one of them . The occasion by which this so came to pass offers it self thus ; that year I went for East-India , the Merchants here ( as from the King of England , in whose name they sent all their presents ) amongst many other things , then sent the Mogol some great English Mastives , and some large Irish Greyhounds , in all to the number of eight , dispersed in our severall ships ; one of those high spirited Mastives in our voyage thither , upon a day seeing a great Shoale or company of Porpisces ( before described ) mounting up above the waves , and coming toward that ship wherein he was , suddenly lept over-board to encounter with them , before any did take notice of that fierce creature , to prevent that engagement , wherein he was irrecoverably lost , the ship then having such a fresh gale of winde , that she could not suddenly slack her course , whereby that poor creature might have been preserved . Another , one of the Irish Greyhounds had his head shot off in our fight . The Mange was the destruction of four more of them , only two of the Mastives came alive to East-India , and they were carried up , each of them drawn in a little Coach , when I went up to the Embassador , that he might present them to the Mogol . The fiercest of these two , in our way thither , upon a time breaking loose , fell upon a very large Elephant that was hard by us , fastning his teeth in the Elephants Trunk , and kept his hold there a good while , which made that huge beast extremely to roare ; and though the Elephant did swing the Mastive up and down above ground many times ( as not feeling his weight ) that he might throw him off ; yet he could not suddenly do it , but at last freeing himself from the dog by throwing him a good space from him , the●e came a Mungrill Curr of that Countrey towards our Mastive , who then lost this his most unequal match , fell upon that dog and kild him , by which means we recovered our Mastive again into our custody , he having not received any apparent hurts ; by which we may see how much Courage and Mettle there is in those right fierce Mastives . This storie pleased the Mogol very much when the dogs were presented to him , and he allowed each of them four attendants of those Natives to wait upon them , who by turnes two and two together carried them up and down with him in Palankees , ( after described ) to which they were tyed , and the other two went by them , fanning the flyes from off them ; and the King caused a pair of silver ●ongs to be made on purpose , that with them when he pleased , he might feed those dogs with his own hand . But this story by the way . The Mogol hath many of his great Elephants train'd up for the war , who carry each of them one iron gun , about five foot long , lying upon a strong frame of wood , made square that is fitted to a thick broad Pannel fastned about him ; with very strong and broad Girses or Girts . The gun like an Harquebush hath a peece of iron like a Musket-rest fastned on the sides thereof , made loose to play up and down . The bottome of that Iron Rest so fixed , is long , to be let through that frame of wood on the foreside , and so to be keyed in at the bottom . At the four corners of this frame are small flags of silk , with sundry devices painted on them , put upon little neat coloured staves ; upon the neck of the Elephant sits a man to guide him , and within the frame a Gunner , to make his shot as he finds occasion . The peece thus mounted , carrves a bullet about the bigness of a Tennis Ball. Some Elephants the King keeps for the execution of Malefactors , the manner how , followes in Section 23. And some he keeps to carry himself , and women ; and some Elephants are kept for State ( of which more when I shall come to speak more particularly of the great Mogol . ) Other Elephants are there imployed for the carrying of burdens ▪ their strength being so great as that they will bear a marvailous weight . The Elephants are all governed with a small rod of steel about half a yard long , made sharp on the lower end , and towards that end there is an hook returned , life a fish-hook , that is very sharp likewise , by which their Riders sitting on their necks , pull them back , or prick them forward at their pleasure . These vast Creatures , though the Countrey be exceeding fruitfull , and all provisions in it cheap , yet by reason of their huge bulk , if they be well kept and fed , are very chargeable in keeping ; they are kept usually under the shade of great trees , where by a strong chain of iron upon one of their hinde leggs they fasten them . And as they stand , the abundance of flyes vex them , and therefore with their fore-feet they make dust , ( the ground usually being very dry ) and with their Trunks cast the dust about their bodyes to drive away those flyes from them . The King allowes every one of those great male Elephants four femals , which in their language they call their wives . These brutes ( as they say ) will not endure any to behold them when they are coupling together ; which may condemn many who call themselves men and women , but have so lost all modesty , that they are not ashamed when they commit any act of filthiness , no they are not ashamed , neither can they blush . The Female Elephants ( as they further say ) carry their young , one whole year ere they bring them forth , Thirty years expire ere they come to their full growth , and they fulfill the accustomed age of men ere they dye . And lastly , notwithstanding the great Number there of those vast Creatures , and the excessive charge in keeping them well , they value them at exceeding high rates . For this people , when as they journey from place to place , the men of the inferiour sort go all on foot , their women that cannot so travell , ride on little Oxen , inured to carry burdens , or on Asses , which carry their little children with them ; the women like the men astride . Others that are of better quality ride on Horses , Mules , Camels , Dromedaries , or else in slights Coaches with two wheeles covered on the top and back end , but the fore-part and sides open , unless they carry women . Those Coaches will carry four persons beside the driver , but two may lye at ease , and at length in them upon quilts , that ly in the body of them , upheld by girt-webb , with which they are bottom'd , which makes them by far more easie These Coaches are covered for men of qualityr with some thing that is costly ; much of ou English broad cloth that is dyed red , is there bought from us and imployed for that use . At the back end of this coach they have a long round bolster , that reacheth both sides , stuffed with Cotten-wool , and covered with Velvet or Sattin , or with some other thing that is rich . These Coaches are drawn by Oxen , one yoak to a Coach , some of which Oxen have their short hornes neatly tipped with silver plate , and some others with brasse ; and they have each of them a fine Collar of large round bells , some of them made of Silver . They are P●r●d & suted as our Coach-horses for stature and colour ; most of them thus imployed are white , and some pide , or spotted all over with several colours . They are guided with small cords which goe through the parting of their Nostrils , and so twixt their hornes into the Coach mans hand who by these restrain them when , and guides them how he pleaseth , and when he would have them go on , pricks them forward with a s●●al and short staff he keeps in his hand pointed like a goad . These Oxen there are very neatly made , slender , strait limb'd and not very large , but naturally very nimble , and by daily use made so fit to perform that labour , ( being kept well shod ) as that they go 20 miles a day & more , with good speed . They keep those Oxen for this service , as their horses , well dressed , and so well fed , that they be plump and fat , and consequently very handsom to behold . The men there of the greatest rank and quality , ride sometimes in those Coaches , and sometimes on their curious Horses , and sometimes on their brave Elephants but however they are carried , they have their horses which wait upon thē , when they go abroad , that they may bestride them when they please And at other times they ride on mens shoulders , in a slight thing they call a Palankee , made somewhat like a couch or standing Pallat , covered with a Canopie , wherein a man may lye at his full length , as many of those Grandees do , when they are removed from place to place , giving themselves up to ease , and over unto those sins which follow it ; and while they are thus carried , they make the shoulders and joints of those that feel their heavy weight , to bow and buckle under their burdens . This as it should seem was an ancient , but a base effeminacy sometimes used in Rom. Juvenal in his first Satire , describing a fat Lawyer thus carried . Causidi●i , nova cum veniat Lectica , Mathoni● . Plena ipso . — Matho the pleader comes in his new Chaire , Fild with himself ; when he takes the air . It had been well , if such carriages as these had been never heard of , but in then heathen Rome , or amongst poor blinded Indians . But , Vae nobis miseris ad quos Paganorum vicia transterunt . Wo to us wretched people of this Nation , unto whom the vices of Pagans are derived . It was a curse that the old Cretans were wont to wish might fall upon their greatest enemies , that they might fall in love with evill customes . This doubtless is one amongst many more , fallen upon us of this Nation , when some , not out of necessity , but choise , make other men their Pack-horses to ride upon them , a thing ( as I conceive of it ) most unworthy of a man , as he is a man , so to do . I am no Leveller , I hate the thought of it , as a wild fancy , and phrensie that is most destructive ; knowing , that there is an absolute necessity amongst men of superiority and subordination , where some must command , and others obey . An head alone without inferiour members , is a monster , not a body . Yet however , I would have all those who are Masters and Superiours , so to demean themselves towards their underlings & servants in all things , as always remembring that they have a Master in Heaven , with whom there is no respect of persons , Eph. 6. 9. For men , let them exalt themselves never so high , if they will not for the present learn , they shall one day be made to know , that there are higher than they . All great ones therefore , who over-look those of low degree , believing themselves taller than all of them by head and shoulders , had need of such a daily remembrancer as Symonides was to Pausanias ; or that Page to Philip King of Macedon , who , by that Kings special commandement , was to cry every morning in his ears , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Remember O King , that thou art but a man. I say , very many have need of such remembrancers , ( who exalt themselves too much above others ) to tell them , that they are but men . Homo sum , humanum a me nil alienum puta . And being but men , should do nothing but what well becomes humanity . Therefore though many which are very poor , who to gain bread are content to submit themselves unto any Low Conditions ; yet others ( twixt whom and them nothing so much as an inequality of estate makes the maine difference ) should not thus imploy them , if not for the mans , yet for his manhood sake ; not put such a vast distance , such a maine difference betwixt others and themselves , made of the very selfesame mould , and happily more graciously beheld by that invisible eye than themselves are , before whom they must first or last all appear , and that upon equal tearmes . But I shall here degress no further ; but return again to that people ( I mean those of quality amongst them ) who out of Pride , or Idleness , or both , are thus carried up and down , or by some other meanes I named before , though they remove never so little way from one place to another , accounting it very dishonorable for them to go on foot . And so much of this . I shall now proceed , ( having made mention of their huge multitudes of Horses , and Elephants ) &c. to take notice , SECTION VII . Of their numerous Armies ; Their Ammuniton for war ; How they lade themselves with weapons ; How terriribly they appear ; yet how pusillanimous , and low spirited they are . WHere first , for their numerous Armies , it will appear to be no strange thing , if we consider the Great Mogol to be what he is , an overgrown Prince , ( as before described ) in the vast extent of his large territories , being like a huge Pike in a great Pond , that preys upon all his neighbours , who therefore purchase , and keep his favour by very great Presents given him by any of homage , and a submiss acknowledgment of his mighty Power . And besides , the Mogol is a master of unknown treasure , having Silver as 't is written of Solomon , 1 K. 10. 27. Like stones in the streets . And certainly in far greater abundance than ever Solomon had . Though I must tell my Reader , that all metals there , are not silver and gold , nor all stones precious . Now he that can command what treasure he will , may likewise command what men he please , as the Mogol doth besides his own people . Many Persians and Tartars ( before spoken of ) very valiant men , who serve him as Souldiers on horse-back , and so the major part by far ; whether Natives , or strangers , are mounted for his service in his wars . Hence it is that the Armies there consist of incredible multitudes ; they talk of some which have exceeded that mightie Host which Zerah King of Ethiopia brought against King Asa , 2 Chron. 14. 9. but they having not well learned that horrid bloody art of war , as the Europeans have ; and wanting Commanders , and other Officers to manage their great Companies , are not so skilfull to destroy ▪ as otherwise they might be : it is a phrase most properly and fitly applyed unto savage , and absurd , and brutish , and unreasonable man , to the Enemies of God , and of his Church by the Prophet Ezekiel , 21. 31. Where Almighty God threatens that he will deliver them into the hands of brutish men , and skilfull to destroy . The weapons they use in their Wars are Bowes , and Arrowes , Swords , and Bucklers , short Lances , having excellent good steel-heads , & short peeces like unto Carbines , besides those carried upon Elephants ( before described ) some footmen in their warrs carry those lesser Guns , with Bowes and Arrowes , Swords and Bucklers , and they are excellent Marks-men . They make good Gun-powder for their own use , and fire their Guns with March , or Touch-wood . Their swords are made crooked like Falchons , and are very sharp , but for want of skill in those that temper them , will easily break , but not bend . And therefore we sell at good rates our English Sword-blades that will bow , and become strait again . They have , ( and they say that for many generations past have had ) great Ordnance , though they seldom make use of them in their Wars . Their warlike musick are some Kettle-drums carried on horse-back , with long winde Instruments , which make not Musick , but noyse so harsh , and unpleasing , that it is enough to fright away their enemies . They say , that in their military engagements , they make at the first very furious onsets , which are too violent long to continue , for the Scale quickly decides the Controversy , when that side which happens first to be worsted , and to be put into disorder , knowes better to Run than to Rally again . There are some of the Mogols own subjects which are men of courage ; those of note among the Mahometans are called Baloches , inhabiting Haiacan , adjoyning unto the Kingdom of Persia , ( spoken of before ) and there are others called Patans , taking their denomination from a Province of that name in the Kingdom of Bengala . These will look an enemy boldly in the face , and maintain with their lives , their reputation and valour . Amongst the many Sects of Hindooes or Gentiles ( after spoken of ) which are subject to this King , there is but one race of fighters called Rashboots , a number of which live by spoyl , who in troops surprize poor passengers , for the most part murthering those whom they get under their power . These excepted , the rest of the Mogols , natives for the generality of them had rather eate than quarrel , and rather quarrel than fight . I say quarrel , for I have several times observed there , that when two of them , have been both well armed , and have most shamefully abused one another , in baser language than I can express , yet durst not draw their weapons ; in conclusion , when one of them hath caught the other by the throat , and forced him up against some wall , the sufferer would cry out pitiously , and the standers by would admire the other for his valous , saying Sha-Abas ; a proverbial speech amongst them relating to the late King of Persia , called Sha-Abas , a Prince much renowned for valour ; and when any man did a thing they thought gallantly , they cryed Sha-Abas , as much to say , it was done as well as the Persian King could have done it . Yet , however the people here in general are Cowardly they appear men of very terrible aspects , having great long Mustachos upon their upper lipps , their Chins continually kept bare by the rasor , which makes them all to look like the Pictures of our old Britaines ; or like those our rude Painters daub upon clothes , and call them the Nine-worthies . And further , to make them the more formidable , they will appear on horse-back as if they were surrounded with an Armorie , or carrying an whole Armorie about them , thus appointed ; At their left sides swords hanging on belts , under them sheaves of many arrowes ; on their left shoulders broad Bucklers fastned , and upon their backs smal Gunns like to Carbines fixed likewise ; at their right sides Bowes hanging in cases , and Lances ( about two yards and an half long ) hanging in loops neer their stirrops ( when they carry them not in their hands ) yet for all this Harness the most of them are like those Ephramites , Psal . 78. 9. Who being armed , and carrying bowes , turned their heads in the day of battell . For they dare not look a man of courage in the face , though they be thus fortified , with such variety of weapons for their defence . Nay , a man of resolution will beat one of these out of all his weapons , with a small stick or cane . So that I shall do the Natives of that Countrey no wrong , if I say of them , that they are Solâ Libidine fortes , most strong and valiant in their base lusts , and not otherwise . The base Cowardise of which people , hath made the great Mogol sometimes to use this Proverb , that one Portugal would beat three of his people ; and ( because the English there have many times prevailed much at Sea against those Portugals ) he would further add , that one English-man would beat three Portugals . The truth is , that the Portugals , especially those which are born in those Indian Colonyes , most of them a mix'd seed begotten upon those Natives , are a very low , poor-spirited people , called therefore Galijnas del● Mar , the Hens of the Sea. One notable instance to prove this , it happened that the East India Company had a very little Pinnace they called the Coaster , which they kept in those parts for discoveries ; mann'd she was but with ten men , and had only one small murdering-peece within her . She upon a time met with a Portugal ship , going then towards Ormos , which had one hundred and thirty men aboard her , and Guns answerable to her burden , and Company ; Our petty Pinnace came up with her , discharged her murdering peece , which slew one of her chief Officers , upon which , without any further resistance , she presently strook her Sayles and yeelded . Our English presently commanded her Gunners , and some other of her Chief Officers , to come aboard them , which immediatly they did , and there kept them bound , till they had taken what they ●leased out of their Ship , and then let them go being most deservedly used in that their suffering , they being thirteen to one , and yet such beasts they were , as that they durst not make any resistance . But take some stories of valiant Portugals before I leave them , and these you shall have from some of that Nation themselves , whom , we not seldom met in Ind●a & would there beg relief of us ; but I never knew any come to us upon those tearmes , but his pride would excuse his Poverty thus , that he was Challenged into the field , and there in single combat had fairly slain a man , how that he durst not return again any more into the Portugal Colonyes , for fear of the law , and it was that which put him at present into that sad exigent to ask relief , and this was their usual plea there , when in truth and in deed , we did believe them to be such pittifull wretches , or men of such a strange resolution , as that , ( as it was written of one called Pisander ) they would be made to fear their own shadowes . However , upon this account there came upon a time at my first coming into India , unto the factorie at Surat , where I then was , a most valiant Portugal ( if you will give him leave to tell his own storie , and believe it when he hath done ) who first for his person was a Quantus tantus , tantillus , a very poor , little dwarfish man , whose person promised as little valour as any that I ever saw , though I know that high Courage is not tyed to an huge bulk , for ( if stories abuse us not ) Alexander the great was But a little man ; but what ever Alexander was , I am sure , that this was a poor little thing , but however he told us , that he was by birth an Hidalgo , which signifies in Spanish the Son of somebody , or no ordinary man , but a Gentleman of Spain , and that he came from thence as a Companion to the King of Spains Vice-Roy , sent to Goa , and himself was called the Knight with the Golden Rapier , and that suddenly after his coming to Goa , he was honorably invited into the field , there to fight a single Combat with a very gallant man of that place , but he soon left him there dead ; and having done so , the Vice-Roy prevented him with a pardon for that fact , before he ask'd it , but willing him withall , now he had been sufficiently tryed , to confine his Rapier to its scabard . But he told us further , that he could not long after live quietly there , but was provoked again by a man of high resolution , unto a second encounter , when he had the like success as before , in killing his Adversary . The Vice-Roy now was very angry with him , but upon much intreaty , as he said , pardoned him a second time ; upon the receit of which favour he told us that he was then resolved to throw away his Rapier , to get into a Religious house , and there to remain the residue of his dayes , a Convertado or Penitent . But the Vice-Roy could not be long without his Company , and therefore to gain it , restored him again into his former favour : But for himself he was still so unhappie ( the fame of his great valour being spread abroad ) as that he could not long enjoy that Peace , and quiet , which he now so much desired , but received a third Challenge from a very gallant , and very valiant man , as he describ'd him , a man big enough to beat a Goliah , and then he further told us , that his honour was ever more dear unto him than his life , and therefore notwithstanding the loss of the Vice-Royes favour , and what els might happen , he entred the lists with him , and though he found him the stoutest adversary that ever he opposed , yet after a long conflict this little Knight kild that great Giant , and left him there dead likewise , which done , He ( not daring to return any more unto Goa ) told us , that he came naked out of the field as we then saw him with no ornaments ( I assure you ) about him , fit to make him a Vice-Royes cōpanion , nor any weapon fit to Dub him Knight of the Golden Rapier . He further added , that he was now resolved not to live any longer amongst the Christians , but that he desireth to live amongst the English ; but when we replyed that we were Christians , he cried Jesu Maria ! as wondring at it , and further told us that , he never heard so before . When this Rhadomantadist had ended his perillous story , it was dinner time , and the Merchants bid him to sit down with us and eat , and so he did , where certainly he layd about him more valiantly than ever he had done before in the field , giving our meat many a cut , and eating , as if he had been more than half starved . He continued with us there for some few dayes , and after , when his hunger was well satisfied , and his spirits well refreshed , he began to take some exception against his place at the Table , because he eat at the lower end thereof , saying , that the company there were but Factors , Servants , but he was a Gentleman , and therefore his due place was higher at the board , but then corrected himself , saying , that it was not to be much considered where he sate , for his place made the upper end of Table where ever he was placed , & suddenly after , this Don Quixet being weary of his stay with us ( though he was but too well used ) and having a great minde to ramble further , told our Company , that he being an Hidalgo , it was very dishonorable for him to take entertainment upon the Tearmes he had it , and therefore desired us to make a little Purse for him , on which he would live as long as he could , and then Creep into some Desert place , and there repent and dy . And now our great Ghest , having spent all his humor , and told us all his Dream , had his desire granted in some money that was given to him , and so we parted with our Knight Errant , who lived longer than he told us he would live , for half a year after I took notice of him at the Mogols Court , and there I leave him . I will now shortly relate a story of another of his Nation ( and I do believe as good a Gentleman as himself ) who called himself Antonio de la Valla. It happened , that a little before our comming thence , my Lord Ambassador going from his own house to dine at the English Factory in Surat , and I waiting on him , there appeared then to us a walking Skeliton , most miserably clothed , the poorest , and leanest creature that ever mine eyes beheld , who faintly begg'd of him some relief , telling ( what was true ) that he was almost quite starv'd ; the Ambassadour pittied , and relieved him , and as we returned back , found this poor Creature eating with so much greediness , as if he could not have been satisfied . He was then willed to come to our house , and he did so , and there was fed , and hear●ned up again , & then when he was come to himself , told us , that he had endu●ed there abundance of misery which , as he acknowledged , did most justly befall him because he had there renounced his Religion , and become a Mahometan , which when he had done , no care was taken of him there ( for they regard not a man that will not be constant in his Religion , believing , that if that bond cannot tye him , nothing will ) He told us further , that he was very sorry that he had so done , and desired a passage for England , which was granted him ; and he was put unto me as my servant , and therefore I fitted him with clothes , &c. fit for his return , but afterward ( we being at Sea ) he would often Curse and Ban , and cry out , O Mal v●ntura ! O his hard hap ! and that of all the miseries which he had endured , this was the greatest , that he an Hidalgo , a Gentleman of Spain , should live to become a servant , and which was worse , to serve an Heretick . I would when I heard this of him ( for he spake not so to me ) tell him of it , and further minde him of that most sad condition in which we found him , how that he had starv'd to death , if our pitty , in the relief he found from us , had not even then prevented it . He would reply , that he knew not what he said ; telling me that his many miseries had turn'd his brains ; ( not to bestow any more ink and paper on him ) we brought him afterward to Plimmouth and immediatly after our arrive there , he desired his liberty , which was very easily granted him , and from thence ( having some money given him more than he deserved ) took his course whither I cannot tell , neither will my Reader desire to know . And therefore I will return again , as swift as meditation or thought can carry me , unto East-India , where I shall in the next place speak SECTION . VIII . Of our safe and secure living amongst the Natives there , if we do not provoke them . Of their faithfulness unto those that entertain them as servants : for how little they serve , and yet how diligent they are , &c. WHere first for our living in East-India , it is with as much freedom and safety , in our journeys , and Tents , when we travell ; in our houses when we are more fix'd , as if we were in an army of Banners appointed for our guard ; or as if the Vines and Fig-trees under which we there sit were our own . But there are spoylers sometimes met withall , in those Provinces , that live by their swords , and bowes , having nothing for their subsistence ( because they will take no other course ) but what they get by rapine and spoyl ; of whom somewhat more afterward . And now by the way for those villains who thus live , wherever they be , and those sturdy rogues who are next to them in guilt , by eating up the bread of the poor , having able limbs to carry them , that they may beg from house to house , and hands to receive Almes , but none to labour ; both thefe being the very vermin of those Commonwealths wherein they are suffered to breath , it were very well if such of these as have not deserved to be cut off by the hand of Justice , were all served as Philip King of Macedon dealt with two Rogues , alterum é Macedonio fugere , alterum persequi jussit . He made one of them to whip the other out of his Countrey , and so he was rid of both of them . But to return unto the place from whence I am now digressed . I travelled from Surat with four Englishmen more , and about twenty of the Natives in our Company , we beginning our journey the first of January towards Sir Thomas Row , at the Mogols Court , then above four hundred miles distant from Surat . We had six wagons drawn with Oxen , in our Company , laden with rich English goods ( the principal part whereof was English broad cloth ) assign'd to an English Merchant at the Court , and some other Carriages we had , of all which we made a ring every night neer some large Town or Village , where we resolved to stay , and pitched our Huts within that Circle , some of us watching , and the Natives with us , every night ; we went on that long journey very safely , only in some places where there was any suspicion of danger , we had a guard of horse appointed to go with us for our defence , by the Command of Sultan Caroon the Prince , and now King , ( who had his revenue out of those parts we then travelled thorough ) who sent a Footman , that continually kept us company , with his letters to command a Company of Souldiers that were horsemen , to guard us where he thought good , who as they did not expect , so they would take no recompence for their paines , though we freely offered it them . But the providence of God did so order it , that though we had their company in several places , we never had need of their help for our defence . The truth is , that the people there in general are very civil , and we never had any affronts or ill usage from them , if we did not first provoke them . But if we did , they would not well bear it , for twice in one week at my first comming to Surat the whole town in general were in an uproar , and surrounded our house there , both times some of our English Provok'd those Natives to stir against us , but by our speedy addresses unto the Governour of that place , we excusing the fault of those that ministred the occasion of their discontent , they being newly come thither , and altogether unacquainted with their customes , he presently commanded that wild Assembly to depart from our house , and so immediatly they did , we receiving no hurt at all from any of them . When my Lord Ambassadour at first arrived at Surat , it so was , that an English Cook he carried with him , the very first day of his comming thither , found a way to an Armenian Christians house , who sold wine in that place , they call Armenian Wine . But ( by the way ) I do believe that there was scarce another in that populous City of that trade ; the greater shame for those whosoever they be that suffer so many unnecessary tipling-houses ( in the places where they have power to restrain them ) which are the Devills nursery , the very Tents wherein Sathan dwells , where Almighty God receives abundance of dishonour , drun keness being a sin which hath hands and fingers to draw all other sins unto it ; For a drunkard can do any thing , or be any thing but good . That Armenian Wine I speak of is made of Reysons of the Sun and Sugar , with some other things pur and boyled in water , which Wine , when it is ripe and cleer , is in Colour like to our Muscadels , pleasant enough to the tast , but heavy and heady . The Cook had his head quickly over-freighted with it , and then staggering homeward , in his way met the Governors Brother of Surat , as he was riding to his house , the Cook made a stand , staying himself up upon his sword & scabbard , and cry'd out to the Governours Brother , Now thou Heathen dog . He not understanding his foul language , replyed civilly in his own Ca-ca-ta , which signifies , what sayest thou ? the Cook answered him with his sword and scabbard , with which he strook at at him , but vvas immediatly seised on by his follovvers , and by them disarm'd and carried to Prison ; the Ambassadour had present intelligence of the misbehaviour of his drunken servant , and immediatly sent vvord unto the Governours Brother , that he vvas not come thither to patronize any disorderly person , and therefore desir'd him to do vvith him what he pleased , upon which he presently sent him home , not doing him the least hurt . But before I leave this storie , it will not be amiss to enquire who was the Heathen dog at this time , whether the debaucht drunken Cook who call'd himself a Christian , or that sober and temperate Mahometan who was thus affronted . In our journey towards the Court ( after we had been in our way about seven dayes from Surat ) we rested at a place called Ditat , where many of the Inhabitants offered to guard us and our goods , though we ( observing there no danger ) desired it not , but they would do it , and in the morning expected and asked something of us , by way of recompence . One of our Company ( who had been in East India a year or two before ) told them , that what they had done they did without ou● desire , and therefore they should have nothing from us , but some ill language which he then gave them . We set forward in the morning according to our wonted custom they followed after us , to the number at the least of three hundred men ( for the place was great and populous ) and when we were gone about a mile from that Town , stopped our carriages ; he of our Company who told them they should have no recompence , was presently ready to shoot at them with his Musket , which made them all to bend their Bowes at us , but I happily and suddenly stepping in , prevented his firing at them , and their shooting at us , which if I had not by Gods good Providence done , but we had madly engaged such a great multitude , there could not have been less expected in the sad issue thereof , than the loss of all our lives , and goods , but having a little Parlee with them , for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them , they were all quieted and contented , and immediatly left us , wishing us a good journey . After this , when we had gone forward about twenty dayes journey ( which daily remooves were but short , by reason of our heavy carriages , and the heat of the weather ) it happened , that another of our Company , a young Gentleman about twenty years old , the Brother of a Baron of England , behaved himself so ill , as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us . This young man being very unruly at home , and so many others that have been well born , when their friends knew not what to do with them , have been sent to East India , that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea , in their passage thither , or els have Graves made for them on the Indian shore , when they come there . A very cleanly conveyance ( but how just and honest , I leave to others ) for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children ; but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither , but they outlived that voyage . For the young Gentleman I spake of , his imployment was to wait upon our chief Commander in his Cabin , who very courteously when he came to Sea , turn'd him before the mast amongst the common saylors [ a great preferment for a man of his birth , ] but for all this he outliv'd that harsh usage , and came safely to East India , and my Lord Ambassadour hearing of him , and being well acquainted with his great kindred , sent for him up to the Court , and there entertain'd him as a Companion for a year , then giving him all fit accommodations , sent him home again as a passenger for England , where after he safely arrived . But in our way towards that Court , it thus happened , that this hot-brains being a little behind us , commanded him [ then neer him ] who was the Princes servant [ before spoken of ] to hold his horse , the man replyed , that he was none of his servant , and would not do it . Upon which this most intemperate mad youth , who was like Philocles that angry Poet ; and therefore called Bilis , & Salsigo , Choler and Brine , [ for he was the most hasty and cholerick young man that ever I knew ] as will appear by his present carriage , which was thus ; first he beat that stranger , for refusing to hold his horse , with his horse-whip , which I must tell you , that people cannot endure , as if those whips stung worse than Scopions . For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them , as that people think one is to be beaten with that whip , where with all they strike their beasts ; the other to be beaten [ and this they esteem the more disgracefull punishment of the two ) about the head with shooes . But this stranger ( being whipt as before ) came up and complained to me , but to make him amends , that frantick young man ( mad with rage , and he knew not wherefore ) presently followed him , and being come up close to him , discharg'd his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body , which bullets , by the special guidance of the hand of God , so flew , that they did the poor man no great hurt , only one of them first tearing his coat , brused all the knucles of his left hand and the other brake his bow which he carried in the same hand . We presently disarmed our young B●dlam , till he might return again to his witts . But our greatest business was how to pacifie the other man whom he had thus injured : I presently gave him a Roopee ; in our money two shillings and nine pence ; he thanked me for it , and would have taken it with his right , but I desired him to take it with his maym'd hand , and so he did , and could clinch it very well , which I was glad of . Then we did shew ( as we had cause ) all the dislike we could against that desperat act of him , from whom he received his hurt , telling him , that we were all strangers , and for our parts had done him no wrong at all , and therefore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another , and we further told him , that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Con●t , he should have all the satisfaction he could desire . He told us , that we were good men , and had done him no wrong , and that he would til then rest contented ; but he did not so , for about two houres after we met with a great man of that Countrey , having a mighty train with him , ( as al the Grandees there have when they travel ( of whom more afterward ) He presently went towards him , that to him he might make his complaint ; and so did , telling him , that he was the Princes servant , why he came to us , and how he had been used by us , shewing him his hand and his other breaches . The great man replied , that it was not well done of us , but he had nothing to do with it , and so departed on his way . That night , after we came to a strong large Town , and placing our selves on the side of it , he did what he could ( as we imagined ) to rayse up that people against us , some of them comming about us to view us , as we conceived , but putting on the best confidence we could , and standing then upon our guard , and all of us watching that night , but ( in a special manner ) by the good providence of God , who kept us in all our journey , we here felt none of that mischief we feared , but early in the morning quietly departed without the least molestation . After which , with a little money , and a great many good words , we so quieted this man , that we never after heard any more complaining from him . So that ( as before I observed ) we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people , but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it . For the people there , they are generally very Civil , and usually keep themselves so within the bounds of command received from their superiours , over which they do not pass , as that they are not apt to take fire , and to throw off their voak , that they might do mischief ; They happily considering , that as in a natural , so in a body Politick , there must be hands and feet , as well as head and shoulders , all parts as well as any , the defect of the least being so prejudicial to both those bodyes , that they know not how to want it ; But for both , when they are fitted with all their integral parts , all members must do their several offices , the foot not medling with the business of the Head , further than to receive Commands from it . And therefore that precept of the Apostle , Ephes . 6. 5. Servants be obedient unto them that are your Masters according to the flesh &c. though they never learn'd it from S. Paul , yet having found that lesson cleerly written even in the Law of Nature , with all carefulness they remember , and with all diligence they practise it , as well knowing the absolute necessity of superiority , and inferiority amongst men , that some must give , others must take command ; for were it not for those cords to lead some , and to hamper and restrain others , there were no living for men amongst men , but one would destroy another , as the Beasts of the field , the Fowles of the Air , and Fishes of the Sea do ; were it not for those ligaments and tyes , the very sinewes and nerves of every Kingdom and Commonwealth would crack asunder , and all would run into confusion . I have often heard it observed of the Welsh , that they are Optimi servi , but Pessimi Domini , ill Masters , but good servants . I shall not further enquire into the truth of that proverbial speech ; but , for this people , this I can affirm ; that they are excellent servants , who are as much at the command of their Masters , as the people of Israel , after the death of Moses , were unto Joshua , Josh . 1. 17. there telling him , all that thou commandest us we will do , or whithersoever thou sendest us we will goe ; Or as the Centurions servants in the Gospel were at the word of command to their Captain , Matth. 8. 9. who , if he bad them go , they went , if come , they came , if do this , or that , they did it : So these , if they be commanded to carry letters of a sudden many miles distant , from one place to another , they yield obedience in this , as to all other the commands of their Masters , without regret or dispute , not objecting against , but doing the wills of those that imploy them . Before I observed , that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits , but there are some I named in my last Section , who are stout daring men , as the Baloches , Patans , and Rashbootes , who , as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted valiant ; so , as occasion is offered , they will shew themselves so to be : and therefore they are much hyred as Convoyes to secure mens Persons and goods , from place to place . For those Provinces , they are not without Mountains of prey , and Tabernacles of Robbers , as David and Job speak , where desperate men keep in some woods and deserts , which are not far from great road-wayes , most frequented & used , and there , like the wild Arabs , in Companies meet , and spoyl , and destroy poor passengers , when they expect them not ; it being the cursed manner of those spoylers , if they prevail against ; them whom they surprise , to kill them before they rifle them , and therefore the first thing heard from them is , Mor , mor , mor , that is , Kill , kill , kill , which they all speak out as loud as they can . We were often told of them as we travelled sometimes in the night , by reason of the extreme heat of the day , after we had taken leave of the King ; and so wer jour journeying towards Surat , that we should meet with those cruell villans , but , through Gods mercy , we were never in danger of them but once , and that was about midnight , neer a large City called Brodera , but we being a competent number of English men together , about twenty , and all of us resolved to fell our lives at as dear a rate as we could , and having twice so many Indian servants with us , which are very nimble with their Bows and Arrowes , we with our Pistols and Carbines , which we presently discharged amongst them , and our Indians plying them with their arrowes , made them suddenly to retreat , we receiving little hurt from them , but after this we made no more night marches . Those Indians I named before , are so faithfull to their trusts unto whomsoever they engage , to the English as well as to any other , that if they be at any time assaulted , they will rather dye in their defence , than forsake them at their need . So that I am very confident , that if an English Merchant should travel alone with a very great treasure in gold , and Jewels , both , or either , from Surat to Lahor , which is more than one thousand English miles , and take those Indian servants only for his company , and guard , and all they knew what be carried with him , He paying them their wages , they would be so far from injuring him of the least penny of his wealth , that whosoever besides should attempt his spoyling , must make a way through their blood , before they should be able to do it Here is a great and good example of Faithfulness , and it is very true . But I much doubt , that if a great Indian Merchant , I mean a native of that Countrey , should come for England with the like treasure , with a desire to pass through this whole nation , and should for his more safe passage take a guard of sword-men here , and pay them well for their service , they might lye under such a strong tentation , as might make them to spoyl the Egyptian , by shortning his journey , dividing his substance , and by disposing so of his person , that it should never tell tales . But for that people , as their faithfulness is very remarkable , so is their diligence very exemplary likewise ; for they keep continually within the call of their Masters , and will not at any time depart thence without special leave . And the plenty of all provisions being very great throughout the whole Monarchy , they serve at very low rates , which I never knew them to rayse , not requiring more than five shillings sterlings every new Moon , payd the next day after its Change , which is all the recompence they do desire , or expect from their Masters , to provide themselves with all necessaries — quibus hinc toga , Calceus hinc est , Et Panis , fumusque Domi. — Juvenal-sat . 1. Their coat , their shooes , their bread , their fire , And all besides , bought with this hire . And for this do as good service , as if they had ten times as much wages . They stand to be hyred in the Bazar or Market-place , an antient custom , as may appear , Matth. 20. 3. where some of them may be at all times had . But it is their manner , when they are hyred to receive advance-money , that is , one moneths pay before hand , and to have their pay thus in hand every moneth so long as they serve , and so honest they are , that if they be bidden to provide themselves of other Masters , they will serve out the time for which they have received pay , to an hour before , they depart . Now these who are so exact in performing their dutie by their faithfulness and diligence , must be exactly paid their Salary at the time they expect it , otherwise they will be ready to quit their service , as one of them whom we thus hyred , left us as we we were travelling up to the Court , the reason , because our money was almost quite gone ( though we were supplyed again a day or two after ) and we could not punctually pay him at his day , as we had formerly done . This fellow led one of our Camels , and had been with us two moneths before , but upon this little fayling him , would needs leave us , but before he departed he made a speech to his Camel , telling him , that he had led him thus long , and had during that time lived by him , but now our money ( as he supposed ) quite fayling , he told him that he must begon , desiring God to bless him , and that he might have some other to lead him that might not be less carefull of him than he had been . So he took leave of his Camel , though not of us , and departed . All the rest of his company were perswaded to continue with us , and had their pay a day or two after , and so we proceeded on our journey , and so shall I further in this discourse . And now I have spoken something of the people , I shall speak SECTION IX . Of their buildings in Villages , Townes , and Cities . How their Houses are furnished . Of their Sarraes or houses for the entertainment of Passengers . Of their Tents , Wells , and of their places of pleasure , &c. I Observed before the Richness of their Soyl , and how those Provinces are watered by many goodly Rivers , fed with abundance of Springs and how their fields are clothed with very much plenty of Corn of divers kind , sold there at such low rates that every one may there eat bread without scarceness . Now I come to take notice of their buildings ; and here I must tell my Reader , that this people are not much taken or infected with that plague of building ( as the Italians call it ) wishing the love of it as a Curse to posses the thoughts of them they most hate ; and therefore , as the stones in India are not all precious , so the houses there are not at all Palaces ; the poor there cannot erect for their dwellings fair Piles , and the Grandees do not cover their heads under such curious Roofs , as many of the Europeans doe ; the reason , first , because all the great men there live a great part of the year , ( in which their Moneths are more temperate , as from the middle of September , to the middest of April ) in Tents , Pavilions , or moveable habitations , which , according to their Fancyes , they remoove from place to place , changing their air as often as they please . And secondly , because all the great men there have their Pensions and whole subsistence from the King , which they hold upon very fickle and uncertain tearmes ; for as they are setled upon , and continued unto them by the Kings favour , so are they forfeited and lost by his frown . Of which more afterward . Yet though they make not much use of them , they have in plenty , excellent good materials for building , as Timber , Bricks , stone and marble of divers kinds and colours , of which I have seen some very good Vaults and Arches , well wrought , as in their Mosquits or Churches , so in some of their high erected Tombos , ( of which more afterward ) and so in some other places likewise . For their buildings in Cities and Towns , there are some of them handsome , others fair , such as are inhabited by Merchants , and none of them very despicable . They build their houses low , not above two stories , and many of their topps flat , and thick , which keep off the violence of the heat , and those flat topps supported with strong Timber , and coated over with a plaster ( like that we call plaster of Paris ) keep them dry in the times of the Raines . Those broad ●arases , or flat Roofs , some of them loftie , are places where many people may stand ( and so they often doe ) early in the morning , and in the evening late , like Camelions , to draw , and drink in fresh ayr ; and they are made after this fashion , for prospect , as well as pleasure . After this manner ( as it appeares in the sacred storie ) the Jewes were wont to build , for David from the Roof of his house , 2 Sam. 11. 2. espies an object , &c. such a one , as if God had not been very mercifull , was sufficient to have undone him for ever , as they write of the Basilisk , that it kills by sight . By the way , let me here further adde , that Davids eyes thus wandred to fetch home a temptation , immediatly after he had risen from the bed of idlleness and ease ; for while he was imployed in business , he was innocent and safe . The industrious have not such leisure to sin , as the idle have , who have neither leisure , nor power to avoid it . Exercise , as it is wholesome for the body , even so for the soul . The remission whereof breeds diseases in both . David from the roof of his house sees Bathsheba , when probably she saw not him ; lust is quick-sighted . David had no sooner seen that object , but his eyes presently betray , and recoyl upon his Heart , smiting it with sinfull desires , which made him to covet her ; and presently to send for her , that he might enjoy her . That which David here did , ( and afterward grievously repents for so doing , ) shall one day be the wofull song of many a wretched soul ; as the Lascivious mans song ; the Covetous mans song , the song of Theeves , Idolaters , Gluttons , Drunkards , as of others . I saw , I coveted , I took , for all these receive their death , by their eye . There Bathsheba was washing herself from her uncleaness , and presently after in an Adulterous bed , became more unclean than ever she was before ; never was Bathsheba more foul than when she was newly washed , the worst of nature being cleanliness to the best of Sin. But I proceed . Those houses of two stories , have many of them very large upper roomes , which have many double doores in the sides of them , like those in our Balconies , to open and let in fresh air , which is likewise conveyed in unto them , by many lesser lights made in the walls of those roomes , which are always free and open ; The use of glass windows , or any other shuttings , being not known there , nor in any other very hot Countreyes . Neither have they any Chimneyes in their buildings , because they never make any use of fire but to dress their food , which fire they make against some firm wall , or without their Tents against some bank of Earth , as remo●e as may be from the places where they use to keep , that they may receive no annoyance from the heat thereof . It is their manner in many places , to plant about , and amongst their buildings , trees which grow high and broad , the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool ; this I observed in a special manner when we were ready to enter Amadavar , for it appeared to us , as if we had been entring a Wood , rather than a City . That Amadavar is a very large and populous City , entred by many fair Gates girt about with an high and thick Wall of Brick , which mounts above the topps of their houses , without which wall there are no suburbs . Most of the houses within the City are of Brick , and very many of them ridged & covered with tiles . But for their houses in their Aldeas , or Villages , which stand very thick in that Country , they are generally very poor and base . All those Countrey dwellings are set up close together , for I never observed any house there to stand single , and alone . Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthen walls , mingled with straw , set up immediatly after their Raines , and having a long season after to dry them throughly , stand firm , and so continue ; they are built low , and many of them flat : but for the generality of those Countrey Villages , the Cottages in them are miserably poor , little , and base ; so that as they are built with a very little charge , set up with sticks rather than Timber , ( if they chance to fire , as many times they do ) for a very little they may be reedified . Those who inhabit the Countrey Villages , are called Coolees , these till the ground , and breed up Cattel , and other things for provision , as Henns &c. These they who plant the Sugar , the Cotten-wooll , and Indico &c. — for their Trades and manifactures they are kept in Cities and Towns , about which are their choicest fruits planted . In their Cities and Towns , without their dwellings , but fix't to them , are pend-houses where they shew and sell their provisions , as bread , and flower-Cakes made up with Sugar , and fruits , and other things , and there they shew their manifactures , and other Commodities , some of which they carry twice every day to sell in the Bazar or Market . I saw two houses of the Mogols , one at Mandoa , the other at Amadaver , which appeared large and stately , built of excellent stone well squared and put together , each of them taking up a large compass of ground , but we could never see how they were contrived , within because there ▪ are none admitted , strangers or others , to have a sight of those houses , while the Kings wives and women are there , which must not be seen by any but by himself , and his servants the Eunuchs . The Mogols Palace Royal is at Agra his Metropolis ( of which more afterward ) but for the present I shall take a little notice of a very curious Gro● I saw belonging to his house at Mandoa , which stood a small distance from it , for the building of which there was a way made into a firm Rock , which shewed it self on the side of an Hill , Canopied over with part of that Rock . It was a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the Curious work-manship bestowed on it ; and much pleasure by reason of its cooleness . That City Mandoa I speak of , is situated upon a very high mountain , the to whereof is flat , and plain , and specious . From all parts that lye about it but one , the ascent is very high , and steep ; and the way to us seemed exceeding long , for we were two whole dayes Climbing up the Hill , with our Cariages , vvhich vve got up vvith very much difficulty ; not far from the bottom of vvhich Hill , vve lodged at a great tovvn called Achabar-pore , vvhere vve ferried over a broad River ( as vve did in other places ) for I observed no bridges made there , over any of their Rivers vvhere their high-vvayes lye . That Hill on vvhich Mandoa stands , is stuckround ( as it vvere ) vvith fair trees , that keep their distance so one from and belovv the other , that there is much delight in beholding them either from the bottom or top of that Hill. In those vast and far extended woods , there are Lions , Tygres , and other beasts of Prey , and many wild Elephants . We lay one night in that wood with our Carriages , and those Lions came about us discovering themselves by their Roaring , but we keeping a very good fire all night , they came not neer enough to hurt either our selves , or cattel ; those Cruel Beasts are night-walkers , for in the day they appear not . After ( when through Gods most gracious assistance ) we had overcome those difficulties , and dange●s , we came into a plain and even Countrey in which travelling a few dayes more we first met with my Lord Ambassador marching towards Mandoa with that great King , with whom I then setled , and continued with him , till he was returned home . We were in our journey to the Court from the beginning of January 〈…〉 ill the end of March , we resting a while at Brampore , which is a very spacious and populous City , where we had a Factorie . And after that , we were violently deteined in our journey by Sultan Caroon the Prince , vvhom vve met in his march tovvards Brampore , & a very marvelous great retinue with him . The reason why he interrupted us in our course was , that he might see the presents we had for his Father the King ; but we having command from the Ambassador to tell him , that we durst not open them , till we came to the King , we most humbly craved his pardon to spare us in that ; so presenting him with a pair of Rich Gloves ( though they be things they wear not in those hot Countryes ) and a rich embrodered bag for perfume ( which amongst many other things of the like kinde were brought from England to be given away for presents , after that he had carried us back three dayes journey , he let us go , taking further order for our safe Convoy . And now Reader , thou mayst suppose us almost setled in Mandoa , the place then of the Mogols residence , not much inhabited before we came thither , having more ruines by far about it , than standing houses . But amongst the Piles of building that had held up their heads above Ruin , there were not a few unfrequented Mosquits or Mahometan Churches ; yet I observed , that though the people who attended the King there , were marvailously streightned for room , wherein they might dispose of very great numbers of most excellent horses , which were now at that place , they would not make stables of any of those Churches , though before that time , they had been forsaken , and out of use . One of those deserted Mosquites , with some large Tomb neer it , both vaulted over head ( which shall be after described ) were the best places there to be gotten for my Lord Ambassadour and his Company to lodge and be in , we carrying our bedding , and all things appertayning thereto , all necessaries belonging to our Kitchin , and every thing beside for bodily use , from place to place , as we occasionally remooved . Here we stayed with the Mogol from the middle of April , till the twentieth of September following and then began our progress with him , towards the City Amadavar . Our abiding place at Mandoa , was very neer one of the sides of that vast wilderness , out of which , some of those wild beasts ofttimes in the night came about our habitation , and seldom returned back without a Sheep or a Goate , or a Kid , some of which we always kept about us for our provision . And it was a wonderfull great mercy , those furious , and ravening , and and hungerbit Creatures , did not make their prey sometimes , in the dark and silent nights , while we were sleeping , on some of our bodyes , the fore-part of our dwelling standing upon pillars , and there was nothing in those open distances , that had any strength in it to keep them from us . One night , early in the evening , there was a great Lion which we saw , came into our yard , though our yard was compassed about with a stone-wall , that was not low . ) And my Lord Ambassadour having a little white neat shock , that ran out barking at him , the Lion prefently snapt him up , leapt again over the wall , and away he went. But for a ravening and roaring Lion , as I believe that he cannot be made tame when he is old ; yet certainly he may be bred tame , being kept full , and high fed . For the Mogol , at my being there , had a very great Lion ( I often saw ) which went up and down , amongst the people that frequented his Court , gently as a dog , and never did hurt only he had some Keepers which did continually wayt upon him . For those wild and Cruell Beasts , one of our English-men watching in a tree by night ; ( that stood not far from our dwelling ) with a fire-lock charged with some small bullets , shot a Tygre , and kill'd him stone ▪ dead , as he was comming towards us . It was a large Beast , higher than an Irish-Greyhound , with Grizled hayr , a long head , and sharp and short picked eares , having a mouth filled with cruell teeth ; after which ( we usually keeping a little fire without our house every night ) were not so much troubled with those night-walkers . Now to return to that from which I am occasionally digressed . I told you before what their buildings are . And now for the furniture that the greatest men have in them , it is Curta supellex , very little ; they being not beautified with hangings , nor with any thing besides to line their walls , but where they are best adorned , they are kept very white , and set off with a little neat painting and nothing else ; for they have no Chaires , nor stooles , nor couches , nor tables , nor bedds , enclosed with Canopies , or Curtains , in any of their rooms . And the truth is , that if they had them , the extreme heat there would forbid the use of many of them ; all their bravery is upon their sloores , all which are made even with fine earth , or plaster , on which they spead their most excellent Carpets in their Tents , as well as in their dwelling houses , laying some Coarse thing under to preserve them ; on which they sit as ●aylors on their shop-boards , when they meet together , putting off their shooes ( which they usually wear as slippers and their feet bare in them ) when they come to tred upon those soft Pavements , and keeping them off till they remoove thence , this helps to keep cool their feet , and is very pleasant in those hot Countreyes . On those Carpets they sleep in the night time , or else upon an hard quilt , or lying upon a slight and low bed-stead they call a Cot , bottomed with broad girt-web made of Cotten-Wool . But where ever they lye , they stretch themselves out at their full length when they go to sleep , usually upon their backs , without any pillow , or bolster , to raise up their heads . Very many of the meaner sort of people ( as I have often observed ) lye thus stretched out to take their rest upon the ground , in the dry season of the year , with a white Callico Cloth spread all over them , which makes them to appear like so many dead corps layd forth for burial . This lying so even , and at length with their bodyes thus extended , may be one reason why the people there are all so streight lim'd , having none crooked amongst them , and another , because they never girt , nor lace in their bodies ( as before was observed ) . Some of those slight bedsteads , they call Cotts , in their standing houses hang by rops , a little above ground , which are fastned to the four corners thereof ; moved gently up and down , by their servants , to lull them asleep They have no Inns in those parts for the entertainment of strangers , but in some great Townes large Houses they call Sarraas very substantially built , with brick , or stone , where any passengers may find house-room and use it without any recompence ; but there is nothing to be had beside room , all other things they must provide and bring with them , as when they lodge in Tents . Amongst their buildings I must take special notice of their Wells and Tankes , upon both which in very many places they bestow exceeding much cost in stone-work ; for their Wells which are fed with Springs , they make them round , but very wide and large . They are wrought up with firm stones layd in fine Plaster ; they usually cover those Wells with a building over head , and with Oxen draw water out of them , which riseth up in many small Buckets , whereof some are alwayes going down , others continually comming up , and emptying themselves , in troughs , or little rills , made to receive , and Convey the water whither they please . Their Tanks are made in low places , and many of them very deep and large , one mile , and some of them much more in compass , made round or four square , or in more squares , about which there is a low stone-wall , that hath many doors in it , and within that wall steps , made one below the other round about it , that go down to the bottom thereof , ( which is paved likewise ) those steps are made of well squared lasting stone , layd firm , and even in very good order , for people that have not plenty of water otherwise , to go down and take it . These great receptacles of water , are made neer places that are very populous , fill'd when that long season of rain ( before spoken of ) comes , immediatly before which time , they clense them , that the water may be more cleer , and wholsom . They hold water all the dry season of the year . For their places of pleasure , they are in their Groves , where their curious fruit-trees ( before described ) grow ; but especially in their Gardens , wherein they plant little vineyards that afford marvailous fair & sweet Grapes , which they cut green , for their eating , or make Reisons of them . But for Wine , they make none , because their Mahomet forbids the drinking thereof . In those Gardens likewise , they have many Pome-Granat-trees , with all other of the choysest fruits and flowers their Countrey affords ; to which nature daily yields such a supply , as that there is beauty to be seen in those trees , and plants , and that continually . In the middle of those Gardens , they have such Wells ( as before are described ) the topps whereof stand a good deal higher than the planted ground , which lyes even , and flat below them , from whence water is conveyed in narrow open passages , ( they knowing not the use of leaden Pipes ) to all the parts of them in the dry season of the year . In those Gardens likewise they have little round Tanks to bath in ; whose sides and Bottomes are made firm and smooth with that plaster before named ; they are fil'd by aquaducts from those Wells , and they can empty them when they please , as well as fill them . The water that is conveyed into those small Tanks , usually runns down broad stone Tables , that have many Hollowes made in them , like to scollop-shels , with water in its passage , makes such a pretty murmure , as helps to tye their senses with the bonds of sleep , in the hot seasons of the day when they constantly keep their houses , and then they lye down neer them on their Carpetts , to be lul'd asleep . Those Bathing places are within , or very neer their Garden-houses , which usually are by far more neat , than any other of their dwelling . In such a Garden-house , with all those accommodations about it , my Lord Ambassadour lay with his company at Surat , the last three moneths before he left East India . And further , in those hot seasons of the day ; the people of better quality lying or sitting on their Carpets , or Pallats , have servants standing about them , who continually beat the Air uppon them with Flabellas , or Fanns , of stiffened leather , which keeps off the flyes from annoying them , and cool them as they lye . Thus taking their ease , they call for Barbers , who very gently gripe their armes , and shoulders , and other parts , they can in any measure grasp , and they strike likewise very softly those parts with the sides of their hands ; it is very pleasing as they do it , and causeth their blood to stir in their veins , it is therefore very much used in those parts , to such as do not heat their blood by bodily motion . For their pastimes within doores , they have Cards , but much different from ours in the figures made in them , and in their greater number of suits . Those Cards I have often seen and have been more often told , that they have very good skill in that most innocent and ingenious game we call Chests . They delight themselves sometimes with the Company of Mountebanks , and Juglers ; for their Mountebanks , they keep venemous Snakes in baskets , and will suffer themselves to be bitten or stung by them ; which part thus bitten , or stung , presently swells , and immediatly after that , they cure themselves again by Oyles and Pouders , which they apply unto the place , and then offer to sell them unto the people standing by . Their Juglers are the cunningst that ever I saw , to do strange things by sleight of hand ; as in this trick I shall here name , where I have observed them to lay down scu●tles or broad open wicker Basketts upon the ground , three or four one upon another , all which appeared empty , as they laid them down ; but taking them up again one after the other , in the bottom of them there would appear , three or four living Turtle-doves : which they would cover again with the same scuttles , and tossing and turning them as they took them off , and up the second time , none of those pretty creatures were to be seen any more . But how they first conveyed them thither , and how after thence , we could not possibly discover . For their Pastimes abroad they have Hawks of divers kinds , greater and less , and Partridges , and other choise Fowl grear store to fly at . They have Hares , and Antilops , with other wild Beasts to hunt , and these not a few . Their doggs for chafe are made somewhat like our Greyhounds , but much less , who never open in the pursute of their game . They hunt likewise with Leopards train'd up and made fit for their sport , who by leaping seize on that they pursue ; but by reason of the heat of the Countrey , those sports are not there much used . The Mogol when he hunts , carryes Hawks and Doggs , and all things beside with him , to make him Pastime , that if one sport fail , he may be pleased with another . They say , that they have a curious devise to take wild fouls that use the water , into which a fellowgoes , with a foul of that kinde he desires to catch , whose skin is stussed so artificially , as that with a noyse he counterfets of that foul , it appears to be alive , the man keeps all his body but head under water , on which he fastens that counterfet foul to stand foreright on the top thereof , and thus comming amongst them , he plucks them ( as they say ) by their leggs under water at his pleasure . But this I have only by tradition . For other Pastimes abroad , this I am sure of , that when the weather is more temperate , they shoot much in their Bowes , and are very excellent Marks-men , somewhat like those left-handed men spoken of Judg. 20. 16. And with their Gunns in which they shoot single bullets ( for they have not the use of small shot ) they are somewhat long in taking their aim , but they will come very neer the mark . Others delight themselves very much in managing their excellent Horses ; But so shall not I delight my Reader , if I dwell too long in particulars . And therefore having spoken of their buildings , I shall now invite him , though not to eat , or taste , yet to take notice SECTION . X. Of their Diet , their Cookery in dressing it , &c. AND though this Countrey affords very much variety of excellent good provisions , yet the Mahometans feed not freely on any flesh , but on that which is strange , and forbidden ( of the Hindooes diet I shall speak afterwards ) but for the Mahometans they are a people , as I conceive , not much given to their Palate , but are very carefull of , and temperate in their diet , as having learn'd by experience , that full bellyes do more oppress , than strengthen the body , that too much of the Creature doth not comfort but destroy Nature . It being a tryed truth , that Gluttony reacheth , and kills those whom swords cannot touch . All diseases of the body for the most part being contracted to it by sur●etts , in one kinde or other , and therefore they keep themselves to a thin diet , and eat not to pamper and please their appetite , but to satisfy and support nature , which is contented with a little every where , but with less in hot Countreyes , where mens digestion of food is not so quick and good ; this being further a tried truth , that those bodyes are most strong , active , and healthy , which are most temperate . Therefore though they have abundance of flesh and foul , and have fish too , yet are they temperate in all of them . For Swines flesh it is an abomination unto the Mahometans , and therefore they touch it not . And for other kinde of flesh , they eat very little of them alone , to make their full meals of them , for they dress no kinde of flesh in great peeces , or whole joynts , nor scarce any of their Foules whole . For boyling of flesh in water , or Baking or Rosting any flesh , are peeces of Cookery ( if I observed well ) they know not ; but they stew all their flesh as their Kid , and other Venison , &c. cut into sippets , or flices , or little parts , to which they put Onions and Herbs and Roots , and Ginger ( which they take there Green out of earth ) and other Spices , with some Butter , which ingredients when as they are well proportioned , make a food that is exceedingly pleasing to all Palates , at their first tasting thereof most savoury meat , happily that very dish which Jacob made for his Father Isaac , when he got the blessing Gen. 27. With their flesh and herbs , &c. they sometimes stew Henns and other foul cut in peeces , which is like that the Spaniards call an Olio , but more toothsome . But their great common standing dish there is Rice , which they boyl with more art than we : for they boyl the grain so as that it is full and plump and tender , but not broken in boyling : they put to it a little green Ginger , and Pepper , and Butter , and this is the ordinary way of their dressing it and so t is very good . Sometimes they boyl peeces of flesh , or Hens , and other foul cut in peeces in their Rice , which dish they call Pillaw ; as they order it , they make it a very excellent , and a very well-tasted food . Once my Lord Ambassadour had an entertainment there by Asaph Chan , who invited him to dinner ( and this was the only respect in that kinde he ever had , while he was in East India ) That Asaph Chan was a man made by his great alliances , the greatest subject and favourit in all that Empire ; for his sister was the Mogols most beloved wife , and his daughter was married unto Sultan Caroon the Prince , and very much beloved by him , but of all these , more afterward . This Asaph Chan entertained my Lord Ambassadour in a very spacious and a very beautifull Tent , where none of his followers besides my self , saw , or tasted of that entertainment . That Tent was kept full of a very pleasant Perfume ; in which sents the King and Grandees there take very much delight . The floor of the Tent was first covered all over with very rich and large Carpets , which were covered again in the places where our dinner stood , with other good Carpets , made of stich't Leather , to preserve them which were richer ; and these were covered again with pure white and fine Callico Clothes , and all these covered with very many dishes of silver , but for the greater part of those silver dishes they were not larger than our largest trencher-plates , the brimms of all of them gilt . We sate in that large Room as it were in a Triangle ; The Ambassadour on Asaph Chans right hand a good distance from him , and my self below ; all of us on the ground , as they there all do when as they eat , with our faces looking each to the other , and every one of us had his several mess . The Ambassadour had more dishes by ten , and I less by ten , than our entertainer had , yet for my part I had fifty dishes . They were all set before us at once , and little paths left betwixt them , that our entertainers servants ( for onely they waited ) might come and reach them to us one after another , and so they did . So that I tasted of all set before me , and of most did but tast , though all of them tasted very well . Now of the provision it self , for our larger dishes , they were filled with Rice , dressed ( as before described ) And this Rice was presented to us , some of it white , in its own proper colour , some of it made yellow with Saffron , and some of it was made green , and some of it put into a purple colour , but by what ingredient I know not , but this I am sure , that it all tasted very well ; And with Rice thus ordered several of our dishes were furnished ; and very many more of them with flesh of several kinds , and with Hens , and with other sorts of foul cut in peeces , as before I observed in their Indian Cookery . To these we had many Jellie , and Culices ; Rice ground to flower , and then boyled , and after sweetned with Sugar-Candy and Rose-water to be eaten cold . The flower of Rice mingled with sweet Almonds , made as small as they could , and with some of the most fleshy parts of Henns , stewed with it , and after , the flesh so beaten into peeces , that it could not be discern'd , all made sweet with Rose-water and Suger-Candy , and sented with Amber-Grec●e ; this was another of our dishes , and a most luscious one , which the Portugals call Mangee Real , Food for a King. Many other dishes we had , made up in Cakes , of several formes , of the finest of the wheat-flower , mingled with Almonds , and Sugar Candy , whereof some were sented and some not . To these Potatoes excellently well dressed ; and to them divers Salads and the curious fruits of that Countrey , some preserved in Sugar , and others raw , and to these many Roots Candied , Almonds blanched , Reysons of the Sun , Prunellas , and I know not what , of all enough to make up that number of dishes before named ; and with these quelque chose , was that entertainment made up . And it was better a great deal , than if it had consisted of full & heaped up dishes , such as are sometimes amongst us provided , for great and profuse entertainments . Our bread was of very good excellent wheat , made up very white and light , in round Cakes ; and for our drink , some of it was brew'd for ought I know , ever since Noah his flood , that good innocent water , being all the drink there commonly used ( as before ) and in those hot Clymates ( it being better digested there than in other parts ) it is very sweet , and allayes thirst better than any other liquor can , and therefore better pleaseth , and agreeth better with every man , that comes and lives there , than any other drink . At this entertainment we sat long , and much longer than we could with ease cross leg'd , but all considered , our feast in that place was better than Apicius , that famous Epicure of Rome , with all his witty Gluttony ( for so Paterculus calls it , ingeniosa Gula , ) could have made with all provisions had from the Earth , and Air , and Sea. My Lord Ambassadour observed not that uneasy way of sitting at his meat , but in his own house had Tables and Chayres &c. served he was altogether in Plate , and had an English , and an Indian Cook to dress his dyer , which was very plentifull , and cheap likewise ; so that by reason of the great variety of provisions there , his weekly account for his house-keeping came but to little . The meaner sort of people there eat Rice boyled with their green-Ginger , and a little Pepper , after which they put Butter into it , which is their principal dish , and but seldom eaten by them : but their ordinary food is made ( not of the flowr of wheat ▪ ) but of a course well tasted grain , made up in round broad and thick Cakes , which they bake upon their thin iron plates ( before spoken of ) which they carry with them , when as they travell from place to place ; when they have bak'd those cakes , they put a little butter on them , and doubtless the poor people find this a very hearty food ▪ for they who live most upon it , are as strong as they could be , if they had their diet out of the Kings Kitchin. I shall here say no more of this , but proceed to speak SECTION XI . Of the Civilities of this people ; Of their Complements , and of their Habits . AND here the people in general ( as before was observed ) are as civil to strangers , as to their own Countrey-men ; for they use when they meet one another , or when they meet strangers , to bow their heads , or to lay their right hands on their brests , and to bow their bodyes as they pass , saluting them further with many well-wishes . They use not to uncover their heads at all , as we do in our salutes , ( from which custom of ours , the Turks borrow this imprecation for their enemies , wishing their souls no more rest after death than a Christians hat hath , which ●s alwayes stirred ) but the meaner sort , instead of uncovering their heads to their superiours use these abject ceremonies , by putting their right hand to the earth , and then laying it on their head , or by falling down on their knees ; and then bowing their heads to the earth , both signifying , that those unto whom they shew these reverences , and respects , may tread or trample on them , if they pleased . When we visite the people there , of better quality , they entertain us with much humanity , first rising up to us , they bow their bodyes , and then intreat us to sit with them on their Carpets , where they are free in their discourse , which we usually exchange with them by an Interpreter . If we have any business with them , they return very civill and fair answers , and for our further entertainment give us Beetle or Paune to chew ( before spoken of ) In their neer , and more close and hearty Salutes , they do not joyn hands as we , but do that which is hatefull to the Spaniard , and not at all in use with us ; for they take one another by the Chin , or Beard , and cry . Bobba , which is Father , or Bij , which is Brother : and this appeares to be a very ancient Complement , for thus Joab long ago saluted Amasa , 2 Sam. 20. 9 but this they do in love , not as Joab did there , in treacherie . In their Complements they express many good wishes to one another , as Salam Allacum , God give you health ; the reply , Allacum Salam , the same health God give you . And Greb-a Nemoas , I wish you the prayers of the poor . And Tere gree gree kee Bulla doore , which made English speaks thus , I wish one good to come , unto you after another every Gra , ( which is a space of time a little more than a quarter of an hour ) and they have many more Complements like these , handsom , and significant . As inferiour people ( who have their dependance on others ) use to say unto them , I eat your Breat and Salt ( as much to say ) I am your servant , I live by you , and you may do with me , or to me , what you please . Now as this people of East India are Civil in their speeches , so are they Civilly clad , for there are none who weare their own skin alone for their covering , as very many in the Western India do . For the Habites of this people , from the highest to the lowest , they are all made of the same fashion , which they never alter , nor change ; their Coats sitting close to their bodyes unto their wasts , then hanging down loose a little below their knees , the lower part of them sitting somewhat full ; those close Coats are fastned unto both their shoulders , with slips made of the some cloth , which for the generality , are all made of courser , or finer white Callico ; and in like manner are they fastned to their wast , on both sides thereof , which Coats coming double over their brests , are fastned by like slips of cloth , that are put thick from their left arme-holes to their middle ; The sleeves of those coats are made long and somewhat close to their Armes , that they may ruffle , especially from their elbowes , to their wrists . Under this Coate they usually weare another sleight one , made of the same cloth , but shorter than the other , and this is all they commonly weare upon the upper part of their bodies . But some of the greater sort in the cooler seasons of the day there , will s●ip on loose Coats over the other , made either of quilted silk , or Callico , or of our English Scarlet Broad-cloth ( for that is the colour they most love ) . Under their Coats they have long breeches like unto Irish-Trouses , made usually of the same Cloth , which come to their Ankles , and ruffle on the small of their leggs . For their feet they keep them ( as was before observed ) alwayes bare in their shooes . Some of their Grandees make their Coats and Breeches of striped Taffata of several colours , or of some other silk stuff all of the same colour , or of slight cloth of Silver or Gold , all made in that Countrey . But pure white and fine Callico-Laune , ( which they there make likewise ) is for the most part the height of all their bravery ; the collars , and some other parts of their upper coats , being set off with some neat stitching . Upon their heads they weare a long wreath of cloth , about half a yard broad , usually white , but sometimes of other colours . Which cloth worn for their head covering , is sometimes inter-woven in spaces with threds of coloured silk , or silver , or gold , and when not so , one end of that wreath of cloth worn by Gallants is usually thus interwoven , and so put upon their heads , that its gayness may appear . This head-covering of theirs , they call a Shash , which incircles their heads many times , and doth mervailously defend them from the violence of the Sun. And because this covering must needs keep their heads hot ▪ they provide for this , as well as they can , by shaving the haire continually from off them . And they have girdles made of the same wreaths of cloth for the better sort , thus interwoven ▪ which come twice at least about them , made very trim with that kinde of weaving , especially on both ends , which hangdown directly before them . And thus have I presented a Mahometan there in his proper dress , whose habit will more visibly appear together in the Mogols Picture , portrayed and after put into this discourse . Now for the Mahometan ▪ women ; ( because I had never sight of those of the greatest qualiquality ) I cannot give such an account of them in respect of the Habits ; for these , unless they be dishonest , or poor , come not abroad ; but for the fashion of their garments , they do not differ much from those the men weare , for they weare Coats , and Breeches one very like the other , onely women bind their long haire with Philets , which hang down behind them . They wear likewise upon their heads Mantles or Vailes ( usually made of white Callico , or of their Pintadoes ) which hang down over their other garments . Further , the women have their Eares boared , not only in their flapps , but round about them , wherein they weare very little Pendants ; those of the richer sort are made of flat , narrow and thin peeces of Gold or Silver ; those worn by the poorer sort made of Brass , or Iron kept bright , so that all are in the same fashion ; they bestow some work upon the edges and ends of those Pendants . And those women have the lower part of their left nostrils pierced , wherein they weare a Ring ( when they please ) of Gold , or Silver , or of some other baser metals . Those Rings of Gold have little pearles fastned to one end of them ▪ and that Pearle is dril'd through , that both ends of the ring may meet in it . And doubtless , the women of the greatest quality , ( though I saw it not ) are bedeck't with many rich Jewels . This I have observed in some of those of the better sort I there saw , that they did wea●e great broad Hollow Rings of Gold enamel'd ; and some made of Silver , or Brass , upon their wrists , and upon the small of their leggs , to take off and on ; two or three of them upon each Arm , and Leg , which make a tinkling noyse , very probably such Ornaments as the Jewish women were threatned for , Esaiah 3. where Almighty God tells them , that he would take away their tinkling Ornaments about their feet , the Bracelets , and the Ornaments of their leggs , their Rings , and Nos●-Jewels . For my Lord Ambassadour , and his Company , we all kept to our English Habits , made as light and coole as possibly we could have them . His wayters in Red Taffata Cloakes guarded with green Taffata , which they alwayes wo●e when they went abroad with him , my self in a long black Cassock ; and the Colours and fashion of our garments were so different from theirs , that we needed not , wheresoever we were , to invite spectators to take notice of us . And now , the Constancy there observed by the Natives of both sexes , in keeping to their old fashions in their habits , exampled to them by their predecessors in many foregoing Generations , and by them still continued , is the great prayse of this people , as the Commendation of every Nation in the world almost , besides ours , still constant to their ancient fashions in the●r apparell . The consideration of this might shame , and make us to blush at it ( if we were a people whom shame in this case could take ) shame I say , and condemn too , the lightnes , and wantonnes , the want of sobermindedness , and inconstancy of our people here in this case , who most justly deserve , even for this very thing , ●o be made Bare and Naked , because they are never long pleased , scarce at all contented , with the fashion of that they weare for their covering , continually varying and multiplying their vanities , expressed by their habits . So that what the Prophet Hosea 5. 5. speaks of Israel , may be applyed to England that the pride thereof doth testifie to its face . It is an Observation in Heraldry , that the richer the Coate is , the fewer are the Colours in it . But whatsoever many Gallants of these times bear in their Scutcheons , I am sure they want no colours in their cloathing , as if they were created Knights of the Sun , and engaged to wear about them every Colour in the Rainbow . Unto what a shamefull & unjustifiable length is the Haire of very many grown to , fitter to be measured by a Carpenters Rule , than by a Combe , when mens haire hangs about their shoulders like Manes on the necks of Horses . A wild & strange fashion never taken up till these rylate times ( almost in the memory of Children ) which puts such strange disguises upon many , that when it first took its rise here in this Nation , if then a man had met a few of them ( who now thus bury , and loose their heads in their haire ) he would have then conceived that he had met with Furies , rather than men . Since which time that evill custome hath so prevailed amongst us , as if the commonness thereof , were a sufficient excuse for its undecency . And ( by the way ) I should be exceeding glad , if I could exempt and wholy separate from their Company , all those whose business it is to be the teachers and instructers of others , yet in this particular deserve that blame which gives very much offence unto many of those who are sober , minded . Thou which teachest another , teachest thou not thy self ? saith the Apostle , Rom. 2. 21. the very coal●s of which Scripture burns out against them , who do not labour to live up unto every rule they prescribe to others , who dare without blushing to do that themselves , which they are bound to reproove in others . If these would but consider , how much gravity there is required in a Minister of the Gospel , and look but a little with other mens eyes , they would presently see a long haire ( I had almost said a s●agpoule ) to become a Pulpit so ill , that they would never presume to ascend that place again in that shamefull disguise . I might hereunto add the many trickings and trimmings of some likewise which appear in that place , very much unbecomming the gravity of their profession ; In which respect , the decency and comeliness which hath appeared in others , in those particulars I named , may be a strongwitness against them ; in others , who have been thought fit to be removed from their places , and to be thereby layd aside ; In others , who have made room for those , either by their death , or otherwise . Now those great undecencies ( as I apprehend them ) are faults , whatsoever is said in their justification , which , as former times could not paralel them , so the times present cannot excuse them . But for others whom before I named , rather than they will not come up unto this height of vanitie , they make the haire of Women , which before was dead , to live again ( as it were ) upon their heads . Concerning whom , if you put that question in the Prophet Jeremy 18. 13. and ask among the Heathen , who hath heard or done such things ? It will be answered , none there , none of them ; yet this unnatural sin makes many amongst us , even to pride themselves in this their shame . For doth not Nature it self teach , that if a man wear long haire , it is a shame unto him , 1 Cor. 11. 14. And for the other Sex amongst us , they are so carryed on by the foot of Pride , as they come never a whit behind , of whom there are too too many , when God hath bestowned upon them a very large portion of outward feature , and beauty , more than upon many others , it is very strange , that those , not yet content with his most excellent workmanship , should go about to amend it , as they think , by spending many precious houres to varnish a little Rottenness , spotting and painting themselves , as if beauty could be increased by deformities , thus presenting themselves to the view of others , as if they had received many skarres and wounds , &c. so they have by the rod of pride ( to take those words in a borrowed sense ) which they cover with their black patches . For outward beauty , without doubt it is an excellent gift of God , and so to be esteemed ; but when the Soul answers not the face , in not being beautifull like it , it leads to a Curse . And experience teacheth us , that many of the foulest Souls in this respect dwell fairest . There are no two things help to people Hell more , than wanton witts and beautifull faces ; that beauty therefore is worse than any deformity , when it abuseth the Soul ; when the Soul is made worse by it in making the party on whom it is bestowed , either proud or filthy . In the one and thirtieth of the Proverbs , 3. 14. a woman is compared to a Merchants ship , which as it is there spoken of a good woman , so it may be applyed to a bad one likewise , that she is like a ship , alwayes ready for trade , and therefore setts off herself as much as possibly she can with all variety of rigging . And further , concerning both Sexes in this case , I shall borrow something from another to speak of them , which I long since observed in these following verses , but a little varied . Our women here in Gauds excell , And in their loose attires do swell More light then sailes when fresh gales play : Yet are our men more loose than they , More Kemb'd & poudred , Rub'd & trim'd , More bath'd , & sleek'd , & slacker limm'd ; Grown so , effeminate in their Mind . As if resolv'd to loose their kind . Both swell in plenty , wealth , and Ease , And health abus'd , made their disease . Now much of all this proceeds from Fashions , one fashion bringing in another , and the fashion must bear out , and excuse all ; This Fashion [ as it should seeme ] is the best Preacher and Oratour in our Nation . It were well if our preachings , exhortations , and reproofs were in fashion too , for then I am sure they would gain a great party , win a great many both men and women unto them , that now of all things cannot abide them ; for they leave these , and still fashion themselves after the world , in every Garish devise , disguise , and dress ; or rather after the Devill himself , for they are Satanae ingenia , as [ Tertullian calls them ] inventions of the Divell , and not of men . And both may justly fear , that when Almighty God shall come to judge the quick , and dead , he may not own these , who have so deformed that simple fashion , in which he first Created them , but may say as Cyprian observes , Opus hoc meum non est , haec mea non est imago , This is not my workmanship , nor this the similitude I first made . When God shall say otherwise of their Garments , then Jacob sometimes did of Josephs , Genes . 37. 33. Haec non est tunica silii mei , This is not my Sons Coate . When their own clothes , [ to take that of Job in a literal sense ] Job . 9. 33. shall make them to be abhorred . Little do these consider , that Almighty God can give them a rent , instead of a Garment , and and can cover them with Leprosie , instead of Clothing ; that when he pleaseth , he can put a vizard upon their faces , and can strike as well the daughters of England , as those of Sion , with a scab Es . 3. 17. And cover them with blackness and deformity , instead of beauty . Pardon [ good Reader ] my length and language in this digression , for I am not bitter , but Charitable . Infector vitia , non homines . They are the vices and vanities of people , not their persons I reproove . — Librum Si malus nequeo Laudare . — Ju. I cannot like to praise ildle Pamphlets , nor yet honour and esteem vain persons , whatsoever their outsides be . It is a mark , amongst others , of a good man , that he is one in whose eyes a vile person is contemned , Num. 15. 4. in whose eyes , or before whom , and in whose judgment , a vile person [ whatsoever he may otherwise be ] who makes himself vile by his irregular course , and carriage , is contemned , or little or nothing set by , or regarded . They were wont to cry out against the Court , for bringing forth and nursing up many strange and new Fashions . Now in respect of this , the whole Nation is an enlarged dissipated Court ; and the great City in it , as it shares very much in this National sin , so it must bear a very great part of blame for this , and if , even for this very thing , it escape a , signal judgment , it will fare much better than it deserves . When Augustus the Emperour sometimes rode in Triumph through Rome , and then observed the state and bravery of that City , he said , se tot vidisse Reges , quot Cives , that he beheld as many Kings , as Citizens : the like may be said of our great City London , wherein a very great number appear , by reason of their strange excess in apparell , Princes , and Princesses ! rather than Citizens . Which varied and multiplyed Pride in Clothing there , took a very great Rise in that greatest visitation by the plague of Pestilence that ever that City felt , in the year 1625. When very many of that populous City left their houses , and shops , and went into the countrey , putting themselves , and wives into the dresses then in fashion ( a thing never done by them before ) which were worn by the Gentlemen , and Gentlewomen of the best rank , and ever since have kept in , if not exceeded them in their Habits . A sad use made of such an extraordinary judgment . And ever since , he that strictly viewes that place , may observe a great contest twixt Pride and Luxury for the upper end of the Table . Before which time , none but the principal sort of women there were clothed in silks ; now very many even ordinary servants are thus clad . That City then began to lead the way into this bravery ; since ( evill examples being easily imitated ) all the populous places in this Nation follow them . So that we may take up a general Lamentation against the pride of this whole Nation , but of that City in a more special manner , wherein so many thousands are like the Sinamon-tree , whose bark is much better than its body . How may we complain against the garnish , glittering dresses , of very-very many even of the inferiour rank of people throughout this whole Land , when Sackcloth and Ashes would become them much better . I cannot deny but that things which are rich , and of the greatest value that are made , may be worn , yet doubtless this is a truth too , that all who can finde money to pay for them , are not fit to wear them . For ( as it is well distinguished ) there is , necessitas Naturae & personae . The bodyes of all require covering , to defend them from cold , and mean cloth may warm as well as a rich Plush : yet such as are of high Birth , and Place , are fit to wear rich garments , which will not become others , the consideration of their persons gives them liberty herein , which it doth not to other people , who would finde much more comfort in frieze , or cloth , or stuff , then in velvet , or in any other Rich thing infected by the pride or fashion of those that wear them , whosoever they be . But here I might borrow the words of the , Prophet and cry , How is our silver become dross ? here take up further complaint , when I do consider how much pride and vanity ( like worms ) bread in Greatness , more by far ( as I conceive ) in the present , then in those foregoing ages ; when so many amongst us of great Birth , have tainted and corrupted their blood , and quite ruin'd their manners by strange exorbitancies , which have forfeited that honour and respect they might otherwise challenge , and be sure to receive from all people of sober mindes . When the rude Souldiers saw the Senators of Rome sit gravely , and demeaning themselves as became their places , they held them to be Gods ; but as soon as they discovered the failings and passions of men , they presently took them to be men & despised and spoiled them . It will be thus with all men of honour , and birth , and place , while they do things becoming themselves , in expressing Noblenes , and honour , and vertue in their lives & courses , they cannot choose but be highly esteemed ; but if they discover in themselves the passions , the pride , the vanitie and vilenes that is in the worser sort of people , if they make themselves . Cheap , they will grow into contempt ; as the horrid vices of Tiberius the Emperour , made him to be hated even of his greatest flatterers . A good heart knowes not how to reverence , and put an high esteem upon any thing it observes in man besides , Gods Image ; and when that appeares not , but the contrary , mens tongues and penns will make bold with the greatest . But why do I spend so much time , and ink , and paper , in such a seeming impertinent , unplausible , and unprofitable reproof ? for though that which I have named be such a fault in this Nation , as no language can ever excuse , and no time , I fear , will reform ; because the people of this Land by a long custome , and continuance , do challenge such a propriety in new fashions , are so habituated to them , that in probability nothing which can fall , either from the tongues , or penns of men shall ever be able to reform it . Yet before I leave this just reproof , I shall add a few words more , for those that invent , and urge arguments in the defence thereof ; as first , some say that these new invented things , which multiply fashions , serve to keep , and maintain many poor people in work : To these I answer , as it was spoken of Judas , when he grumbled at the expence of that oynment bestowed on our Blessed Saviour , John 12. 5. 6. saying , This might have been sold for three hundred pence , and given to the poor ; but this he said ( saith the text ) not that he cared for the poor , &c. So , this some speak , not that they love the poor , but the fashion ; which poor doubtless might finde as comfortable a subsistence , if they were not thus imployed . And Secondly , whereas others pretend , and say that their hearts may be good and humble , whatsoever their habits be , I dare conclude , that it is as impossible for a good , and humble , and modest heart to dwell under a vain and fantastick habit , as for evill to be good . I know that it is a very strange Case which can finde no Advocate ; A poysoned pill may be gilded over , as well as that which is wholesome . Favorinus long agoe wrote in the Commendation of a Quartan Ague . That ●oul and filthy disease , hath not wanted a pen to excuse , and commend it . Fools , saith Salomon , make a mock at sin . Prov. 14. 9. Others have made a very bad wife the subject of their Commendation , because ( they say ) she brings a man to repentance . What is it not that the Luxuriancy and ranknes of wit cannot put a varnish on ? when men , like the silly Fly , play with fire till they sindge their wings , and fall into it . Let me speak therefore as a Divine to all those which plead for new fashions , and therefore think they may be , because they are generally taken up , and followed . That sinns are by so much the greater , by how much they are more general and universal , and that sin is so far from being extenuated by the multitude of offenders , which live under the guilt thereof , that nothing can more aggravate it . With men , commoness pleads for favour ; with God , it pleads for judgment ; the Leprosie of the whole body being by far more loathsome , then that which appears but in a part thereof ; and so much of this , I will now proceed to take notice of other particulars , which follow in this relation , As , SECTION XII . Of their Language , their Books , their Learning , &c. THE Language of this Empire , I mean the Vulgar , bears the name of it , and is called Indostan ; it hath much affinitie with the Persian , and Arabian tongues , but the Indostan is a smoother language , and more easy to be pronounced than the other , a language which is very significant , and speaks much in few words ; They write it ( as we ) to the right hand . It is expressed by letters , which are very much different from those Alphabets , by which the Persian and Arabian tongues are formed . The Persian there is spoken as their more quaint and Court-tongue . The Arabian is their learned language , both written backward to the left hand like the Hebrew , from whence they borrow many words , which come so neer it , as that he who is a good Critick in the Hebrew may very well guess at the meaning of much in both those languages . The Persian is a language , as if it consisted all of Guttur all letters , ( as some in the Hebrew Alphabet are called ) filling the mouth in the Pronunciation of them ; for as the words in that language are full of sense : so in their speaking they are full of sound . For the Latin and Greek , by which there hath been so much knowledge conveyed into the world , they are as ignorant of them both , as if they had never been ; and this may be one great reason why there is so little learning amongst them . But for the people themselves , they are men of very strong reason , and will speak ex re natâ , upon any offered occasion , very exceeding well ; and doubtless they are a people of such strong Capacities , that were there literature amongst them , they might be the Authors of many excellent works ; but as the case stands with them , all that is there attainable towards learning , is but to read and write . And here by the way let me insert this , that I never saw any Idiot or natural Fool , nor any deformed person amongst them , in any of those parts . For Logick and Rhetorick which are so instrumental , the first to enlarge , and the second to polish discourses , they have none but what is Natural . They say , that they write some witty Poems , and compose many handsome Annals and Stories of their own , and other adjacent Countreys . They delight much in Musick , and have some stringed , but many more winde Instruments ; They have the use of Timbrils likewise ; but for want of pleasing Airs , their Musick in my ears never seemed to be any thing but discord . Their Books are not many , and those are Manuscripts . That rare and happie invention of Printing , which hath been the advancement of so much learning within Christendom , is not known without it . They have heard of Aristotle , whom they call Aplis , and have some of his books ( as they say ) in the Arabian tongue , in which language ( they further say ) they have many books written by Avicenna , that ancient Physician , who was born in Samarchandia , one of the most fam'd places within the Tartarian Empire , the Countrey ( as they believe ) where Tamberlain , the Mogols great Ancestor , drew his first breath . Some parts or fragments they have of the old Testament ; of which more , when I shall come to speak of their Religion . Many amongst them profess themselves to have great skill in judicial . Astrologie , that great Cheat , which hath been very anciently , and often put upon ( as the Sacred Storie witnesseth ) the people inhabiting the East , and South parts of the world . I call it a Cheat , because there is , and must needs be , so much uncertainty in it , all things here below being ordered , and overruled , by the secret , and unerring providence of Almighty God , which frustrateth the tokens of the Lyars , and maketh Diviners mad , that turneth wise men backward , and maketh their knowledge foolish , Esay 44. 25. First , these Diviners are mad when things fall not out according to their bold predictions ; And secondly , they have been , and not without cause , esteemed as mad-men , in foretelling things which they could not know , and much less bring to pass . And therefore I have heard a great Master in , and a publick Professor of Astronomie , who could see as far into Constellations and observe as much from them as , any other , often say , that he would go by the very selfesame rules that others did , to predict things to come , and would write that which was quite contrary to what they observed , yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they 〈…〉 old . Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises , the great Mogol puts so much confidence in his Astrologers , that he will not undertake a journey , nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least consequence , unless his wizards tell him it is a good and a prosperous hour , to begin , and set upon such an undertaking , and at the very instant he hath his directions from them ▪ he sets upon the thing he undertakes , and not before . It is strange to consider what ignorance or despair in this ●case may not put men upon , may not put men into : ignorance in that King thus besotted with an high opinion of his Astrologers . So despair in Saul another King long before him , who after he had lost the favour of God grew desperate , and resolved that if God would not answer him , Sathan should . And therefore he said in his distress unto his servants , 1 Sam. 28. 7. Seek me out one that hath a familiar spirit . The condition of Saul was at this time exceeding sad , as appears by his complaint , v. 15. The Philistins make war against me , and God is departed from me , and answers me no more either by Prophets , or Dreams , and what shall I do ? I confess that the loss of God is the greatest of all losses . For , as his favour to a believing Soul , in the want of every thing besides , is enough , because his loving kindnes is better than life it self ) Psal . 63. 3. So , the gaining of every thing the world can afford with the loss of Gods Countenance , makes profit loss , a Chaire of State uneasy , an hereditary , ( and much more ) a usurped Scepter so unweildy , as that it cannot be managed with comfort . Here Saul , a King , is so perplexed in his thoughts , when as Almighty God had taken his loving kindnes from him , that he asks the question , what shall I do ? Not what thou did'st ( wretched Saul ) against the streame of thine own Conscience , to seek unto those whom thou had'st but of late condemned , and punished , to take a course which thou knowest to be divellish . Miserable Saul , how couldst thou hope to find God at thy Command , that wouldst not be at His ! How couldst thou look that God should regard thy voyce in trouble , that wouldst not regard his in Peace ? Saul had now forfetted Gods favour , and God takes the forfeture ; and there●ore it was not to be wondred at , that he walked so irregularly , when he had put himself out of Gods Protection . Thus before ( Numb . 22. ) when all help failed Moab , the Magician was sought unto . If there be any one Project worse than another , a wicked heart will finde that out ; though it be a sign of a most desperate cause , when Sathan is made either a mans Counsellor or Refuge . What men may do by the help of Astrologie , and do it safely and without sin , deserves Commendation , not blame , nor Censure . But certainly to conclude of future events , is above Art or , Man ; because those things Almighty God hath lockt up among his secrets , far above all reach , or search . Nay , the most intelligent Spirits know nothing of future Events ; or could those evill Spirits truly foretell things to come no way pre-existent , they could not without great danger and sin be consulted withall ; for the evill of their Nature debarrs all the benefit that can come by their information ; for they never do a man an apparent good one way , but they do him a Real mischief another . The Devill ( as we may conceive ) knows things past , and as he animates and encourages a man to theft by his suggestions , telling him , that he is poor , and must live , and therefore may steal ; that if he cannot support himself by warrantable , he must live , and therefore may take other courses . Now that Devill which courts a man to Theft , can certainly tell what he steales , and therefore can discover goods stol'n : wherein the Devill makes a double advantage unto himself ; first , in making the Thief his own , and secondly , the other , who leaves God , and repaires to him in his instruments for a discovery of goods thus stoln . Now for a Mahometan who lives in the dark to consult Southsayers , and Wizards , it is no great marvell , because his ignorance of God puts him upon those mad shifts and conceits to have recourse unto Sathan : But for such as profess themselves Christians , who live under that cleer light , which strictly forbids all such courses ; for these in their losses to repaire unto cunning men , and women ( as they call them ) who cannot possibly help them , but by some secret compact with the Devill , is certainly a very grievous sin , an undertaking most horribly impious . So then , they whosoever they be who to find out their stoll'n goods , hazard the loss of their Souls , however they speed shall gain nothing by that enquiry . Yet this hath been a sin very ancient in the world , and undertaken for more ends , than I have named . When Filius ante diem patrios inquirit in annos . The naughty Children , of as bad Parents , have sought out to have the Nativity of their Fathers Calculated , that they might be told ( if such a thing could be discovered ) how long they had to live , thinking every minute a month till they see them kneeling in Brass , or stone , or more cheaply buried ; that so they might be setting that abroach with profuse Luxury which their parents had been long barrelling up with great Avarice . It falling out many times by the righteous judgment of Almighty God , that when wickedness getts , wickedness shall consume that estate so gotten ; according to that in the Prophet Micha . 1. 7. She gathered it of the hire of an Harlot , and to an Harlot it shall return . But I proceed to speak , SECTION . XIII . Of their Physicians , Diseases , Cures . When they begin their year . How they measure their time , &c. HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physick , though ( for ought I could ever there observe ) the people make but little use of them , they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum ; and therefore do believe the Physician to be the more dangerous disease . The common diseases of that Countrey are bloody fluxes , with others that come not to blood , hot - Feavers , Calentures , which ceise on and fire the head and brain , more than other parts . These , many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers , especially while they are under the Torrid Zone , which makes the poor creatures visited with them , sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Heycocks ; and if they were not sometimes happily prevented , would leap over-board to tumble in them . For ordinary Agues , such as are so common among us , and for those two torments rather than diseases ( when they are selt in extremity ) the Gout and the Stone , they have the happiness to be ignorant of them . But sometimes they are visited with an inflamation , or an extreme burning , such as is spoken of , Deut. 28. 22. or rather with a most grievous Pestilence , which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great Populous Cities . This Pestilence makes the bodyes of men there which are visited with it , like an house , which on a sudden is covered all over wi●h fire at once . The City Amadavar ( at our being there with the King ) was visited with this Pestilence , in the Month of May , and our family was not exempted from that most incomfortable visitation , for within the space of nine dayes , seven persons that were English of our family were taken away by it , and none of those which dyed lay sick above twenty houres , and the major part well , and sick , and dead in twelve houres . As our Surgeon ( who was there all the Physician we had ) and he led the way , falling , sick at Mid-day , and the following Mid-night dead . And there were three more that followed him , one immediatly after the other , who made as much hast to the grave as he had done , and the rest went after them ; within that space of time ( I named before . ) And ( as before I observed ) all those that died in our family , of this pestilence , had their bodyes set all on fire by it , so soon as they were first visited ; and when they were dying , and dead , broad spots of a black and blew colour appeared on their brests ; and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distemper , that we who survived , could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it . It was a most sad time , a siery trial indeed . But such is the goodnes of Almighty God , that he makes the miseries of men here , Aut tolerabiles , aut breves , either sufferable , or short ; so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born , it continues not long , as this most grievous visitation ; most violent for the time , like a mighty storm , and then blown away . For here the mercy of God suddenly stept in , betwixt the living and the dead ; so that not only in our family , but also in that great City , the Plague was stayed . All our family [ my Lord Ambassadour only excepted ] were visited with this sickness ; and we all , who through Gods help and goodnes outlived it , had many great blisters , fild with a thick yellow watry substance , that arose upon many parts of our bodyes , which when they brake , did even burn and corrode our skins , as it ran down upon them . For my part , I had a Calenture before at Mandoa , which brought me even into the very Jawes of Death , from whence it pleased God then to rescue and deliver me , which amongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him , hath , and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name . There are very few English which come thither , but have some violent sicknes , which if they escape , and live temperately , they usually enjoy very much health afterward . But death made many breaches into my Lord Ambassadors family , for of four and twenty wayters , besides his Secretary and my self , there was not above the fourth man returned home . And he himself by violent Fluxes , was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave . The Natives of East India , in all their violent hot diseases , make very little use of Physicians , unless in be to bre●th a veine sometimes , after which they use much fasting as their most hopefull remedy . That foul disease [ a most into consequence of filthy incontinency ] is too common in those hot climates , where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings , than with the sin or shame thereof . As many amongst us , who care not for issue , but lust ; and after pay dear for their filthines , which many times rotts , or else makes bare the bones of them that are thus filthy . For as vertue and goodnes rewards it self : so to it self wickednes is a punishment , poena peccati peccasse : saith Seneca , this is cleer in the sad consequences of many other sins , cui ●hu ? cui vae ? who hath wo ? who hath sorrow ? Solomon askes the question , and resolves it too , Prov. 23. 29. they that tarry long at the wine , &c. for it will bite like a Serpent , and sting like an Ad●er . How many sad diseases are contracted to mens bodyes by this kind of intemperancy ? who can recount the hurts that by this means come to the whole body , especially to the Head , Stomack , Liver , and the more noble párts ? who can recite the Rheumes , Gouts , Dropsies , Appoplexies , Inflamations , and other distempers hence arising ? Drunkennes being like that Serpent Amphisbaena , which hath a sting in the mouth , and a sting in the tail , for it kills two wayes , first the Body , and after that the Soul. How were the thoughts of Amnon rackt about the compassing of that incestuous , unnatural and brutish lust with his Sister Tamar ? for first he is sick for her , and after he had reaped the bitter fruit of his beastly desires , ( his lust ending in loathing ) he was sick of her , and hated her exceedingly , and said unto her , arise , be gone , 2 Sam. 13. 15. Brutus , and Cassius were traytors which Julius Caesar fear'd , Macilenti & pallidi , men pal'd with Anger , whose thoughts to do mischief , drank up all their own sap and moisture . Envy ( ●aith Solomon ) is the rottennes of the bones , Prov. 14. 30. hence the heart of the malicious and envious man , is never without torment , for it boyles continually , as it were in Brine ; And therefore this sin is said to have much justice in it self , Justius invidia nihil est , because it eateth the heart and marrow of her master , as he desireth to have the heart of another to be eaten up . And thus may it be said of Anger , when it boyles up to rage ( as many times it doth ) in se s●mper armatur furor , that it is always in Armes against it self . The people in East India live up to our greatest ages ; but without all question they have more old people than we ; a thing not to be wondred at ▪ if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking . But to proceed . The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March. The Mahometans begin theirs , the tenth , at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries , their year as ours is divided into twelve Months , or rather into thirteen Moons , for according to them they make many payments . They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us , dividing the day into four , and the night into as many parts , which they call Pores ; which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts , which they call Grees ; measured according to the ancient custome , by water dropping out of one vessell into another , by which there alwayes stands a man appointed for that service , to turn that vessell up again when it is all dropped out , and then to strike with an hammer ( upon the brim of a concave peece of Metal , like the inner part of a large platter , hanging by the brim on a wire ) the number of those Pores , and Grees as they pass . It hath a deep sound , and may be heard very far ; but these are not common amongst them . Neither have they any Clocks , or Sun-Dials to shew them further how their time passeth . We lived there some part of our time a little within , or under the Tropick of Cancer , and then the Sun was our Zenith , or Verticle at noon day directly over our heads , at his return to his Northern bounds . ( of which I have spoken something before ) The Sun-rising there , was about six houres in the Morning before its appearing here , so that it is twelve of the clock with them , when it is but six with us . We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December , when the dayes are shortest neer eleven houres , and in ▪ June when they are at their fullest length , somewhat more than thirteen houres ; which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the earth , was very advantagious to cool both the Earth , and Air. I proceed to speak . SECTION . XIV . Of the most excellent moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations . NExt to those things which are Spiritually good , there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation , than those things which are Morally and Materially so ; and many of these may be drawn out ●o life , from the examples of great numbers amongst that people . For the Temperance of very many , by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles , it is such , as that they will rather choose to dye , like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Machabees and seventh Chapter , then eat or drink any thing their Law forbidds them . Or like those Rechabites , mentioned Jer. 35. Where Jonadab their father commanded them to drink no wine , and they did forbear it for the Commandement sake . Such meat and drink as their Law allowes them , they take only to satisfie Nature , ( as before ) not , appetite , strictly observing Solomons Rule , Proy . 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats , that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature ; hating Gluttony and esteeming drunkennes , as indeed it is , another Madnes , and therefore have but one word in their language , ( though it be very Copious ) and that word is Most , for a drunkard , and a mad-man . Which shewes their hatred of drunken distempers ; for none of the people there are at any time seen drunk , ( though they might find liquor enough to do it , but the very offal and dreggs of that people , and these rarely , or very seldom . And here I shall insert another most heedfull particular to my present purpose , which deserve a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general , how poor and mean soever they be ; and that is , the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents , that notwithstanding they serve for very little ( as I observed before ) but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsistence ; yet if their Parents be in want , they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessities , choosing rather to want themselves , then that their Parents should suffer need . I would have this read , and read over again by many who call themselves Christians , yet most shamefully neglect those loynes from which they fell , looking upon their Parents , if they be in need , either with a scornfull , or a grudging eye . Whence we have this saying amongst us ( which that people would spit at ) that one Father and Mother will better provide for ten helpless Children , then so many Children make fitting provision for one poor Father and Mother , as if they were not the Sons and Daughters of men , but rather Children of the Horseleeches , who are ever Crying , Give , give , never returning ought , or any thing proportionable to answer that love and care they have received from their Parents . It is the Precept of the Apostle , Ephes . 6. 2. ( which is often repeated before in the sacred storie ) Honour thy Father and thy Mother , which is the first Commandement with promise , with promise of a blessing unto all those who perform that duty as they ought . Now this honouring of Parents must be expressed by all wayes that manifest Childrens duty , not only in an outward respect and distance , but also in a free release of them , if Children be able , and Parents stand in need . 'T is well observed , that when Noah once surprized by wine , had layd open his Nakednes in his Tent , Gen. 9. and by one houres drunkenness had discovered that , which more then six hundred years sobriety had modestly concealed , ( for drunkennes doth both make imperfections , and prefents them thus made to others eyes ) that his Sons Shem and Japhet , out of duty and respect unto their Father , took a garment and went backward , that they might cover , not behold their Fathers nakednes . Which act of Duty and respect unto their Father , was largely repayed unto them in their posterity ; whereas Cham their brother for his undutifulnes in this case , beares his Fathers curse , and lives under it , and is plagued in his children . We may conclude it as a rule , that there have not been any very neglectfull of , or rebelliously undutifull unto their Parents , that have prospered in themselves and seed . Absolon lifts up his hand against his Father David , and his head is after lifted up , and hanged in an Oke , where he dyed miserably . 2 Sam. 18. I could instance further , if it were the busines of this discourse . But I return again to the place from whence I am digressed , and must say Further for this people , ( which is not the least commendation of them ) they are in general a Nation that do never pride it in any new Fashions ; for as they are very civilly clad , so I am confident , that they keep to the very selfe same Fashion , that their Ancestors did weare , many hundred yeares agoe ( as before I observed ) And certainly if a man should take his journey from the rising of the Sun , to the going down of the same , he should not find a people in all the world so overrun with an Itch after a new fashion , as the French and English are , [ of which likewise something before . ] For the Mahometans [ who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes , keeping them under , because they formerly conquered them ] there are many of them Idle , and know better to eat than work , & these are all for to morrow , a word very common in their mouths , and the word is Sub-ba , which signifies to morrow , and when that day comes , to morrow , and so still to morrow , they will set down upon their businesses to morrow , will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow , they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba , to morrow . Pollicitis divites , most rich in promises , in performances not so . That being true of many of those Mahometans , which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal , that he stood most to his promise , when it was most for his Profit [ though to do the Mahometans in general right , such as are Merchants and Traders ▪ are exact in their dealings ] or , as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as being ever about to give , but seldome giving . Or as Martial of his Posthumus . Cras te venturum , Cras dicis Posthuma semper : Dic mihi cras istud Posthume quando venit . To morrow still thou sayest thou 't come to me : Say Posthumus when will that morrow be . But for the Hindooes or Heathens , the ancient inhabitants of East India , they are a very industrious people very diligent in all the works of their particular callings , believing that bread sweetest , and most savoury , which is gain'd by sweat . These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground ; These they which make those curious Manifactures that Empire affords ; working [ as we s●y with tooth and nail ] imploying their eares and toes , as well as their fingers , to assist them [ by holding threds of silke ] in the making of some things they worke . These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way , of a Lion in the streets , as the slothfull man is , Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time , the opportunity , to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day , they being very laborious in their several imployments , and very square and exact to make good all their engagements . Which appeares much in their Justnes manifested unto those that trade with them ; for if a man will put it unto their consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it , they will deal squarely , and honestly with him ; but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price , they will be apt to say , what , doest thou think me a Christian , that I would go about to deceive thee ? A salt , a sharp , a biting Sarcasme , or rather an horrible truth to be put upon the Score of many who call themselves Christians , yet resolve , quocunque Modo Rem , to get what they can gain , however they get it . It therefore concernes all , and that most highly , who trade in those parts , and are called by that Name , if they will trade for Heaven as well as Commodities ( which if they do not , their returnes will be sad and poor , and all their labour lost ) to look about them , and to be very circumspect , in all their doings and dealings , that the Name of God & his Doctrine be not blasphemed , and Christianity it self made to suffer , by any of their unjustifiable carriages . I never observe that place , Gen. 20 ▪ 18. where Abimelech reprooves Sarah , but methinks it is sad for Sarah , the wife of Abraham , of Abraham the Father of the Faithfull , to do that for which she might be reprooved by Abimelech . It was a shamefull reproof indeed for a woman of her sort to be taught her duty , and upbraided with her faults by an Heathen man. Surely , it cannot but grieve every good heart , to hear that which is too often , and truly spoken , to the shame and reproach of the Gospel ; that there is more Truth and Fidelity , more just dealing and moral honesty , more care of their word , more good neighbourhood and kindnes , more Charity and mercifulnes , among a number of meer natural men , nay , among Turks and Infidels , than amongst a great many , who are of chief note for the profession of the Gospel . When the Canaanites and Perizzitos had seen what the Sons of Jacob , Symion and Levi , had done unto the Shechemites , how that they had broken their promise and Covenant with them , how cruelly and barbarously they had us'd them , this made Jacob to say ( though alas he was far from approoving and consenting to that they did ) that it would make his Religion to stinke among the Inhabitants of the Land. Gen. 34. 30. Surely for Moral Honesty it is most true , ( that even those Heathens I have named ) marvailously exceed us in it ; and Oh! that Christians would be made to blush at the Consideration thereof . Christians , that have the Book of God for their direction , where they may run and read their duties , besides that Book of Nature , which is the only guide that people have to walk by ; yet that these who live in darknes and in the shadow of death , should perform many of the strictest things of the law of bondage , and Christians who li●● under a Law of Liberty , Liberty in and though Christ Jesus , Liberty ( I say ) for all those that do not abuse it , should be so blinded with light , that they perform not the things , no no● of Nature . It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider , what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion , by the loosenes , and remisnes , by the exorbitances of many , which come amongst them , who profess themselves Christians , of whom I have often heard the Natives [ who live neer the Port where our shipps arrive ] say thus , in broken English , which they have gotten , Christian Religion , Devil Religion , Christian much drunk , Christian much do wrong , much beat , much abuse others . The unmatcht extremities of Tyranny and Cruelty [ to which nothing could be added to make it more cruel ] practised by the Spaniards upon the people of West India , is above all example , and almost belief . When their bloody outrages were such , as made those wretched Natives to submit unto any kinde of death , which they would voluntarily impose upon themselves , rather than endure the Spaniards Tyranny . Benzo in his story of West India , writes strange things of them . First , of their cruelty , that they destroyed more than twenty Millions of people amongst them , and then that those Indians would say of them , En Christiane , quid sunt Christian 〈◊〉 &c. O Christian , what are Christians ? and thus they answered themselves by defining them . Christians are such as thirst after innocent blood , Christians such as desire other mens Lands , other mens Wives , other mens Gold , and Silver , and would hold out little wedges of Gold , and say , En Deus Christianorum , behold the God of the Christistians ! They would further add , that the Christians said , that they were the Children of God , and that after death they went to Heaven , upon which they gave this judgment . Qualis Deus iste , qui tam impuros & sceleratos filios habet ? What kind of God was the God of the Christians , which had such impure and wicked sons ? And if he were like them , there could be no goodnes in him . And if those Christians went to heaven , they would not desire to go thither , for they would not be where the Christians were . And thus was the honour of God , the Name of Christianity , by their most lewd and most cruel behaviour , derided , defamed , reproached by those which were Infidels and Paynims . But to return again unto the people of East-India , though the Christians which come amongst them do not such horrible things , yet they do enough to make Christianity it self evill spoken of , as a Religion that deserves more to be abhorred , than imbraced . For truly it is a sad sight there to behold , a Drunken Christian , and a sober Indian ; a temperate Indian , and a Christian given up to his appetite . An Indian that is just and square in his dealing , a Christian not so , a Laborious Indian , and an Idle Christian , as if he were borne only to fold his Armes , or fruges tantum Consumere natus : to devour Corne , and wear out wooll . Oh what a sad thing is it for Christians to come short of Indians , even in Moralities , to come short of those , who themselves believe , come short of Heaven . Now if any aske whence those moral virtues flow that so much adorne Heathens ; I answer in those words of our Saviour spoken to Peter in another case , Mat : 16. 17. that flesh and blood hath not revealed this unto them . But certainly it proceedes from more then these , and that is , from those Remnants & Remaines , from those common impressions & norions , which are sealed up in the minds of every one that hath a reasonable Soule , a part of Adams first integrity before his fall , a substance or blessing in a tree that seemed to be dead . Little sparkes raked up ( as it were ) under many ashes , which can never die nor be utterly extinguished so long as the Soule liveth . Hence the Apostle speaks this of the Gentiles , Ro : 2. 14 , 15. that they having not the Law , doe by nature the things conteyned in the law , which shews the works of the law written in their hearts , &c. But so much be spoken of the Moralities of that people . I come now to take notice SECTION . XV Of their Religion , their Priests , their Devotion , their Churches &c. ANd now I come to speake of their Religion I shall first take notice of the Mahometan Religion there professed . That of the Hindoes or Heathens shall finde a place wherein I may speake of it afterwards . But first of the Mahometan Religion , because the great Mogol with his Grandees , and allother of quality about him are Mohometans ; which Religion ( if it deserve that name ) took its first Rise , and began to be professed in the world about the yeare of Christ 620 , as hath been observed by many writers . The Ringleader to it , and chiefe founder of it was Mahomet , an Arabian by birth , born ( as is said ) in a very obscure place , and of very meane & low Parentage , but a man fill'd with all subtilty and Craft ; who , ( as they write ) after that he had much enriched himselfe by wives , came to be the Commander of a Company of Arabian Volunteers that followed Heraclius the Emperour in his Persian warrs ; but not long after himselfe and Souldiers , f●lling first into Mutiny , and after that to Rebellion , which was an excellent prepara●ve to put an innovationor change on Religion , and his Souldiers standing close unto him , he himselfe , with the help of Sergiues a Christian by profession , but an Heretical Nestorian Monke , & of Abdala a Jew composed a Religion that hath nothing in it , or that savours of nothing so much , as of rude ignorance , and most palpable imposture ; it being a Monster of many heads ; a most damnable mixture of horrid impieties , if it be considered alltogether . Yet because it conteins much in it very pleasing to flesh and blood , and soothes up , and complies exceedingly with corrupt nature , it wanted no followers presently to embrace , and assert it ; so that in a little time , like a Gangrene , it spred it selfe into many parts of Asia , and since that hath enlarged it selfe like Hell ; so that , at this present day it hath more that profess it in the world , then those which profess Christanity , if we take in all collectively that doe but beare the Names of Christians , the world over . The poore people , that are so much abused by the strong delusions of that great Impostor , say for themselves thus , that God hath sent three great prophets into the world , first Moses , and after him Christ , and then Mahomet , and further adde that when Christ left the world hee promised to send a Comforter into it , and that Comforter w Mahomet , and therefore they close with him . I shall not neede amongst men professing Christianity to write any thing in answer to those their frantick assertions , neither will Imake it my business to enlarge my selfe in the discovery of the Mahometan Religion , because that hath beene done by so many hands already ; only this I wil say of it , & not much more , that it hath Will-worship for its Foundation , Fables and Lyes for its support , and a groundless presumption for its super-structure . For its Foundation , first , abundance of will-worship , manifested in many outward performances , which are not hard to be performed , because the depraved will of man , is ready prest and bent to performe things of that kind with readiness , Cheerfullness , and delight . The works of your Father the Devil you will doe , saith our Saviour , of the obstinate Jews , doe them , be they never so hard , with content and willingness . Secondly , the Mahometan Religion hath abundance of strange , monstrous , fables and Lyes for its support , their Alcoran ( for the substance of it ) being a fardle of foolish impossibilities , fit to be received by none but fooles , and mad-men ; for they can gaine no more credit with those that are judicious , then what is related in the ryming story of that antient Knight Errant , Bevis of Southampton ; or in the Poems of Orlando the furious , where may be found some like such paralel fictions , as of Astalpho who mounted a Griffin , which carried him up immediately into the Moon , where ( they say ) Mahomet somtime was , the reason I conceive which made himselfe , and his followers ever since so full of Lunacy , or madness . Thirdly , it hath a groundless presumption for its superstructure , which presumption drawes that mis●-ed people into a carless security , they esteeming themselves the only true believers of the world , and none true belivers but themselves Yet it cannot bee denied , but that there are some things in the precepts which Mahomet hath prescribed to be received and observed by his followers , that are good ; layd downe in eight commandements which are these . First , that God is a great God , and the only God , and Mahomet is the Prophet of God. Second , that Children must obey their parents , and doe nothing to displease them either in word or deed . Third , that every one must doe to another that , and only that which he would have another doe to him . Fourth , that every man five times every day must repaire to the Mosquit or Church , to pray there , or wheresoever hee is , hee must pray every day so often , if not in the Church , then elsewhere . Fift , that one whole moone in every yeare , every man , come to yeares of discretion , must spend the whole day , twixt the rising , and setting of the Sunne● in fasting . Sixt , that every one out of his store , must give unto the poore liberally , freely , and voluntarily . Seventh , that every one ( except those Votaries which renounce marriage ) must marry , to increase and multiply the Sect , and Religion of Mahomet . Eight , that no man must kill , or shed blood . Now much in these commandements agrees with the word of truth ; and we neede not wonder at it , when we consider , that even the Devil himselfe ( as we may observe in the Gospel ) hath sometimes had a Scripture in his mouth . So have Hereticks , and so did Mahomet and his assistants mix some Scripture in their Alcoran , to put a fairer gloss upon their irreligion . But what Scriptures they all urge , are for the most part , if not ever , wrested , by their mayming , or perverting , or misapplying of them . Thus the Devill quotes a Scripture Mat 4. 6. but one part is left out , and the rest miss ▪ applied . Those therefore who wrest or mangle scripture to serve their owne turne , we may see from whose schoole they have it . Thus Mahomet cites scripture to doe more mischiefe by it ; let no man content himselfe , and think all is well , because he can sometimes speak good words , have a scripture in his mouth ; when he considers that Hereticks , Hypocrits doe so , that Mahomet , nay Satan himselfe hath done as much . Satan can transform himselfe into an Angel of light , and seeme holy to doe mischiefe . Thus Simeon , and Levi ( out of conscience pretended ) could not give their Sister to an uncircumcised man. Gen. 34. there was God in their mouthes , but Satan in their hearts , they hide their Cruelty with Craft , and cover their Craft with Religion . Of all mischiefes , those that smile most , are most deadly . the uglyest and vilest of all projects well make use of Religion as a Foyle , to set them off ; Poysoned Pills can finde Gold to cover them ; because the worse that any thing is , the better shew it desires to make . But to proceed ; the Mahometan priests are called Moolaas who read some parcells out of their Alcoran , upon Frydays ( which are their sabboths , or days of rest ) unto the people assembled in their Mosquit or Churches , and then further deliver some precepts , which they gather out of it , unto their miserably deluded hearers . These Moolaas are they which joyn those of that Religion in marriage ; and these imploy much of their time as Scriveners to doe businesses for others ; or to teach their yong Children to write and reade their language in written hand , for ( as before ) they have no Printing . Those Moolaas are more distinguished from the rest of the Mahometans by their Beards ( which they weare long ) then by any other of their habits . Their calling gaines , and gives them very much reverence and esteeme amongst the People ; as another sort of priests there have , of an high order or ranke ▪ which live much retired ; but when they appeare openly are most highly reverenced ; they are called Seayds who derive themselves from Mahomet . The Mahometans have faire Churches which ( as before ) are called Mosquits ; their Churches are built of Marble or Courser stone , the broad side towards the West is made up close like a firme wall , and so are both ends , in which there are no lights ; the other broad side towards the East is erected upon Pillars ( where a man may take notice of excellent workemanship both in vaults , and arches ) the spaces betwixt them pillars stand open . Their Churches are built long and narrow , standing North and South which way they lay up the bodies of their dead , but none of them within their Churches . At the four Corners of their Mosquits which stand in great Cityes or in other places much peopled , the●e are high and round , but small Turrets , which are made open with lights every way , wherein a man may be easily seene , and heard ; their devout Moolaas five times every day ascend unto the tops of those high Turrets , whence they proclaim , as loudly as they can possibly speake , their Prophet Mahomet , thus in Arabian , La alla illa alla , Mahomet Resul-alla that is , he re is no God but one God , and Mahomet the messenger from God , That voyce instead of Bells , ( which they use not in their Churches ) puts the most devout in minde of the houres of their devotion , those Priests being exceedingly zealous to promote the cause , and to keep up the honour of their Mahomet , as the men of Ephesus sometime were , when they feared that the credit of their baggage Diana was like to be called into question , they took up a Cry which continued for the space of two houres , Crying out with one voyce , greaet is Diana of the Ephesians Act. 19. 24. When a mans Religion is right , he ought to be very zealous in the maintenance of it , very fearefull of the hazard , or loss thereof . And therefore if these Mahometans , or those men of Ephesus had had truth on their side , they would both have deserved much commendation for what they did . And so Micha too who thus complained when he had lost his jmages , Judg. 18. 24. they have stol'n away my Gods , and what have I more ? I confess that the loss of God is the greatest of all losses , but those were proper Gods which Micha there bewayled , that would be stol'n , that could not save themselves ; who if the fire spare them , rust or rottenness , or time will consume them . But those Mahometans though they doe not endure either Idoles or Images , in their houses , or Churches , yet are they very forward to cry up their irreligion and to shew much zeale for it . Zeale , is derived from a word that signifies to burne , it is a compound made up of many affections , as of griefe , joy , love , anger , well tempered together , and when it is so , it hath its due commendation both of God and man ; and cursed is he that goes about to extinguish that holy fire , that holy fire ( I say ) which hath light in it as well as Heat , and heate as well as light . The truth of Zeale may be further discovered ( of zeale that is good ) if we confider first the Roote from which it springs , and that 's the knowledg and Love of God ; Secondly the Rule by which it is carryed on , and acts , and that 's the word , and will of God , and lastly the end it aymes at , and intends , and that 's the honour and glory of God ; and zeale thus ordered cannot be too violent : but when for want of these it becomes irregular , and shews it selfe over much in bad causes ( such as before were nam'd ) it is , Cursus celerrimus , sed praeter viam , a swift violent motion but quite out of the way . And if it be good to be zealous in a good cause , then it is better to be zealous in the best : and the best cause to shew zeale in , is the cause of God , Pro Aris & Focis was the old good Proverb ; first to stand up for Gods rights , and afterward for our owne : and to believe that that vnum necessarium , which our Saviour commends unto us , Lu. 10 , 42. is that one thing principally and especially necessary , though the Devill , and our owne corruption will tell us , ( if we will believe them ) that there is nothing more needless . When Moses and Aaron came to Pharaoh and spake unto him about sacrificing unto the Lord their God , Pharaoh replyes , yee are idle , yee are idle , therefore yee say let us goe and sacrifice unto the Lord , Ex. 5. 17. the same Devill that there spake in Pharaoh , speaks in all ignorant and prophane people , who call Religion idleness and hypocrisie ; a strict and even walking with God , singularity or a doing more then God requires us to perform . But however that is most true which was spoken by Philo judeus , ubi de religione , ibi quoque de vita agitur , we must act for religion as we would strive for life . Philosophy tels us that Tactus est fundamentum animae sensitivae , that the very foundation of natural life is feeling ; so then no feeling no life , and the want of spirituall feeling argues a want too of spirituall life . The poore seduced Mahometans , and many others in the world are very keene , and sharp and forward to maintaine that which they call Religion ; the more shame for those who profess themselves Christians , and have a sure word to build their hope upon , yet are ferventissimi in terrenis , in coelestibus frigidissimi , as hot as fire in earthly , as cold as ice in heavenly things . A sad thing to consider that so many should have their tongues bent like Bowes for lyes , ( as the prophet Jeremy complaines Jer. 9. 37. ) and Christians not valiant for the truth ; that others should drive like Jehu , furiously , madly , and that in the waies of error , injustice , oppression , prophaness , as in all other kinds of wickedness ; and Christians in the cause of God more heavily , slowly , like the Egyptians in the Red-Sea when their chariot wheeles were off . Shall Turks and Infidels solicit bad causes so earnestly ; and Christians those actions which are good so faintly ! Acrius ad p●rniciem , quam nos ad vitam ; make more hast to destruction then Christians to life , and happiness ! It was St. Jeromes complaint , considerare pudet quantus feruor , quae cura , &c. That he was asham'd to consider how solici●ous some men were in earthly , and how sluggish others in heavenly things , as if they durst not so much as to owne the cause of God ▪ they were wont to say of cowards in Rome , that there was nothing Roman in them ; it may be applyed to Christians who shew no resolutions for Christ that there is nothing Christian in them , they even betraying the cause of Christ while they so faintly maintain it . Hardly would they dye for Christ , who dare not speake for him ; certainly they would never be brought to afford him their blood , that will not for the present afford him their breath . But to returne againe to those Mahometan Priests , who out of zeale doe so often proclaim their Mahomet . Tom Coryat upon a time having heard their Moolaas often ( as before ) so to cry got him upon an high place directly opposite to one of those Priests , and contradicted him thus . La alla illa alla , Hasaret Eesa Ben-alla , that is , no God , but one God , and the Lord Christ the Son of God , and further added that Mahomet was an Impostor : and all this he spake in their owne language as loud as possibly he could , in the eares of many Mahometans that heard it . But whether ( circumstances considered ) the zeale , or discretion of our Pilgrim were more here to be commended , I leave to the judgment of my Reader . That he did so , I am sure , and I further believe how that bold attempt of his , if it had been acted in many other places of Asia , would have cost him his life with as much torture as cruelty could have invented . But he was here taken for a mad-man , and so let alone . Happly the rather , because every one there hath liberty to profess his owne Religion freely and if he please may argue against theirs , without feare of an inquisition , as Tom Coryat did at another time with a Moolaa , and the Question which of these two was the Mussleman or true Believer , after much heate on both sides , Tom Coryat thus distinguished , that himselfe was the Orthodox Mussleman or true true believer , the Moola the pseudo Mussleman or false true believers ; which distinction , if I had not thought it would have made my Reader smile had been here omitted . The Mahometans have a set forme of prayer in the Arabian tongue , not understood by many of the common people , yet repeated by them as well as by the Moolaas , they likewise rehearse the Names of God and of their Mahomet certain times every day upon Beads , like the miss-led Papists , who seem to regard more the Number , then the weight of prayers . Certainly Will-worship is a very easy duty , and if Almighty God would be as much pleased with it , as man is , so much of that service would not be quite lost : But in those services wherein God is highly concern'd to rest in the performance of any duty , when t is done , or any other way to fayle in the manner of doing it , makes those services which some may esteeme holy , no better then Sins ; Prayers , an Abomination : there being a vast difference twixt saying of prayers , and praying of prayers ; twixt the service of the head , and that of the heart ; prayer , and prayer ( heedefull circumstances considered ) differing as much as Religion , and Superstition . But for the carriage of that people in their devotions , before they goe into their Churches they wash their feet , and entring into them put off their shooes . As they begin their devotions they stop their eares , and fix their eyes , that nothing may divert their thoughts , then in a soft and still voyce they utter their prayers , wherein are many words most significantly expressing the Omnipotency , and Greatness , and Eternity , and other Attributes of God. Many words likewise that seeme to express much Humiliation , they confessing in divers submissive gestures , their owne unworthiness , when they pray casting themselves low upon their Face , sundry times , and then acknowledg that they are Burdens to the Earth , and poyson to the Ayre , and the like , being so confounded and asham'd as that they seeme not to dare so much as to lift up their eyes towards Heaven , but after all this , comfort themselves in the mercyes of God , through the mediation of Mahomet . If this people could as well conclude , as they can begin and continue their prayers , in respect of their expressions , and carriages in them , they might find comfort ; but the conclusion of their devotions marrs all . Yet this , for their commendation ( who doubtless , if they knew better would pray better ) that what divorsins , and impediments soever they have arising either from pleasure or profit , the Mahometans pray five times a day . The Mogol doth so , who sits on the Throne ; the shepherd doth so that waits on his flock in the field , ( where by the way , they doe not follow their flocks ; but their flocks , them ) all sorts of Mahometans doe thus whether fixed in a place or moveing in a journey , when their times , or hours of Prayer come , which in the morning are at Six , Nine , and Twelve of the clock ; and at three and six in the afternoone . When they pray it is their manner to set their Faces that they may look towards Medina neere Mecha in Arabia where their great Seducer Mahomet was buried , who promised them after one thousand years , to fetch them all to Heaven ; which terme , when it was out , and the promise not fulfilled , the Mahometans concluded that their fore-Fathers misstooke the time of the promise of his comming , and therefore resolved to waite for the accomplishment of it one thousand years more . In the mean time they doe so reverence that place where the body of Mahomet was lay'd up , that whosoever hath beene there ( as there are divers which flock yearely thither in Pilgrimage ) are for ever after called , and esteemed Hogg●es , which signifies holy men . And here the thing being rightly and seriously considered , it is a very great shame that a Mahometan should pray five times every day , that Paganes and Heathens should be very frequent in their devotions , and Christians ( who only can hope for good answers in Prayer ) so negligent in that great prevailing duty . For a Mahometan to pray five times every day , what diversions soever he hath to hinder him , and for a Christian to let any thing interrupt his devotion ; for a Mahometan to pray five times a day , and for one that is called a Christian not to pray ( some believing themselves above this and other ordinances ) five times in a weeke , a moneth , a year . But this will admit less cause of wonder if wee consider how that many bearing the Names of Christians cannot pray at all , those I meane which are prophane and filthy , and who live as if there were no God to hear , or to judg , and no Hell to punish . Such as these can but babble , they cannot pray , for they blaspheme the Name of God , while they may thinke they adore it . I shall adde here a short storie , It happened that I once having some discourse with a Mahometan of good quality , and speaking with him about his frequent praying I told him that if himselfe , and others of his profession who did believe it as a duty to pray so often , could conclude their Petitions in the Name of Jesus Christ , they might finde much comfort in those their frequent performances , in that great duty : He answered , that I needed not to trouble my selfe with that , for they found as great comfort as they could desire in what they did . And presently he would needs inferr this Relation . There was ( said hee ) a most devout Mussleman who had his habitation in a great City where Mahomet was zealously professed , and that man for many yeares together spent his whole day in the Mosquit , or Church , in the mean time , he minding not the world at all , became so poor that he had nothing left to buy bread for his family , yet notwithstanding his poor condition he was resolved still to ply his devotions , and in a morning ( when he perceived that there was nothing at all left for the further subsistence of himselfe and houshould ) tooke a solemne leave of his wife and Children resolving for his part to goe and pray and dye in the Mosquit , leaving his family ( if no relief came ) to famish at home . But that very day he put on this resolution , there came to his house in his absence a very beautifull young man ( as he appeared to be ) who brought and gave unto his wife a very good quantity of Gold bound up in a white Napkin , telling her , that God had now remembred her husband , and sent him his pay for his constant paines taken in his devotion , withall charging her not to send for her husband , for though he had taken such a solemne leave of her that morning , yet he would come home to her againe that night , and so he departed from her . The woman presently bought in some necessaryes for her house ( for they had eaten up all before ) and further made some good provision for her husband against his coming home in the evening , ( for so he did ) and finding all his family very cherefull and merry , his Wife presently told him , that there had been such a one there ( as before described ) and left so much gold behinde him , with that fore mentioned message delivered with it . Her husband presently replyed that it was the Angel Gabriel sent from God , ( for the Mahometans speak much of that Angel ) and he further added that himselfe had nothing to bring home unto her but a little grett , or sand which he tooke up in his way homeward , and bound it in his girdle , which he presently opening to shew her , it was all turn'd into pretious stones , which amounted unto a very great value in Money . The Seventh part of which as of his gold likewise he presently gave to the poore , ( for , said he , a Mussleman is very charitable ) and then inferrd , that if we doe not neglect God , God will not forget us , but when we stand most in need of help will supply us . Vnto which conclusion we may all subscribe , leaving the premises which are layd downe in that story , unto those that dare believe them . The Mahometans say , that they have the Bookes of Moses , but they have very much corrupted that story , in ascribing that to Ishmael which is said of Isaac Gen : 22. as if Ishmael should have beene sacrificed , not Isaac . ( of which more afterward ) They say that they have the Booke of Davids Psalmes ; and some Writings of Solomon , with other parcels of the old Testament ; which , if so , I believe a made much to vary from their original . They speak very much in the Honour of Moses whom they call Moosa Calim-Alla ; Moses the publisher of the minde of God. So of Abraham whom they call Ibrahim Carim-Alla Abraham the Honored , or Friend of God. So of Ishmael whom they call Ismal , the Sacrifice of God. So of Iacob ▪ whom they call Acob the blessing of God. So of Joseph , whom they call Eesoff ▪ the betrayed for God. So of David , whom they call Dahood the Lover , and prayser of God. So of Solomon , whom they call Selymon the wisdome of God , all expressed , as the former , in short Arabian words , which they sing in ditties unto their particular remembrances . And , by the way , many of the Mahometans there are called by the names of Moosa , or Ibrahim , or Ismal , or Acob ▪ or Eesoff or Dahood , or Selymon : so others are called Mahmud , or Chaan , which signifies the Moone ; or Frista , which signifies astarre , &c. And they call their women by the Names of Flowers or Fruits of their Countrey , or by the names of Spices or Odours , or of pearls , or precious Stones , or else by other Names of pretty or pleasing signification . As Iob named one of his daughters Jemimah , which signifies , Cleare as the day , the second Keziah , which signifies pleasant as Cassia or sweete spice . And the name of the third Keren-happuch , signifying the Horne or strength of beauty , Iob 42. 14. But I 'll return again to that people that I may acquaint my reader with one thing of speciall observation and t is this : That there is not one among the Mahometans ( of any understanding ) which at any time mentions the name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazare● Eesa the Lord Christ , but he makes mention of it with high Reverence and respect . For they say of Christ that he was a good man and a just , that he lived without sin , that he did greater miracles than ever any before or since him nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla , the breath of God , but how he should be the Son of God , cannot conceive , and therefore cannot believe . Perhaps the Socinians first tooke that their opinion from these , which bids them to have every thing they receive as truth , to be cleered up unto them by the strength of Reason , as if there were no need of the exercise of faith . And truly ( I must needs confess ) that to beleeve the Incarnation of the Son of God , is one of the hardest and greatest taskes for Faith to encounter withall that God should be made a Man , that this Man Christ should be born of a Virgin , that Life should s●ring from Death , and that from Contempt and Scorne , Triumph , and Victorie should come , &c. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts , as to these , in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula , saying , Mirandam Dei Incarnationem , &c. concerning that admirable , and wonderfull Incarnation of Christ the Son of God , I shall not say much , it being sufficient for me , as for all others that look for benefit by Christ , to believe , that he was begotten , and that he was born . These are Articles of our Faith ; and we are not christians if we believe them not . It may seem very strange therefore , that the Mahometans ( who understand themselves better ) should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ , and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so unworthy , or so uncleane , as that they will not eat with us , any thing that is of out dressing , nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels . There are more particulars which challenge a roome in this Section as their proper place : but because I would not have it swell too bigg , I shall here part it , and speak further . SECTION . XVI . Of their votaries , where of the voluntary and sharpe Penances , that people undergoe . Of their Lent , and of their Fasts , and Feasts &c. AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derve●ses who relinquish the world , and spend all their dayes following in solitude , and retiredness , expecting a recompense ( as they say and are very well content to suffer and wait for it ) in that better life . Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergoe , far exceede all those the Romanists boast of ; for instance , there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills ( which are clothed or covered with trees , and stand remote from any Company ) and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation , stirring not at all from the places they first fix on , but ad requisita naturae , crying out continually in these or the like expressions Alla Achabar . &c. that is , God Almighty looke upon me , I love thee , I love not the world , but I love thee , and I do● all this for thy sake , look upon mee , God Almighty . These , after they thus retire , never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come againe upon their heads , and they let their Na●les grow like unto Birds Claws , as it was written of Nebuchadnezzar . D●n . 4. When he was driven out from the society of men . This people after their retirement , will choose rather to famish then to stirr from their Cells : and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others , who take care to send them some very meane covering for their bodies ( for it must be such otherwise they will not accept of it ) when they stand in neede thereof , and something for their bodily sustenance , which must be of their courser food , otherwise they will not take it , and no more of that at one time then what is sufficicnt for the present support of nature . Some againe impose long times of fasting upon themselves , and will take no food at all , till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent . And others there are amongst them they call religious men , who wear nothing about them but to hide their Shame , and these ( like the mendicant Fryars ) beg for all they eate . They usually live in the skirts or out sides of great Cities , or Townes , and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions Luk : 8. 27. about the City of the Gadarens , which had Devills , and wore no cloths neither abode in any house but in the Tombes . And so doe these , making little fires in the day ▪ sleeping at night in the warm ashes thereof , with which they besmear and discolour their bodies . These Ash-men will somtimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly , and strangely ( as some of our Quakers doe in their strange distempers ) and then the foolish common people will flock about them , and ( believing they then Prophesie ) hearken unto them with all attention . A very great difference twixt that people and ours , for there they call mad-men Prophets , and amongst us there are many prophets which are accounted but mad men . There are another sort among them called Mende● , carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and miss-conceiving in Religion ; who like the Priests of Baal mentioned 1. K. 18. often cut their fl●sh with knives and launcers . Others againe I have there seen , who meerly out of Devotion put such m●ssie Fetters of Iron upon their leggs as that they can scarce stir with them , and then covered with blew mantles ( the colour of mourners in those parts ) as fast as they are able , goe many miles in Pilgrimage barefoote upon the hot parching ground , to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints : thus , putting themselves upon very great Hardships , and submitting unto extreme sharp penances , and all to no purpose . O what pains will superstition put men unto ! It is said of Idolaters , that they hasten after another God. Ps . 16. 4. or they make post-hast after him . The Philistims flock't early , and in troopes to the Temple of their Dagon ; A shame that Christians should goe singly and slowly , and many times late ( as they doe ) unto the house of God , dealing with religious duties , as school-boyes doe very often with their lessons , in minding every thing more than the business they are about . What pitty it is to see people so industrious in their miss-devotion in doing things very hard to be done which God never required at their hands ! which may make us to believe that if they were rightly made acquainted with what God would have them to doe , they would be carefull in doing it . Further it is very sad to consider , if we thinke of many others borne in the visible Church of Christ that might be happie , and Gods Freemen ; yet make themselves the drudges and slaves of Satan , who leades them Captive at his will. For the works of their Father the Devill , they will doe , though never so full of trouble and difficulty . The way of transgressors is hard . Pr : 13. 15. Thus the heart set upon covetousness disquiets it self in vaine ; is early up , late at rest , fares hard and labours hard , to get a little wealth , and it knows not for whom . So it may be further said of many other gross sinners , who engage themselves far , and deepely in other services or rather drudgeries of the Devill , even wearying themselves to commit iniquity . As of starv'd beggers who make that a calling , which God makes a curse , to be fugitives & vagabonds ; who are so in love with their Raggs , and Scabs , and Lice as that they will set themselves in no good way , wherein they might live comfortably ; certainely abundance of these , as of others I before named ( their present state and condition rightly considered ) endure two Hells , one here , and the other , hereafter . But to returne againe to those Indian Votaries who undergoe such hard things and out of this gross miss-take that they doeGod good service in the things they doe . Concerning which actings , Lucretius ( though accounted an epicurean and an Atheist ) in his first book , speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion . — Saepius olim Relligio peperit scelerosa atque implafacta ▪ oft of old , Religion bred acts impiously bold . And presently after he instances in Iphigenia sacrificed to Diana by her owne Father , to procure a winde for the Grecians more safe , and more speedy passage to Troy. Nam sublata virum manibus tremebundaque ad aras Deducta est , non ut solenni more sacrorum . Perfecto , possit claro comitari Hymenoeo : Sed Casta inceste nubendi tempore in ipso . Hostia concideret mactatu moesta Parentis : Exitus ut classi felix faustusque daretur . Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum . For in mens armes born to the Altar shee , Was trembling brought ; not with fayre rights to be To famous Hymen led : but the Chast maid , Now ripe for Marriage , fouly thus betrayd , Fell a sad Sacrifice by her owne Sare , So a safe voyage might the Fleet acquire ; To that dire fact perswaded on , By error of Religion . When Dionysius the Tyrant had a safe and a prosperous voyage by Sea , as he was returning home from the spoyle of a rich Temple , he presently concluded that the Gods lov'd Sacriledg . Honesta quaedam scelera successus facit , Sen. Trag. Thus good success Could Rapine bless . Tamberlaine , the Mogols great Ancester ( of whom more afterward ) might have drawn as good arguments from success as ever any before or since him . And who so is acquainted with the Historie of the Turks , as with many other people who have been great in the world , ( yet not own'd at all by Almighty God ) might from their stories draw the like conclusions . But such as have learned Christ , and consequently know better , are taught to conclude better , they having learned of Wisdome to make Demonstrative Syllogismes a Priori from Causes , and not from folly to make Parallogismes á Posteriori , from events and successes . If I enlarge any more on this argument , I must further add , that to judg any cause good because the success is so , is to conclude besides , & against , the rule of Christ , who commands us to judg not according to appearance , but to judg righteous judgment , Joh. 7. 24. For there is very much deceipt in appearance . The appearance or face is of things as of men , Fronti nulla fides ( is an old proverb ) we see mens faces , wee cannot see their hearts , and therefore there is no certain judgement to be drawn from their Countenances . No more can we make a judgment from the face of things , till wee looke further into them ; because , vitia virtutes mentiuntur , vice too oft makes a Maske of the skin of virtue , and lookes lovely , like some houses o● entertainment that have Angels for their signes , and Devills for their Ghests . A man is naturally apt to think that God is with him while he prospers though in evill . And t is observed of wicked men that they have enjoyed as much , nay more than their hearts could wish . The posterity of Cain before the Flood , were the mighty men , the men of Name , the men of renown , the triumphing men in that old world , and ever since that spurious race have been the great ingrossers of outward prosperity : behold , ( saith the Psalmist , 73. 12 ) these are the ungodly that prosper in the world ; But many of the mercyes they receive , if not all , come out of Gods left hand , not in love but anger , as the mutinous Israelites had Qvailes in the wilderness not to feed them so much , as to choake them ; they being dealt withall herein much like as the Old Heathens dealt with their Sacrifices , first they fed them , and then they crownd them , and then they kild them , the substance of which I finde thus rendred ; Thus Beasts for sacrifice they feed , First they are crown'd , and then they bleed . Thus God advanced and lifted up Pharaoh not in Mercy , but Displeasure , that he might first shew his Judgments before him ; and then upon him . Thou hast lifted me up and cast me down , lifted me up very high , that my fall might be greater . It is most true , that nothing comes to pass , neither can be done without the Knowledge and Permission of Almighty God ; thus Good things are done by his Privity , Assistance and Approbation ; things that are Evill , by his Privity , Permission , but not Liking . The wicked are called the sword of God. Ps . 17. &c. They do his will in executing his vengeance , so Babylon was called the Hammer , and Assyria the Rod of the Lord ; But these Swords , and Hammers , and Rods when they have done the service which was appointed for them to doe , are thrown into the fire , and meet with greater Vengeance afterward , then they had formerly executed . They did the secret Will of God , in doing what they did ; as no doubt but the Devill did in afflicting of Iob ; in winnowing of Peter ; in buffetting of Paul ; but his recompense for these and all other his works , is Chains under darkness and that for ever and ever . And thus Iudas did the will of God in betraying his innocent Master , the Son of God ; and consequently furthering the Redemption of Mankind , but his Reward was sad for so doing ; his End , Perdition . And therefore in all our undertakings , we must learn wisely to distingvish twixt God's approving and permiting will , the first of these must limit us in all the things we set about , his signifyed , declared , approved will laid down in his Word ; We may do the Will of God otherwise as it were against his Will ; do the will of God and have little thanks for our labour in doing things which God permits but approves not , It must needs be therefore a sin transcendently wicked , for any who know God and his Truth , to entitle God and Religion unto actions that are Evill , by fathering prosperous wickedness upon them , as if they did at all countenance such things as Reli 〈…〉 ion flatly forbids , and Almighty God professedly abhors . Religion is the best Armour in the World , but the worst Cloak , and all they who thus put it on , shall , first or last , find no more comfort in it than Ahab found in the Harness he put on him as a Disguise , aswell as for his Defence . 1. K. 22. which he had no sooner don , but immediately an Arrow ( though shot at random ) found a passage through the Joints thereof , and so carried away his Life . But to return again to these Mohometans ; They keep a solemn Lent , they call the Ram-jan , or Ramdam , which begins the first New-moon , which happens in September , and so continues during that whole Moon . And all that time , those that are strict in their Religion , forbear their Women : and will not take either Meat or Drink any Day during that time , so long as the Sun is above their Horizon , but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure . The last day of their Ramjan , they consecrate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends , when I have observed many of the meanner sort , seeme to make most bitter lamentation . But when that day of their general mourning is ended , & begins to dye into night , they fire an innumerable company of lamps , and other lights ; which they hang or fix very thick , and set upon the tops of their houses , and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks , that are surrounded with buildings , where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water , and when they are all burnt out ; the ceremoy is done , and the people take food . The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended , the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their ? Misquits , where by their Moolaas , ( some selected parts of the Alcoran ) are publickly read unto them , which book the Moolaas never touch without an expression of much outward reverence . For their works of charity , there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities , and Towns ( spoken of before ) where passengers may find house-room and that freely , without a return of any recompence , wherein themselves , and goods may be in safety . Others make wells and Tanks for the publick benefit ; Or maintain servants , which continually attend upon road-wayes that are much travelled , and there offer unto Passengers water for themselves and beasts , which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back , of their Buttelos , which as it is freely given , so it must be freely taken by all those , who desire to refresh themselves by it . There are some which build rich Monuments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austerity and holiness , these they call Paeres or Saints , amongst whom some of those ( before mentioned ) help to fill their Number , who sequester themselves from the world ( as they think ) and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills , or in other obscure corners . Now lastly for a close of this section . I shall intreat my Reader to call to mind , and to take a second , and a very serious view of the reverence and a we which seemes ( so far as eyes can judge ) to be in that people ; Reverence and awe ( I say ) of the Majestie before whom they appear when they are in their devotions . Whose most submissive carriage in that duty , doth very much condemn infinite numbers of those . who professe Christ while they are in Religious services , rushing upon , and continuing , in those holy duties , without any seeming reverence or regard at all of the dreadfull Majestie before whom they appeare , as if God were not , or as if he were not worth the regarding ; As if Death , and Hell , and judgment , an everlasting separation from the prelence of God for evermore , were tearms meerely invented to affright people withall , and as if there were no such places and no such things . I confesse it is true that external Ceremonies , by bowing the body in the performances of Religious duties and the like may be found in the falshood of Religion , and when a man rests in these alone easy performances , it is to complement with Almighty God , & not to worship him , yet as he looks for more than these in our humble addresses to him : So he expects these likewise , for without all doubt the most submissive gesture of the body in this case may both expresse and further the piety of the soul . And therefore though the God of spirits , doth most regard the soul of our devotions , and looks most at the heart , while holy duties are performing , yet it is true likewise that it is not only unmannerly , but most irreligious , to be misgestured in them , the carless and uncomly carriage of the body in this case , making the soul to be prophane & signifying it so to be . To him will I look even to him , that is poor and of a contrite spirit , that trembleth at my words Es . 66. 2. I shall therefore never be of their mind in this case , who think the heart may be devout , when the outward man shews no regard . Sancta Sancté , holy duties must be done in an holy manner , great reverence must be used in them , and therefore when the hands , and knees , and mouth , and eyes , and tongue forget to do their offices as they should , they discover an ungodly , as well as a negligent heart , that should command them to do otherwise , for as God will be worshipped in spirit ; so in the outward man likewise ; otherwise St. Paul might have spared that precept , which commands thus 1 Cor. 6. 20. Glorifie God in your bodies , and in your spirit which are Gods , as if he had said , both are bought with a price , the body redeemed as well as the soul , and therefore God looks for , and expects reverence from both . In all our addresses to God , he expects at once familiarity , and feare ; familiarity in the expression of our prayers , for we speak not to an implacable an inexorable judge , but to a tender Father , and there fear and reverence to accompany those expressions ; hence it is said that God is greatly to be feared in the assembly of his Saints , and to be had in reverence of all that are about him Ps . 89. 7 ▪ and serve the Lord in fear , and rejoyce with trembling Ps . 2. 11. and again , let all the earth fear the Lord , let all the inhabitants of the world stand in awe of him Ps . 33. 8. in awe of him at all times , and in all places , but especially there , where he is in a more special manner present , as he hath promised to be in his ordinances . The Lord is in his holy Temple , Heb. 2. 20. when Jacob was in his journey to Padan-Aran , he had a vision in the way , which signified and shewed unto him nothing but love , mercie , and comfort , and peace , yea , he cried out how dreadfull is this place , &c. Gen. 28. 17. Almighty God is altogether as awfull to his own in his mercies , as he is in his judgements . Great is thy merci● , O Lord , that thou mayest be feared , not slighted , not neglected , but feared . For to them who have a through acquaintance with God , there is no lesse Majesty shines in the favours of God , than in his judgements and justice , the wicked heart never fears God , but thundring , or shaking the eartl ; never but then when he appears most terrible , but the good can dread him in his Sun-shine , when he appears most gracious , and so they do , and so they must . Primus in orbe Deos fecit Timor , — it is a saying that hath much truth in it , though spoken by a Heathen , because the foundation of Religion is fear , without which there can be no Religion ; as Lactantius wisely argues , saying , quod non metuitur contemnitur , quod contemnitur non colitur ; that which is not feared is contemned , and that which is contemned cannot be worshipped , from whence it comes to passe , that Religion and earthly power must needs be very much supported by fear . First Religion expressed in all our duties to God , if I be your father where is my honour ? if your master , where is my fear , Mat. 1. 6. Secondly obedience manifested in our subjection to men , unto the powers here below , whom God hath appointed to bring , & to keep men in order , is very much regulated by fear , for were it not for this prop that holds up governments , it would presently be dissolved : were it not for this curb to restrain men , for that cord to lead some , and to compel & binde others , all societies of men would presently run into disorder , Kingdoms and Common-wealths would immediately come to confusion . I shall conclude this digression with a most remarkable example , when Ehud came to Eglon ( though an idolater , and a Tyrant ) and told him that he had a message to him from God , Judg. 3. 20. he arose presently out of his seat or Chair of state , and though the unwildiness of his fat body was such , that he could not arise with readines and ease , yet no sooner doth he hear news of a message from God , but he riseth as fast as he was able from his Throne ( that he might not shew himself unmannerly in the business of God ) and reverently attend to the tenor thereof ; though it proved as sharp a message as could be delivered , or received . Now How shall those Mahometans before mentioned , and this Heathen mans carriage condemne thousands , nay , most of those which call themselves Christians , that shew no more reverence nor regard at the hearing of messages from God whatsoever they be , than if they heard an old wives fable ; that neither when they speak unto God by the mouth of their Mininisters , nor when God speaks to them by the same mouth , shew any outward regard , reverence , or respect , such an Atheisme for the generality possesseth their hearts . But I return again to that people , and in the next place shall speak . SECT . 17. Of the Marriages of the Mahometans , and of their Poligamy , &c. AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion , this certainly is not the least , the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one ( for they may take four if they please ) and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter , wherein he will provide for them all wives which shall have large rowling eyes , which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty . And it is a very suitable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh . For Poligamy , or the having of more wives than one , Lamech a great Grand-child of Cain , was the first that brought it into the World , Gen. 4. 19. And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham : which act of his , as of others after him ( good men in their generation ) though it found permission , never had approbation from Almighty God. And further , though under the times of the Law it found some connivence , yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ . And in those former times it was the charge of Almighty God to the Kings of Israel , even before they were , that they should not multiply wives , Deut. 17. 17. Yet Solomon ( who in this discovered a great deal of folly , as in other things abundance of wisdom ) went further beyond the bounds of that Law , than any other whom God owns in Scripture . The poor man in his later age lost himself amongst an house full of wives . For the storie saith , that he loved many strange women , 1 King. 11. 1. Every word had nothing but Bane in it . He loved women , many women , outlandish , idolatrous women , and these not onely had , but doted on , he being so taken with their persons , that he humour'd them in their sins . And if one woman in the beginning undid all mankinde : it is no great marvel , if so many women did so much mischief to one Solomon . The Abissins say , that when the Queen of Sheba came to visite Solomon , that she returned back with Childe by him , from whose issue ( they further say ) have come the race of their Kings ever since . But here I leave my Reader to believe in that as much , and no more than he please . This is clear in the sacred storie , that Solomon , though he had a thousand wives and Concubines , he had but three Children , Rehoboam his onely Son , and Taphal , and Basmah his two Daughters , 1 King. 4. 11. 15. an evident sign that God never approved of his multitude of wives , when by his blessing on the single and holy wedlock of others , he hath multiplied them in a very happy and numerous issue . In the old World when the Sons of God saw the Daughters of men that they were fair , they took wives of all that they liked , Gen. 6. 2. and these multiplied not Children so much as iniquities . Sampson in the choise of his wife , had no other guides and counsellours but his own eyes . He went down to Timnah , and saw a Daughter of the Philistines , and presently he speaks to his Father get her for me to wife , for she pleaseth me well , Judg. 14. 1. 2. He who follows nothing but his eyes in the choise of a wife , that marries a beauty , or a face , or a portion , may after finde a Philistine in his bed , and be as unhappy in his choise as Sampson was . Sampson sees a woman ( and we will suppose her beautifull ) and as soon as ever his eyes fix on her , he must presently have her to wife . Wisdom and Passion cannot dwell under one roof , for a man cannot love , nor desire , nor mourn , nor grieve , nor rejoice over much and be wise , for when the heart is taken up very much with the later , there is no room left in it for the former . The Kings daughter is all glorious within , Psal . 45. 13. and love , that reciprocally settles upon this inward beauty , must needs be lasting . Magnes amoris Amor. Love in this case is the Load-stone of love , so attractive that it draws love to it , and holds it fast , when as he who marries a portion , or a face findes it often otherwise . The portion that flies , and the beauty that decayes ; tres veniunt rugae . — Ju. the forehead begins to be wrinkled whereon love was first setled , and in those wrinkles , or surrows it is immediately buried . But yet for all this , as men are generally valued amongst men by the pound and acre , — Quot possidet agri Jugera : Ju. Sat. 3. So in the choise of wives virgins are usually thus rated , Protinus ad censum ; de moribus ultima fiet Quaestio . — Ju. Men commonly asking the question at the wrong end , as first , what hath she ? and then , what is she ? concerning which a Gentleman of this age wrote wittily , but it is good earnest ▪ Who wooes a wife for state , or face : May win a Mare to loose a Race . The truth is , that many a Childe hath been cast away upon riches , and therefore wealth in peoples matches should be as some Grains , or Scrupses in a Ballance , superadded unto the Gold of virtuous qualities , to weigh down the Scales . For when it is made the substance of the weight , and good qualities but the appendants , there is one earth poysed with another , which whensoever it is done , it is a wonder if either the Children prove not the Parents sorrow , or the Parents theirs . It was Balaams most damnable Counsel , to make the men of Israel wantons by the beauties of Moa● , that then they might be soon made Idolaters , and so they were , Numb . 25. Sin commonly enters in at the eye , and so creeps down to the heart , and therefore that Soul lies open unto very much hazard , when a Covenant is not made & kept with the eyes : which if Sampson had done , he that had so much strength , had not discovered so much weaknesse , & Solomon ( whom before I nam'd ) so much renowned for wisdom , had not manifested so much folly in miscarrying so fearfully by wives , which turned away his heart from God ; and therefore when he was come again to himself , he freely confesseth to all the world , Eccles . 7. 28. that he found more bitter than death the woman , whose heart is as snares and nets , and her hands as bands , who so pleased God shall escape from her , but the sinner shall be taken by her . But the Mahometans trouble not themselves with these thoughts for though some of that people , as the strict votaries there , marry not at all ; and the Moolaas content themselves with one wife , and so do some others : yet they that please may have four wives , and as many women beside as they can get , and keep ; whom they command as wives , and this liberty there is denied to none that will make use of it . I remember that my Lord Ambassador had a servant of that Nation , who de 〈…〉 d leave to be absent one day & being asked why , he told us , that he was then to marry a wife , though he had three living then , a man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon ( the usual pay of servants there ( as before I observed ) to maintain himself , and all the rest of his family . Often have I heard this question put how these Mahomitans can do with so many wives , some of which they keep pent up in little Cottages , or Tents , and in other places and parts of the World , where mens dwellings are very large and spacious , there is scarce room enough to be found for one wife , in a great house . The Mahometans , who have most wives , and women , are most jealous , and their jealousie such , as that they will not suffer the Brothers , or Fathers of their wives to come to them , or to have any speech with them , except it be in their presence . And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such women , as have the reputation of honesty , to be seen at any time by any man , besides their own husbands , or by those before named , and by them but very seldom . But if they dishonour their husbands beds , or being unmarried are found incontinent and filthy , professing chastity , rather than they shall want the severest punishment , their own Brothers hands will be first against them to take away their lives , and for so doing , shall be commended , but nor questioned . The women there of the greater quality have Eunuchs in stead of men to wait upon them , who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousie . Here is a free toleration for Harlots , who are listed and enrouled ( as they say ) before they can have liberty to keep such an open house . Which Creatures in general there , and so all the World over whosoever they be , imbrace those they pretend to love as Monkies and Apes do their little ones , for they kill them with kindnesse , those base prostitutes are as little asham'd to entertain , as others are openly to frequent their houses . Other Creatures ( as they say ) are there kept for base , and abominable ends , many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles , Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named , and make no scruple at all for their so doing , ut honeste peccare videantur , ( as Lactantius speaks ) as if they might sin honestly . Some of the finer sort of those base strumpets before named , at certain times appear in the presence of the Mogol , before whom they sing their wanton songs , playing on their Timbrels . The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnized with some Pomp , for after the Moolaa hath joyned their hands , and performed other ceremonies , and bestowed on the parties some words of Benediction , ( which is done in the evening ) immediately after the night coming on , they begin their jollity , the man on horse-back , be he poor , or rich , with his kindred and friends about him , many lights before him , with drums and winde instruments , and some mixt pastimes to increase the merriments . The Bride she follows with her women friends in Coaches covered , and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the Citie , or Town they live in , return to the place of the married couples abode , ( where ( they say ) if the parties be able they make some slight entertainment for them , immediately after which , they all disperse , & the show is over . Women there have a very great happinesse , above all I have heard of , in their easie bringing forth of Children into the world ; for there it is a thing very common , for women great with Childe , one day to ride , carrying their infants in their bodies , and the next day to ride again , carrying them in their arms . How those of the greater quality , order their little Children when they are very young , I could not observe , but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born , covering them onely , and that but sometimes , with slight Callico Mantles . The Mahometans ( as I have before observed ) who please so to do , may take to themselves each four wives , and that filthy liberty given unto them by their fleshly Mahomet allows them in it . I have heard of some in this Nation of late times , who have been married here to more than so many at once , but that wickednesse here is not ( as amongst them ) committed by a Law , but by Law made Capital , and so punished . Yet there are amongst us of the greater sort ( and made so by their luxurient estates ) which though they take but one wife whom they marry ( as they say ) for convenience , that they may have Heirs to inherit ( if their sin consume not all their Patrimony . ) But , some of these believing the bonds of Wedlock to straight , must have one other at the least whom they call a Mistresse ( too good a name for such a creature ) and though in this case the wife bears the mans name , the Prostitute hath the greatest share by far of his affection , who will sometimes say that he cannot love his wife , be she never so amiable and lovely , and onely for this reason , because she is his wife , and if she were not so , could he at any expence to gain her company . To what an height of wickednesse can licentiousnesse raise up a man , in making him to urge such a relation as a wife ( and because a wife ) to be the onely reason of his dislike , or disaffection ; which should be the firmest bond of his love . A strange expression , which cannot possibly come out of the mouthes of any but of such ( who if they think as they speak ) are so forward in their journey , as that they are come very near unto the very brink of Hell. The eldest Son they have by any of their married wives , hath a prerogative above all the rest , whom their other Children call Budd● , By their great brother . And so much of their marriages of their Children , and of their births . In the next place I shall speak . SECT . 18. Of their burials , of their mourning for their dead , and of their stately Sepulchres and Monuments . FOr the Mahometans , it is their manner to wash the bodies of their dead before they interre them . An ancient custom as it should seem among the Jews , for it is said of Dorcas , that after she was dead , they washed her body , as a preparative to her burial , Act. 9. 37. They lay up none of the bodies of their dead in their Misquits , or Churches ( as before ) but in some open place in a grave , which they dig very deep and wide , a Jewish custom , likewise to carry the bodies of their dead to bury them out of their Cities and Towns , Luke 7. 12. Their mourning over their dead is most immoderate , for besides that day of general lamentation at the end of their Ram-Jan , or Lent , ( before mentioned ) they houl and cry many whole dayes for their friends departed , immediately after they have left the world and after that time is passed over , many foolish women , so long as they survive , very often in the year , observe set dayes to renue their mourning for their deceased friends , and as a people without hope , bedew the graves of their husbands , as of other their near relations , with abundance of ( seemingly ) affectionate tears ; as if they were like those mourning women mentioned , Jer. 9. 17. who seemed to have tears at command , and therefore were hired to mourn and weep in their solemne lamentations . And when they thus lament over their dead , they will often put this question to their deaf and dead Carkasses , why they would die ? They having such loving wives , such loving friends , and many other comforts , as if it had been in their power to have rescued themselves from that most impartial wounding hand of death . Which carriage of theirs deserves nothing but censure and pity though if it be not Theatrical , we may much wonder at it , and say of it as it was said of the mourning in the floor of Atad , Gen. 50. 11. that it is a grievous mourning , or as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon , Zech. 12. 11. if we take those lamentations onely in a literal sence . But to speak unto this as a Christian ; certainly the Apostle , who forbids immoderate mourning for friends departed , 1 shef . 4. 13. imployes and allows of that mourning which is moderate . To behold a great Funeral , where there are abundance of mourning garments , and no weeping eyes , is not a good sight ; for a man to die as Jehojakim ( a very bad Son of an excellent good Father ) of whom it was sadly prophesied , that he should die without lamentation , non plangent eum , Eheu frater , they shall not lament for him , saying , Ah my brother ! his Ashes should not be moistned with one tear , and to be buried as Jehojakim was with the burial of an Asse , Jer. 2. 18 , 19. is very sad . And doubtlesse it had been better for a man never to have been born , than to live undesired and to die unlamented . For a man to run a long race through the world , and to leave no token of good behinde him but to be like an Arrow shot by a strong arm up into the aire ; wherein it flies a great circuit , yet immediately after it is fal'n , it cannot be discern'd that it was ever there , I may say of such a one , that he was born out of due time , or rather that it had been good for him if he had not been born at all . But now further concerning their places of Burial , many Mahometans of the greatest qualitie in their life time provide fair Sepulchres for themselves and nearests friends compassing with a firm wall , a good circuit of ground near some Tank , ( before spoken of ) about which they delight to Burie their dead , or else they close in a place for this use , near springs of water , that may make pleasant fountains , near which they erect little Misquits , or Churches , & near them Tombs ▪ built round , or four square , or in six , or eight squares , with round vaults , or Canopies of stone over head , all which are excellently well wrought , and erected upon P●llars , or else made close to be entered by doors every way , under which the bodies of their dead lie interred , the rest of that ground thus circled in , they plant with fruit Trees , and further set therein all their choisest flowers , as if they would make Elysian fields ( such as the Poets dream'd of ) wherein their Souls might take repose . Thus to bury ( as it should seem ) was an ancient custom , for it is written of Manasseh King of Judah , that he was buried in the garden of his own house so of his Son Amon , that he was buried in that garden likewise , 2 King. 21. 18. and 26. verses , thus I seph of Arimathea had his Sepulchre in his garden , and it was well placed there , that when he was in the place of his greatest delight , his meditations might be seasoned with the thoughts of his death . There are many goodly Monuments which are richly adorned ; built ( as before was observed ) to the memory of such as they have esteemed Paeres , or Saints ( of whom they have a large Kalender ) in which are Lamps continually burning , attended by votaries , unto whom they allow Pensions for the maintaining of those lights ; and many ( transported there with wilde devotion ) dayly resort to those monuments , there to contemplate the happinesse those Paeres ( as they imagine ) now enjoy . And certainly of all the places that Empire affords , there are none that minister more delight , than some of their burying places do , neither do they bestow so much cost , nor shew so much skill in Architecture in any other structures , as in these . Now amongst many very fair Piles there dedicated to the remembrance of their dead , the most famous one is at Secandra , a Village three miles from Agra ; it was begun by Achabar-sha the late Mogols Father , who there lies buried , and finished by his Son , who since was laid up beside him . The materials of that most stately Sepulchre are Marble of divers colours , the stones so closely cemented together , that it appears to be but one continued stone , built high like a Pyramis with many curiosities about it , and a fair Misquit by it , the Garden wherein it stands very large planted ( as before ) and compassed about with a Wall of Marble , this most sumptuous Pile of all the structures that vast Monarchy affords , is most admired by strangers . Tom. Cor●at had a most exact view thereof , and so have many other English men had , all which have spoken very great things of it . And if we here step aside , to look into other Countreys and stories , we may observe much to this purpose , ( though none that I have ever heard of like that I last named ) where many , whose foregoing lives , have little deserved those following remembrances , yet after death have had their bodies lodged in rich Monuments , when others of great worth● and most deserved memory have been very obscurely buried . Varro writes of Licinius , or Licinus , but a Barber to Augustus Caefar , who getting wealth , was after his death honoured with a fair Monument of Marble , when grave and wise Cato had but a small meer stone to cover him , and renowned Pompey had in this kinde no remembrance at all , of all whom Varro briefly writes thus : Marmoreo Licinus tumulo jacet , at Cato parvo , Pompeius nullo . — Licinus entomb'd under rich Marble stone : Cato a small one had : Great Pompey none . When Iulius Caesar had vanquished Ptolomey , and the distressed King hoped to preserve his life by flying into a Boat , there were so many of his Souldiers which followed him , that they lost their lives by that very means they hoped to preserve them ; for their too much weight sunk the Boat , and they all with their most unhappy King drown'd together . Concerning whom , I have what here follows ( but a little varied ) thus observed to my hand . Mixt with Plebeians there a Monarch lies , The last o' th race of Egypts Ptolomeys . Under no covert but his Niles cold waves : No Pyramids , nor rich Mansolian graves , Nor Arched vaults whose structures do excell As his forefathers Ashes proudly dwell . And dead , as living do their wealth expresse , In sumptuous Tombes , or gorgious Palaces . This was the Fate of that last Egyptian Monarch , and it is sad to consider , that an Egyptian Monarch should be buried under water and mudd , and a Roman Barber covered with Marble . The like hath been the condition of many others , who have deserved in their generation lasting remembrances in this kinde , but have not found them , when others , who have merited nothing at all , have had much said , and ( in that respect ) much done for them after death . And therefore one of this age , very eminent for great parts , writing of a great man , by place , and deserts , but obscurely buried ; and observing rich Monuments set off with large and undeserved Encomiums for others , which deserved them not , first blames — The flattering stone Which oft belies the dead when he is gone . And after writes further in relation to him before mentioned ; thus Let such , as fear their rising , purchase vaul●s , And statues , onely to excuse their faults . While , thou shalt rise thorough thy easie dust At the last day , these would not , but they must . And truly if we consider , and impartially read many Hyperbolical expressions engraven upon some Monuments , we may make a pause at the two first words , which are commonly these . Here lies , and write them thus , hear lies , and there make a stop , because little , or nothing that follows hath any truth in it . And therefore though many great and rich men , have their bodies after death covered with stately Piles , which hold forth many , and high commendations of them , yet these cannot keep their names from putrifying and rotting as much above ground , as their bodies do under it . The name of the wicked shall rot , Prov. 10. 17. His remembrance shall perish from the earth , and he shall have no name in the street , Job 18. 17. or if their names survive , and be remembred , they shall but continue their shame , as here lies , or there dwelt such an oppressor , such a cruel , or such a covetous Muck-worm , or such a filthy , or such a prophane ungodly person , or such an intemperate drunken sot ; whom many times such an inscription would fit , ( if it were written over their doors ) as Diogenes sometimes caused to be written upon the door of a like intemperate person , who had written before that his house was to be sold , under which that Cynick wrote thus , I thought this house would surfet so long , that it would spue out its master , for God shall take such away , and pluck them out of their dwelling places , and root them out of the land of the living , or as the Prophet Jeremiah speaks , their dwellings shall cast them out . But however they which deserve true honour , should have it both alive and dead . The memory of the just shall be blessed . Abel was the first that ever tasted death , and he died by violence , he died for Religion . Oh how early did Martyrdom creep into the world ! yet Abol , who hath been so long dead , yet speaketh , Heb. 11. 4. or the Testimony which Almighty God gave of that righteous Abel is yet spoken of , and so shall be , till eternity hath swallowed up time . The remembrance of Josiah is like a composition of the perfume that is made by the art of the Apothecary , sweet in all mouths &c. and so shall remain ; when stately Monuments erected to preserve the memorie of others , shall be so defaced , that it will not appear where they once were . In a word , all Kings and Potentates of the earth of what Nation soever they be , must first , or last lay down their swords and Scepters , and Trophies at the gates of death . No earthly King shall ever carry his Crown further , than Simon the Cyrenian did the Crosse , to Golgotha , to the grave , which narrow compasse of earth , shall at last put a confinement to all their great thoughts , who have believed ( as Alexander sometime did ▪ the whole world by much to little , to bound their desires . Unus Pellaeo juveni non sufficit Orbis : Aestuat infelix angusto limite mundi , Ut Gyarae clausus scopulis , parvaque Seripho . Cū tamen a figulis munitam intraverit urbem , Sarcophago contentus erat . Mors sola fatetur Quantula sint hominū corpuscula . — Ju. Sat. 10. One world the youth of Pella cannot hold , He sweats as crouded in this narrow mold . To close Seriph's and Gyara's Rocks consin'd , But when into the Towns with brick-walls lin'd , He entered once , there must he rest content . In a straight Coffin , and slight Monument . For death alone is that which will confesse ( Though great mens mindes ) their bodies littlenesse . Ecce vix totam Hercules implevit urnam . Behold great and victorious Hercules , the subduer of the Monsters of the World , when he was dead , and his body resolved into aslies , scarcely fill'd one earthen Pitcher . Death is the great Loveller which cuts down , and then layes all people flat before God. Oh if sicknesse and death could be brib'd how rich they would be ! this death makes all men to appear as they are men upon even ●erms in the sight of God. The great men there shall not be offered a Chair and Cushion to sit down while others stand and wait . I saw the dead both small and great stand before God , Rev. 21. 12. The small and the great are there , and the servant is free from his master , Job 3. 19. The distinction then in that day shall not be 't wixt poor and rich ; 'twixt mean , and mighty , 'twixt them that are nobly born , and those of low parentage : But good and bad shall be the onely Terms to distinguish one man from another before that great Tribunal , when every one of what degree , or condition soever he hath been , shall receive from the hands of God according to that which he hath done in the flesh , be it good , or evil . When the two Cups , the two reward● , the two recompences shall be impartially distributed , and none but those which shall be found in Christ accepted , rewarded , in the mean time , as it is in natural rest , it is much better to lodge in a very poor base and mean cottage , upon an hard open pallat , and there to have sweet , and quiet sleep , than in a most sumptuous . Palace upon a bed of down , enclosed with the richest Curtains that cost can make , and there to have no sleep at all : so for that rest which is eternal , it matters not how meanly and basely the body is laid up , while the Soul rests in peace . But if the body be embalmed with all sweet Odors and Spices , if chested in , or covered with Marble , or with any thing that is richer , and the Soul all this while in torments , condemned to everlasting burnings , what comfort can it take ; no more , nay , not so much as a man who hath a curious Crimson Silk-stocking , drawn over a broken , or a Gouty and tormenting Leg. For the Saints departed hence non tumulos curant , when their Souls are bound up in a ; bundle of life , and they enjoy the company of all the blessed spirits made perfect , they care not what becomes of their earthly parts . As before they went into their Chambers to undresse themselves : so now they go down into their graves to put off their nasty and dirty raggs , that when they arise thence they may be invested with Roabs that are rich and glorious , well knowing that Christ at the last day will change their vile bodies , and make them like unto his glorious body . While a mans Soul is safe it is not at all to be heeded what becomes of his body : That may be slain , but cannot be hurt , as bold and good Ignatius told his persecutor occidere potes , laedere non potes , thou canst kill me , but thou canst not hurt me . The good man may be stripped of all his temporall riches , but that long enduring substance laid up for him in the Heavens , is above all his enemies reach . They may be degraded here from all their worldly honours , but not of this honour to be the servants of God. They may be deprived of their lives , but not of their salvation . The executioner that cut off Saint Paul's head , could not take away his Crown . And therefore whither they breath forth their lives out of the mouth of the body , or the mouth of a wound , it is all one — vivit post funer a virtus ; the virtuous man out-lives his life , and after findes , that there are no such lasting monuments , as to be entomb'd in the hearts of the good who will be ever shewing forth the praises of those , which have deserv'd them . And as for earthly ▪ Monuments made to continue in the remembrances of the dead . Quandoquidem data sunt ipsis quoque fata Sepulchris . These shall have their periods as well as men , and when time shall crumble and consume them all into dust and forgetfulnesse , the righteous shall be had ( in a lasting ) and everlasting remembrance . And now Reader I have done with this , and shall proceed to speak more particularly . SECT . XIX . Of the Hindooes , or Heathens which inhabite that Empire , &c. ANd for these , the first that I shall take notice of , is , that they agree with others in the world , about the first Roots of mankinde Adam and Eve , and the first of them they call Babba Adam , or Adamah , Father Adam , and the second Mamma Havah , Mother Eve. And from Adam they call a man Adams . For Adam they further say , that when his wife was tempted to eat the forbidden fruit , she took it and chaud it , and then swallowed it down , but when her husband was swallowing it , the hand of God stop't it in his Throat , and from hence ( they say ) that every man hath there an hollow bunch which women have not . The names they give to distinguish one man from another are many , and amongst them these following are very common . As Juddo , or Midas , or Cooregee , or Hergee , and the like . Casturia and Prescotta , are Womens names amongst them , but whither these , as those names they call their men , or women by , are names of signification , or onely of sound I know not . Those Hindooes are a very laborious , and an industrious people : these are they which till and plant the ground , and breed the Cattle , these are they which make and sell those curious Manufactures , or the Cloath and stuffe which this Empire affords . This people marry into , and consequently still keep in their own Tribes , Sects , Occupations , and Professions . For instance all Bramins ( which are their Priests , the Sons of all which are Priests , likewise ) are married to Bramins daughters , so a Merchants son marries a Merchants daughter , and so men of several trades marry to the same trade . Thus a Coolee , ( who is a tiller of the ground ) marries his son to a Colees daughter ; and so in all other professions they keep themselves to their own Tribes and Trades , not mixing with any other , by which means they never advance themselves higher than they were at first . They take but one wife , and of her they are not so fearfull and jealous as the Mahometans are of their several wives and women , for they suffer their wives to go abroad whether they please . They are married very young , about six , or seven years old , their Parents making Matches for them , who lay hold of every opportunity to bestow their Children , because confin'd to their own Tribes , they have not such variety of choise as otherwise they might have ▪ and when they attain to the age of thirteen , or fourteen , or fifteen years at the most they bed together . Their marriages are solemnized ( as those of the Mahometans ) with much company , and noise , but with this difference , that both the young couple ride openly on Hors-back , and for the most part they are so little , that some go on their Horse sides to hold them up from falling . They are bedeckt , or strewed all over their Cloathing , with the choise flowers of that Countrey , fastned in order all about their Garments . For their habits they differ very little from the Mahometans , but are very like them civilly clad , but many of their women were Rings on their Toes , and therefore go bare foot . They we●r likewise broad Rings of Brasse , or better Metal upon their Wrists , and small of their Legs , to take of and on . They have generally ( I mean the women ) the flaps , or tips of their ears boared when they are young , which holes daily extended and made wider , by things put and kept in them for that purpose , at last become so large , as that they will hold Rings ( hollowed on the out-side like Pullies ) for their flesh to rest in that are as broad in their circumference , some of them ( I ●dare say ) as little Sawcers . But though those fashions of theirs seem very strange at first sight , yet they keep so constantly to them , as to all their other habites without any alteration , that their general and continual wearing of them makes them to seem lesse strange unto others which behold them . And for their Diet very many of them ( as the Banians in general ( which are a very strict Sect ) will eat of nothing that hath had , or may have life . And these live upon Herbs , & Roots , and Bread ▪ and Milk , and Butter , and Cheese , and Sweet-meats , of which they have many made very good by reason of their great abundance of Sugar . Others amongst them will eat fish , but of no living thing else . The Rashboots will eat Swines flesh , which is most hatefull to the Mahometans , some will eat one kinde of flesh , some of another ( of all very sparingly ) but all the Hind●os in general abstain from Beef , out of an high and over-excellent esteem they have of Kine , and therefore give the Mogol yearly , besides his other e●actions , great sums of money as a ransom for ●hose Creatures ; whence it comes to passe , that amongst other good provisions , we meet there but with little Beef . As the Mahometans Burie ●o the Hindoos in general ( not believing the resurrection of the flesh ) burn the bodies of their dead near some Rivers ( if they may with convenience ) wherein they sow their ashes . And there are another Sect , or sort of Heathens living amongst them called Persees , which do neither of these ; of whom , and how they bestow the bodies of their dead , you shall hear afterward . The Widows of these Hindoos ( first mentioned ) such as have lived to keep company with their Husbands , for ( as before ) there is usually a good space of time 'twixt their wedding and bedding . The Widows ( I say ) who have their Husbands separated from them by death , when they are very young , marry not again , but whither , or no this be generally observed by them all I know not , but this I am sure of , that immediately after their Husbands are dead , they cut their Hair , and spend all their life following as Creatures neglected both by themselves , and others , whence to be free from shame , some of them are ambitious to die with Honour ( as they esteem it ) when their fiery love carries them to the flames ( as they think ) of Martyrdom , most willingly following the dead bodies of their Husbands unto the fire , and there imbracing , are burnt with them . A better agreement in death than that of Eteocles and Polynices , the two Theban brothers , of whom it is said that they were such deadly enemies while they were alive , that after , when both their bodies were burnt together in the same fiery Pile , the flame parted and would not mix in one , of which Statius thus : Nec furiis post fata modus ; flammaeque rebelles Seditione Rogi . — Whose rage not death could end , rebellious ire Inflam'd to civil War their funeral fire . — Nec mors mihi finiit iras . Mine anger with my body shall not die , But with thy Ghost , my Ghost shall battel trie . But those , which before I named , agree so well in life , that they will not be divided by death , where their flames unite together . And although the Woman , who thus burns with her Husband , doth this voluntarily , not by any compulsion ( for the love of every Widow there is not thus fired ) and though the poor Creature , who thus dies may return and live if she please , even then when she comes to the Pile , which immediately after turns her into ashes : yet she who is once thus resolved , never starts back from hir first firm and setled resolution , but goes on singing to her death , having taken some intoxicating thing to turn or disturb her brains ; and then come to the place where she will needs die , she settles her self presently in the middest of that combustable substance provided to dispatch her , which fuel is placed in a round shallow trench , about two foot deep , made for that purpose near some River , or other water ( as before ) and though she have no bonds but her own strong affections to tie her unto those flames , yet she never offers to stir out of them . But Her breathlesse Husband then she takes In foulded arms ; this done she makes Her humble sute to ' th flames to give Her quick dispatch , she cannot live Her honour dead . Her friends there come Look on , as if 't were , Martyrdom ; And with content are hit her led , As once to view her marriage bed . And thus , she being joyfully accompanied unto the place of her dying by her Parents and other friends , and when all is fitted for this hellish Sacrifice , and the fire begins to burn ; all which are there present shout , and make a continued noise so long as they observe her to stir , that the screeches of that poor tortured Creature may not be heard . Not much unlike the custom of the Ammonites , who , when they made their Children passe through the fire to Molech , caused certain Tabrets , or Drums to sound , that their cries might not be heard , whence the place was called Tophet , 2 King. 23. 10. which signifies a Drum , or Tabret . Now after their bodies are quite consumed , and lie mixed together in ashes , and those ashes begin to grow cold , some of them are gathered up by their nearest friends , and kept by them as choise Relicks , the rest are immediately sowen by the standers by upon the adjacent River , or water . Alas poor wretches ! what a hard Master do they serve , who puts them upon such unreasonable services in the flower of their youth and strength , thus to become their own executioners ; to burn their own bones when they are full of marrow , and to waste their own breasts , when they are full of milk . Now Almighty God requires no such thing at his peoples hands , & therefore it is by far the more strange to consider that the Devil should have such an abundance of servants in the World , and God so few . But for those poor silly Souls , who sing themselves into the extremity of misery , & thus madly go out of the World , through one fire into another , through flames that will not last long into everlasting burnings , and do it not out of necessity , but choise , led hereunto by their tempter and murderer , and consequently become so injurious and mercilesse to themselves ▪ certainly they deserve much pity from others , who know not how to pity themselves . For nemo miserius misero non miserants scipsum . There are none so cruel as those , which are cruel , and pitilesse to themselves . But though ( I say ) there are some which thus throw away their own lives , yet if we consider those Hindoos in general we may further take notice . SECT . XX. Of the tendernesse of that people in preserving the lives of all other inferiour Creatures , &c. FOr they will not ( if they can help it by any means ) take , but on the contrary do what they can to preserve the lives of all inferiour Creatures , whence ( as before I told you ) they give large money to preserve the lives of their Kine ( a reason for this you shall have afterward ) and I have often observed , that when our English boyes there have out of wantonnesse been killing of Flies ( there swarming in abundance ) they would be very much troubled at it , and if they could not perswade them to suffer those poor Creatures to live , they would give them mony , or something else to forbear that ( as they conceived ) cruelty . As for themselves ( I mean a very great number of them ) they will not deprive the most uselesse , and most offensive Creatures of life , not Snakes , and other venomous things that may kill them , saying , that it is their nature to do hurts , and they cannot help it , but as for themselves they further say , that God hath given them reason to shun those Creatur●s , but not liberty to destroy them . And in order to this their conceit , the Banians ( who are the most tender hearted in this case of all that people ) have Spittles ( as they say ) on purpose to recover lame birds & beasts . Some ground for this their tendernesse happily proceeds from this consideration ; that they cannot give life to the meanest of the sensible Creatures , and therefore think that they may not take the lives of any of them : for the poorest worm , which crawleth upon the face of the earth , tam vita vivit , quam Angelus , ( as one of the ancients speaks ) live for the present as much as the Angels , and cannot be willing to part with that life , and therefore they imagine that it is most injurious by violence to take it . But ( as I conceive ) the most principal cause why they thus forbear to take the lives of inferiour Creatures , proceeds from their obedience unto a precept given them by one of their principal , and most highly esteemed Prophets and Law-givers they call Bremaw ; others , they have in very high esteem , and the name of one of them is Ram , of another Permissar . I am ignorant of the names of others , and I conceive that my Reader will not much care to know them . But for him they call Bremaw , they have received ( as they say ) many precepts , which they are carefull to observe , and the first of them . This Thou shalt not kill any living Creature whatsoever it be , having life in the same , for thou art a Creature , and so is it , thou art indued with life , and so is it , thou shalt not therefore spil the life of any of thy fellow-Creatures that live . Other precepts ( they say ) were delivered unto them by their Law-giver about their devotions , in their washings and worshippings where they are commanded . To observe times for fasting , and hours for watching , that they may be the better fitted for them . — Other directions they have about their festivals wherein they are required , To take their food moderately , in not pampering their bodies . — Concerning Charity they are further commanded . To help the poor as far as they are possibly able . — Other precepts ( they say ) were given them likewise in charge ; as Not to tell false tales , nor to utter any thing that is untrue . Not to steal any thing from others , be it never so little . Not to defraud any by their cunning in bargains , or contracts . Not to oppresse any , when they have power to do it . Now all those particulars are observed by them with much strictnesse ; and some of them are very good , having the impression of God upon them , but that scruple they make in forbearing the lives of the Creatures made for mens use , shews how that they have their dweling in the dark , which makes them by reason of their blindnesse to deny unto themselves that liberty , and Soveraignty which Almighty God hath given unto man over the beasts of the field , the fowles of the Air , and the fishes of the Sea , appointed for his food , given unto him for his service and sustenance , to serve him , and to seed him , but not to make havock and spoil of them . However , the tendernesse of that people over inferiour Creatures shall one day rise up in judgement against all those , who make no scruple at all in taking the lives , not of sensible Creatures , but men , not legally to satisfie good and known Laws , but violently to please their cruel and barbarous lusts . Histories are fill'd with many inhumane , and strange examples of this kinde . Valerius writes of Lucius Sylla ( whose cruelty and thirst after bloud , made him a Monster of mankinde , a very Prodigy of Nature ) that when he had caused some thousands of men to be put to death , or ( more properly ) to be murdered in one day , he presently gave command that this monstrous fact of his should be recorded , least the memory of so honourable an action ( for so he call'd in ) might be forgotten . He kill'd a Gentleman of Rome at the same time for not enduring the sight of an innocent man of quality , whom he saw causelesly murdered . Never ( saith the Author ) was it heard of before , that pity should be punished , and that it should be thought a Capital offence to behold a Murder with grief . For that Sylla , it might have been said of him as it was afterward of Nero , that he was a Creature made up of dirt and bloud , a Monster set upon mischief , who had so much malice and cruelty in his Nature ( as any other may have left in his bloud ) that Valerius writes thus further of him , ut in dubio esset Syll●ne prior , an iracundia Syll● sit extinct● , that it was a question whither himself , or anger were first extinguished , most strange and turbulent perturbations and storms , o anger , and malice , and mischief , quando ir a mortalium debet esse mortalis ( as Lactantius well spake ) when the anger of mortal men should be mortal like themselves . And so most barbarous and cruel are all they whatsoever they be , who have their hearts ( so bound and confirm'd as it were with sinews of iron ) that they delight in nothing so much as in the slaughter of men whatsoever they be , whither strangers , or brethren , and then make their boasts and brags , I have knockt so many on the head , saith one , and I have kill'd so many saith another , and I so many saith a third , and others so many , and so many , which clearly shews that they are Children of their Father the Devil , who was a murderer from the beginning : for his language is ever in their mouths , ure , seca , occide , burn , cut , kill , do execution , and take no pity , spare not , sparo none , whether strangers , or known persons , old , or young , men , women , children , brethren , or whosoever else comes and crosseth them in their way , as it was in the dayes of that monstrous Sylla before named , when Gray-heads , young Orphans , Virgins , pregnant wives , All died : 't was crime enough that they had lives : That Empresse was of a far better minde , who wisely advertised her husband , sitting and playing at Tables , & minding his Game more than the Prisoners before him , on whom he pronounced the sentence of death : his wife ( I say ) thus spake unto him as Aelian reports , non est vita hominum talorum ludus , &c. the life of man is not as a Game at Tables , where a woodden-man is taken away by a blot , and thrown aside , and after taken again into the play , and there is no hurt done ; but the life of a living man , once lost is irrecoverable . When Vedius Pollio a Roman , at a Supper provided for Augustus the Emperour , would have drown'd his servant , because he had broken a cup of Christal , the Emperour ( though an Heathen ) withheld him , and controuled him in these words ( as Plutarch reports ) saying , Homo cujuscunque conditionis quatenus homo , &c. a man of what condition so ever he be , if for no other cause , yet because he is a man , is more to be valued than all the Crystal cups in the world . And doubtlesse he deserves not the name of a man , who knows not how to value a man. But how is mankinde in these last ages of the world become degenerate , and wilde from that which Nature first shaped it unto . For man was made in the beginning to man , as Moses was made to Aron , Ex. 4. 16. in some sense a God , for succour and comfort : but how contrary to this rule do most men walk ; so that we may justly complain with that noble and virtuous French-man Philep Morney , saying , what is more rare amongst men than to finde a man , that is , ( as he interprets himself ) amongst men , how many beasts are there for want of the use of reason , and for not using reason well , how many Devils . Lions , ( saith Plini● ) fight not against Lions , Serpents bite not Serpents , but the most mischief man sustains comes from man. Thou art deceived ( saith Seneca ) if thou givest credit unto the looks of those that meet thee , who have the faces of men , but the qualities of wilde beasts . Some like the Crocodiles of Nilus that can flatter and betray , weep and murder , cry and kill . Oh how hath mankinde in these latter ages justified the madness of the most savage and untractable beasts , and steel'd their affections with more cruelty , than ever Lions , or Serpents could learn in the wildernes . But certainly that crying clamouring sin of bloud , or murther , unlesse it be washed away with a floud of tears , issuing from a bleeding , and a broken heart , and died into another colour by the bloud of Christ , will in conclusion bring woe and misery enough upon them that shed it . For there was never any drop of innocent bloud spilt upon the earth , from the bloud of righteous Abel to this present hour , or that shall be shed so long as there are men , and malice , and mischief in the world , but it swells as big as the Ocean Sea in the eyes of God , and cannot be washed away by all the waters therein . And further , neither the heat of the Sun , nor the dust of the ground shall ever be able to drie , and drink it up till it be either avenged ▪ or pardoned ; unlesse the earth and heavens , and all that are therein can be bribed to keep silence , and to take no notice thereof . Without all doubt , when God shall make inquisition for bloud , he will remember : for he that bottles up the tears of his poor people , cannot forget their bloud . Whence it comes to passe by the righteous judgement of Almighty God , that they , who delight in bloud , have usually enough of it before they die , or if bloud do not touch bloud for the present , it will deny a man 〈◊〉 peace after the fact committed . Had Zim●● peace ; who slew his Master ? 2 King. 9 31. no he had no peace , no more have any guilty of that sin , if their consciences be not for the present ●oof'● over : if the mouth of them be not for the present bung'd up . But as it was in that first plague of Egypt , wherein Pharaoh and the Egyptians were smitten , all their waters in their Rivers , Ponds , and Pools , as in their Vessels of wood & stone were changed into bloud : So in the minde and conscience of a murtherer , there usually remains a plague of bloud ; His eyes shall behold no other colour but Sanguine , as if the air were died into it ; The visions of his head in the night shall cast a boul of bloud in his face , all the cogitations and thoughts of his heart shall overflow with the remembrance of that bloud he hath spilt . The consideration of which , ( methinks ) should be enough to trouble and affright men that lie under the guilt of this sin , if they fear either guilt , or conscience , which will first , or last fly in their faces . Plutarch writing de serâ numinis vindictâ of the late but sure revenges executed upon men by divine justice , hath this story of the Delphians , who made no scruple to murder Aesop amongst them , but after this when they were most grievously plagued by variety of heavy judgements , they , who had imbrued their hands in his bloud , walked up and down in all the publick assemblies of Greece , and caused this to be proclaimed by noise of Criars , that whosoever would , should be avenged on them for Aesops death . They believing themselves , the procurers of those plagues which were then upon them . Deus patiens redditor , God is a patient rewarder , whose revenges are slow , but sure . Fortis ▪ ●st Deus , Deus retributionum . Jet . 51. 56. the Lord God of recompences shall surely requite , who is many times long before he strike , but , tarditatem supplicii gravitate compensat ; the severity of his justice shall at last make a full amends for the slownesse thereof . 'T is sad to consider that Heathens ( as before was observed ) should have so much tendernesse in their Nature , and any bearing the names of Christians so much cruelty : that Heathens should make so much scruple in taking away the lives of base inferiour Creatures , of those which are not onely uselesse but offensive , and men called Christians so forward by wayes of violence to cut off the lives of men , never ▪ enquiring into the justice of their quarrel , but the rate of their pay , and ( as if their own lives , and the bloud of others were not worth the valuing ) will adventure to kill , or be kill'd for a dayes wages . Thus making havock of men as fearfully made , as dearly redeemed , as tenderly cherished , & brought up as themselves yet occidendi causa occidunt , they kill , because they take pleasure in killing , and are no more troubled at the death of a man , than if a Dog had fallen before them . 'T is true that Lions will tear , and Dogs will bark and bite , and Serpents will sting , because it is in their nature so to do ; yet men , Christians must do otherwise ; and not make the slaughters of men , of multitudes of people professing Christ , delightfull arguments of their ordinary discourse , or Table talk , as if it were a relation that had pleasure in it , as if there were no difference 'twixt the cutting down of men , and the mowing of Straw and Stubble . I confesse that when men have an immediate commission from God , to execute vengeance on those he would have destroyed , they may do execution with boldnesse , without pity , or regret : for it is as great a fault to spare when God bids destroy ( for he wrongs the innocent , who spares the gu●lty ) for which very thing Saul payes dear , 1 Sam. 15. ) as to destroy when God bids spare . The Israelites had such a Commission often granted , and renewed , for the rooting out of those Nations , which God would have grubb'd up root and branch , and then they were to destroy without pity . But afterward that people , because they did so much abuse their prosperity , and successe , and after both , their peace , they perish themselves by the Sword of War. Jerusalem had many-many warnings ; but would not take them , before the woe took hold of it . And therefore after all those monitions , Titus the Son of Vespatian the Emperour was made instrumental to fulfill those many Prophesies , which threatned Jerusalems 〈◊〉 overthrow . But that Commander , and Conqueror , though a stranger● an adversary , and a profest enemy to the Jews , and sent to destroy them , when he saw ( as Josephus reports ) the spoyl and slaughter which fell upon that wofull , and most miserable City , he calls his Gods to witnesse that he was exceedingly troubled at it . He that is glad at calamity shall not be unpunished , Prov. 17. 5. And if an Heathen , a forraign enemy sent to destroy , could take no pleasure in executing of punishment , though upon enemies , but the contrary : men which enjoy the light , should be by much more troubled , in the beholding of slaughters , which happen among themselves , or brethren . And therefore Tully writing to Atticus speaks exceeding wisely in telling him thus , extremum est malorum omnium bells civilis victoria . His reason , because men having done much mischief already in those unnatural engagements , are flesh't and heartened to go on , and to do more mischief still . Hence it was that the very Heathens were not wont to make any triumphs for victories gain'd in their Civil Wars , as Lucan speaks . Bella geri placuit nullos habitura Triumphos . And there is very much to this purpose in that sad , but very remarkable story of the Israelites and Benjamites , as we may observe in the of Judges , Chapters 20. and ●1 . Some Benjamites there at Gebiah had committed an abominable wickednesse , the rest of that Tribe , instead of punishing , did patronize it , and chose rather to die in the resisting of justice than live , and prosper in the furthering thereof . It is one of the mad principles of wickednesse , that when men have once resolv'd to do a thing , be it never so bad , and to say they will do it , it is very great weaknesse to relent , therefore they will chuse to suffer , to die rather then yield , or go back from their resolutions , thinking that causes , whatsoever they be when they are once undertaken , must be upheld , although with bloud . And from this false ground , the Benjamits there put themselvesin Arms , and will be Champions to defend the leud●●ss● of their brethren , and make themselves worse by the ab●tting of a monstrous sin , than the others were by the commission thereof . Because the last was done upon resolution , and so probably was not the other . Now that no man may conclude a cause therefore good , because the successe is so , the Tribes of Israel that went against the Benjamits had by far the better of the cause : But the Benjamits for the present the better in their success , for the wickednesse of Benjamin sped better for a time , than the honesty of Israel . Twise was the better part foil'd by the lesse and worse , the good cause was sent back with shame : The evil returned with victory and Triumph . But wickednesse could never brag of any long prosperity . The triumphing of the wicked is short . And wickednesse cannot complain of the lack of payment , for still God is even with it at the last , as we may observe in the story of those Benjamits , who in conclusion were made to pay extreamly dear for their sin . In whose example we may take notice , that the retaliations of the Lord are sure and just . But after all this , when the rest of the Tribes of Israel ( being so highly provoked ) had slain such a very great number of the Benjamites , almost to the utter ruine of their Tribe , for acting and abetting such a monstrous wickednesse , observe how the rest of Israel behaved themselves towards their Brethren , they did not rejoyce , and make Triumphs for that their victory ▪ but they weep over their dead bodies , Judg. 21. 2. and study how that breach a mong the Benjamites ( which their sin and provocation had enforced the rest of Israel to make ) might be made up again . The Prophet Oded gave good counsel ( in a case which was something parallel to this ) and it was well followed , 2 Chr. 28. for when they of Samaria had taken a very great number of their brethren of Judah & Jerusalem Captives ▪ two hundred thousand , and much spoil , and were carrying it , and them to Samaria ; the Prophet ( I say ) gave this counsel , that they should not strip , and starve , but put cloathing on their loins , and shoes on their feet , and meat , and drink in their bellies , and send them home again ; and so they did . There are very many who walk quite contrary to these rules , and dare do as those wicked ones ( mentioned in the second Chapter of the book of wisdom ) saying , let us oppresse and let our strength be the rule of Justice , as if there were no power , either in Earth , or Heaven to contradict them . But however let others , who observe the courses of Gods Providence , and withall see the oppression of the poor , and the violent perverting of judgement and justice in a Province , not marvel at the matter : for he that is higher than the highest regardeth , and there be higher than they . In that Parable , Luke 16. Dogs are mentioned , and why so ? that their tongues might condemne the mercilesse bowels of their Master , who shewed pity in their kinde . When their Master had no Compassion on the poor Lazar , he not considering that there is a mercy , a pity , and a care due unto the most despicable piece of humanity . Frustra misericordiam petit , qui misericordiam non facit ; in vain shall they one day hope for mercy and pity that will not now exercise it . Undoubtedly there is nothing becomes power and greatnesse better than bowels , and inwards of pity and mercy . These make the faces of men in power to shine , and themselves to resemble God , who is most properly called optimum , maximum , first by the name of his goodnesse , and then by the name of his greatnesse , first by the name of his mercy , and then by the name of his might . But the ignorance of those Indians ( before spoken off ) makes them more pitifull than they need to be : and if they had knowledge to make doubt of ) and to scruple other things as they should , I might have spared my next Section , which will acquaint my Reader by telling him further . SECT . XXI . Of other strange and groundlesse , and very grosse opinions , proceeding from the blacknesse , and darknesse of ignorance in that people . ALl error in the World proceeds either from ignorance ( commonly joyned with pride ) or else from wilfulnesse . This is most true as in natural , and moral , so in spiritual things . For as knowledge softens & sweetens mens manners : so it enricheth their mindes : which knowledge is certainly a most divine , a very excellent thing , otherwise our first Parents would never have been so ambitious of it . This makes a man here to live twice , or to enjoy here a double life in respect of him that wants it . But for this knowledge it certainly must be esteemed better , or worse , by how much the object of this knowledge is worse , or better . Now the best object of this knowledge is a right understanding , and knowledge of the true God , which that people wants . For there is scientia contristans ( as Bernard speaks ) a sad , an unquiet , an unpeaceable , and an unsatisfying knowledge , as to know that there is a God , ( for so this people do ) and to be ignorant , ( as this people , & ●●llions more are ) to serve him aright , and how to make him their God. As for men to know that they are sinners , and not to know this unto amendment of life : as to know that there is an Heaven and not to know how to attain it . As to know that there is an Hell , and not to know how to avoid it . And more particularly for such as professe Christ , to know that Jesus Christ died for sinners , and to be ignorant how to apply a Plaster of his bloud , and merits unto the hurts of their poor wounded Souls & further , though knowledge be so excellent ; for any , to seek after the Tree of knowledge more than the Tree of life , is a most uncomfortable search . Now touching this people , they are altogether ignorant of God , as they ought to know him , and they have no learning amongst them , but as much as enables them to write and to read what they have written and they having no insight into the reasons and causes of things ( I mean the ●uder sort , both of the Mahometans and Gentiles ) when they observe things which are not very ordinary , as when they see any Eclipses , but especially of the Moon ( happily some of them sacrificing to her , and calling her the Queen of Heaven , as those Idolaters did , Jer. 44. 18. ) they make a very great stir and noise , bemoaning her much , which helps ( as they conceive ) to free , and bring her out of it . Juvenal observing that custom , ( which appears to be very ancient among the Heathens ) re●roves a very brawling clamorous Woman in his sixt Satyre thus : Una , laboranti poterit succurrere Luna . That she made noise enough to deliver the Moon out of an Eclipse . Their ignorance in this , as in many many other things is much to be pitied : as the knowledge and learning of many others , which ( by their not improving of it ) is to them as the letters which Uriah sometimes carried against himself , it condemnes the bearer . But though the Hindoos , or Heathens there have no learning , yet they want not opinions , for their divided hearts are there distracted into four-score , and four several Sects , each differing from others , very much in opinion about their irreligion , which might fill a man , even full of wonder , that doth not consider , how that Satan , who is the author of division , is the seducer of them all . Those many Sects ( as I conceive among them ) consist of people there of several trades , occupations , and conditions of life , which several sorts of people ( as before I observed ) marry into their own tribes , and so unite and keep together amongst themselves , that they had not much correspondency with any other people . These without doubt have several wayes of worship within themselves , which makes them so seperate from others , as that they will not eat with any , but those of their own Tribes . For Heathens , that have neither light nor guide to be thus divided , and to live in darknesse hath not so much wonder in it , but for Christians , who have been in the valley of visions thus to separate , ministers matter of wonder , or pity , nay , of both . And for us of this Nation , if we still continue to multiply opinions in Religion as we have begun ▪ which God forbid ) we shall enlarge the proverb , that if a man have lost his Religion and cannot finde it , either in Poland , nor yet in Amsterdam , let him seek for it in England . The illiterare Priests of all that people for the generality of them are called Bramins , who derive themselves from Bramon , whom ( they say ) was one of the first men that inhabited the World , and after the sin of that first World brought the Flood : the race of that Bramon ( whose very name they highly reverence ) was continued in Bremaw , who ( as they say ) out-lived that deluge , and is honoured by them likewise as one of their great Prophets & Law-givers . Those Bramins ( as I conceive ) are they , which the ancient stories call Brachmanes , but with this difference , that those Brachmanes were accounted learned men , for the learning of those times wherein they lived : But those Bramins are a very silly , sottish , and an ignorant sort of people , who are so inconstant in their principles , as that they scarce know , what the particulars are which they hold , and maintain as truths . As anciently amongst the Jews , their Priesthond is hereditary , for all those Bramins Sons are Priests , and they all take the daughters of Bramins to be their wives . ( Of which something before . ) They have little Churches they call Pagode , standing near , or under their green Trees , built round ; But as their ancient Brachmanes were said not to èndure , these on the contrary have Images in their Pagods made in monstrous shapes , but for what end they have them , I know not . Now , from the manner of those Heathens , which I believe hath been for many-many years retained in their Idolatrous worships . I conceive that the Jews long ago borrowed that unwarrantable custom of worshipping God in Groves , or under green Trees . Both men and women before they go to their devotions ( which are very frequently performed ) wash their bodies , and keep off all their cloaths , but the covering of modesty till they have done , led hereunto by a precept ( as they say ) commanded them to be perform'd by their Law-giver Bremaw , which requires them dayly to observe their times of devotion expressed by their washings , and worshippings , & prayer to God ; which must be all done with purity of hearts . And it is the manner of this people before they take their food to wash their bodies , then ( which I much observed while we lived in Tents ) they make a little Circle upon the ground , which they seem to consecrate , after which they sit down within that Compasse , and eat what they have provided ; and if any come within that Circle before they have ended their meal , they presently quit the place , and leave their food behinde them . That outward washing ( as this people think ) avails very much to their cleansing from sin , not unlike the Pharisees , who were all for the out-side of Religion , and would not eat with unwashen hands , Marc. 7. 2. unlesse they washed themselves up to the Elbows , ( as Theophi●act observes ) hence those Hindoos ascribe a certain Divinity unto Rivers , but above all to that Famous River Ganges , whither they flock dayly in Troups , that there they may wash themselves ; and the nearer they can come to the head of that River , the more virtue they believe is in the water . After they have thus washed , they throw pieces of Gold , or Silver ( according to their devotion and ability ) into that River , and so depart from it . Thus Reader thou hast somewhat of the carriages of this people in life . Now after death some of them talk of Elyzian fields ( such as the Poets dream'd of ) to which their Souls must passe over a Stix , or Acheron , and there take new bodies . Others of them think that ere long the World will have an end , after which they shall live here again on a new earth . Some other wilde conceivings of this people follow afterward . Some Bramins have told me that they acknowledge one God , whom they describe with a thousand eyes , with a thousand hands , and as many feet , that thereby they may expresse his power , as being all eye to see , and all foot to follow , and all hand to smite offenders . The consideration whereof makes that people very exact in the performances of all moral duties , following close the light of Nature in their dealings with men , most carefully observing that Royal Law , in doing nothing to others , but what they would be well contented to suffer from others . Those Bramins talk of two books , which no● long after the Creation , when the World began to be peopled ( they say ) were delivered by Almighty God to Bramon ( before spoken of ) one of which books ( they say ) containing very high and secret , and Mysterious things was sealed up & might not be opened ; the other to be read , but onely by the Bramins , or Priests . And this book , thus to be read came after ( as they further say ) into the hands of Br 〈…〉 ( of whom likewise something before ) and by him it was communicated unto Ram , and Permissar , two other fam'd Prophets amongst them , which those Heathens do likewise exceedingly magnifie , as they do some others , whose names I have not . Now that book which they call the Shester , or the book of their written word , hath been transcribed in all ages ever since by the Bramins , out of which they deliver precepts unto the people . They say that there are seven Orbi , above which is the seat of God and that God knows not small and petty things , or if he do , regards them not . There have been Philosophers of the like minde , who madly thought that Almighty God had no regard of humane affairs . For which very thing Tully , though an Heathen , doth most highly condemne them . The Peripateticks housed the Providence of God above the Moon , and thought that it had no descent beneath the Circle thereof , to intend inferiour things and businesses . The Atheists in the Psalm , who say that there is no God , inferre from hence , how can God see ? what do the Epicures in Job say lesse ; or Eliphaz speaking in their names , Job 22. how can God know ? can he judge through the dark clouds ? the clouds hide him that he cannot see , and Chap. 24. 14 , 15. he brings in the murderer and adulterer , acting their parts with much boldnesse , confidence , and presumption , & upon this false ground that no eyes see them , for if they did believe the contrary , then certainly they would not dare to do what they do , which shews that there is a very Atheisme in the hearts of most men , which makes them not afraid to do that in the presence of an all-seeing God , which for fear , or shame they durst not do in the sight of a little Childe . Averroes , a Spanish Phisician ( that he might seem to be mad with reason ) by reason goes about to exempt , and with-draw smaller things from the sight and providence of God , as if it were most injurious to bring down the Majesty of God so low , thinking that the knowledge and understanding of God would become vile , if it were abased by taking notice of mean and inferiour objects . A very strange opinion , as if a looking-glasse were deformed , because it represents deformities : Or the Beams of the Sun defiled , because they fall upon dunghils and other filthy places , or the Providence of God vilified , who though he hath his dwelling so high , yet he abaseth himself to behold the things in heaven and in earth , Psal . 113. 6. As he spake the word in the beginning , so all things were made , Gen. 1. thus ever since he sustaineth , and beareth up all things by the power of that word , Heb. 1. His Creation was the Mother to bring things forth ; his Providence the Nurse to bring them up . His Creation a short Providence , his Providence a perpetual Creation ; The first setting up the frame of the house , the second looking to the standing ▪ and reparations thereof . And therefore I will bring in Tully again to gain-say , and condemne those forenamed mad opinions , who ( in his first book de naturâ deorum ) tells us , that the Providence of God reacheth , usque ad Apium , For 〈…〉 que perfectionem , to the husbanding of Bees and Pis 〈…〉 ir●s . And in his eight book on the same subject , ( where speaking against the Epioures and Atheists of that age ) he saith , curiosus , & plenus negotii Deus ▪ that God is a curious God , exquisite in all things , and full of businesse , So far he an Heathen could see , and so much say . But a Christian that knows more , can speak further , that God is not a carelesse , an improvident God , or a God to halves and in part , above and not beneath the Moon , as the Syrians dreamed , upon the mountains , and not in the valleys ; but he is a God in lesser , as well as in greater matters : Who beholds at one view all places , and all persons , and all things . And as our times are in Gods hands : so he takes notice of every thing done by us in every minute and moment of our time ; He knowing all things not as they appear , but are , simplici notitia , ( as the Schools speak ) with a sure , certain exact knowledge . Thus he takes notice of every sin that is committed , and of every circumstance in sinning . He saw the ●ins of the whole World in the book of his eternity , long before the foundations of the World were laid . He sees them in every mans breast before his hands commit them . I knew thee ( saith God ) before thou camest forth of the Womb ; Jer. 1. 5. And God tells Israel , that he knew what they meant to do long before they came out of the land of Egypt : the consideration whereof may curb , and confound all those that say God shall not see . This Providence of God did reach to the handfull of Meal , and the cruise of Oil in the poor Widows house , 2 King. 4. And so it reacheth to the Calving of Hindes ; to the feeding of young Lions and Ravens ; to the falling of Sparrows on the ground ; to the numbring of our hairs , as to every thing beside . But to return again to that people , the Hindoos I spake of , and these circumscribe God to place , and further conceit that he may be seen , but as in a m●st afar off , but not near . They further believe that there are Devils , but so fettered and bound in chains , as that they cannot hurt them . I observed before the tendernesse and scr●ple , which is in very many of that people in taking the lives of any inferiour , and mee●ly sensible , I & of hurtfull Creatures too . And those which are most tender hearted in this case are called Banians , who are by far more numerous than any other of those Indian Sects , and these hold Pythagoras his Metempsycosis , as a prime Article of their Faith , and from hence it is that they cannot abide to kill any living Creatures , and from this ground , that Philosopher disswades from eating of flesh , by many arguments laid down in the fifteenth book of Ovids Metamorphosis . Heu ! quantum scelus est in viscere viscera condi , Congestoque avidum pinguescere corp●re corpus : Alt●riusque animantem animantis viver● Letho ! Ah sinfull ! who in Bowels Bowels hide , And flesh , by greedy eating flesh do breed : That Creatures life , by Creatures death may feed ! And after this , that Philosopher placeth the Souls immortality in its Transmigration , from one Creature to another , saying : Morte car●nt animae : semperque priore relict● Sede , ●ovis domibus vivunt habitantque receptae , Ipse ego ( nam memeni ) Trojani tempore belli Panthoides Euphorbus eram . — Souls are immortal , and when ere they leave Their former houses , new ones them receive . I' th Trojan War , ( I well remember ) I Was Panthos Son Euphorbus . — And a little after he thus speaks : Omnia mutantur , nihil interit , errat , & illinc Huc venit , hinc illuc , & ●u●slibe● occupat artus Spiritus eque feris humana in corpora transit , Inque fer as noster , nec tempore deperit ●llo . Utque novis facilis signatur cera figuris , Nec manet ut fuerat , nec formas servat easdem . Sed tamen ipsa eadem ●st ▪ animam sic semper ●andem Esse , sed in varias doceo migrare figuras . Ergo ne pietas sit victa cupidine ventris , P●rcite ( vaticinor ) cognatas c●de na●andâ Exturbare animas , ne sanguine sanguis alatur . Things are not lost , but chang'd , the Spirit strayes Hence thither , hither thence nor lodged stayes In any limbs : to humane bodies flies From beasts , from these to these , nor ever dies . And as new prints in easie wax we make , Which varying still several impressions take , Yet is it self the same : so the same Soul ( I teach ) doth into several fashions roul . Then let not piety by lust subdued , Suffer your hands in Parricide imbrued Dislodge the souls , or nourish bloud with bloud . Thus much from Ovid of that Pythagorian fancy , which that untaught people come up very near unto , thinking that all the Souls , both of men and women after they leave their bodies make their repose in other Creatures , and those Souls ( as they imagine ) are best lodged that go into Kine , which ( in their opinion ) are the best of all sensible Creatures ; & therefore ( as before ) they give yearly large sums of mony unto the Mogol to redeem them from slaughter . And this people further conceit , that the Souls of the wicked go in●o vile Creatures , as the Souls of Gluttons and Drunkards into Swin● . So the Souls of the voluptuous and incontinent into Monkies & Apes . Thus the Souls of the furious revengefull cruel people into Lions , Wolves , Tygres , as into other beasts of prey . So the Souls of the envious into Serpents , and so into other Creatures according to peoples qualities and dispositions , while they lived successively from one to another of the same kinde , ad infinitum for ever and ever , by consequence they believing the immortality of the world . And upon that same mad and groundlesse phansie , probably they further believe , that the Souls of froward , peevish , and teachy women go into Waspes ; and that there is never a silly Fly , but ( if they may be credited ) carries about it some Souls ( happily they think of light women ) and will not be perswaded out of their wilde conceivings , so incorrigib ●are their sottish errours . The day of rest which those Hindoos observe as a Sabboth is Thursday , as the Mahometans Friday . Many Festivals they have which they keep solemnely , and Pilgrimages , the most famous briefly spoken of before in those short descriptions of Nagraiot , and Syba observed in my first section . Now there are a race of other Heathens ( I named before ) living amongst those Hindoos , which in many things differ very much from them , they are called Persees , who ( as they say ) originally came out of Persia , about that time Mahomet and his followers gave Laws to the Persians , and imposed a new Religion on them , which these Persees not enduring left their Countrey , and came and setled themselves in East-India , in the Province of Guzarat , where the most part of them still continue ( though there are some of them likewise in other parts of India ) but where ever they live they confine themselves strictly to their own Tribe , or Sect. For their Habits , they are clad like the other people of that Empire , but they shave not their hair close as the other do , but suffer their bea●●s to grow long . Their profession is for the generality all kinds of husbandry , imploying themselves very much in sowing and setting of Herbs ; in planting and dressing of Vines , & Palmeeto , or Toddy , Trees , as in planting and husbanding all other Trees bearing fruit , and indeed they are a very industrious people , and so are very many of t 〈…〉 Hindoos ( as before observed ) and they do all very well in doing so , and in this a due , and deserved commendation belongs unto them . For , There is no condition whatsoever can priviledge a foulded arm . Our first Parents before their fall were put into the Garden of Eden to dress it . Certainly if idlenesse had been better than labour , they had never been commanded to do work but they must labour in their estate of innocency , because they were happy , and much more we in our sinfull lost estate that we may be so . It was a Law given before the Law , that man should eat bread by the sweat of his brows , and it is a Gospel-precept too that he , who will not work , should not eat . The sluggard desireth and hath nothing ( saith Solomon ) because he doth nothing but desire , and therefore his desires do him no good , because his hands refuse to labour . That body therefore well deserves to pine and starve without pity , when two able hands cannot feed one mouth . B●t further for those Persees they use their liberty in meats & drinks , to take of them what they please , but because they would not give offence , either to the Mahometans , or Banians , or to other Hindoos amongst whom they live , they abstain from eating Beef , or Swines flesh . It is their usual manner to eat alone , as for every one of them to drink in his own Cup , and this is a means ( as they think ) to keep themselves more pure , for if they should eat with others , they are afraid that they might participate of some uncleannesse by them . Alas poor Creatures that do not at all understand themselves , and their most miserable condition , for to them that are defiled , and unbelieving is nothing pure . Yet I observed before , the Mahometans and Gentiles there are very strict in this particular ; so that they will not eat with any mixt company , and many of the Gentiles not eat with one another . And this hath been an ancient custom among Heathens . It is said , Gen. 43. 32. that the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews , for that was an abomination to the Egyptians , for this very reason it was , that the women of Samaria spake thus unto our blessed Saviour , John 4. 9. how is it that thou being a Jew askest water of me , which am a woman of Samaria , for the Jews have no dealings with the Samaritanes . But without doubt that forbearance , or shy-ness to eat , one man with another can fetch no ground , either from religion , or reason , if it could , Peter would never have eaten with the Gentiles , Gal. 12. Nor our blessed Saviour with Publicans & sinners , at which the Scribes & Pharisees take very much exception , Marc. 2. 16. No man as a man is to be accounted common , or unclean , Act. 10. 28. and a man shall do much better , who eats and drinks with a sober Heathen , than to keep company with a debaucht drunken sensual man , though he call himself a Christian , eating and drinking with him such things as please him , by being his companion in his Riot and excesse . For those Persees , further they believe that there is but one God , who made all things , and hath a Soveraign power over all . They talk much of Lucifer , and of other evil Spirits , but they say , that those and all Devils besides are kept so under , and in awe by two good Angels , that have power over them , as that they cannot hurt or do the least mischief , without their leave , and licence . As many of the Hindoos ascribe to much unto water , ( as before ) so these to fire and the reason of it is this , because they have had this tradition from many ages & generations past , that their great Law-giver , whom they call Zertoost was rapt up into Heaven , and there had fire delivered unto him , which he brought down thence , and he ever after commanded his followers to worship it and so they do , and further they love any thing that resembles fire , as the Sun and Moon , and therefore when they pray in the day time they look towards the sun , and so towards the Moon in their night-devotions , and from that so over-high esteem they have of fire , they keep fires continually burning in their Eggarees , or Temples in Lamps fed with Oyl , which are alwayes attended by their Priests , and they talk of many of these which have burned without extinguishment from many foregoing generations . And by the way , that wilde and mad phansie of theirs , that their Zertoost did fetch fire from Heaven is as certainly true , as that ancient fiction and fable of Prometheus , that he did steal fire thence . But to proceed , their Priests they call Daroos , or Harboods above both which they have a Chief , or High Priest they call the Destoor , who not often appears openly , but when he doth , he meets with much reverence and respect given unto him by the common people , and so do those other Church-men which are his inferiours : unto all which they allow free maintenance for their more comfortable subsistance . Those Church-men by their Law are commanded to dwell near , and to abide much in their Eggar●●s , or Temples to give advice , or direction unto any that shall repair unto them for it . They observe divers Feasts , and immediately after , each of them a Fast follows . That living sensible Creature , which they first behold every morning ( that is good & serviceable ) is to them ( as they say ) a remembrancer all the day after , to draw up their thoughts in thanks-giving unto Almighty God ; who hath made such good Creatures for mans use and service . There are good things ( as I have been informed ) in that book of their Religion delivered them in precepts , which their Law-giver hath left unto them for the direction of their lives . As first , To have shame and fear ever present with them , which will restrain , and keep them from the committing of many evils . Secondly , when they undertake any thing , seriously to consider whither it be good , or bad , commanded , or forbidden them . Thirdly , To keep-their hearts and eyes from coveting any thing that is anothers , and their hands from hurting any . Fourthly , To have a care alwayes to speak the truth . Fifthly , To be known onely in their own businesses , and not to enquire into , and to busie themselves in other mens matters . All which are good moral precepts , but they have another which mars and spoils all the rest , and that is upon the greatest penalties they can be threatned withall . Sixthly ▪ Not to entertain , or believe any other Law besides that which was delivered unto them by their Law-giver . This people take but one wife , which hath liberty , as the wives of the Hindoos , to go abroad . They never resolve to take Wives , or Husbands without the advice of their Church-men , and when they come to be married , they stand some distance one from the other , there being two Church-men present on in the behalf of the Man , and in behalf of the Woman the other . The first of these asks the Woman whither , or no she will have that man to be her Husband , and the other asks the Man whither , or no , he will have that Woman to be his Wife , and they both consenting , the Priests bring them together and join their hands , praying that they may live in unity and love together , and then both those Church-men scatter Rice upon the married couple , intreating God to make them fruitfull in sending them many Sons and Daughters , that they may multiply as much as that seed doth in the ears that bear it . And so the Ceremony being thus performed , which is about the time of midnight , the whole company depart , leaving the married couple together . At the birth of every Childe , they immediately send for the Daroo , or Church-man , who comes to the parties house , and there being certainly enform'd of the exact time of the child-birth , first undertakes to calculate its Nativity ▪ and to speak something of it by way of prediction , after which he confers with the Parents about a name whereby it shall be called , which when they have agreed upon , the Mother , in the presence of the company there assembled , gives it that name . And now lastly , touching the Burials of that people , they incircle pieces of ground with a round Wall , that is of a good height , set apart for that purpose . These burying places stand remote from houses & roade wayes the ground within them is made smooth , or else paved on the bottom , in the middest whereof they have a round pit , made deep like a draw ▪ well : The bodies of their dead , both men , women , and children are carried to those places , upon a Beer made of slight round Iron bars ( for they will not have dead bodies touch any wood , least they should defile it , because that is fewel for their adored fire ) and thus brought thither are laid round about near the inside of that Wall upon the ground , or pavements . Covered with a thin white Cloath ; the Daroo , or Harboode accompanies the dead body near unto the door which enters that place ( alwayes kept fast shut , but when it is opened upon this occasion to let in their dead ) and come thither , speaks these words in the audience of all those which are thither assembled , That whereas the party deceased consisted of all the four Elements , he desires that every one of them may now take his part . And this is the form they use , when they there thus dispose of the bodies of their dead . Which being there so left in that open place , are presently laid bare by the Fouls of the Air , who in short time after pick all their flesh clear from their bones , by consequence their fleshly part having no other Sepulchres , Graves , or Tombs , but the Craws and Gorges of those ravenous Fouls . And when upon this occasion they enter that round stage of Mortality , the bare Skelitons they there finde , which have parted with all their flesh , are by those bearers of the dead cast into that deep round pit , where they mix promiscuously together , and so make room for other dead bodies . But now that my Reader may not ●onceive that I have endeavoured in some of these strange relations to write a new Romance , I would have him to think , that for my part I do believe that there is very much of truth in the particulars I have inserted , if there be any credit to be given to some men of much integrity that lived amongst them , who made it a great part of their businesse to be satisfied in many of the particulars here spoken of , or if I might trust mine own eyes and ears that saw and heard much of it , which could have enabled me to have written a great deal more concerning the Rites , Ceremonies , Customes , wilde conceivings ; and mad Idolatries of this people , as of the Hindoos spoken of before , if I durst have thrown away more time upon them ; all which would have made my judiciour Reader thus to have concluded with me , that those Mahometans and Heathens ground very many of their opinions upon custom , tradition and phansie not reason , much lesse upon safe rules that might lead them into and after keep them in the way of truth . They esteeming it a very great boldnesse , a very high presumption to be wiser in their Religion th●n their forefathers were ( as many of the more ignorant sort of Papists will often say , though it be directly against themselves ) and therefore are desirous to do , and to believe as their Ancestors have before them ; to fare as they have fared , and as they have sped to speed , though they perish everlastingly with them , never considering of , or ruminating on those things which they hold and maintain for truths , being like unto unclean Beasts , which chew not the Cudde . So much of that people in general : I come now more particularly to speak . SECT . XXII . Of their King the great Mogol , his discent , &c. NOw those Mahometans and Gentiles I have named , live under the subjection of the great Mogol , which Name , or rather Title ( if my information abuse me not ) signifies circumcised , as himself , and the Mahometans are ; and therefore for his most general title he is called the great Mogol , as the chief of the circumcised , or the chief of the circumcision . He is lineally descended from that most famous conqueror , called in our stories Tamberlane , concerning whose birth and original Histories much differ , and therefore I cannot determine it ; but in this , all that write of him agree , that he having got together very many huge multitudes of men , made very great conquests in the South-East parts of the World , not onely on Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks , but also in East-India , and elsewhere ; for what cannot force by multitudes do ? This Tamberlane in their stories is called Amir Timur , or the great Prince and Emperor Timur , who ( as they say ) towards his end , either by an hurt received in his thigh , or else by an unhappy fall from his Horse , which made him halt to his grave , was ever after that called Timur lang , or Timur the lame , from whence he is corruptly in our stories , named amberlane , the late Mogol , at whose Court we lived , was the ninth in a direct line , from that his great Ancestor . And now that my Reader may see the great Mogol in a Portrature ( which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the life ) I have caused that to be here inserted , which presents him in his dayly unvaried Habite , as he is bedeckt , and adorned with Jewels , he continually wears ; for the fashion of the Habite , in which he is here presented , it is for the fashion the Habite of that whole vast Empire ; so that he who strictly views this ; may see the dresse of the men throughout that whole great Monarchy . After this I have set up the Royal standard of the great Mogol , which is a Couchant Lyon shadowing part of the body of the Sun. And after that I have caused his Imperial Signet , or great Seal to be laid down before my Readers eyes , wherein nine rounds , or Circles , are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane , and his lineal successors in Persian words , which I shall make presently to speak English , and ( as I conceive ) no more in English , than what is fully expressed in those original words . The Royall Signet of the great MOGOL . For Timar-lang , or Tamberlane , he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second , King of England . And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs hath a Title , which speaks thus : 1. Amir , Timur , Saheb Ceran , that is the great Conqueror , or Emperor , Timur , or Tamberlane , Lord possessor of the Corners , or of the four Corners of the World. 2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha , the King and inheritor of Conquests , 〈◊〉 the inheritor of his Fathers Conquests . 3. The third his Son was called Mirzae , Sultan , Mahomeds , the Prince and Commander for Mahomet ; or the Desender of the Mahometan Religion , for this King ( as it should seem ) was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometisme , which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great enemy too , & therefore ever strongly opposed it . But this third Monarch of that line , and all his successors since have been Mahometans . 4. The fourth his son was called Sultan Abusaid , the Prince and Father , or fountain of Beneficence . 5. The fifth his son was called Mirzee Amir Sheick , the Imperial Princely Lord. 6. The sixth his son was called Baba Padsha , the King the Father , or the King , the Father of his Countrey . 7. The seventh his son was called Hamasaon Podsha , the King Invincible . 8. The eight his son was called Achabar Padsha , the great King , or Emperor that is most mighty ▪ or the King most mighty . 9. The ninth his son was called Almozaphar , Noor , Dein , Gehangeir , Padsha , Gaze , the most warlike and most victorious King , the Light of Religion , and the Conqueror of the World. Here are very high titles taken by Tamberlane and his successors , and the lower we go , the greater still they are , but the last of them swels biggest of all , calling himself amongst other phansies the Conqueror of the world , and so he conceits himself to be ; As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian , who believed that all the ships on the Sea were his own , and therefore he would call them , my ships , when ever he saw them floating on the waters ; and thus the great Magol imagines all the Kings , Nations , and people of the world to be his Slaves and Vassals . And therefore when the Grand Signiour , or great Turks sent an Ambassador to the great Mogol , who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue , and after when he was ready to take his leave , desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned ; tell thy Master said the Mogol that he is my slave , for my Ancestor Conquered him . The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit , that he is Conqueror of the world , and therefore ( I conceive that he was troubled upon a time , when my Lord-Ambassador , haveing businesse with him , and upon those terms ; there is no coming unto that King empty handed without some present , or other ( of which more afterward ) and having at that time nothing left , which he thought fit to give him , presented him with Mercators great book of Cosmography ( which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use ) telling the Mogol that that book described the four parts of the world , and all several Countreys in them contained , the Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it , desiring presently to see his own Territories , which were immediately shewen unto him , he asked where were those Countreys about them , he was told Tartaria , and Persia , as the names of the rest which confine with him , and then causing the book to be turn'd all over , and finding no more to fall to his share , but what he first ●aw , and he calling himself the Conqueror of the world , and having no greater share in it , seemed to be a little troubled , yet civily told the Ambassadour that neither himself , nor any of his people did understand the language in which that book was written , and because so , he further told him that he would not rob him of such a Jewel , and therefore returned it unto him again . And the truth is , that the great Mogol might very well bring his action against Mercator and others , who describe the world , but streighten him very much in their Maps , not allowing him to be Lord & Commander of those Provinces , which properly belong unto him . But it is true likewise that he , who hath the greatest share on the face of the earth , if it be compared with the whole world , appears not great . As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades that compared with the Glob of the whole earth , they did not appear bigger than a small tittle . The Mogols Territories are more apparent , large , and visible , as any one may take notice , who strictly views this affixed Map , wch is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions . So that although the Mogol be not master of the whole World , yet hath he a great share in it , if we consider his very large Territories , and his abundant riches , as will after more appear , whose wealth and strength makes him so potent , as that he is able , whensoever he pleaseth to make inroades upon , and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours , but I leave that , and come now to speak . SECT . XXIII . Of the Mogols policy in his government exercised by himself and substitutes , &c. ANd it is that indeed , which is the worst of ●ll governments , called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Arbitrary , illimited , Tyrannical , such as a most severe Master useth to Servants , not that which a good King administreth to Subjects . Which makes it very uncomfortable for those that live as subjects there , under the command of others , taller than themselves by their swords length , or so to be fixed in any part of the World. — Where no Laws resist The sword , but that it acteth what it lists . As in that Empire where the King measureth his power by his sword , or Launce in making his will , his guide , and therefore any thing lawfull that likes him ; which carriage of his might very well become that Embleme of ill●mited power , which is a sword waved by a strong arm and hand , and the word si● volo , sic jubeo , or thus will I have it ; and if any there be so far discontented as to make any the least question at what he doth , he hath a far stronger argument still in readinesse , than all the force of Logick can make , and that is very many thousands of men that are ●●ou● and able Souldiers , whom he keeps continually in arms , and pay , that can make any thing good , which he shall please to command . There are no Laws for Government kep● in that Empire upon record ( for ought I could ever learn ) to regulate Governours there in the administration of Justice , but what are written in the breast of that King and his Substitutes , and therefore they often take liberty to proceed how they please , in punishing the Offender rather than the offence , mens persons more than their Crimes , aegrotum potius , quam morbum . Yet ever they pretend to proceed in their wayes of judicature ( which is the right progresse in judgement ) secundum allegata & probata , by proofs and not by presumptions . The great Mogol will sit himself as Judge , in any matters of consequence that happen nere unto him . And there are no Malefactors that lye more than one night in prison , and many times not at all , for if the party offending be apprehended early in the day , he is immediately brought before him that must be his Judge , by whom he is presently either acquitted , or condemned ; if he be sentenced to be whipt , he hath his payment , and that ( usually with very much severity ) in the place ( often , ) where he received that sentence . If condemned to dye , he is presently ( which as I apprehend it is a very hard course , though used anciently among the Jews ) carried from his sentence to his execution , which is done usally in the Bazar , or Market-place . And this round and quick Justice keep , the people there in such order , and awe , as that there are not many executions . Murder and Theft they punish with death , & with what kinde of death the Judge pleaseth to impose , for some Malefactors are hang'd , some beheaded , some impaled , or put upon sharp stakes ( a death which hath much cruelty , and extream torture and torment in it , ) some are torn in places by wilde Beasts , some kill'd by Elephants ; and others stung to death by Snakes . Those which are brought to suffer death by Elephants ( some of which vast Creatures are train'd up to do execution on Malefactors ) are thus dealt withall . First if that overgrown Beast be commanded by his Rider to di●patch that poor , trembling Offender presently , who lies prostrate before him , he will with his broad round foot immediately presse him to death , but if that wretched Creature be condemn'd , it 〈…〉 mori , ut se mori sentiat , so to dye as that he may feel tortures , and torments in dying ( which are as so many several deaths . ) The Elephant will break his bones by degrees , ( as men are broken upon the wheel ) as first his Legs , then his Thighs , after that , the bones in both his Arms , this done , his wretched Spirit is left to breath its last out of the middest of those broken bones . But it is a very sad thing , and very much unbeseeming a man , as he is a man , to seem to take pleasure in executing of punishment , as those appear to do , who make it their businesse to study , and invent tortures to inflict on others . Thus those Monsters of men did ( in the primitive times of Christianity ) devise new torments ( for the exercise of the Faith , and patience of Christians ) which in their relations are extream hard and sad to read of , much more in their suffering of them were they to be endured . Yet almighty God did then so support his people in the middest of all those grievous extremities they were made to suffer , that their Tormentors were more troubled to invent , then they were to endure tortures , so that they overcame , while they were overcome , and were ( not more than men ) but mor● tha● Conquerors , over those , who seemed to conquer them . I cannot deny but that the strength of pride may carry men very far , the strength of del●sion much further , as we may observe from the examples of the ancient Stoicks , and since them from others , whose Frantick opinions have made so prodigal of their limbs and lives , as that they would seem very little to regard extreamity of tortures and sufferings , yea death it self . When one told Theodorus , ( Seneca the Philosopher reports the stories ) that he would hang him up alive in the Air , he answered thus , minitare istud purpuratis tuis , &c. threaten this to thy Carpet Knights , Theodoru● cares not whither his body rot in the Air , or in the Earth , and that when others were upon the Rack , they would cry , ô quam suave , &c. Oh what pleasure is there in racking . Now what pity wrought in others , pride and delusion wrought in these . The truth is , non p 〈…〉 a , sed ●ausa facit Martyr●m , it is not a mans suffering , but the reason of it , which made a Martyr , and therefore ( however others bear things ou● ) they , and they onely to whom it is given not onely to believe , but also to suffer , can behold their sufferings so with a clear eye of Faith , that though they be intolerable in themselves , and seem so to others , yet are they made easie to them . Ignatius came to the stake and kissed it , at which he was presently burnt . Others have inimbraced those flames which immediately af●●r ●●●n'd them into ashes , whence Tyrants & persecutors have often served , though much against their wills to build and enlarge the Church of Christ . As the persecution of Stephen served to spread the Doctrine of salvation , in the Countreys thereabouts , and to raise up a number of Churches , that happening to persecutors , which might happen to a man , who to put out a quick fire of burning Coals should scatter them all over his Chamber , and so set on fire his whole House . The Church of Christ hath ever gained in persecution what it hath lost in prosperity . Therefore those Christians in the primitive Church when they were tortured , would not except of deliverance , Heb. 11. 35. that is a●●●pt of it upon any sinfull terms , and in the 138. of the same Chapter , they received , or took possession of the promises which they had onely in hope a far off , and embraced them , as if they had had them in hand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they hug'd them , they kiss'd them as resting abundantly satisfied , with the hope and expectation of them . If in thi● life onely the people of God had hope , then were they of all m●n most miserable , for they are here as some chief & tender plants of another Countrey , who have much ado to live , and grow , whereas the wicked like weeds th●ive without watering . The Devil is called the Prince of the World , and therefore it would be very strange , if any of Gods people should finde very much content where Satan hath so much to do . Here in this World optimi pissim● agunt , the best usually fare worst & the righteous have most wrong . But it will not alwayes be thus , a time of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord , and then all tears shall be wiped from his peoples eyes , and all sadnesse shall be removed from their Spirits . Nec Malleus Tyrannorum , nec secur is p●rsecutionis , and ( as one of the ancients sweetly comforts ) when the Hammer of Tyranny cannot touch , nor the Ax of persecution hurt them , for they shall be out of the reach of all fears , troubles , annoyances which make their lives here , sometimes for the present seem bitter unto them . Without doubt the services of Gods people would be very ill rewarded , if they should continue here in this life still . But God ( who lends them to the world ) ●owes them a far better turn than the whole earth can pay them , and therefore when he sees good removes them hence , because it is for their preferment , in the mean time though the miseries of Gods people be great , their dayes are short . And although Almighty God do not say it vocally , yet secretly he speaks to all his people , as sometimes he did to Moses ; after he had done all the words , which he appointed him to do here ; he bids him go up to Mount Nebo , and dye there , Deut. 32. 50. go up and dye ; as if he had said , go up and eat . So Joseph before him , said unto his brethren , I dye , Gen. 50. 24. as if he had said , I eat , I drink , I sleep . It is neither news or strange for any dear servant of God to think of dying : because he knows that he shall part with nothing by death , but what is a burden to him , his sin : loose nothing by dying , but what he would fain be rid of , his corruption . Hence the ancient Fathers naming the death of the faithfull their birth , and the day of their Martyrdom the day of their Nativity , shewed what great satisfaction and content they had , in the thought and hope of the life to come . In the mean time they beheld their sufferings whatsoever they were so with the eye of Faith , ( as before ) that it made them easie to be endured , while they looked not at things which were seen , or did not much regard them , but at the things which were not seen : for the things they saw , or felt here , how bitter , or sharp soever they were , were temporal , transient , would have an end , but the things they saw not , but assuredly expected were eternal , where they should finde weight of glorie for lightnesse of affliction , 2 Cor. 4. 17 , 18. And therefore said the same Apostle , Rom. 8. 18. I reckon that the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared unto the glorie which shall be revealed . I reckon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it is a Metaphor , either taken from accountants that put many particulars into one entire summe ; or else from Logicians , who draw certain , or infallable conclusions from foregoing premises , Thus , I reckon , or I conclude when I compare profit and losse together , as what I shall certainly gain , and what I may happily loose by the profession of the Gospel ; when I have put all crosses and incumbrances in the one Scale , and the recompence of the reward in the other , it amounts all to this , that the eternal w●ight of the Crown doth exceedingly outweigh the momentary weight of the Crosse . Thus it is with all men , who in their greatest pressures can see further than earth , as that first Martyr , professing the Gospel , Stephen did , ( who died not upon a bed of Down , but under a shower of stones ) yet could out of that terrible and thick storm look ▪ into Heaven ; and so do others , who can behold whatsoever they feel with the eye of Faith , and this is like that Tree which Moses cast into the bitter waters of Marah , and it made them sweet , Exod. 15. But as for others I have named , and shall further name , to behold their sufferings and torments , onely with the eye of sense , it must needs make their tortures ( however they bear them out ) out of measure to torment . I have been told by some , who were eye-witnesses ( whom I dare credite , and therefore I dare relate it ) of strange kindes of death executed by the command of the King of Japan upon his subjects , where some are Crucified , or nailed to a Crosse : Others rather roasted , than burnt to death ; Thus , there is a stake set up , and a Circle of fire at a pretty distance , made round about it ; the condemned person being naked , is so fastned to that stake , as that he may move round about it , and so doth as long as he is able to stir , till his flesh begins to blister ; then he falls down , and there lyes roaring till the fire , made about him puts him to silen●e by taking away both his voice and life . Now they say that one great reason , why they put men there unto such exquisite torments , is , because they hold it a thing of the greatest dishonour there for any man to dye by the hand of an Executioner : therefore they are usually commanded , when they are sentenced to dye , to rip up , or cut open their own bellies , and those who will not so do are tormented in dying . Hence most of that people , when as they have received that hard command to prevent death , by dying ; call for their friends about them , eat , and seem to be merry with them , & then in the close of the meal , and in their presence , commit this sad slaughter upon themselves , as first those poor wretches make themselves naked to the middle , he , or they , who are to dye , then the most wretched self-murderer , who is to act that bloudy part , strikes a sharp Knife into the bottom of his belly , then rips himself up , and after gives himself one other cut cross his belly , and when he hath done both these , if after he can but wipe his bloudy knife upon a white paper , or Napkin that is laid by him , he is believed to part with his life with a very great deal of honour , and immediately ( as he is made to believe ) goes to Fakaman , whom they say is the God of War. So much power the Devil hath in those dark places of the World , to make the people there do what he please . Oh 't is a misery of all miseries here , to be a drudge , a bond-man , a slave to the Devil ! as those , and so infinite multitudes more professing Christ are , by obeying Satan in his most unreasonable commands , and yet will not be made sensible of that , their basest bondage . But to return again to the place frō whence I have made some excursion , when I was in India there was one sentenced by the Mogol himself , for killing his own father to dye thus ; first he commanded that this Paricide should be bound alive by his heels , fastned to a small iron Chain , which was tied to the hinde leg of a great Elephant , and then that this Elephant should drag him after him one whole remove of that King , from one place to another , which was about ten miles distant , that so all his flesh might be worne off his bones , and so it was , when we saw him in the way following that King in his progresse , for he appeared then to us a skeliton , rather than a body . There was another condemned to dye by the Mogol himself , ( while we were at Amadavar ) for killing his own Mother , and at this the King was much troubled to think of death ; suitable for so horrid a crime , but upon a little pause , he adjudged him to be stung to death by Snakes , which was accordingly done . I told you before that there are some Mountebanks there , which keep great Snakes to shew tricks with them ; one of those fellows was presently called for to bring his Snakes to do that execution , who came to the place where that wretched Creature was appoin●ed to dye , and found him there all naked ( except a little covering before ) and trembling . Then suddenly the Mountebank ( having first angred and provoked the venomous Creatures ) put one of them to his Thigh , which presently twin'd it self about that part , till it came near his Groin , and there bit him till bloud followed , the other was fastned to the outside of his other Thigh , twining about it , ( for those Snakes thus kept are , long and slender ) and there bit him likewise , notwithstanding , the wretch kept upon his feet nere a quarter of an hour , before which time the Snakes were taken from him ; But he complained exceedingly of a fire that with much torment had possessed all his Limbs , and his whole body began to swell exceedingly , like Nasidius , bit by a Lybian Serpent , called a Prester , of whom Mr. May in his Translation of Lucan , the ninth Book thus writes : His face and cheeks a sudden fire did rost ; His flesh and skin were stretch'd , his shape was lost . His swelling body is distended far , Past humane growth , and undistinguish'd are His limbs , all parts the poyson doth confound , And he lies hid in his own body drown'd . Now much after this manner did the stinging of those Snakes work upon that wretch , & about half an hour after they were taken from him , the Soul of that unnatural Monster left his growing Carkasse , and so went to its place . And certainly both those I last named so sentenced , and so executed , most justly deserved to be handled with all severity , for taking away the lives of those from whom they had receiv'd their own ▪ Some of our family did behold the execution done upon the later , who related all the passages of it , and for my part I might have seen it to , but that I had rather go a great way not to see , then one step to behold such a sight . After the example of that King , his Governours deputed and set over Provinces and Cities proceed in the course of Justice , to impose what punishment and death they please upon all offendors , and malefactors . That King never suffers any of his Vicegerents to tarry long in one place of Government , but removes them usually ( after they have exercised that power , which was given unto them in one place , for one year ) unto some other place of Government , remote from the former , wherein they exercise their power , and this that King doth , that those , which be his Substitutes , may not in any place grow Popular . I told them before that this people are very neat , shaving themselves so often , as that they feel the Rasor almost every day ; but when that King sends any of them unto any place of Government , or upon any other imployment , they cut not their hair at all , till they return again into his presence , as if they desired not to appear beautifull , or to give themselves any content in this while they live out of the Kings sight ; and therefore the King , as soon as he sees them , bids them cut their hair . When the Mogol by Letters sends his commands to any of his Governours , those papers are entertain'd with as much respect as if himself were present ; for the Governour having intelligence that such Letters are come near him , himself with other inferiour Officers ride forth to meet the Patamar , or messenger that brings them , and as soon as he sees those Letters ▪ he alights from his horse , falls down on the earth , and then takes them from the messenger and layes them on his head , whereon he binds them fast , and then returning to his place of publick meeting , for dispatch of businesses , he reads them , and answers their contents with all care and diligence . The King oft times in his own person and so his substitutes appointed Governours for Provinces and Cities , Judge in all matters Criminal that concern life and death . There are other Officers to assist them , which are called Cut-walls ( whose Office is like that of our Sheriffs in England ) and these have many substitutes under them , whose businesse it is to apprehend , and to bring before these Judges such as are to be tried for things Criminal , or Capital , where the Offender ( as before ) knows presently what will become of him . And those Officers wait likewise on other Judges there , which are called Cadees , who onely meddle with Contracts and Debts , and other businesses of this Nature 'twixt man and man. Now these Officers arrest Debtors , and bring them before those Judges , and their sureties too , bound as with us in Contracts confirmed ( as before ) under their hands and seals , and if they give not content unto those which complain of them , they will imprison their persons , where they shall finde and feel the weight of fetters ; nay , many times they will sell their persons , their Wives and Children into bondage , when they cannot satisfie their Debts ; And the custom of that Countrey bears with such hard and pitilies courses , such as was complain'd of by the poor widow unto the Prophet Elisha ; who when her husband was dead , and she not able to pay , the Creditor came and took her two sons to be bond men , 2 King. 4. 1. The Mogol looked to be presented with some thing , or other , when my Lord Ambassadour came to him , and if he saw him often empty handed , he was not welcom , and therefore the East-India Company were wont every year to send many particular things unto him , in the name of the King of England , that were given him at several times , especially then when the Ambassadour had any request unto him , which made a very fair way unto it . Amongst many other things , when my Lord Ambassadour first went thither , the Company sent the Mogol an English Coach , and Harnesse for four Horses , and an able Coach-man , to sute and mannage some of his excellent Horses , that they might be made fit for that service . The Coach they sent was lined within with Crimson China velvet , which when the Mogol took notice of , he told the Ambassadour that he wondred the King of England would trouble himself so much , as to send unto China for Velvet to Line a Coach for him , in regard that he had been informed , that the English King had much better Velvet near home , for such , or any other uses . And immediately after the Mogol caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces , and to have another made by it , for ( as before ) they are a people that will make any new thing by a pattern , and when his new Coach was made according to the pattern , his work-men first putting the English Coach together , did so with that they had new made , then pulling out all the China Velvet which was in the English Coach , there was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuffe , the ground silver , wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of silk , excellently well suited for their colours , and cut short like a Plush , and in stead of the brasse Nails that were first in it , there were Nails of silver put in their places . And the Coach , which his own work-men made was lined and seated likewise with a richer stuffe than the former , the ground of it Gold , mingled like the other with silk flowers , and the Nails silver and double guilt ; and after having Horses and Harnesse fitted for both his Coaches , He rode sometimes in them , and contracted with the English Coach-man to serve him , whom he made very fine , by rich vests he gave him , allowing him a very great Pension ; besides , he never carried him in any of those Coaches , but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least , which had raised the Coach-man unto a very great Estate , had not death prevented it , and that immediately after he was setled in that great service . The East-India Company sent other presents for that King , as excellent Pictures which pleased the Mogol very much , especialy if there were fair and beautifull Women portrayed in them . They sent likewise Swords , Rapiers , excellently well hatcht , and pieces of rich imbroidery to make sweet baggs , and rich Gloves , and handsome Looking glasses , & other things to give away , that they might have alwayes some things in readiness to present both to the King , and also to his Governours , where our Factories were setled , for all these were like those rulers of Israel mentioned , Hosea 4. 18. who would love to say with shame , give ye . They looked to be presented with something , when our Factors had any especial occasion to repair unto them , and if the particular thing they then presented did not like them well , they would desire to have it exchanged for something else , happily they having never heard of our good and modest proverb , that a man must not look into the mouth of a given Horse . And it is a very poor thing indeed which is freely given , and is not worth the taking . The Mogol sometimes by his Firmauns , or or Letters Patents , will grant some particular things unto single , or divers persons , and presently after will contradict those Grants by other Letters , excusing himself thus , that he is a great , and an absolute King , and therefore must not be tied unto any thing , which if he were , he said that he was a slave , and not a free man : Ye what he promised was usually enjoyed , although he would not be tied to a certain performance of his promise . Therefore there can be no dealing with this King upon very sure terms , who will say and unsay , promise and deny . Yet we English men did not at all suffer by that inconstancy of his , but there found a free Trade , a peaceable residence , and a very good esteem with that King and people ; and much the better ( as I conceive ) by reason of the prudence of my Lord Ambassadour , who was there ( in some sense ) like Joseph in the Court of Pharoah , for whose sake all his Nation there , seemed to fare the better . And we had a very easie way upon any grievance to repair to that King , as will appear now in my next Section which speaks . SECT . XXIV . Of him , shewing himself three times publickly unto his people every day , and in what state and glory he doth oftentimes appear . FIrst , early in the morning at that very time , the Sun begins to appear above the Horizon , He appears unto his people in a place very like unto one of our Balconies , made in his houses , or Pavilions for his morning appearance , directly opposite to the East , about seven , or eight foot high from the ground , against which time a very great number of his people ▪ especially of the greater sort , who desire as of●en as they can to appear in his eye , assemble there together to give him the Salam , or good morning , crying all out as soon as they see their King with a loud voice Padsha Salamet , which signifies , live ô Great King , or O great King , health and life , ( as all the people cried , 1 King. 1. 39. God save King Solomon : and thus they clapped their hands for joy when Jehoash was made King , crying , God save the King , or let the King live , 2 King 11. 12. ) At noon he shews himself in another place like the former , on the South-side , and a little before Sun-set , in a like place , on the West-side of his house , or Tent , but as soon as the Sun forsakes the Hemisphear , he leaves his people ushered in and out with Drums and Winde instruments , and the peoples acclamations . At both which times likewise very great numbers of his people assemble together to present themselves before him : And at any of these three times , he that hath a suite to the King or desires Justice at his hands , be he poor , or Rich , if he hold up a Petition to be seen , shall be heard and answered . And between seven and nine of the Clock at night , he sits within his House , or Tent , more privately in a spacious place , called his Goozalcan , or bathing house made bright , like day by abundance of lights , and here the King sits mounted upon a stately Throne , where his Nobles and such as are favoured by him stand about him , others finde admittance to , but by special leave from his Guard , who cause every one that enters that place to breath upon them , and if they imagine that any have drunk wine , they keep him out . At this time my Lord Ambassadour made his usual addresses to him , and ▪ I often waited on him thither , and it was a good time to do businesse with that King , who then was for the most part very pleasant , and full of talk unto those which were round about him , and so continued till he fell a sleep , ( oft times by drinking ) and then all assembled immediately quitted the place , besides those which were his trusted servants , who by turns watched his Person . The Mogol hath a most stately , rich and spacious house at Agrae , his Metropolis , or chief Citie , which is called his Palace Royal , wherein there are two Towers , or Turrets about ten foot square covered with massie God ( as ours are usualy with Lead ) this I had from Tom. Coriat , as from other English Merchants , who keep in a Factory at that place . And further they told me , that he hath a most glorious Throne within that his Palace , ascended by divers steps , which are covered with plate of silver , upon the top of which ascent stand four Lions upon pedestals ( of curiously coloured Marble ) which Lions are all made of Massie silver , some part of them guilded with Gold , and beset with precious stones . Those Lions support a Canopy of pure Gold , under which the Mogol sits , when as he appears in his greatest state and glory . For the beauty of that Court it consists not in gay and Gorgious apparel , for the Countrey is so hot , that they cannot endure any thing that is very warm , or massie , or rich about them . The Mogol himself for the most part is covered with a garment ( as before described ) made of pure , white , and fine Callico Laune , and so are his Nobles , which Garments are washed after one dayes wearing . But for the Mogol , though his cloathing be not rich and costly , yet I believe that there is never a Monarch in the whole world that is dayly adorned with so many Jewels as himself is . Now , they are Jewels which make mens covering most rich , such as people in other parts sometimes wear about them , that are otherwise most meanly habited , to which purpose I was long since told by a Gentleman of honour sent as a Companion to the old ▪ Earle of Nothingham , when he was imployed as an extraordinary Ambassadour by King James , to confirm the peace made 'twixt himself and the King of Spain , which Ambassadour had a very great many Gentlemen in his train , in as Rich cloathing as Velvets and Silks could make , but then there did appear many a great Don , or Grandee in the Spanish Court , in a long black bayes Cloak and Cassack , which had one Hatband of Diamonds , which was of more worth by far , than all the bravery of the Ambassadours many followers . But for the Mogol I wonder not at his many Jewels , he being ( as I conceive ) the greatest , and richest Master of precious stones that inhabites the whole earth . For Diamonds ( which of all other are accounted most precious stones ) they are found in Decan ( where the Rocks are , out of which they are digged ) the Princes whereof are the next Neighbours and Tributares to the great Mogol , and they pay him as Tribute many Diamonds yearly , and further , he hath the refusal of all those rich stones they sell , he having Gold and Silver in the greatest abundance , ( and that will purchase any thing but heaven ) and he will part with any mony for any Gems beside , that are precious and great , whither Rubies , or any other stones of value , as also for rich Pearls . And his Grandees follow him in that phansie , for one of his great Lords gave our Merchants there , twelve hundred pounds sterling for one Pearle , which was brought out of England . The Pearle was shaped like a Pare , very large , beautifull , and Orient , and so its price deserved it should be . Now the Mogol having such an abundance of Jewels , wears many of them dayly , enough to exceed those women , which Rome was wont to shew in their Starlike dresses , who in the height and prosperity of that Empire — Were said to wear The spoils of Nations in one ear . Or , Lollia Paulina , who was hid with Jewels . For the great Mogol , the Diamonds , and Rubies , and Pearls , which are very many , & dayly worn by him , are all of an extraordinary greatnesse , and consequently of an exceeding great value . And besides those he wears about his Shash , or head covering , he hath a long Chain of Jewels hanging about his Neck ( as long as an ordinary Gold Chain ) others about his wrists , and the Hilts of his Sword and Dagger are most curiously enriched with those precious Stones , besides others of very great value , which he wears in Rings on his fingers . Ventilat aestivum digitis sudantibus aurum , Nec sufferre queat majoris Pondera gemmae . Ju. Sat. 1. He airs his sweaty fingers with rings freight , And Jewels , as if burdened with their weight . The first of March the Mogol begins a royal Feast , like that which Ahasuerus made in the third year of his Reign , Esth . 1. wherein he shewed the riches of his glorious Kingdom . This feast the Mogol makes , is called the Nooroos , that signifies nine dayes , which time it continues , to usher in the new year , which begins with the Mahometans there , the tenth day of March. Against which Feast , the Nobles assemble themselves together at that Court in their greatest Pomp , presenting their King with great gifts , and he requiting them again with Princely rewards , at which time I being in his presence , beheld most immense and incredible riches , to my amazement , in Gold , Pearls , Precious stones , Jewels , and many other glittering vanities . This Feast is usually kept by the Mogol while he is in his Progresse , and lodges in ●ents . Whether his Diet at this time be greater than ordinary I know not , for he alwayes eats in private among his Women , where none but his own Family see him while he is eating ; which Family of his consists of his Wives and Children , and Women , and Eunuchs , and his boyes , and none but these abide and lodge in the Kings houses , or Tents , and therefore how his Table is spread , I could never know , but doubtlesse he hath of all those vanities that Empire affords , if he so please . His food ( they say ) is served in unto him in Vessels of Gold , which covered , and brought unto him by his Eunuchs , after it is proved by his Tasters he eats , not at any set times of the day , but he hath provision ready at all times , and calls for it when he is hungry , and never but then . The first of September ( which was the late Mogols birth day ) he retaining an ancient yearly Custom , was in the presence of his chief Grandies weighed in a Balance , the Ceremony performed within his House , or Tent , in a fair spacious Room , whereinto none were admitmitted but by special leave . The Scales in which he was thus weighed were plated with Gold , and so the beam on which they hung , by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal , the King sitting in one of them was weighed first against silver Coin , which immediately after was distributed among the poor , then was he weighed against Gold , after that against Jewels ( as they say ) but I observed ( being present there with my Lord Ambassadour ) that he was weighed against three several things , laid in silken Bags on the contrary Scale , when I saw him in the Balance I thought on Belshazzar , who was found to light , Dan. 5. 27. By his weight ( of which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account ) they presume to guesse of the present estate of his body , of which they speak flatteringly , however they think it to be . When the Mogol is thus weighed , he casts about among the standers by thin pieces of silver & some of Gold , made like flowers of that Countrey , and some of them are made like Cloves , and some like Nutmegs , but very thin and hollow . Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine ( as that of Ahasuerus is called ) Esth . 1. 7. ) who pledge his health , at which solemnity he drank to my Lord Ambassadour , in a Cup of Gold most curiously enameled , and set all over the outside with stones ( which were small Rubies , Turkesses , and Emeralds ) with a Cover , or Plate to set it in , both of pure Gold , the brims of which plate , and the cover were enameled , and set with stones as the other , and all these together weighed twenty & four ounces of our English weight , , which he then gave unto my Lord Ambassadour , whom he ever used with very much respect , and would moreover often ask him why he did not desire some good , and great gifts at his hands , he being a great King , and able to give it , the Ambassadour would reply , that he came not thither to beg any thing of him , all that he desired was that his Countrey-men the English might have a free and safe and peaceable trade in his Dominions , the Mogol would answer that he was bound in honour to afford them that , we coming from the furthermost parts of the world to trade there , and would often bid the Ambassadour to ask something for himself , who to this would answer , that if that King knew not better to give , then he knew to ask , he must have nothing from him , upon these terms they continually both stood , so that in conclusion the Ambassadour had no gift from him , but that before mentioned , besides an horse , or two , and sometimes a Vest , or upper Garment made of slight Cloath of Gold , which the Mogol would first put upon his own back , and then give it to the Ambassadour . But the Mogol ( if he had so pleased ) might have bestowed on him some great Princely gift , and found no greater misse of it , than there would be of a Glasse of water taken out of a great Fountain ; yet although the Mogol had such infinite Treasures , yet he could finde room to store up more still , the desires of a covetous heart being so unsatiable , as that it never knows when it hath enough , being like a bottomlesse purse that can never be fill'd , for the more it hath , the more still it covets . See an image hereof in Alcmaeon , who being will'd by Craesus to go into his Treasure house , and there take as much Gold as himself could carry away , provided for that purpose a long Garment that was double down to his ankles , and great bootes , and fill'd them both ; nay , he stuffed his mouth , and tied wedges of Gold to the locks of his head , and doubtlesse , but for killing himself , he would have fill'd his skull & bowels therewith . Here was an heart set upon Gold , and Gold over-lading an heart , for the Man stowing so much about him , as that he could not stir with it , forfeited what he might have had , and was turned out of the Treasury , as poor and empty as he came into it . He is a rich man whatever he hath ( be it more , or lesse ) that is contented . He is a poor man , who still wants more , in becoming poor by plenty , wanting what he hath , as well , as much , as what he hath not , and so do very many , who are the greatest engrossers of the worlds wealth . But certainly there is no heart more poor and barren than that which is set upon abundance , and as a the ground wherein there are Mines of Gold and Silver , and the most precious Stones is most barren ; so the hearts of such as are most violently carried on after the desire of these things are most barren likewise . Therfore almighty God in wisdom hath laid up Treasures in the bowels of the earth secretly , and basely , secretly that they should not be to much sought after , and basely , that they should not be too much desired nor valued . Hence the Prophet Habak . 2 6. speaks thus to covetous men , woe be to him that lades himself with thick clay , how long ? where riches are compared to thick clay , because they are but the very self-same earth we tread on , better hardened and coloured ; and because they are many times a burden unto him that hath them , how long ? saith the Prophet is there no end of encreasing ? how long ? hath the Sea bars and bounds . and the desires of man in this case without all moderation ? how long ? can any ever hope to fill and satisfie their hearts with this ? let them know that the barren womb , and the unmercifull grave , and unsatiable death will sooner be satisfied , than the hearts set upon riches find satisfaction from them , for he that loveth silver shall not be satisfied with silver , Eccles . 5. 10. and therefore they who can come up to a right understanding of themselves in this case , will have a far greater cause to fear , than to desire abundance . Which that great Emperour hath , yet still would have more . This covetousnesse carries men very far ; and ambition ( which is a refin'd , or rather an heightned covetousnesse ) still further . I have observed much of the Riches , and Pomp , and Greatnesse , and Glory of the great Mogol , So in the book of Esth . Chap. 1. we may read of the goodly Tabernacle of King Ahasuerus , in the Garden of his Palace , where were white , green , and blue hangings , fastned with Coards of fine linnen , and purple , and silver rings , and pillars of Marble ! the Beds were of Gold and Silver , upon a Pavement of Porphyre and Alabaster , and Stone of blue-colour ; and he gave those ( whom he there feasted ) drink in changes of vessels of Gold , & royal wine in abundance , according to the state of the King. We may further read there of his hundred and seven and twenty Provinces , and his Princes , and Captains thereof , his Throne and his Palace at Shushan , &c. So of the Treasures of Hezekiah , Esa . 39. his Silver and Gold , his spices and precious Oyntments , and Armory , and all the store of his house , which he and his Fathers had laid up , &c. So of Belshazzar his thousand Princes , Wives and Concubines , Dan. 5. O what shadows do these hundreds and thousands cast over the heads of men , to give comfort unto them for the present , and to make them say under these coverts will we sit and be at rest , and forget , that some sudden messenger from the Lord , either sicknesse , or death , or the like can presently deprive them of all their present enjoyments and comforts . But the Mogol takes a course to put the remembrance of death as far from him , as possibly he can , and therefore there is no man that at any time wears any blue thing in that Kings presence , which is there the colour of mourners , neither is the name of death at any time mentioned in that Kings ears , but when any one is dead , of whom his Majesty must have intelligence , the message is delivered unto him in milde , soft , flattering terms to this purpose , such , or such a one hath made himself a Sacrifice at your Majesties feet . ô Mors quam acerba est memoria tua homini Pacem habenti in Possessionibus suis . O death , how bitter are thy thoughts to one Who ●ase enjoyes in his possession ! No losse he deemes so great , as losse of breath , Death 't is to such a one , to think of death . Certainly if death , when it comes to strike would take money & be gone , it would in short time engross the wealth of the whole world , but it will not , for no wit , nor wisdom , nor wealth , nor policy , nor strength , nor any thing beside can keep off the impartial wounding hand of death . That mighty Prince ( we speak off ) who did all he could to stave off the thought of dying , and since dead , though while he lived he denied himself nothing that might please his corrupted nature , not high & richly compounded wines , not strange flesh , nor any thing beside that might for the present give some seeming content to his brutish sensual appetite , ut ipsum voluptas potius quam ipse voluptatem , &c. that pleasures did possesse him , rather than he pleasures ; which will further appear if we consider more . SECT . XXV . Of his pastimes at home and abroad , and where something of his quality , and disposition . NOw what he doth , and how he behaves himself amongst his house-full of Wives and Women cannot be known , and therefore not related ; but when he shews himself ( as before ) thrice openly to his people , every day he had alwayes something ▪ or other presented before him to make him sport , and to give him present content . As sometimes he delighted himself in seeing Horses ridden , the Natives there ( as before ) being very excellent in their well managing of them . Sometimes he saw his great Elephants fight . And at other times he pleased himself in seeing wrestling or dauncing , or jugling , and what else he liked . And it happened that ( but a few years before our abode there ) a Juggler of Bengala ( a Kingdom famous for Witches , and men of that profession ) brought an Ape before the King ( who was ever greedy to please himself with Novelties ) professing that he would do many strange feats , the Mogol was ready presently to make a trial of this , and forthwith called some boyes about him ( which he was conceived to keep for such a use as I dare not name , ) & plucking a Ring from his finger gave it one of them to hide , that he might make a trial whither , or no the Ape could finde it out ; who presently went to the boy that had it . The Mogol made some further trials like this , where the Ape did his part as before . And before the Ape was taken out of his presence , this strange , following , and unexpected thing came into the Kings thought . There are ( said he ) many disputes in the World about that true Prophet which should come into the World. We said the Mogol are for Mahomet . The Persians magnifie Mortis Hale ( but they are Mahometans for Religion likewise . ) The Hindoos , or Heathens there , have many whom they highly extol & magnifie , as Bremaw , and Bramon , and Ram , and Permissar ; The Parsees are for Zerto●st , the Jews for Moses , the Christians for Christ , and he added three more whose names I have not , who make up the number of twelve , who have all their several followers in that part of the World , and then he caused those twelve Names to be written in twelve several Scrolls , and put together , to see if the Ape could draw out the Name of the true Prophet , this done the Ape put his paw amongst them , and pull'd forth the Name of Christ . The Mogol a second time , caused those twelve Names to be written again in twelve other Scrolls , and Characters , and put together , when the Ape as before pull'd forth the name of Christ . Then Mahobet-Chan , a great Noble man of that Court , and in high favour with the King , said , that it was some imposture of the Christians ( though there were none that did bear that name there present ) and desired that he might make a third trial , which granted , he put but eleven of those names together , reserving the name of Christ in his hand ; the Ape searching as before , pull'd forth his paw empty , and so twice , or thrice together , the King demanding a reason for this , was answered , that happily the thing he looked for was not there , he was bid to search for it , and then putting out those eleven names one after the other , in a seeming indignation rent them , then running to Mahobet-Chan caught him by the hand where the Name of Christ was concealed , which delivered , he opened the Scrolle , and so held it up to the King , but did not tear it as the former , upon which the Mogol took the Ape , and gave his Keeper a good Pension for to keep him near about him , calling him the Divining Ape , and this was all that followed upon this admirable thing , except the great wonder and amazement of that people . There was one some years since wrote this story ( but somewhat varied from that I have here related ) in a little printed Pamphlet , and told his Reader that I had often seen that Ape while I lived in those parts , which particular he should have left out ; but for the Relation it self , I believe it was so , because it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons , who knew not one another , and were differing in Religion , yet all agreed in the story , and in all the circumstances thereof . This I am sure of that Almighty God , who can do what he will do ( for all things are so far from being impossible to him , that nothing is hard ) can do wonderfull things by the weakest means , that the weaker the instruments are , the more glory moy be ascribed unto him while he acts by them . In the sacred storie Pharoah had no sooner asked , who is the Lord ? Ex. 5. but presently some of the weakest of the Creatures rise up , and appear ( as it were in Arms ) to tell him , who the Lord was ; so that he who formerly thought that there was no power , either in heaven , or earth , to master , or contradict him , is presently confuted , and conquered by Frogs , and Flies , and Lice , and Caterpillars , by those poor , infirm , silly , and most despicable Creatures , who when they had entred the lists , would not give proud Pharoah over , till they had humbled him , and magnified their maker , virtus Dei in infirmitate . Balaams Asse had more discovered unto him than unto his Rider , and so had this Ape ( as it should seem ) more , than to his beholders , or to his keeper . Now for the disposition of that King , it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extreams , for sometimes he was barbarously cruel , and at other times he would seem to be exceeding fair , and gentle . For his cruelties , he put one of his women to a miserable death , one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall , but now she was superannuated , for neither himself nor Nobles ( as they say ) come near their wives , or women , after they exceed the age of thirty years , though they keep them , and allow them some maintenance . The fault of that woman , this the Mogol upon a time found her , and one of his Eunuchs kissing one another , and for this very thing the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth , and that her body should be put into that hole , where she should stand with her head onely above ground , and the earth to be put in again unto her close , round about her , that so she might stand in the parching Sun , till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her , in which torment she lived one whole day , and the night following , and almost till the next noon , crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language , as the Shunamites Childe did in his 2 King. 4. Ah my head , my head ! which horrid execution , or rather murder was acted near our house , where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive , and there in her sight cut all into pieces . That great King would be often overcome by Wine , yet ( as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself ) would punish others with very much severity , who were thus distempered . I have long since heard a story which is somewhat pararel to this , that in former times when this land , in which we live , did not so much stink of that beastly sin of drunkennesse , which robs a man of himself , and leaves a beast in the skin of a man , I say , when drunkennesse in England was not so common : There was a Justice of Peace in this Nation ( and I believe that the story is very true ) which laid a poor Butoher by the heels for presuming to be drunk , telling him that he was but a poor beggerly fellow , and he presume to be drunk , and therefore he would punish him , saying further , that it was enough for his eldest Son so to be , &c. but this by the way . Sometimes for little , or no faults , the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whip't , till they were almost ready to dye under the rod , which after they must kisse in thankfulnesse . He caused one of his servants of the higher ranke , to be very much whipt for breaking a China Cup he was commanded to keep safe , and then sent him into China , ( which is a marvelous distance from thence ) to buy another . Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemne men to servitude , or dismember , or else put them to death , as sacrifices to his will and passion , not Justice . So that it might be said of him quando male nemo pejus , that when he did wickedly none could do worse , as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before , who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum , dirt soaked in bloud . For his good actions he did relieve continually many poor people ; and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother , then living , so that he who esteemed the whole World as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders , and in this he did exceedingly differ from that most unnatural and cruel Nero , who most barbarously killed his own Mother Agrippina , causing ( as they write ) that Bed , in which he was conceived , and from whence born , and wherein he took up his first lodging to be ript up and spoiled . The Mogol would often visite the cells of those he esteemed religious men , whose persons he esteemed sacred , as if they had been Demi-gods . And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ , but his Parentage , his poverty , and his crosse did so confound his thoughts , that he knew not what to think of them . ( As Bernard complained of some in his time , that they took offence at the clowts and rags of our blessed Saviour , at the humility and meannesse of his birth ) believing that it could not stand with the Majesty of the Son of God to appear in the World , in such meannesse as he did ; though he had been told that Christ Jesus came into the World in that low condition that he might beat down the pride thereof . And that at his first coming he came for sinners , and then he came in great humility but at his second coming he shall come against sinners , and then will he appear in power , & great glory . Lastly , the Mogol is very free and noble unto all those which fall into , and abide in his affection , which brings me now to speak . SECT . XXVI . Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects , how they are raised , and how long they are continued , &c. WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy , makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men . Now for those Pensions , which are so exceeding great , the Mogol in his far extended Monarchy allowes yearly pay for one Million of horse , and for every horse and man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum , which is exactly paid every year , raised from Land , and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose . Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse ; and there are others ( at the least twenty in his Empire ) which have the pay of 5000. horse , exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World , they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man. Now others have the pay of four thousand horse ; others of three , or two , or one thousand horse , and so downward , and these by their proportions , are appointed to have horses alwayes in readinesse well mann'd and otherwise appointed for the Kings service , so that he who hath the pay of five , or six thousand , must alwayes have one thousand in readinesse , or more , according to the Kings need of them , and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number , at the least of two hundred thousand horse , of which number , they have alwayes at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is . There are very many private men in Cities and Towns , who are Merchants , or Tradesmen that are very rich , but it is not safe for them that are so , so to appear , least that they should be used as fill'd sponges . But there is never a Subject in that Empire , who hath Land of inheritance , which he may call his own , but they are all Tenants at the will of their King , having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour , which is by far more easily lost than gotten ; It is true that the King advanceth many there , unto many great honours , and allows them as before , marvelous great revenues , but no Son there enjoyes either the Titles , or means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King , for the King takes possession of all when they are dead , appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence , which they shall not exceed , if they fall not into the Kings affection as their Fathers did , wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means , and therefore have a very numerous train , a very great retinue to attend upon them , which makes them to appear like Princes , rather than subjects . Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection , as that they will yield with readinesse unto any of his unreasonable and wilfull commands . As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio , nullu● est horum , qui non conscensâ turri semet in mare praecipitaturus , si jussero , that there was never a one in his Army , by his own report , that would not for a word of his mouth , have gone up into a Tower , and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea , and thus the people here will do thing the King commands them to do ; so that if he bid the Fa●her to lay hands of violence upon his Son , or the Son upon his Father , they will do it , rather than the will of their King should be disobeyed . Thus forgetting Nature , rather than Subjection . And this tye of theirs ( I say ) upon the Kings favour makes all his Subjects most servile flatterers , for they will commend any of his actions , though they be nothing but cru●lty , so any of his speeches , though nothing but folly . And when the King sits and speaks to any of his people publickly , there is not a word falls from him that is not written by some Scr●veners , or Scribes that stand round about him . In the year 1618. when we lived at that Court , there appeared at once in the Moneth of November in their Hemisphear two great Blazing-stars , the one of them , North , the other South , which unusual sight appeared there for the space of one Moneth . One of those strange Comets in the North , appeared like a long blazing Torch , or Launce fired at the upper end , the other in the South , was round like a pot boyling out fire . The Mogol consulted with his flattering Astrologers , who spake of these Comets unto the King , as Daniel sometimes did of Nebuchadnezzars dream , Dan. 4. 19. My Lord , the dream is to them that hate thee , and the interpretation thereof unto thine Enemies . For his Astrologers told him that he needed not trouble himself with the thought thereof , for it concerned other places and people , not him nor his . But not long after this , their season of Rain , ( before spoken of ) which was never known to fail till then , failed them , and this caused such a famine and mortality in the South parts of his Empire , that it did very much unpeople it , and in the Northern part thereof ( whether the Mogol then repaired ) his third Son Sultan Caroom raised , and kept together very great forces , and stood upon his guard , and would not disband , till his Father had delivered his eldest Son Sultan Coobseroo into his hands , and how , when he had him in his power he used him , you shall after hear . In the mean time , take one admirable example of a very grosse flatterer , but a great favourite of that King , who was noted above others of that Nation to be a great neglecter of God , believing it Religion enough to please the Mogol his Master . This man was a Souldier of an approved valour : But upon a time he sitting in dalliance with one of his Women , she pluckt an hair from his breast ( which grew about his Nipple ) in wantonnesse , without the least thought of doing him hurt . But the little wound , that small , and unparalel'd instrument of death made , presently began to fester , and in short time after became a Canker incureable ; in fine , when he saw that he must needs dye , he uttered these words , which are worth the remembring of all that shall ever hear them , saying : VVho would not have thought but that I , who have been so long bred a Souldier , should have dyed in the face of mine Enemy , either by a sword , or a Launce , or an Arrow , or a Bullet , or by some such instrument of death : But now ( though too late ) I am forc'd to confesse that there is a great God above , whose Majesty I have ever despised , that needs no bigger Launce than an hair to kill an Atheist , or a despiser of his Majesty , and so , desiring that those his last words might be told unto the King his Master , died . Till sin into the world had made a breach , Death was not heard of : ever since in each Poor creature may it , doth it couchant lye , The kernel of a Grape kills one ; a fly Another choaks ; by a c●rrupted breath Of air one dies ; and others have found death In a small bit of meat ; or by a Corn Too closely cut , or by a prick of Thorn. When death comes arm'd with Gods imperial word , An hair can pierce as deep as sharpest sword . The Mogol never advanceth any , but he gives him a new name , and these of some pretty signification ; as Pharoah did unto Joseph , when he made him great in his Court , Gen. 41. 45. the new names ( I say ) that the Mogol gives unto those he advanceth and favours are significant . As Asaph Chan , the gathering or rich Lord , whose sister the Mogol married , and she was his most beloved wife , and her brothers marvelous great riches , answered his name , for he died worth many Millions ( as I have been credibly informed ) the greatest subject ( I believe ) for wealth that ever the world had : so another of the Mogols Grandees was called Mahobet-Chan , the beloved Lord. Another Chan-Jahan , the Lord of my heart . Another Chan-Allaam , the Lord of the world . Another Chan-Channa , the Lord of Lords . He called his chief Physician Mocrob-Chan the Lord of my health ; and many other names like these his Grandees had , which at my being there belonged to his most numerous Court. And further for their Titles of honour there , all the Kings Children are called Sultans , or Princes ; his daughters Sultanaus , or Princesses , the next title is Nabob equivalent to a Duke , the next Channa , a double Lord , or Earle . The next Chan , a Lord. So Meirsa signifies a Knight that hath been a General , or Commander in the Wars . Umbra , a Captain ; Haddee , a Cavalier , or Souldier on horse-back , who have all allowed them means by the King ( as before ) proportionable for the supports of their Honours , and Titles , and Names . His Officers of State are his Treasurers , which receive his revenues in his several Provinces , and take care for the payment of his great Pensions , which , when they are due , are paid without any delay : There his chief Eunuchs ( which command the rest of them ) take care for the ordering of his house , and are Stewards and Controulers of it ; his Secretaries , the Masters of his Elephants ; and the Masters of his Tents are other of his great Officers , and so are the keepers of his Ward-robe , who are entrusted with his Plate and Jewels . To these I may add those which take care of his Customs for goods brought into his Empire , as for commodities carried thence . But these are not many , because his Sea-ports are but few . The Customs payd in his Ports are not high , that strangers of all Nations may have the greater encouragement to Trade there with him , but as he expects money from all strangers that Trade there : So it is a fault he will not pardon ( as before ) for any to carry any quantity of silver thence . He hath other Officers that spread over his Empire , to exact monies out of all the labours of that people who make the curious manufactures . So that like a great Tree he receives nourishment from every , even the least Roots that grow under his shadow , and therefore though his Pensions are exceeding great ( as before ) they are nothing comparable to his enuch greater revenues . By reason of that Countries immoderate heat , our English Cloath is not fit to make Habits for that people , that of it which is sold there , is most of it for colour Red , & this they imploy for the most part to make coverings for their Elephants and Horses , & to cover their Coaches , the King himself taking a very great part thereof , whose payments are very good , onely the Merchant must get the hands of some of his chief Officers to his bill , appointed for such dispatches , which are obtained as soon as desired . And this the King doth to prevent the abuses of particular , and single persons . And now that I may present my Reader with the further glory of this great King , I shall lead him where he may take a view . SECT . XXVII . Of the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal , &c. WHich indeed is very glorious , as all must confesse , who have seen the infinite number of Tents , or Pavilions there pitched together which in a plain make a shew equal to a most spacious and glorious Citie . These Tents I say , when they are altogether , cover such a great quantity of ground , that I believe it is five English miles at the least , from one side of them to the other , very beautifull to behold from some Hill , where they may be all seen at once . They write of Zerxes , that when from such a place he took a view of his very numerous Army , consisting at the least of three hundred thousand men , he wept , saying , that in less than the compasse of one hundred years , not one of that great mighty Host would be alive . And to see such company then together of all sorts of people ( and I shall give a good reason presently why I believe that mixt company of men , women , and children may make up such an huge number , as before I named , if not exceed it ) and to consider that death will seize upon them all , within such a space of time , and that the second death hath such a power over them , is a thing of more sad consideration . Now to make it appear that the number of people of all sorts is so exceeding great , which here get , and keep together in the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal ; first there are one hundred thousand Souldiers , which alwayes wait about that King ( as before observed ) and all his Grandees have a very great train of followers and servants to attend them there , and so have all other men according to their several qualities , and all these carry their Wives and Children , and whole family with them , which must needs amount to a very exceeding great number . And further to demonstrate this , when that King removes from one place to another , for the space of twelve hours , a broad passage is continually fill'd with passengers , and Elephants , and Horses , and Dromedaries , and Camels , and Coaches , and Asses , and Oxen , ( on which the meaner sort of men and women with their little Children , ride ) so full as they may well passe one by the other . Now in such a broad passage , and in such a long time , a very great number of people , the company continually moving on forward , may passe . Thus this people moving on from place to place , it may be said of them , what Salvian speaks of Israel , while they were in their journey to the land of promise , that it was Ambulans respublica , a walking Common-wealth . And therefore that ancient people of God were called Hebrews , which signified passengers , and their dwelling so in Tents , signified thus much to all the people of God in all succeeding ages , that here they dwell in moveable habitations , having no continuing City here , but they must look for one , and that is above . It is observed of Cain , that he ( a wicked man ) was a tiller of the ground , ( though that calling of it self deserves much commendation ) or as a man fastned to the earth , whereas Abel his brother ( a man fearing God ) was a Shepheard , which is a moving , rouling occupation , from one place to another , thou tellest my flittings , saith David , Here we often shift our places , and our company , and must do so , our businesses carrying us up and down , to and fro , but our felicity hereafter shall consist in rest , in not changing for ever after , either our company , or place , but when the Godly man shall accomplish , as an hireling his day , when his work , which God hath appointed him here to do , is done and finished , he shall lye down in peace , and receive his penny , and enjoy his reward . The Tents pitch'd in that Leskar , or Camp Royal are for the most part white , like the cloathing of those which own them . But the Mogols Tents are red , reared up upon Poles , higher by much than the other . They are placed in the middest of the Camp , where they take up a very large compasse of ground , and may be seen every way , and they must needs be very great to afford room in them , for himself , his wives , children , women , Eunuchs , &c. In the sore-front , or outward part , or Court within his Tent , there is a very large room for accesse to him , 'twixt seven and nine of the Clock at night , which ( as before ) is called his Goozulcad . His Tents are encompassed round with Canats , which are like our Screenes to fold up together ; those Canats are about ten foot high , made of narrow strong Callico , and lined with the same , stiffened at every breadth with a Cane , but they are strongest lined on their outside by a very great company of arm'd Souldiers , that keep close about them night and day . The Tents of his great men are likewise large , placed round about his . All of them throughout the whole Leskar reared up in such a due and constant order , that when we remove from place to place , we can go as directly to those moveable dwellings , as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations , taking our direction from several streets and Bazars , or Market places , every one pitched upon every remove alike , upon such , or such a side of the Kings Tents , as if they had not been at all removed . The Mogol ( which I should have observed before ) hath so much wealth , and consequently so much power , by reason of his marvelous great multitudes of fighting men ; which he alwayes keeps in Arms , commanding at all times as many of them as he please , that as the Moabites truely said of Israel , ( while they had Almighty God fighting with them , and for them ) so it may be said of him ( if God restrain him not ) that his huge Companies are able to lick up all that are round about him , as the Oxe licketh up the grasse of the field , Numb . 22. 4. When that mighty King , removes from one place to another , he causeth Drums to be beat about midnight , which is a signal token of his removing . He r●moves not far at one time ; sometimes ten miles , but usually a lesse distance , according to the best convenience he may have for water , there being such an infinite Company of men , and other Creatures , whose drink is water , that in a little time it may be as truely said of them , as it was of that mighty host of Sennacherib that Assyrian Monarch , Es . 37. 25. that they are able to drink up Rivers . But when the place he removed to afforded plenty of good water , he would usually stay there three , or four dayes , or more , and when he thus rested in his Progresse , would go abroad to finde out pastimes , to which end he alwayes carried with him divers kindes of Halkes , and Dogs , and Leopards , which ( as before ) they train up to hunt withall , and being thus provided for variety of sports , would fly at any thing in the Air , or seize on any Creature he desired to take on the Earth . The Mogol , when he was at Mandoa ( which was invironed with great Woods as before was observed ) sometimes with some of his Grandees , and a very great company beside of Persian and Tartarian hors-men , his Souldiers ( which are stout daring men ) would attempt to take some young wilde Elephants found in these Woods , which he took in strong toyls made for that purpose , which taken , were ma 〈…〉 ' d , and made fit for his serv 〈…〉 In which hunting they likewise pursued on horse-back Lions , and other wilde beasts , and kill'd some of them with their Bowes , and Carbanes , and Launces . An Heroick pastime , or rather an high and dangerous attempt becoming great personages , who , if their honour and greatnesse balance , will not be taken up with small things , Imperia dura toll● , quid virtus erit , things difficult in their doing make them more honourable when done , Aquila non capit Muscas , Gnats and Flies are not pursued by Eagles . In Tauros Lybici r●unt Leones , Non sunt Papilionibus molesti . Hor. Thus on chac'd Bulls the Lybian Lion hies , But troubles ▪ not the painted Butter-flies . I waiting upon my Lord Ambassadour two years , and part of a third & traveling with him in Progresse with that King , in the most temperate moneths there , 'twixt September & April , were in one of our Progresses 'twixt Mandoa and Amadavaz nineteen dayes , ( making but short journeys in a Wildernesse , where ( by a very great company sent before us , to make those passages and places fit to receive us ) a way was cut out and made even , broad enough for our convenient passage , and in the places where we pitche 〈…〉 ●ur Tents , a great compasse of ground rid , and made plain for them , by grubbing up a number of trees and bushes , yet there we went as readily to our Tents , the same order being still observed , in the pitching of them , as we did , when they were set up in the plains . But that which here seemed unto me to be most strange , was , that notwithstanding our marvelous great company of men , women ; and children there together , that must all be fed , and the very great number of other Creatures which did eat Corn , as we never there wanted water : so , we had so many victualers with us , and so much provision continually brought in unto us , that we never felt there the want of any thing beside , but had it at as low rates as in other places . The Mogols wives and women , when as they are removed from place to place are carried in Coaches ( such as were before described ) made up close , or in Palanke●s on mens shoulders , or else on Elephants in pretty receptacles , surrounded with curtains which stand up like low and little Turrets on their backs , and some of the meaner sort ride in Cradles , hanging on the sides of Dromedaries , all covered close , and attended by Eunuchs , who have many Souldiers which go before them to clear the way as they passe , they taking it very ill , if any ( though they cannot see them ) presume so much as to look towards them , and therefore though I could never see any of them , I shall here take the liberty to speak somewhat I have heard and do believe : SECT . XXVIII . Of the Mogols wives and women ; where something of his Children , &c. WHom I conceive to be Women of good feature , though for their colour very swart , which that people may call beauty , it being the complexion of them all , as the Crow thinks his bird fairest , but ( as before ) I never observed any crooked , or deform'd person of either sex amongst them : For the honesty of those great mens Wives and Women , there is such a quick eye of jealousie continually over them , that they are made so by force , though ( as they say ) they are never much regarded by those great ones after the very first , and prime of their youth is past . For that great Monarch the Mogol in the choise of his Wives and Women , he was guided more by his eye and fansie , than by any respect had to his honour , for he took not the daughters of neighbouring Princes , but of his own subjects , and there preferr'd that , which he looked upon as beauty , before any thing else . He was married to four Wives , and had Concubines , and Women beside ( all which were at his command ) enough to make up their number a full thousand ( as they there confidently affirm'd . ) And that he might raise up , his beastly and unnatural lusts , even to the very height , he kept boyes as before &c. His most beloved wife ( when I lived at his Court ) he called Noor-Mahal , which signified the light of the Court , and to the other of his Wives , and Women , which he most loved , he gave new names unto them , and such names as he most fancied . For his Wife I first named , he took her out of the dust , from a very mean family , but however , she made such a through conquest on his affections , that she engrossed almost all his love , did what she pleased in the Government of that Empire , where she advanced her brother Asaph-Chan ; and other her nearest relations , to the greatest places of Command and Honour , and profit in that vast Monarchy . Her brother Asaph-Chan was presently made one of the Starres of the first Magnitude that shined in that Indian Court , and when he had once gotten , so kept the Mogols favour by the assistance of his sister Noor-Mahal , that by the Pensions given , and many Offices bestowed on him , he heaped up a Masse of Treasure above all belief ( as before ) and married his daughter unto Sultan Caroom , who is now King. The Mogol of all his so many Wives and Concubines had but six Children , five Sons and one Daughter . The names he gave his Children , and others were names that proceeded from Counsel ( as he imagined ) rather than chance . His eldest Son was called Sultan Coobsurroo , which signified the Prince with the good face , his person and beauty answered his name , for he was a Prince of a very lovely presence . His second Son he called Sultan Perum , Prince of the Pleiades , or of the sweet influences of the Pleiades . His third Son ( now King ) though that great dignity was never intended to him by his Father , was called Sultan Caroom , or the Prince of bounty . His fourth Sultan Shahar , or the Prince of fame . His fift , and last Son was called by him Sultan Tauct , Tauct in the Persian tongue , signifies a Throne , and he was named so by the King his Father , because the first hour he sat peaceably on his Throne , there was news brought him of that Sons birth . The first Son of that King , which he hath by any of his married wives , by prerogative of birth , inherits that Empire , the eldest Son of every man ( as before ) called there ( the great brother . ) And he that inherits that Monarchy , doth not openly slaughter his younger brothers , as the Turks do ; yet it is observed , that few younger brothers of those Indostan Kings have long survived their Fathers . Yet notwithstanding that long continued custom there for the eldest Son to succeed the Father in that great Empire ; Achabar Sha , Father of that late King ; upon high & just displeasure taken against his Son , for climbing up unto the bed of Anarkelee , his Fathers most beloved Wife ( whose name signified the Kernel of a Pomegranate ) and for other base actions of his , which stirred up his Fathers high displeasure against him , resolved to break that ancient custom , and therefore often in his life time protested , that not he , but his Grand-childe Sultan Coobsurroo , whom he always kept in his Court , should succeed him in that Empire . And now by the way , the manner of that Achabar Sha his death ( as they report it in India ) is worthy observation . That wicked King was wont often to give unto some of his Nobles ( whom upon secret displeasure he meant to destroy ) Pills prepared with Poison that should presently put them into incurable diseases . But the last time he went about to practise that bloudy treachery , he died himself by his own instrument of death , for then having two Pills in his hand , the one very like the other ; the one Cord●●ll for himself , the other Corrasive , for one of his Grandee● he meant to purge , and flattering him with many proffers of courtesie before he gave him the P●ll , that he might swallow it down the better , at last haveing held them both in the palm of his hand long , by a mistake took the poysoned Pi●● himself , and gave him the other , which Pill put the King immediately into a mortal flux of bloud , which in few dayes put an end to his life in his ●itie Lahore . — Neque enim lex justior ulla est , Quam necis artifices arte perire sua . When some to kill most deadly engines frame , 'T is just that they themselves be caught it 'h same . Achabar Sha thus dead . Sultan Coobsurroo his Grand-Childe , then aged about twenty years , took his opportunity at the first bound , and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore , where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced , and acknowledged King. His Father ( the late Mogol ) was thus acknowledged at Agra . Two great Armies were presently levied , and meet together to decide the controversie , and the generality of the people within that Empire , thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son , clave by far , more to him then to his Son , by which means Sultan Coobsurroo was defeated and taken prisoner , and a very great many of young Gallants with him , whereof his Father immediately after caused to be impaled , or put upon Stakes ( that most cruell and tormenting death ) eight hundred in two severall ranks in one day , without the City Lahore , and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them , bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted . His Son told him that he should have serv'd him so , and spared the other , who did nothing in that action but upon his command ; his Father replyed that he could serve him so presently if he so pleased ) his Son , wild and desired him so to do , telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live , after the beholding of so many gallant men dead . Notwithastanding , the King spared his life , casting him into Prison where his eyes were sealed up ( by something put before them which might not be taken of ) for the space of three years , after what time that seal was taken away , that he might with freedom enjoy the Light , though not his Liberty . And after his Father had taken him out of Prison , he kept him alwaies near about him , but with a very strong guard upon him , so that he following the King his Father in his Progresses , we sometimes saw him . And once he called my Lord Ambassadour to him as we passed by him , asking him many questions , as how far distant our Country was from them , and what we brought thither , and what we carried thence , and how the King his Father had used him since his arrive there , whither or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts . The Ambassadour told him that his business there was to obtain a free trade for his Nation the English , and that being granted him , he had reward enough . The Prince replyed that this could not be denyed us , we coming so far to trade there with him ; and the Prince further asked him how long he had been there , the Ambassadour told him about two years , the Prince replyed again , that it was a very great shame for the successor of Tamberlane , who had such infinite Rules , to suffer a man of his quality to come so far unto him , and to live so long about him , and not to give him some Royall gift ; and he further added that for himself he was a Prisoner , and therefore could do him no good but he would pray for him , and so he departed . For that Prince , he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage , so exceedingly beloved of the common people , that as S●●tonius writes of Titus , he was Amor & Deliciae , &c. the very love and delight of them . Aged then about thirty and five years . He was a man who contented himself with one wife , which with all love and care accompanied him in all his streights , and therefore he would never take any wife but her self , though the liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality . It was generally beleeved to be the intent of his Father ( for he would often presage so ) to make this Prince his first-born his successor , though for the present out of some jealousie ( his being so much beloved of the people ) he denyed his liberty . His Fathers love , brings upon him the extream hatred of his Brother Caroom the Mogals third Son , who then lived in very great Pomp and splendor at that Court , ayming at that Empire , to which end he put many jealousies into his Fathers head ( now grown in years ) concerning his Brother Coobsurroo , and that his Father might live more secure and out of all present fear of him , if he so pleased , upon which insinuations , partly by force ( as I observed before ) and partly by intreaty of friends about the King , he was by the King put into the Cruel hand of his Brother Caroom , who told his Father that he would have both his eyes upon him , and further so provide , that he should never have cause to fear him any more , and he was as good as his word , for presently after he had gotten possession of him ( tho●gh his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well , and to keep him honourably , and by no means to hurt him , which was all promised by Caroome , to be faithfully observed ) he caused his second Brother Sultan Parveen to be poysoned , and not long after that , strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother , which did so trouble his Father , that the grief thereof ( as it was strongly beleeved ) shortned his days , who not long after this ( much against his mind ) made room for that murderer to succeed him in that Empire , who layd the foundation of his high advancement , in the blood of his Brothers , and rather than he would have missed it , would certainly made a way through the blood of his Father likewise , All Laws of honesty , of Nature by him thrown down , trampled under foot , forgotten and made void to compass and gain his most unjust ends , as if he resolved to practise that language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spake in the Tragedy — Pro Regnovelim Patriam , Penates , Conjugem flammis dare ; Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene Sen. Trag. Fire on my Gods , Wise , Country for a Crown , An Empire can the dearest price weigh down . But whatsoever he might think , I am sure that the holy Scriptures are stored with examples , that have fallen heavy upon usurpers and resisters of lawfull Authority , as upon Corah , and his Confederates swallowed up quick into the Earth . Upon Zimri burnt in his Palace , which he had but immediatly before usurped : Upon Absolon hangd by his hairy Scalp , As Achitophel in an halter . Certainly they , who ever they be , that come to rule upon hard and unjust tearms , shall first or last live to rue and to repent their bargain , as Ahab did in another case , after he had kild and taken possession : And as the Emperours of this large spreading and far extended Monarchy , have been like Pikes in a great Pond , that eat up all the lesser Fishes about them , which can make no resistance ; by which they have enlarged themselves like Hell by a strong hand , and have gained what they have by force , and by force keep what they have gotten , ruling by an Arbitrary and an illimited Power : so time in probability will ravel and rent all again in pieces ; for Regum timend●rum in Proprios greges , Reges in ipsos imperium est Jovis . Hor. Over slav'd men dread Powers do reign , God over them is Soveraign . I shall adde but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it . And one shall be to give my Reader a tast but very briefly , SECT . XXIX . Of the manner of the stile or writing of that Court. WHich I shall here insert , and in some measure shew , by a Copy of a Letter written by the great Mogol unto King James in the Persian tongue here faithfully translated , which was as follows . UNto a King rightly descended from his ancestors , bred in Military affairs , clothed with honour and Justice , a Commander worthy of all Command , strong and constant in the Religion , which the great Prophet Christ did teach King James , whose love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts , as shall never be forgotten , but as the smell of Amber , or as a Garden of fragrant flowers , whose beauty and ●dour is still increasing : so be assured my love shall still grow and increase with yours . The Letters which you sent me in the behalf of your Merchants I have received , whereby I rest satisfied of your tender love towards me , desiring you not to take it ill , that I have not wrote to you her etofore , this present Letter I send you to renew our loves , and herewith do certifie you , that I have sent forth my Firmaunes throughout all my Countries to this effect , that if any English Ships or Merchants shall arrive in any of my Ports , my people shall permit and suffer them to do what they please , freely in their Merchandizing causes , aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that shall be offered them , that the least cause of discourtesie be not done unto them , that they may be as free , or freer than my own people . And as now , and formerly , I have received from you divers tokens of your love : so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some Novelties from your Countries , as an argument of friendship betwixt us , for such is the custome of Princes here . And for your Merchants I have given express order through all my dominions , to suffer them to buy , sell , transport , and carry away at their pleasure , without the let or hinderance of any person whatsoever , all such goods and Merchandizes as they shall desire to buy , and let this my Letter as fully satisfy you in desired Peace and love , as if my own Son bad been the Messenger to ratifie the same . And if any in my Countries not fearing God , nor obeying their King , or any other void of Religion , should endeavour to be an instrument to break this league of friendship , I would send my Son Sultan Caroome a souldier approved in the wars to cut him off , that no obstacle m●y hinder the continuance , and increase of our affections . Here are likewise the Complements of two other Letters of later date , sent home by Sir Thomas Row , whereof the first doth thus be-begin . WHen your Majesty shall open this Letter , let your Royal heart be as fresh as a small Garden , let all people make reverence at your gate . Let your throne be advanced higher . Amongst the greatness of the Kings of the Prophet Jesus , let your Majesty be the greatest , and all Monarchs derive their wisdom , and Counsel from your breast , as from a fountain , that the Law of the Majesty of Jesus may receive , and flourish under your protection . The Letters of love and friendship which you sent me , the present tokens of your good affection towards me , I have received by the hands of your Ambassadour Sir Thomas Row , who well deserveth to be your trusted servant , delivered to me in an acceptible and happy hour , upon which mine eyes were so fixed , that I could not easily remoove them unto any other objects , and have accepted them with great joy and delight , &c. The last Letter had this beginning . HOw gracious is your Majesty , whose greatness God preserve . As upon a Rose in a Garden , so are mine eyes fixed upon you . God maintain your estate , that your Monarchy may prosper and be augmented , and that you may obtain all your desires worthy the greatness of your renown , and as the heart is noble and upright : so let God give you a glorious reign , because you strongly defend the Law of the Majesty of Jesus , which God made yet more flourishing , for that it was confirmed by miracles , &c. What followed in both those Letters , was to testifie his care and love towards the English . Now all these Letters were written in the Persian tongue , the Court language there , and their Copies were sent to the Ambassadour , that he might get them translated . The Originals rowled up somewhat long , were covered with Cloth of Gold , sealed up on both ends , the fashion in that Court and Country to make up Letters , though they be not all cloathed there in such a glorious dress . In which Letters notice may be taken ( what was observed before ) how respectively that King speaks of our Blessed Saviour Christ . And here it will not be impertinent to speak something of those who pretend to enlarge the name of Jesus Christ in those parts , I mean , SECT . XXX . Of the Jesuits sent thither by their Superiors to convert people unto Christianity , &c. IN that Empire all Religions are tolerated , which make the Tyrannicall Government there more easy to be endured . The Mogol would speak well of all of them , saying that a man might be happy , and safe in the profession of any Religion , and therefore would say that the Mahometan Religion was good , so the Christian Religion good , and the rest good ; and therefore by the way , The Priests or Ministers of any Religion find regard and esteem amongst the people . I shall speak something to this from my own particular usage there , then very young , while I lived in those parts ; yet when I was first there brought into the presence of the Mogol , immediatly after my arrive at his Court , I standing near the Ambassadour ( for no man there of the greatest quality whatsoever , is at any time suffered to sit in his presence ) and but a little distance from that King in his Goz●lca● , he sent one of his Grandees to me , to let me know , that the King bad me welcome thither , that I should have a free access to him when ever I pleased , and if I would ask him any thing , he would give it me ( though I never did ask , nor he give ) and very many times afterward ( when waiting upon my Lord Ambassadour ) I appeared before him , he would still shew tokens of Civility and respect unto me , and I never went abroad amongst that people ; but those that met me upon this consideration , that I was a Padrae ( for so they call'd me ) a Father or Minister , they would manifest in their behaviour towards me much esteem unto me . But for the Jesuits there . There was one of that order in Goa ( a City of the Portugals lying in the skirts of India ) of very much fame and renown called Jeronymo Xauere , sent for by Achabar Sha the late Kings Father in the year 1596. to argue before him the doctrine of Christianity , there being alwaies present a Moolaa or Mahometan Priest , and a third person , who followed no precise rule , but what the light of nature meerly led him to , and these two were to object what they could against his reasoning . The Jesuit in the Mogols own language ( which was a great advantage to him ) began to speak first of the Creation , and then of the fall of man , in which the Mahometans agree with us . Then he layd down divers grounds to bottom his reasonings on . That man by Creation was made a most excellent Creature , indued with the light of reason , which no other sublunary Creature besides himself had ; then That man thus endued , must have some rule or Law to walk by , which he could not prescribe unto himself , and therefore it must be given him from above . That this Law was first given unto man from God , and afterward confirmed by Prophets sent into the world , in divers ages from God. That this Law thus delivered must needs be one Law , in all things agreeing in it self . And so did not the Law of Mahomet . That this thus delivered was most conformable to right reason ; And so was not the Law of Mahomet . That man fall'n from God by Sin was not able to recover himself from that fall , and therefore it was necessary that there should be one , more than a man to do it for him , and that that one could not be Mahomet . That this one was , Christ God , as well as man , God to satisfie ( the Mahometans themselves confessing that Christ was the breath of God ) and man to suffer death as he did . That Christ the Son of God coming into the world , about that great work of satisfying Gods anger against man for sin , it was necessary that he should live a poor and laborious life here on Earth ( at which the Mahometans much stumble ) and not a life that was full of pomp , and pleasure , and delicacie . That the Gospel of Christ , and other holy Books of Scripture , which the Christians retain and walk by , contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved ; But there is very much to be found in their Alcaron which is so . That the great worth and worthiness shining in the person of Christ , was by far more excellent than any thing observable in Mahomet ( for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin , when Mahomet himself acknowledgeth , that he had been a filthy person . ) That the feigned and foolish , and ridiculous miracles , which they say were done by Mahomet , were nothing comparable to the miracles done by Christ , who ( as the Mahometans confess ) did greater miracles than ever were done before or since him . That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ , into the world , and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet . That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that beleeve in him , and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him , and on him alone for Salvation . There were many more particulars besides these , which that Jeronymo Xaucere laid down before the Mogol to ground his arguments on , which that King heard patiently at severall times during the space of one year and half , but at last he sent him away back again to Goa honourably , with some good gifts bestowed on him , telling him as Felix did , after he had reasoned before him , that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time , Acts 24. 25. Which time or season neither of them both ever found afterward . These particulars which I have here inserted ( with many more I might have added to them , upon all which that Jeronymo Xaucere enlarged himself before the Mogol in his arguings before him ) were given unto me in Latine by Francisco Corsi , another Jesuit resident at that Court , while I was there , and long before that time . And further I have been there told b● other people professing Christianity in that Empire , that there was such a dispute there held , and for my part do beleeve it . For that Francisco Corsi he was a Florentine by birth , aged about fifty years , who ( if he were indeed what he seemed to be ) was a man of a severe life , yet of a fair and an affable disposition : He lived at that Court , as an Agent for the Portugals , and had not onely free access unto that King , but also encouragement and help by gifts , which he sometimes bestowed on him . When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassadour , he told him that they were both by profession Christians , though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it . And as he should not go about to reconcile the Ambassadour to them : So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us . Onely he desired , that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them , but no disputes . And further his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us might not be made there to appear , that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity , which might be a very main obstacle , and hinderance unto his great design and endeavour , for which he was sent thither , to convent people unto Christianity there . Telling my Lord Ambassadour further , that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there , and so he was . After his first acquaintance , he visited us often , usually once a week . And as those of that society , in other parts of the world are very great intelligencers : so was he there knowing all news which was stirring and might be had , which he communicated unto us . And he would tell us many stories beside , one of which , if true , is very remarkeable . And it was thus ; there are a race of people in East India , the men of which race have ( if he told us true ) their right legges extraordinary great and mishapen , their left legges are like other mens . Now he told us , that they were the posterity of those who stamped St. Thomas the Apostle to death , come thither to Preach the Gospel , and that ever since the men of tha● race have , and onely they of that Nation , that great deformity upon them . Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told , but whither that deformity be like Gehiza's leprosie , hereditary , and if so , whither it fell upon that people upon the occasion before named , I am yet to learn. The Jesuits in East-India ( for he was not alone there ) have liberty to convert , any they can work upon , unto Christianity , &c. the Mogol hath thus far declared , that it shall be lawfull for any one , perswaded so in conscience , to become a Christian , and that he should not by so doing lose his favour . Upon which , I have one thing , here to insert , which I had there by report ( yet I was bid to beleeve it and report it for a truth ) concerning a Gentleman of quality , and a serv●nt of the great Mogol , who upon some convictions wrought upon him ( as they say ) would needs be Baptized and become a Christian . The King hearing of this convert sent for him , and at first with many cruell threats commanded him to renounce that his new profession , the man replyed that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause , which the King could inflict . The Mogol then began to deal with him another way , asking him why he thought himself wiser than his fore-Fathers , who lived and dyed Mahometans , and further added many promises of riches and honour , if he would return to his Mahometism , he replyed again as they say ( for I have all this by tradition ) that he would not accept of any thing in the world so to do ; The Mogol wondring at his constancy told him , that if he could have frighted , or bought him out of his new profession , he would have made him an example for all waverers ; but now he● perceived that his resolution indeed was to be a Christian , and he bid him so continue , and with a reward discharged him . The late Mogol about the beginning of his reign , caused a temple to be built in Agra , his chief City , for the Jesuits , wherein two of his younger Brothers Sons were solemnly Baptized , and delivered into their hands to be trayned up in Christianity , the young Gentleman growing to some stature ( after they had had their tuition for some years ) desired them to provide them wives out of Christendome fitting their Birth , in which having not suddain content , they gave up their Crucifixes again into the Jesuits hands , and so left them ; who had these conjectures upon this their revolt , that either the King their Unkle caused them to be Baptized ; to make them more odious to the Mahometans , being so near of his blood ; Or else it was his plot to get them beautifull wives out of Europe , which himself meant to take if he had liked them . The Jesuit I last named Francisco Corsi upon a time ( at our being there ) having his house , amongst very many more consumed by a suddain fire , it so was that his wooden Cross , set on a Pole near the side of his house , was not ( as he said ) consumed . Upon which he presently repayred to that Court , carried that Cross with him , and told the King thereof . The Prince Sultan Caroome ( who was no favourer of the Christians ) being then present , and hearing him talk how his Cross was preserved , derided him , saying , that it was one of his fabulous miracles , and further added , that he would have a fire presently made before the King , whereinto he would have that Cross cast , and if it consumed not , his Father himself , and all the people there would presently become Christians , but if it did himself should be burnt with it . The Jesuit not willing to put himself upon so suddain and so hot a tryall , answered that he durst not tempt God , who was not tyed to times , and it might be that Almighty God , would never shew that people that infinite favour to make them Christians , or if he had such a great mercy for them in store , it might be that the time of manifesting it was not yet come , and therefore if he should now submit to that tryall , and Almighty God not please to shew a further and a present miracle , his Religion would suffer prejudice there for ever after and therefore he refused . It should seem that the Jesuits there do exceedingly extoll the Virgin Mary , which I have gathered from poor people there , natives of that Country , who have often asked Alms of me , when I stirred abroad amongst them , and whereas one hath desired me to give him some relief for Christs sake , there are many who have begged it for the Virgin Maries sake . Well known it is , that the Jesuits there , who like the Pha●isees , Mat. 23. 25. that would go Sea and Land to make one Proselyte ; have sent into Christendome many large reports of their great Conversions of Infidels in East India ; but all these boastings are but reports ; the truth is that they have there spilt the precious water of Baptism upon some few Faces , working upon the necessity of some poor men , who for want of means , which they give them , are contented to wear Crucifixes ; but for want of knowledge in the Doctrine of Christianity are onely in Name Christians . So that the Jesuits Congregations there are very thin , consisting of some Italians , which the Mogol entertains ( by great pay given them ) to cut his Diamonds and other Rich stones . And of other European strangers which come thither , and some few others of the Natives before mentioned . So that in one word I shall speak this more of the Jesuits in East India , that they have there Templum , but not Ecclesiam . When I lived in those parts it was my earnest desire and daily prayer , to have put my weak hands unto that most acceptable ; but hard labour of washing Moors , that the Name of Jesus Christ might have been there enlarged ( if God had pleased to honour me so far ) by my endeavours . But there are three main and apparent obstacles ( besides those which do not appear ) that hinder the settlement and growth of Christianity in those parts . First the liberty of the Mahometan Religion given the people there in case of Marriage . Secondly , the most debaucht lives of many coming thither , or living amongst them who profess themselves Christians , per quorum latera patitur Evangelium , by whom the Gospell of Jesus Christ is scandalized , and exceedingly suffers . And lastly the hearts of that people are so confirmed and hardned in their own evill old ways , their ears so sealed up , their eyes so blinded with unbelief and darkness , that onely he , who hath the Key of David , that shuts when no man can open , and opens when no man can shut , can open to them the dore of life . I have some things more by way of inference to adde unto this relation , which con●eins matter , a● it appears to me , THE COROLLARIE AND CONCLUSION . SECT . XXXI . Of serious , and heedfull , but sad Considerations , which shall be my Corollary , and Conclusion . DIvers particulars have been already observed in this relation , and I should have taken notice of many more , but that my desire was rather to feed and to refresh , then to cramme and cloy my Reader . But that I may not so do ; while I am professing the contrary ; for the inferences already put , or those yet to be inserted ) which either necessarily or obliquely depend on my story , or those which are more remote from it ; I shall at all not despair of my Readers pardon ( notwithstanding my length ) if he shall seriously peruse , and carefully improve what he finds here written . The principall end whereof , was to make this Nation ashamed by many carriages of the Heathens ; As the Jews were provoked to jealousie by them that were not a people . Deut. 32. 21. And as God instructs man by the Oxe , and Ass , and Stork , and Turtle , and Crane and Swallow , and by the little Ant , or Pismire , Creatures which are onely sensible 〈…〉 much more they may be minded of , and learn the practice of some duties from men , people ( though strange and remote ) yet endued with reason . It cannot be denyed , but that there is a speciall use to be made in a clear sight or interview of Nations Persons , Things . Yet he is the best observer , who strictly and impartially so looks about him , that he may see through himself . That as the Beams of the Sun put forth their vertue , and do good by their reflection : so in this case the onely way for a man to receive good , is by reflecting things upon himself . Therefore it was a very good precept which Plato sometimes gave unto his Scholars , when they took notice of any thing bad , or of an evill report which they beheld in others for every one of them presently to ask himself this question , num ego feci tale ? have not I done the like ? A Christian must put the Question further , in asking his own heart , may not I do the like ? for there is nothing so bad acted by one , but another left to himself may commit the same , so long as the seed and spawn of every sin , the rankness of corruption by reason of the pravity of mans nature , is lodged in every soul . When the Prophet Elisha ( with tears running down his Cheeks ) told Hazael that he should be King , and being so what mischief he should do to Israel , a● that he should set their strong holds on fire , slay their young men with the sword , dash their children , and rip up the women with child . Hazael replyes , but what ? num quid servus tuus Canis ? am I thy servant a dog that I should do this great thing ? 2 Kings 8. 3. As if he had said , can I be so forsaken of humanity , as to do such monstrous and prodigious things as these ? yet he lived to do them ; And so have others to act such things , as they would long before have heard with abhorrency , if they had been told them ; doing things in the present , which future times would not beleeve could ever be done . And we shall have cause by fa● less to wonder at this , if we consider that the very best in the whole cluster of mankind , left to themselves without curb or rein to keep them in order , may become as base , as bad , as the worst upon earth , as the most wretched in Hell. Yet to see Nature very much refined in many Heathens , and to observe it again to lye so mixt , amongst all its lees and dregs in as many , if not in thousands more , of those who profess themselves Christians ( is a thought which cannot pass by those ( who love and pray for the increase of Christs kingdom ) without much sorrow and sadness to attend upon it . The Consideration whereof ( as of many other things , wherein the due and deserved commendations , even of those very Heathens reflects shame upon us ) enforceth me , least I should be like those Bottles , in Job 34. that were ready to burst for want of vent ; enforceth me ( I say ) having my Pen in my hand to expatiate , and to let out my thoughts much further ( I confess ) than the rules and bounds proper to be observed in an Historicall Narration can well bear . Yet however , I shall take liberty in this my last Section to enquire into some causes and reasons , why those Heathens compared with us , but a wilderness , should be so fruitfull in many Morall good performances , and we compared with them a Garden enclosed , should be so barren and fruitless . And while I shall thus enlarge my self , I would not be looked upon as one altogether out of my way , though I be here found more at home than abroad , more in England than India . This Narrative in some foregoing passages hath taken notice of some Mahometan precepts , as of others delivered by those Heathens , to be as Rules for their followers to walk by . Now for the Doctrin of Christianity which we profess , it is that which teacheth a man to look for true and eternall happiness by Christ alone , there being no other Name under Heaven given amongst men , whereby they may be saved . Acts 4. 12. No way under Heaven , but onely by and through Christ Jesus and by him alone . And therefore we must not look after another new way , as for a new Christ , a new passion , a new resurrection or the like . And here Reader let us sit down a little , and suffer our thoughts to be taken up with that , I called before matter of serious , and sad , I and of admirable consideration . They who have curiously surveyed the world , and the severall Nations which inhabits it , have divided the Inhabitants thereof into thirty parts , whereof nineteen are Heathens ; six are Mahometans , and five are Christians , by which account ( and I conceive that there is a good proportion in it ) if all the people which possess the whole face of the earth were numbred , there would be but one in six , so much as to bear the name of a Christian . And to make up this Number , we must take in all Christs retainers throughout the world , who do but bear his Name , as well as those which be his household Servants . As all those poor superstitious blind Abissins in Ethyopia , as also all those which inhabite Georgia , and the two Armenia's , under the Tyranny of the Turk and King of Persia ( of whom something before in my first Section ) now with some of those poor souls I have conferred , and could never hear any thing from them unto any purpose , onely they would tell me they were Christiano's , but why they were so , I perswade my self that they could not render any thing like a good reason , their whole Christianity , I fear almost all of it , lodged ( as before ) in their very Name . To these we must adde the Russians , and the Muscovites , who are most sottishly ignorant , for one of their Churchmen , being asked how many Evangelists there were , answered , that he did not well know , but he thought four , and when others have been asked such obvious and easy questions , that a very child might make answer too , they would reply , that they could not give an answer unto it themselves , But God and their great Duke knew all things . Now as they are a most ignorant . so are they a most treacherous , prophane , filthy and an Idolatrous people . But further all those beside that bear the Names of Christians in the world , as the Iacobites and the Maronites inhabiting Palestina , the Greek and the Romish Church , with all others bearing that name , must be added to make up that number before spoken of . And now to come unto the Reformed Churches ( or rather unto those which call themselves so ) how few amongst them are Christians indeed ; who are so in name ; when we may run through many Congregations , as the Prophet Jeremy , was commanded to run through Jerusalem , Jer. 5. 1. And not find a man a Christian in earnest and indeed , as well as in Name so . I confess that it is nothing , or at least no hard matter for a man professing Christianity to act Religion , to play devotion , to appear excellent upon the Stage , as the Pharisees did , to be all for shew , nothing for substance , to affect the praise of men , as the Pharisees did , and to get the praise of men , and this is all Hypocrites can look for . And I know that the worst of men may sometimes be in good moodes . But as good thoughts are long before they come into bad hearts ▪ so they continue not long , making but a through fare in them , being like a Post that passeth by . Bless me , even me my Father , was wicked Esaus request . No man would ever be miserable , if it were enough for him barely to desire happiness . In the 1 K. 21. you may see Ahab upon his knees , but all that he shewed was but the visard of sorrow , not the face , or if the face , not the heart , or if the sorrow of the heart , not the repentance , a sorrow for the judgement , not a repentance for the sin . The very Devils houl to be tormented , and grief is not alwaies a sign of Grace . In the 7 of Hos . 14. mention is made of some , that houl upon their beds , when they do not seek God in their hearts . And experience tells us , that the hardest Flint and Marble will sometimes seem to drop , it being easy to appear good , but hard to be so . Copia rara bonorum , they who are good indeed are rare Creatures , all good and sound Christians considered together , in respect of those , which are not so , being like Whales in the vast Ocean , apparent rari nantes , which are seen rarely ( not as other Fishes ) but here and there , no where to be seen in Companies . Or like the shaking of the Olive tree , when the fruit is gathered , Or like the gleaning of Grapes when the vintage is done . Esay 24. 13. Called by one or two out of a City or tribe . Jer. 3. 4. Now if we put all this together ; as first , that there is no way , no means to attain salvation , but onely in , and through Christ Jesus . Secondly that there be very few in the world which do , in respect of those , which do not so much as bear the Names of Christians . Thirdly , amongst those which bear this Name , very few there are ( as to men it appears ) which shall have benefit by Christ , compared with those that shall not , what shall we say to all this ? even that which the Prophet doth in another Case , Es . 5. 14. that Hell hath enlarged it self , and opened its mouth above measure . Alas poor Indians , who live in darkness and in the shadow of death and cannot help it but wo be to Christians , who have light to walk by and will not improve it ; for the first of these they cannot know , for the second they care not to know , they will not know , which makes them more excusable , because there is no plea for the willfull . Many Indians , poor souls ! walk in that little light they have , unreproveably in respect of moralites , and doubtless , if they knew better , would do better ( though I am perswaded , that God will never honour Jesuits so far , as to convert them unto Christianity , notwithstanding their great brags of their many Converts there ) but what can be said in excuse of those , who profess themselves Christians , and live amongst so many clear visions yet even there do so shut up their eyes against their light , as that they know nothing in Religion as they ought to know it . Therefore , if we leave those Indians a while , and come home unto our selves , who are collectively and together called all Christians , we shall find that the succession of times here amongst us , have very much resembled that Image , which Nebuchadnezzar saw in his dream . Dan. 2. whose Head was Gold , Stomack Silver , Belly Brass , Thighs Iron , but the Feet were of Clay , for the lower we descend the worse we are ; for it may be truly observed , that in former times , in which there was by far less knowledge , there was by much more honesty , more honesty in mens dealings with men ; and in order then to their duties due unto Almighty God , what zeal and care , and constancy did our forefathers shew , while they snatched at the bread of the word , even from the middest of flames , and did seek after it with all their endeavour , while they were surrounded with many perils for so doing . Oh how happy would those esteem themselves to be , if they could but purchase with much price and more hazard , any part or parcell of the New Testament in that language they could understand it , how then would they have solaced themselves with that sweet Companion . And if then they were put into Prisons for glorifying God , in the self same prison they glorified him more , and were willing to run as fast to Martyrdom , as people in these days to pleasure , or Covetousness ; were as prodigall of their lives in the service of God , as others are of their money now in the service of their lusts , suffering then more willingly for Christ Jesus , than most are now to speak of him , or for him . In these times how many miles would people have gone to have heard that word of God which they now turn their backs upon , the plenty of Ordinances having made many poor , and long enjoyment of the word , made them wanton with it weary of it , and ready to loath it , as the Israelite● did their Manna , calling it out of contempt this Manna , Numb . 11. Hence , as pampered Bellys , and wanton Palates come to Feasts and Banq●ets , where nothing can please but some odd Sauce , or some new invention : so very many come to Sermons , and to the reading of good Books , and will be satisfied with nothing but the vanity and froth of wit , though indeed it can give no satisfaction being like wind in the Stomack , which fills but feeds not . Or they come to hearing the word , as if ( like Malchus the high Priests servant ) they had their right ears strook off , for they hear not with judgement , but sinisterly , and often with prejudice to the person speaking and to the doctrine delivered , be it never so excellent , and he that delivers it of much integrity and desert . Such hearers as these regard not what is solid , substantiall , and of most use to informe the understanding , and to stir up the affections ; but that which is delightfull , and pleasant to feed the phancie , with Oylie passages , which like the ●iddle of the Sun , goes through the wood , and through the wood , and breaks never a stick , so these through the head , and through the head , and stay not . Now those , who thus hear , are easily brought to admire every thing they understand not , as to slight and scorn those plain and wholesome , and profitable truths which are made easy to their understanding . And from this strange lightness and vanity of their minds , they grow into a neglect of the holy Scriptures , those fountains of living water , as of other excellent treatises , which clear and explain them , to wade in Kennels or filthy Puddles . And ( as one well observes ) commit Idolatry ( as it were ) with idle or fabulous , or else other dangerous Books . Like Polician who prefer'd the Odes of Pindarus before the Psalms of David . When ( if he could have understood so much ) he might have found more weight and strength , and wisdom and eloquence in the Holy Scriptures , than in all the writings of the world beside . And certainly that very great neglect of the Holy Scriptures , hath been the Parent , which hath brought forth so much Athisem amongst us ; when people instead of the writings of Moses , and the Prophets , and Evangelists , and other parts of that most sacred Book , which was wont to lye in their windows , as their best ornament & to sit in their uppermost rooms a● their best Ghest in their houses , there are many Romances , and other vain and frivolous stories , which take up their places , much viciating and corrupting the minds of many Readers ; who rather than they should want Books , that might afford matter to please and feed their wanton humours , have the Turkish Alcoran taught to speak English . Now from that little love and liking that men have , and bear to the truth , there have proceeded many endeavours of la●e , to grub , and root up the very foundations of Religion , by turning all fundamentals ( which should be received , not controverted ) into questions and dispates , as it was in the time of the Schoolmen about three hundred years last past , that by so doing had almost disputed all Religion o● of the Church then ; that being a true maxim , which these times have not well considered of , Pruritus disput andi , Religionis scabies , that the itch of disputing breeds an Ulcer or Scab in Religion . It was never worse in Israel , than when every one did that which was right in his own eyes , and this we may take notice of in the 17. 18. 19. and 21. Chapters of Judges . And how ill it hath been in this Church wherein we live , since the Reigns of Discipline have been slackened , or broken , he that hath eyes to see may sadly behold ; and he who hath an heart ; which holds any pity in it , may bitterly lament . I have observed that there is very much order to be taken notice of in that remote people , for the better carrying on of things amongst themselves , and they find much outward peace and quie● in it , though it be but a disorderly order . But for that Order and Discipline , which is managed and carried on by safe and good Rules , they are so consistent to the well being of a Church or S●●te , as that they cannot be separated or severed without much damage and detriment unto both ; Order and Government in a State , that may give Rules to , and require obedience from humane Societies . So Order and Discipline in the Ch●rch , which may direct , uphold , encourage and defend people in the profession of Religion . Because Anarchy and confusion must needs stretch , crack and break those Bands asunder , which hold men firmly together in a State ; and like a Moth by degrees eats up the life , the very Soul of Religion in the Church . In the 16. Chapt. of Numbers , Korah , Dathan , and Abiram with others their complices and adherents ( all men of leveling spirits , and consequently enemies to order and Government ) rose up and gathered themselves together against Moses , and Aaron , and said unto them , you take too much upon you , seeing all the Congregation is holy , every one of them ; And probably upon this false ground thought that they were as good , and therefore it was fit that they should be as great as Moses : Superiority is one of the chiefest markes that envy shoots at , and that made these now rise up against their Governours , and they tell them that all the Congregation was holy , it had been very well if they had been so , for then these of them would not have so misbehaved themselves as they did . But every word they said was false , for what holiness could there be in Mutinie , disobedience , rebellion and irreligion , if these could make them holy , nothing could make them impure . But why did not those Rebels lift up their weapons against Moses , as well as their voices ? the reason was because they could not , for God hath put such impressions of Majestie upon the face of lawfull Authority , that wickedness is much confounded , even at the very sight thereof . But what doth Moses now ? They rose up against him , and he falls down before God , and petitions against them ; There is nothing that can be so mischievous to the wicked , as the imprecations of the righteous . Him that escapeth the sword of Jehu shall Elisha slay , not by weapons , but Prayers ; which prayers of Gods people can reach ungodly men , where no Sword can touch them , now if it be sad for any ( to be so far out of the reach of Prayer ) as not to have the Prayers of Gods people put up for them it is by much more grevious ●o have the petitions of those that can so much prevaile with God , sent up against them . But I return to that I spoke too before . He that takes notice of the carriage of those primitive Christians mentioned in the three first Chapters of the Acts , shall ever and anon find one accord , and one assent to be specified in them , to be spoken of them , how that they were all of one mind , as if they had been all but one man. But in these times wherein we live , the Divell hath cast such a Ball of contention , even amongst people professing Religion , that as in the eleventh of Genesis , division of tongues hindred the building then ; so division of hearts very much hinders the building up of Christianity now . Come to a Jew , and you shall find how that the principal thing which scares him , and makes him to startle from the Gospel , is the dissention of those , which profess it , which he interprets to proceed from the lack of Unitie of truth in the foundation thereof . And what said the Papists long since ( and it had been well if there had been no truth in it , that what one preaches in the morning , another contradicts after dinner . And what peace , what accord in that house ( say they ) where the Husband is a Calvinist , the Wife a Lutheran , or one for Martin , the other for Luther , the Servant an Oecolampadian &c. These latter times have fitted us with more several names of distinction , and enough for a very numerous family , where so many people of so many minds do sometimes meet . They say of Bees , that stir and strife among them is a signe that their King is about to leave them , to remove out of the Hive and be gone ; Strife and Division in Religion , is a sad presage , that either God hath , or else is about to leave a People . It is a principle in Nature , that vis unita fortior , Strength united receives more strength ; and Experience shews that Planks and Timber well joyned together make a Ship , but disjoyned they cause shipwrack ; So connexion of Stones and other materialls make an House , but dissipation of them a ruin ; So Agreement of Christians builds up the Church , Dissention amongst them pulls it down . To him that demanded why Sparta had no Walls , the King thereof shewed Citizens well arm'd , and unanimous ; unanimity , in the profession of the truth of Religion would make it impregnable . Division and subdivision are Tearmes that have their use in Arithmetick , but they are dangerous to be heard of in Religion . This way therefore , and that judgment , and the other opinion or perswasion , can never repair , but make more breaches still in the Church of Christ , and I fear that much lesse than half an age will make the Church in this Nation most sadly to feel and to rue the truth hereof : for as God is one , so is his will one , and his way one , and oh how happie were it for Christians , if they could get into , & keep in that way . How many exhortations have we in the sacred book to peace and unitie ; live in peace , and the God of peace shall be with you . How are they reproved in scripture that walk disorderly , or are unruly , both Metaphors taken from Souldiers that have their severall stations assign'd them , and if they break their rankes it is very dangerous . Let the same mind be in you which was also in the Lord Jesus , saith the Apostle , not the like but the same , not another but the same . And the same Apostle sets , a marke upon those which cause divisons ; And if they shall be called the Children of God who are makers of peace , they must look out for another name who are the breakers and disturbers thereof in this Church wherein we live , where the connivencie at some , whose opinions were thought lesse dangerous , hath been unhappily made Genus Generalissimū from whence all the errors that have been heard of late in this Nation have taken their rise : for while liberty was given to some , it was taken by others , and from hence it is come to passe , that all those Ancient heresies recorded by Irenaeus and Epiphanius and others ( which we hoped had been long since buried in forgetfulness ) have in these late times of liberty ( I say ) been raked up out of their corruption , revived , and with new faces and glosses put upon them , presented to this Nation in Printed booksPunc● and have been preached by some , and applauded by others and defended by more , to the endangering of the very life and soul of Religion , and the utter overthrow of true Godliness here amongst us . It was well resolved by good and reverend Calvin , ne decem quidem maria &c. that it would not grieve him to sayle over ten Seas , about a uniform draught in the profession of Religion . Other particular men have wished ( and I believe most heartily ) that all these impertinent , and unprofitable differences about uniformity in the profession of Religion , which so much disturb the peace of the Church of Christ , were buried in their Ashes . Oh how many are led away with perverse disputings , a people of uneven , unquiet unpeaceable and untractable spirits , quite fall'n off from their first Principles , revolted and gone , so wedded to their own opinion , as that there is no reasoning with them , for whatsoever can be said to the contrary , they will be sure to hold their conclusions , they being wiser in their own conceits than seven men that can render a reason . And that great opinion they have of their own wisedome ; that love and likeing they have to their own false way makes them uncapable either of Counsel , or cure ; they peremptorily refusing to return into the way of truth . Many of these have abundance of error ( which proceeds from their own Pride and ignorance ) setled in their hearts as Solomon saith Pr. 22. 15. a child hath folly bound up in his heart , and in regard that all reasonings and disputings in this case with them will do no good , ( for we leave them still where we first found them ) it were very well for such , and much better for the Church of God in this Nation , if the Rod of Discipline and correction were long enough , and smart enough to drive it thence . Yet the greater part of these pretend conscience for what they do , when indeed ( as before ) it is the Pride of their hearts , the ignorance and darkness of their minds , together with the perve●sness of their wills , which carries them into , and keepes them in errour . For the conscience and will they are both lodged together in the same soul , and therefore may be easily mistaken , or taken one for the other , as they have often been , and still are by people of this Nation , wherein we live , whence it comes to passe by the righteous judgment of Almighty God , that very many here amongst us in these later times have been given up ( their sin being part of their punishment ) to believe , and to be led away with lies , because they would not entertain the truth . Now , whereas the people in general of those remote parts , honour and reverence a Church●an , and for that very reason because he is so : these before named ( men of corrupt minds ) cannot endure us who are the called and allowed minister , and publishers of the truth of God and meerely for our office sake , bestowing on us all termes of obliquie and scorn they can possibly invent , esteeming us as that blessed Apostle St. Paul and other good men of his time were accounted by some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Cor. 4. 13. which properly signifieth filth or dirt scraped off mens shoes , we are made saith the Apostle as the filth of the world , and are the off-scouring of all things unto this day , as if we were the very offall , or filth of manking , unworthy so much as to have being upon the face of the earth . And whereas again the Mahometans , and heathens give their Priests not only honour , but cōfortable maintenance & without all grudging ; there are very great numbers amongst us , being very much led away by principles of worldly minded ness & coveteousness , cannot abide us for our maintenance sake , not cōsidering how that they who preach the Gospel must live by the Gospel , and that by Divine right we have an honourable maintenance allowed unto us by Almightie God , as it is most cleere by many passages of the new Testament , as well as the Old. And by the Laws of the Land , wherein we live , we have as great a civil right to what we may challenge from the people for our livelihood , as any that would deny it us hath either to his bread , or shirt . Yet this is contradicted by many , and the reason is , because they do , and will contradict it , we have cause therefore to bless God for good Laws , to direct and lead some , as to constrain and bind others , for there is no hope in this case to work Convictions upon many , such as the Psalmist calls the beasts of the people , who would defraud us , if they could , of all our just rights . For doubtless if we were left wholy to their curtesie , we might expect no more , probably not so much from them as Micha gave his Levite Judg. 17. 10. ten Shekels of Slver by the year , and a little clothing , and victuals . Now those Shekels were rated diversly , some at fifteen pence , others at twenty pence , and the highest rate of them was two shillings and six pence the Shekel , but which of these Micha gave his Chaplen I cannot tell , neither can I say what our people in this Nation , left to themselves , would generally give their Minister by a voluntary gift . But doubtless it would go very hard with many , with most , who if they were left altogether unto their peoples feeding , would speed little better than a yong Welsh-man of the university of Oxford somtimes did ( and I am very certain that the relation is true ) who after he had gotten a lambe-skin upon his Shoulders , being Bacheler of Arts , presently went into the Countrey for preferments , ( as he said ) and what he found was but four Pounds a year ( as he told me ) for reading prayers in a Church , with liberty in the Belfary to teach a few Children , out of which he was to provide himself of food , and cloathing , and all other necessaries . I meeting him some half year after , he told me how he sped , and that it was but small , but small , I asked the poor man further how he did make a shift to live , he told me , that he had been sick of an Ague the greatest part of that time , could take but little food , and if it had not been so with him , his preferment would have starved him . And thus certainly would it be with many others , if they were left for their livelihood meerly to mens curtesies . Who think the bread of the Church sweet , and therefore would eat it up all from us , and leave us with their good will no part thereof , and happily they may find or imagine it sweet in their mouths , but in their stomacks it will proove hard of digestion . Honey in the one , Gravel in the other , we leave these to God the righteous judge , who complaines , that he is rob'd and wrong'd in the injury done to us . Mat. 3. 8. And will find a time to reckon with men for all these arrerages , and therefore if repentance and restitution in this case , when wrong hath been done , and after-reformation prevent it not , they will one day find enough mould in the grave , and enough fire in Hell. The Athenians ( as Valerius reports ) though they were Heathens , yet when Phydias was to make for them the jmage of Minerva , ( which Goddesse as they call'd her , was in very high esteem amongst them ) and when that work-man told them that he would make it for them either in Marble , or Ivory , they heard him thus far , but when he further advised them to have it made in Marble , because that would be cheapest , they presently commanded him silence , and put him out of doores . And if Heathens could not endure to entertain the thoughts of cheapness , though but in the making of an Idoll , let them of this Nation blush , and have their faces covered with shame , whosoever they be that love to serve God ( as they call it ) but to be at as little cost in that service as possibly they can , as if they studied Jeroboams Politicks , whose Policie eat up his Religion , who after he had usurped his Kingdom , did invent this taking snare to fasten the people unto him , in giving them some seeming immunity in the profession of Religion , telling them that it was too much for them to go to Jerusalem to sacrifice . 1 King. 12. 28. ( though they were commanded so to do by Almighty God ) and therefore he set up Calves , one in Dan , and the other in Bethel , that they might stay at home , and serve God better cheap , with more ease , and ( doubtlesse as they were perswaded ) with no less safety . Again , further for that people , they do so highly prize those books in which their lawes are written , that they know not how sufficiently to esteem and value them , and therefore will not presume to touch them without much reverence . What shall I say , as to this , unto very-very many of this Nation , and such as have long lived under the Ministry of the word , but having profited nothing by it , know not how to put any valuation on it , and therefore esteem it a trouble , a burden , rather then a blessing or benefit , and consequently would be very well content ( so they might be freed from all charge to the publishers thereof ) if the whole book of God were served as that roll was , written by Baruch from the mouth of Jeremiah the Prophet , Jer. 36. Cut all in peaces and burnt in the fire . Such as these will never be perswaded to follow that most excellent counsel which Solomon gives , Prov. 23. 23. Buy the truth , but sell it not . Buy it of God by Prayer , buy it of Books by reading , buy it of Orthodox men by hearing , buy it of other good Christians by conferring , buy it over and over again , you cannot over buy it , Non Priamus tanti . — There is nothing in the world to be weighed against it , to be compared with it . But sell it not for a world . Yet there are a great many dunghil men of the earth , who with Aesops cock prefer a Barly Corne before the Pearle , and therefore are most unwilling to part with a Penny for that most rich commodity . It is strange , further to consider ( as I observed before ) and is very true , that Mahometans should never see their Alcoran ( though but a fardle of falshoods and fooleries ) or hear any part of it read , without a shew of great attention , affection and reverence ; and Heathens do so likewise at the hearing of their precepts ; and all of them give honour and maintenance which is comfortable and without grudging unto those that be their Teachers : ( though they lead them quite out of the way ) and men dare to usurp the names of Christians and yet would be content ( I would not be uncharitable in this sad assertion ) would be content ( I say ) so they might be at no charge for hearing the truths of God. If there were no book of God at all extant , no Gospel , no Minister to declare and publish it . But the time will one day come , when people . ( if ever they return to a right knowledge of themselves ) who have manifested so much thrift in the profession of Religion , shal rue and repent the time that ever they did so . When they may desire to see one day more of the Son of man , one day more of the Gospels , which they so slighted before , but all in vain . When distress and anguish commeth upon them , then shall they call upon God , but he will not hear them &c. the reason follows , because they hated knowledg . Prov. 1. 27 , 28. &c. because they hated and despised knowledge , as Esau was said to despise his birth-right , because he put no greater valuation on it . I confesse that if we whose businesse it is to teach and direct others , do not in the first place labour to teach and instruct our selves . If we be like the statue of Mercury which pointed the way to others while it stood still it selfe ; Or like Watermen , that look forward while they Row and move backward . If we seduce or mislead our people , by Error , or Example ; If we do not manifest love , and mercy , and pitty to our Congregations , but while we undertake the oversight of their souls , either silently or else in passion or discontent tell their persons that we care not for them . If we be not ready according to our abilities for to open our hands to releive the poor , and having ability , our doors , to let in others , that they may know we do not desire to eat all our bread alone ; If we open not our mouths to pray for , and instruct all , If we desire not to carry our people in our bosoms , as God commanded Moses , Numb . 11. 12. that those under our charge may be tender and near and dear unto our affections , and to this end use all winning carriages towards them , that may draw their affections unto us , and by loving us may be won to the love of him in whose stead we stand , and whose messages we deliver ; If we observe not all Gospel Principles , to order us as well when we are out of , as when we are in our Pulpits ; If we study ( as some did in daies of persecution ) to defend evil actions in evil times ; and by depraved reason , or perverted Scripture , could make any thing appear lawful that might please either our selves , or others ; If we desire more of the Serpent then the Dove , and know better to flatter then to reprove ; If we resolve ( as some have done in all ages ) to close unto that side on which the Purse hangs , & as it was said of Josephs brethren ( but in a different case ) that when they opened their sacks mouths they saw their 〈…〉 ey ▪ so if it may be said of us , Sacco so 〈…〉 app 〈…〉 num 〈…〉 , that if the knot of our designes ▪ and endeavours be und●●e , 〈◊〉 , advantage worldly profit will appear ; and so voluntarily hamper our selves in those s 〈…〉 es the world casts in our way to e 〈…〉 ap us , which in a special manner we must ●arne others to take heed of ; If we study wealth more then books , and appear to be Bubulci potius quam pastores , neatherds , husbandmen , horscoursers rather then shepherds , and being basely and sordidly covetous , care for our fleeces more then our floc●s ; Or if by being any other way negligent or scandalous we forfeit that respect and honour and love we might challenge and receive from others , we have no cause at all to complain if we finde i● not . But yet the high calling of a Minister of the Gospel deserves honour , even then when the person that dishonoureth it ( above all others offending ) deserves punishment . On the contrary , if we the Messengers of God labour in our whole course to walk in wisedom , As first , by shewing all diligence in our calling , that by Gods blessing upon our endeavours we may do our work with joy and not with grie● ; if we study to shew our selves approved unto God ( whatever we appear to others ) workmen that need not to be ashamed , and so make a full proof of our ministry by speaking and pressing truths in season , rightly dividing the word of God. Not putting honey in the Sacrifice when we should put salt , nor salt when we should put honey : But wisely temper and mixe together Law and Gospel Mercy and Judgment , as occasion is offered . If we dare be good in bad in the worst times , as those blessed Martyrs and Confessors ( of whom the world was not worthy ) in their generations were , some of them making their faith to shine cleare through their flames , who I say durst be good when others durst not be so , but out of cowardise ( though they call'd it prudence ) did not speak out ; speak home , speak all , but betrayed the cause of God while they undertook to maintain it , and were ready to censure and judge and condemn others for want of wisedom and discretion who did but their duty herein , while they spoke by the pound and talent , words of weight , and neither knew , nor in this case feared the faces of men , but did boldly reprove any that durst boldly sin against God ; by setting up a standard in the Name of the Lord , against the Abominable Pride , the bold prophaness , the swinish drunkeness , the beastly filthynesse , against the Arm'd Injustice , the crying oppressions , against the gross errors , the damnable heresies the horrid Blasphemies , as against all other provoking sins , that the envy of Satan could tempt unto , or the corrupt nature of man yeild unto , committed in the times and places wherein they lived , crying loud against them , by lifting up their voyces like Trumpets , and if their cries could not pierce their deafe ears , that they might be left unto that cry at midnight which will one day awaken sinners with a witnesse . For as Jericho was overthrown with a noise Josh . 6. so every carnal heart is like a Jericho shut up , it must be spoken loud unto , or else it will not down . The gentle spirit of Eli is not sufficient to amend children that are ungratious ; nor mild and gentle proceeding , men that are so ; and therefore we must be bold , when sin grows impudent and cannot blush . A little more by the way . Where I would have my Reader to believe , that I desire to retain and manifest as many Bowels of mercy and pitty towards others , as any can shew . Yet howsoever I do believe this to be a truth ( and I am not alone in this judgement ) that Hereticks and dangerous Scismaticks must be compelled to do their duties if allurement wil not serve . When people are and will be obstinate , they must not alwaies be prayed and intreated . He that hath a Phrensie , must be bound . And he that hath a Letbargie must be prickt up . A member that is rotten must be cut off , least it indanger the whole body . He that hath strengthned himselfe in Heresie or Schism , must violently be puld from it . For some must be pulled out of the fire & saved by fear , discipline , correction , and these , they whose sins proceed from wilfulnesse ; others must finde compassion , whose faylings take their rise meerly from weaknesse . Some things must be commanded as well as taught ; these things Command and teach 1 Tim. 4. 11. Command , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which word is used Act. 5. 40. and it is a Metaphor taken from a Judge giving a charge unto others to do what he commands , or not to do it at their perill . But secondly , if in our whole course we manifest Zeal for God , Zeal joyned with knowledge and carried on with discretion ; If we propose the honour of God as our principal aim and end , and make Love , Charity , Long-suffering , Gentlenesse , Goodnesse , meeknesse , modesty , temperance to shine in our lives , that it may be said of us in Particular , non tantum praedicat sed vivit , that we live as well as preach ; for then do we preach the truths of God as we should , when we endeavour to live up unto those duties our selves which in our exhortations we commend to others . Briefly , if we live though not without failings , yet without scandal , in not giving any just cause of offence unto others ( whatsoever they may say or think of us ) and thus we must labour to live , ( & we deserve to suffer without pitty if we do not so ) that we may be inculpabiles though not inculpati , not meriting the least blame , though we must look to be blamed by some , who will not passe a right judgment of us , how good soever our deservings are , the way to heaven being as well through evil as good report ; and hence it comes to pass that many times while we are most faithful we are most foully used , by scornes and contumelies put upon us which we must gather up , and keep together , as so many jewels hereafter to adorn our Crowns . In the mean time be very well content to be the drunkards songs , rather then their Companions : To suffer any wrongs from others rather then do the least unto any . To carry chearfully the reproaches of wicked men to heaven , rather then their applauses to hell . In a word if we be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , blamolesse , though not sinlesse , for so we cannot be while our bodies are cloathed with flesh , but if we walk by rule , evenly , carefully , Circumspectly , we are most injuriously dealt withal , if we be denyed any of those respects and encouragements which are due unto us . And further if there be no way to attain Salvation but only in and through the merits of Jesus Christ , all those who presume to name the Name of the Lord Jesus , should behold much beauty in the face of them which proclame these glad tydings , especially if they consider what fair Characters are put upon them by Almighty God both in the old and new Testament . In the Old Testament called the strength of a Kingdom , and the excellency of their strength ; The Chariots of Israel , and the horsemen thereof , 2 King. 13. 14. ( see Ezek. 24. 21. ) so it is said of the godly Levites the Ministers of that time , that they strengthned the Kingdom of Judah and made Rehoboam strong 2 Chron. 11. 17. and so they do all places besides wheresoever they are . In the new Testament they are called Ministers of Christ , and stewards of the Mysteries of God 1 Cor. 4. 1. Ambassadors for Christ , 2 Cor. 5. 20. &c. and God hath promised to be with his faithful Ministers and Messengers alway unto the end of the world . Mat. 28. 20 to be with them in respect of themselvs by his presence and assistance , and to be with them either in mercy or judgement in respect of others which do or do not entertain their Messages , and he that heareth you heareth me , and he that despiseth you despiseth me , saith Christ Luk. 10. 16. All which promises well considered and duly regarded , might remove far from us many causes of just complaining which now we have , and may make us take up the complaints of one of the Ancients and say , ad quae tempora reservati sumus , and to repeat it over and over again , Oh to what times are we reserved : In what daies do we live . For that people in East India ; two principal causes of their more accurat walking , compared with others , may be these . First because they keep close unto those principles ( most of them founded in the book of Nature ) which are given them in charge to walk by . And secondly , because the currant of justice run very quick in these parts ( as I have observed before . ) But for us of this Nation , I need not enquire into the causes and reasons , of the most fearful miscarriages , and of the many many evils committed amongst us , they lye so open unto every knowing and observing mans understanding , and therefore they want no great discovery . Only I shall take liberty to repeat some of them which are first more general , and then those which are more special and particular . And first the general and Principal cause of all the evil in this , and consequently of every nation under heaven , hath its Original from that masse of Corruption , that poysoned fountain , which hath infected the whole world , or from that leaven which hath sowred the whole lumps of mankind . Ne mali fiant times ; Nascuntur . Every one is born bad as well as becomes so● Sin sticking more close to mans nature then his skin doth to his flesh . And that Original guilt like a fretting leprosie hath eaten into the manners of all , corrupting the whole man , in all the parts of his body , and in all the faculties of his Soul. The Persons of our first Parents defiled their Nature ; But ever since the Nature of every one defiles his person . Whence the hearts of all are evil from their youth , estranged from the womb , and go astray assoon as they are born . Now secondly , for those causes , which are more special and particular of the increase and groweth of wickednesse in this Nation , they proceed much from the want of restraint upon people , who are so naturally apt to wander out of the way , that dare take any unfit and unlawful liberty they please to take . An eye and a sword , make a fit embleme to expresse Magistracy , an eye to observe and watch , and a sword to chastise some , and to support and defend others . But when this eye is dim , or sleepy , then justice must needs faintly draw her breath . When Canker and r●st growes upon the sword of Authority for want of use , and thence cries out against him who should otherwaies manage it , for bearing the sword in vain ( as Canker and rust doth from the covetous mans silver and Gold , Ia. 5. 3. and is a witnesse against him , ) it is a principal cause why the qualities and dispositions of so many people amongst us ( who cannot go without a Reine ) are so invaded , and vitiated , nay quite overthrown . It is a good and a true saying ▪ Qui non vetat peccare cum possit , jubet ; those which are in Power contract the guilt of all those sins upon themselves which they might restrain in others but do not . The great sin of Eli ( otherwise a good man ) for which he paid dear , because when his sens made themselves vile he restrained them not , 1 Sam. 3. 13. All , which the poor indulgent Father there saith unto his l●wde sons , was , why do ye such things ? for I hear of your evil doings by all the people : nay my sons , for it is no good report that I hear . When any parties offending deserve if not death , yet some severe smart , it is not enough to chide them , because there must be some proportion twixt the Punishment and the offence . To give a light cheek for a great offence , or to award the stocks for theft , or the whip for murder , is to patronize offenders , rather then to punish them . And further , the want of Discipline in the Church since the hedge hath been trampled down & kept so low about it , hath apparently been the most principal cause of the Ignorance and error and heresie and Athesme , which hath corrupted so many minds amongst us . Then thirdly , the very shameful neglect of other publike Persons in their several places , as of Masters in their Families , of Parents towards their Children , and lastly of Ministers in relation to their Flocks have been all of them , and are most sadly mischeivous in this Nation . I begin with the last I named , Ministers of the word , many of which are too too carelesse their charges , in taking no considerable pains for what they deliver unto their people , but on the contrary by hasty and undegested meditations , offer unto God that which cost them nothing ; Or that preach as most hear , resting meerly in the thing done . And further , there are others much to be blamed likewise , in that they do not study the people , that so they might apply themselves unto them in all waies of instruction , reproof , or comfort . In the last Chapter of St. Johns Gospel our blessed Saviour speaks thus to Peter thrice , Simon Peter , lovest thou me ? lovest thou me ? lovest thou me ? as if he had said , Dost thou love me ? dost thou love me ? and dost thou love me indeed ? what then ? shew thy love to me in this , feed my lambs , feed my sheep : I have bestowed my dearest blood upon them , do thou bestow thy best pains . A wise and faithful Minister of the Gospel must consider that he hath lambs in his flock as wel as sheep , and therefore must fit his discourse unto all the several capacities of his hearers , providing , as strong meat for wel grown Christians , so milk for Lambs and babes . And he must deale with these babes who are but newly entred into the school of Christ , as parents do with their little children when they begin to spel or read , encourage and praise them , though what they do be not so praise-worthy : so if he see any the least spark of good in them , to blow it up , and not rigidly shut the dore of hope against those , when God keeps it open ; nor despise smal , the smallest things in whō the Image of God at all appears . All Congregations then consisting of some very low and weak , as of others of more high and quicker capacities , those who have the oversight of them must take special notice of this in applying themselvs unto their several understandings accordingly . Which if so , I think they do very ill who do very much if not altogether neglect the Reading of the holy Scriptures in their Congregations , as if that were not an Ordinance of God. And they are much to be blamed likewise who endeavour to feed their people with Sauce rather then food , as Ephraim fed on wind ; Or as that Roman Emperour who seemed to entertain his guests with flesh , and fowles , and fishes of divers kindes , the figures of all which were most exactly counterfeited in thin silver plate with paint put upon it , and presented before them , which they might touch and admire , but they could not tast , and much lesse carry away : so these amuse , trouble , and perplex many of the people whom they undertake to feed , with abstruse passages , or uncooth expressions , with high speculations , or with aery notions , or with Metaphysical terms , clouding and obscuring many truths , while their businesse is to explain them ; for by new and unfit dresses put upon them , they sometimes make truths which are easy in themselves , more hard to be understood ; and because they themselves may happily understand their own meanings , conceive that their hearers must do so likewise , as if they were all in the upper form of Christianity , and if they were , would be no more able to understand some passages preached and printed ( though some women say that they understand them very well ) then the others were to eat of that Emperours dishes . And as these high exalted notions are very useless ( to say no more ) in our Preachings , because so few can reach them : so a too-too much affected plaineness in them , which many times are presented to hearers in such unseemly , and unpleasing , if not absurd expressions ( though I know that there is a learned plaineness , as well as a plain ignorance ) as in probability will never give that information to the understanding , nor that motion and quickning to the affections , as may work upon both , or either . In all labour there is profit saith Solomon Pr. 14. 23. which as it is true in earthly ; so in spirituall things , where the Crown is reserved for the diligent . And to what purpose hath the Spirit and wisdom of God strewed the Holy Scriptures over with the choicest flowers and figures of Rhetorick , &c. with many full , but short sentences , if they were altogether useless in our Preachings . In which we are commanded to use all arguments we can possibly invent , to perswade men to take Christ and Salvation ; and when these perswasions come from our hearts , as well as our heads , the greater pains we then take , and the more our discourses are furnished and set off with Scripture Elegancies , the more succesfull and prevayling we may hope they will prove . They therefore ( as I humbly conceive ) judge very rashly , and very much amiss , who in dispensing the word , conclude nothing to be so spirituall , as that which is low , and flat , savouring of very little , or no pains , but is very idly , if not ignorantly performed . And therfeore as good parts of learning , but above all , much P●ety ; so there is great wisdom and prudence most requisite to be found in every faithfull Minister of the Gospel , for the better carrying on of his Ministeriall Office , the want of which is without doubt , a chief reason why we labour so much in vain , and do no more good in our places . Which good he that desires to do must be Carbo & Lampas , first burning in himself , and then shining unto others . And further he must go in and out before his people , not onely in priority of place , but also in precedency of vertue , and Godliness , encouraging his people in all ways of holiness , not onely by precept but example likewise . And as it is written of Julius Caesar , that he was wont to be not in the rear , but head of his troops , and there spake to his Souldiers , non ite sed eamus , not go ye , but let us go : so must Ministers of the Gospel speak unto those in their severall charges , and lead them so , that they may safely and boldly follow them . And then , for the comfort of all those , who have been wise and faithfull in this their great trust , and have done the utmost of their endeavours to do much good thereby ; although they have not gained a fair Seal to their Ministry by converting many souls to God , they shall be sure of a full discharge , who have been thus faithfull , whatsoever their success hath been ; that when their careless and unprofiting hearers , that he bound over unto the judgement seat of Christ , with this sad testimony against them , Noluerunt incantari ; this or that people would not be admonished , they shall receive a Quietus est , from that great and high Tribunal , which shall speak thus , well done good and faithfull servant . A second great cause of the many growing evils amongst us , proceeds very much from the great neglect and remisness of Masters , or Governours of Families , who do not take care as they might , as they ought to keep in order those under their roofs , and to nurture them up in the fear of the Lord. For examples herein have much power in them to sway either to good or evill . And the greater the example is , the greater hope if it be good , but if evill the greater danger ; for greatness hath ever a train to follow it , either in good or evill . Abraham , and Joshua , and David were great examples of good herein , as he that turns to their stories may clearly see . But on the other side Jeroboam is seldom mentioned in the writers of Israel , but he draws a tayl after him like a Blazing Star , Jeroboam the Son of Nebat , who did not onely sin himself , but made Israel to sin 1 K. 14. 16. by whose high precedency , but evil example , he did exceeding much mischief so defiling his Throne , that if ye look forward upon all the Kings of Israel his successors , you shall not find amongst them all one good man. Omnes ad unum from Jeroboam the first to Hoshea the last King of Israel they were all nought . Now they who were so bad in the Government of a Kingdom , without doubt could not be good in the well ordering of a family . And hence let all know that as they may do much good , and consequently reap much comfort , in the true managing of their families : so on the contrary they shall be sure one day to suffer , and that heavily for the disorder of them , when they shall be called to a strict account , not onely for their own sins , but sor the sins of others , under their charge , who by their precedency and example they have drawn into , or else by their connivency suffered in wickedness . A third ( and that shall be last cause I will name of so much increase of wickedness in this Nation , and because it is so destructive and mischievous , I shall speak more largely to it ) is the great carelesness of Parents in their not looking to their Children in their first institution and breeding ; for without all doubt the very sad miscarriages of all sorts of Children , of higher and meaner extraction or descent , proceed very much from their first ordering ; when many Parents quite undoe their Children , stulto & improbo amore ; by reason of their foolish indulgence , the great sin of Eli ( before spoken of ) who brought up his Sons to bring down his house ; who , for giving them their way too much , was said , to honour his Sons more than God. So David after him was observed over much to indulge his Son Absolon , when he was young , and to requite him for this ill breeding , Absolon lives heavily to vex his Father Davia when his Father was old . The Children of many Parents ( especially of great ones ) bred when they are young at home or abroad , are very often left too much unto their own will , to learn or else to do almost what themselves please , when getting few , or no grounds of learning in their youth or non-age , suddainly after many of them travell , and then wanting for the most part good guides for their youth , they being abroad first see nought , and then be nought , and after all this without speciall mercy , they dye nought . I do not deny but that there may be very many good experiences gaind by travell , but very few do , in respect of those , which do not improve that advantage : whence it often comes to pass , when a great number of these come to write themselves men , being unable to read Books for want of those principles of learning they might have gotten ; and unwilling to settle themselves in other good imployments , whereby they might be enabled to give a fair account of their precious time , they often learn to drink , and swear , and rant , and game , and Court Women ( to speak it in the modestest sense ) or to spoyl good Clothes , they resolving to enjoy the pleasures that are present , as if they had been born to no other end but to sit down , and to eat and drink , and to rise up to play . Hence with ●hose mad youngsters mentioned in the book of Wisdom , they say one to another , Come let us enjoy the good things that are present , let us fill our selves with costly wine , and let not the flowr of the spring pass by us ; let us Crown our selves with rose buds before they be withered , let none of us go without his part of v●l●ptuousness ▪ let us leave tokens of our joyfulness or jollity in every place , for this is our portion , and our lot is this , leading such lives as the very Heathens do abhor . For they will deny themselves nothing that may please their sensuall appetites , not wine in bowls nor forbidden flesh , nor any thing beside ; while they feed without ●ear , and drink without measure , and swear without feeling , and live without God , dauncing a round about the mouth of Hell , into which they fall and perish everlastingly before they are aware , not considering how others have sped which have so done before them . As Ad●niahs feast ended in horror . So Belshazzars Banquet concluded with a Cup of wrath . So the Philistines mirth in their unavoydable ruin . And thus the peaceable days of the wicked are described , who spend their lives in pleasure , and suddainly they are in Hell ; all their whole mirth put together , being but as the merry madness of one hour ; for they must assure themselves , that when their meal is ended , a great and heavy reckoning will follow . Of all the Ages of men there is no time of life whereon we may ground more hope , and more fear than in Child-hood and youth . And therefore those Parents , who would have comfort in their Children , must look very carefully to their first seasoning ; For as it was the Policy of the King of Babylon , Dan. 1. 4. to have the Children of the Jews , and not the old men to be taught the language of the Chaldeans : so it is the subtilty of the Divell , to have Children , while they are very young , traynd up in strange language , and to have them corrupted with evill habits , which may make them , like a vessell , that hath ill liquor put into it at the first , tast of their first seasoning while life remaineth . That dangerous time of youth , by the envy , and cunning , and help of Satan , carries very many young men left too much unto themselves into most shameful courses , They being of themselves like a Ship on the maine Ocean , that hath neither Helm , nor compass , and therefore moves it knows not whither . Or in this , like weak limb'd Children , who , if they be suffered to go too much , and to soon , lame themselves for ever . Yet many think that in that time of life , their youth gives them some liberty and priviledge , aliquid aetati juvenum est concedendum , they say , which words abused , make them the Divels dispensation , and not Gods ; though they may fondly and falsly suppose , that because they are young , they may be borne withall in any thing they do , as if Pride , Drunkenness , Whoredome , and the like most fearfull exorbitances , were not faults in youth , they not considering that want of years and want of judgement ( which judgement enables to put a right difference 'twixt good and evill ) usually go together . And that youth is like unto green wood , which is ever shrinking and warping ; for as with the antient there is wisdom , Job . 12. 12. so pampered and ungoverned youth is commonly rash , heady , insolent , wedded to its own will , led by humour , a rebell to reason , a subject to passion , fitter to execute than to advise : and because youth cannot consider , as it should , it is no marvell if it so often miscarry . The ways of youth being steep , and slippery , wherein it is very hard to stand , as very easy to fall , and to run into most fearful exorbitances : It being the usual manner of young men , so much to intend ( as they falsly think ) the love of themselves in the love of their pleasures , as that they cannot attend the love of God. And therefore that man may much better hope to come safely and happily unto the end of his course , who hath passed over his first journey ( I mean his youth ) well , But ( which is a very great hinderance unto many young men , when they do but begin to enter upon their way ) there are many Parents which do not desire , that their Children should be good betimes , they being misled by one of the Devils Proverbs , which is a young Saint an old Devill . It is true , that some , who have been wild and wicked in youth , have proved good in age : But it is a most tryed truth , to encourage the groth of early holiness , which hath been made good by much experience , that a Saint in youth , an Angell in age . And truly very many Children may thank their Parents for much of the evill that is in them , beside their Birth-sin , poysoning them ( as they do ) by their evill examples . Children confidently believing that they may lawfully do any thing , they see their Parents do before them , hence Juvenal speaks well Maxima debetur pueris reverentia — Therefore Parents should take heed what they do , or what they spe●k before their Children . As 't is writ●en of wise Cato ( though an Heathen ) that he was wont to carry himself with as much grav●ty before his Children , as if he had been before the Senate of Rome . The neglect of which care , shall give Children cause one day to speak that in truth unto their Parents , which Zipp●rah sometimes sp●ke unadvisedly unto her husband Moses , when he had Circumcised her son , Ex 4. 25. Surely a bloody Husband art thou unto me : so these will say to their Parents that they have been bloody Fathers , and bloody Mothers unto them , in giving them a Serpent , when they should have given them a Fish , a stone when they should have given them bread ; in teaching them to swear , when they should have taught them to pray , un●oing them by their evill , when they might have done them much good , by their holy and unblameable examples , as also by their early instruction , and their timely correction , which might have prevented ( through Gods blessing ) their rushing into the pit of ruin . But why Parents thus generally fail in their duties , we need not much marvell , if we consider the carelesness or rather inability of most Parents to instruct their Children Scilicet expectas ut tradet mater honestes , Aut alios mores quam quos habet . — Ju. No Mother can good precepts give , Who hath not learn'd her self to live . It is not to be hoped that Parents should give their Children better precepts than they have learn'd themselves . But here I must prevent an objection , and 't is this . That if Parents be not wanting in their duty herein , it is not al the care they can possibly have , which of it self can make good Children . For how many good Children have fall'n from bad Loins : And how many gracious Parents ( to their greatest grief ) have been the Fathers and Mothers of most untoward Children . The reason is , because goodness doth not like lands and goods descend from Parents to Children , for God will be the free giver and bestower of all his Graces , and will have mercy , on whom he will have mercy . So then if our Children be good , we must thank God for that ; if evill they may thank us and themselves , us for their birth-sin , and many times for more of their evill then so ( as before : ) themselves , for the improvement of that evill in the ways of wickedness . However we may conclude this as a rule , that those Children of all others , ( in all probabilities ) are like to prove best , who have been best seasoned in their young years ; for train up a Child in the way he should go , and when he is old , he will not depart from it , Pr. 22. 6. In the wars 'twixt Syria and Israel , there was a little Maid of Israel taken by the Syrians 2 Kings 5. and she was put to wait upon the wife of Naaman the Syrian . That Naaman was a great man with his Master the King of Syria , and honourable , saith the story , &c. but he was a Leaper , and that stain of Leprosie sauced all his greatness so much , that the poorest man in Syria would not have changed place with him , to have had his skin to boot . There is no greatness that can exempt a man from the most loathsome and wearisome conditions : doubtless that Leprosie , must needs be a grievous burden to that great Peer . The Maid of Israel tells her Mistriss , would God my Lord were with the Prophet which is in Samaria , for he would recover him of his Leprosie Her Mistriss presently tells her Lord , who upon this report immediately repayr unto that Prophet , and is healed of his disease . I report that storie to this end , that it is very good for Parents to acquaint their Children while they be young with the knowledge of God and of his Prophets , for we do not know what great good they may do by it , The generall neglect of which , and of many other duties of Parents , for the good and welfare of their Children , as the great faylings of others ( I have named ) in their severall relations , are principal , and most apparent causes of the distemper and sickness of the whole Body of this Nation , even from the sole of the foot , unto the Crown of the head . Never such liberty taken by youth of all sorts , of both sexes as now . How generally do they forget God , the guide of youth , for how do they slig●t him by that irreverence they shew in religious duties , they being seduced in ways that carry them from Religion , and consequently ▪ from God. What lightness , looseness , pride , drunkenness , and prophaneness may be observed in too too many of them . What a generall debauchery expressed by wickedness in life ●ath eaten into the manners of such multitudes of the younger sort of people , more by far in the present , than in foregoing times ; whence it comes to pass , that there never was such a scarcity of good servants . So that if Almighty God ( that can do what he will do ) do not please to put ●u●bs on them that may reform , or restrain them , the succeeding age is like to prove a monstrous generation . How much uncharitableness and censoriousness , that is accompanied in some with blindness of mind , and consequently with error , about the things of God , hath taken up the thoughts of many more of riper years . And lastly there is so much covetousness , which turns so many wholy into themselves , without respect had unto any others , which makes so many steer their course for wealth , esteeming any thing that may be gotten to be good gain , being resolved to be rich however they come by wealth , though that they get be like the waters of Bethelem 2 Sam. 23 17. Which David there calls blood , because gotten with so much hazard and jeopardy of their lives that got those Waters : So of the lives and souls too of those that get this wealth ; and yet for all this for Judas his wages they will do Judas his work ; they want peices of silver , & must have them as Judas had , though they earn them as dearly , and suffer for them as deeply as Judas did . Esteeming gain godliness , when it is godliness that is gain ; the hearts of so many are so bent upon , and run after their covetousness in these present , untoward and self seeking times . The Prophet Esay once cryed , Es . 45. 8. O yee Heavens drop down Righteousness ! when righteousness was taken up into the Clouds : So may we say , Oh! yee Heavens drop down kindness ! Love , Charity in our times , that people may know that they were not borne onely for themselves , that they came not into the world to laugh , and joy , and rejoyce to themselves , nor to eat and drink , or to thrive and grow rich , and to live alone to themselves , and to their own private relations , but for others , who stand in need of them , who by the very Prerogative of mankind , may challenge an interest in their succour and service . The consideration whereof bids me turn back mine eyes again , upon some forementioned passages in this relation , that set forth the most excellent Moralities , which shine in those Indians ▪ and by reflexion do very much shame us . And this doth further make me call to mind a passage of Erasmus , in that Colloquie of his called convivium Religiosum where admiring Soorates an heathen upon the same account , said , that he could hardly forbear sometimes to cry out Sancte Soorates Ora pronobis : Now ( as before I have observed againe and again ) that heathens should out-go us , in any way that is safe and good , that they should out-strip us as they do , us that have so much advantage of them in the way , us that have so much assurance ( if we run well in the race set before us , and chalk'd out to us ) to get the better of them in the end : Tha● heathens ( I say ) should walk in many things so exactly , and being but heathens do so , as it marvelously condemnes , so it may deeply humble many of us , who bear the names of Christians , and make us passionately to cry out , and say . Oh Religion ! ( thou , when thou art professed in purity and power ) which bindest God to man , and man to God! Where art thou ? What is become of thee , Whither art thou gone ? Whither departed ? Where shall we seek thee , where find thee ? If not very much amongst those which profess thee , some , ( and they the greatest number by far ) lay thee altogether aside , some make thee to consist too much in forms , and others as much in affected Phrases ( which are made by many a new Shibboleth to distingush one , man from another . A very great Number make this a Complement ; as others a cloak . Some slight thee , and others think themselves above thee , some make thee an any thing , and some an every thing , and some a nothing : And yet for all this , it is true of very many by reason of their great unsetledness . That while they run into these wide extreames , Religion , and conscience are their Theams . Without all doubt Machevils position is no good Divinity , which adviseth men , to take up the profession of Religion , but to slight the practice and power thereof . Da justum sanctum que videri . As if they resolved to make the Church of Christ a Theater or stage to act a part on , as if it were enough for a man to seeme good and not to be so . But let all assure themselves , that their sin ; their own sin will first or last discover them , find them out . When they shall further , by sad experience feel , that the revenges of Almighty God , are never so deadly , never fall so heavily upon sinners , as after they have had most way in sinning . And that God will find a time to pull off all peoples vizards . Thamar muffles her selfe to take a short pleasure Gen. 38. 15. And others muffle their consciences for a time , but as Thamar was discovered , so shall all hearts be laid open , and pull'd out of their thickets wherein they would hide themselves , as Adam when he had sinn'd would have done Gen. 3. when a man shall say to his conscience as Ahab sometimes spake unto Elias , hast thou found me O mine enemy ? certainly if the brests of many were ript up , the wounds , and rents and breaches , which guilt hath made there , would most visibly appear . Tuta esse scelera , secura non possunt . A man may think to sin without danger for a time , but never without fear . Oh this conscience , when it is throughly awakned , will appear to be a very strange , a terrible thing if , it be full of guilt , for then it will swell so big , as that it will be ready to break open the brest of him that bears it . And it would do so , but for these Reasons , first , because it is many times hoodwink't , mask't , or seared , as with an hot iron , having the mouth of it ( as before ) bung'd up , or hooft over , and this makes it not to see , or to be sensible of its present condition . And 2. a man by the malice and cunning of Satan may be brought to esteem the doing of things good , which in themselves are most horrid , & damnable . Now conscience is to the soul , as it is represented to it , the time shall came that he which kills you shall think he doth God good service , and upon his false ground , a man may be never troubled at the acting of the worst things , they shall think they do God good service , but they do but think so , and shall first or last bemade to pay dear for so thinking & so doing . But however , this will be found a truth , that conscience is ever marked and observed by her own eye , though no other eye perceive her ; followed she is , and chased by her own foot , though nothing else pursue her ; she flyes when no man followes ; and and hath a thousand witnesses within her own brest , when she is free from all the world beside ; she is a worm that ever gnaweth ; a fire that ever burneth ; and though a guilty man could escape the hands of the ●verliving God , yet should he find it misery enough , and more than he could possibly beare , to he under the rack , or lash of a never dying conscience ; the consciences of the wicked being so filled with the guilt of sin , that there is no ●oom left for the peace and consolation of God to dwell in them . ●ain felt this weight like a Talent of head upon his soul , which he thought could never be removed , and therefore he 〈…〉 ers a blasph 〈…〉 y against the grace of God never to be pardoned ; for if he could have been as forward to ask pardon for his sin , as he was to seek protection for his body , he might have found it . But , Nemo polluto queat anim● mederi , No cure so difficult as the cleansing and healing of a polluted soul , no balme in Gilead , no Phisitian there can of himself help it , and as all the wealth of the world cannot buy off the guilt ; so all the waters in the Sea cannot wash off the filth of one Sin. — Arctoum licèt , Moeotis in me gelida transfundat mare , Et tota Tethys per meas currat manus , Haerebit altum facinus . said the guilty man , — The Northern Sea , Though coole Meotis pour on me , And th' Ocean through my hands do run , Guilt dy'd in grain , will yet stick on . Oh this fear , when it takes its rise from guilt , is a most terrible thing . It is written of Tiberius the Emperour ( a very politick and subtile , but a most prodigiously wicked man , who to compasse his ends the better , was summus simulandi & dissimulandi artifex ; A very Master-peece of dissimulation ) that for a time he seemed to stand in awe of no power either in Heaven or earth , but after this monster had retired himself from Rome to Capri● , for the more free enjoyment , of his most noysome lusts , in process of time he had such terrors fell upon him , and his natural conscience did so perplex him , as that he came to be afraid of every thing , as of his friends , his guard , nay he became like Pashur , whom the prophet Jeremy calls Magor-missabib , a terror to himself , like the man in the Tragaedy , who would fain have run out of himself saying , Me fugio &c. I fly from my self-guiltiness would fain keep out of sight , and such shall one day be the horror of the damned , as that they would hide themselves , if it were possible , even in hell . A wounded spirit who can beare ! it is written of Cajus Marius , and of Mutius Scaevola ( men famous in the Roman story ) that the first of them patiently endured the cutting off his flesh , the other the burning off his right hand . A wounded estate , a wounded name , a wounded head , a wounded body may be indured ; but a wounded spirit , a wounding conscience is unsupportable , cannot be born , cannot be endured : being like unto a gouty joynt , ●o sore and tender , as that it cannot endure it self ; the truth of all this being known by sad experience of all those , who either have been , or for the present are pressed down under the weight thereof . I will now draw towards the conclusion of this discourse , but shall first make this request unto him that reads it , that I may not be mistaken in any parti●ulars laid down in my many digressions , for my witnesses are in Heaven and in my own bosome too , that I desire to be angry and offended at nothing so much , as at that which angers , and displeaseth Almighty God , hating that which is evill in all , ( and as far as I can know my own heart ) am desirous to do it in my self first and most . But the sad consideration of the strange and still increasing wickednesses of this Nation ( wherein we breath ) bid me take leave to enlarge my self far in this case , and to rebuke sharply or cuttingly , to go to the very quick ; I say the wickednesses of this Nation , to whom that of the Prophet Jeremiah may be fitly applyed , that we are waxen fat , we shine overpassing the deeds of the wicked , putting far from us the evill day while we laugh out the good , lying under the most heavy weight both of spirituall and other judgments , but feele them not , having been like Solomons foole , that could laugh when he was lashed , in many things justifying Turks , Pagans , Heathen , in being corrupted more than they all . Our sins being like that tree which Nebu●hadnezzar saw in his vision , whose top reached up to Heaven , and hath spread it self in its branches over all the parts of the earth here below . But I shall not lead my Reader into a dark and melancholly cloud , and leave him there ; for notwithstanding all these sad and horrible truths I have named , I must say this , that if God have a people , a Church in any place under Heaven , ( which none but an Atheist or a Divell will make doubt of ) they may be found in this Nation , and in that we may take comfort , for they are the righteous that deliver the Island , the remnant that keepe it from desolation , and were it not for those few , whom the very great multitudes , amongst whom they are mingled , scorn and hate , this Nation could not continue , which should make the wicked of this land , if not out of piety , yet ( if they understood themselves ) out of policy to love and respect those for whose sake they fare so much the better . God hath had a Church long planted in this Nation , and I dare say that since the Gospell hath been published to the world , it was never preached with more Power than it hath been here in these later times ; As for our Fore-fathers , they instead of the food of life , issuing from the two breasts of the Church , the Law and the Gospels , were made to feed on moudly & fennowed Traditions . The book of God was sealed up from them , in an unknown tongue , which they could neither understand nor read , but for us at this present day , our Temples are open , we may come , our Bibles are engshed , we may read , our Pulpits frequented we may heare , & from these considerations ariseth a great cause both of wonder & greife ( unto every one who loves the glory of God , the happiness of his countrey , and the good of himself and Relations ) to consider that here , where there is so much light and truth , light to guide , and truth to settle men in the way of life and Salvation , there should be so much wavering , wandering , and wickedness . For aske among the Heathens who hath done such things ? the Virgin Israel hath done very fil●hily , or an horrible thing , as if the Prophet had said in other language , Strumpets , Harlots , Prostitutes , ( who sell , their Souls with their Bodies ) had done but their kind , but for Israel , whom I have esteemed as a Virgin , for England which I have owned above all the Nations of the earth to do such and such things , who would have thought it ? Nay , further ( as before ) considering all the means , that we of this Nation have had , above all the Nations in the world beside to teach us to know God , and the great variety of mercies we have enjoyed , to provoke us to love God ( that have had the wind and Sun of all other people ) the Sun shines not upon a Nation ( if we be considered collectively , and together ) worse than we are . It was sometimes prophesied of Jerusalem , that Jerusalem , should become so bad , that it should justifie Sedome , Ezek. 16. we of this Nation considered ( as before ) are a people that justifie Jerusalem , oh what proficients have we been in the School of Satan , when as those sins , which the Apostle would not have so much as named among Christians , have been so common amongst us , so that we may boldly say how that Sodome and Gomorrah , and those other Cities , which Almighty God overthrew in anger , and repented not ; those Cities which suffer the just and eternall vengeance of Almighty God , lie not in Ashes for greater sins than have been committed amongst us . But I can take no pleasure to be long raking in filthiness , and corruption , I will therefore make hast to give over this unpleasing , unsavoury and nauseating discourse ; The rather , because I know , that neither counselling nor declaming against the sins of the present times doth much good . This I believe that if I were filled with a spirit of false-hood and could prophesie of wine and strong drink , my book would want no buyers to read , and like it : but I shall leave that discourse unto those that have not heard of Death in the Pot ; for my part I shall desire to be inrolled in the number of those , who can wish with the Prophet Jeremy , that their heads were waters , and their eyes fountains of teares , &c. and that they had in the wilderness a lodging place , that they might set down and weep day and night for the sins of the Nation and places where they live ; that they might sit down , and weep , and weepe , over and over again those sins , figh and cry for the Abominations they must needs take notice of , by which retirement they might be freed from seeing and hearing , and from vexing their Souls , from day to day at the unlawfull deeds , and filthy conversation of others and have better leisure to think themselves out of this wicked world . Oh what cause have we of this Nation to beleeve that judgment is near , when the Lord hath tryed us every way , and all hath done us no good . As f●rst God hath been exceeding good unto us in many favours , so that it might have been said of England ( as one speaks of Israel ) that the Lord made that people a president of his love and favour , that all the Nations of the world might learn by them , from their example what God could do , and what he would do for a people whom he loved , but we have not been bettered by these benefits , and doubtless if many amongst us had not been so blinded with light , and sick of being well , the body of this Church and state had never received such wounds as seeme incurable . Oh if we had not sinn'd away our mercies ; God would never have taken away any of his loving kindnesses from us : but our offences have been marvellously increased by our obligations , there being no sins of so deep a die as thosewhich are committed against mercy . The Lord hath tryed us otherwise , his judgments have been in the land , and the keenest of all temporall judgments , the sword , and the sharpest of all swords , that which peirceth deepest ▪ because , drawn amongst our own selves , which hath made us our own spoylers , & our own prey , yet we the inhabitants hereof have not learn'd Righteousness , we have been encouraged by peace , and we have slighted that , and we have felt the sword of war , and that hath done us no good . — Saevior armis Libertas nocuis . Liberty as it hath been abused , having given us deeper & more dangerous wounds , than ever the sword could . So that neither the Majestie of God , nor the Mercy of God , the Goodness of God , nor the greatness of God , the favour of God , nor the frown of Almighty God hath wrought upon us to reform us . Now all these particulars put together , they may give us great cause to feare , what we shall be made to feel , the weight of many sad conclusions , which for the present we will not regard ; as that sin committed and unrepented of , ever leaves a venome and a sting behind it ; and therefore , that to sin , is not the way to prosper , that the longer a reckoning runs one , the greater still the Summe ; and that the further compass a blow fetcheth about , the heavier still it lights . I shall speak it again , under how many sad discouragements have many able sober minded , and orthodox Ministers of the Gospel laboured in these later times , who as if they had not enemies enough abroad , find them at home in their own house , their own coat , proprijs pennis configimur , wounded we are by our own quills , by some who are excellent at close bites , and though they speak us fair , can open their mouths as wide against us as any others , and then when we deserve nothing but well . As the Athenians by their Ostracisme would punish desert , and Crown ignorance . But vessels that are most hollow and empty make the greatest sound and noyse . And as love thinketh no evill : So envy can speak no good ; we need not wonder at this , when we consider that men of the highest deservings have many times had the worst usage . And then if we find such dealing from amongst our selves , we need not marvel at any thing we suffer from others , from any , from all that do not think well of us , that do not love us , and for that reason which Martiall expresseth in this Epigram . Non amote , Sabidi , nec possum dicere quare , Hoc tantum possum dicere , non amote , I do not love , I love not Sabidie , My reason of dislike , I know not why . When the Cynick was asked what beast did bite soarest and worst , he answered of tame beasts a flatterer , and of wild beasts a Slanderer : many a good man sometimes feeles the ●eeth of both these , of the tame beasts , who when they creep into their bosomes will spit in their faces ; of the wild beasts by their detractions , slanders , censures , prejudices , contradictions , and what not , who make their tongues worse than the tongues of doggs , for they are medicinable ; they cure , they heal , but the tongues of these are sharpe , they wound , they kill . But in regard that it is the nature of these beast thus to do , a wise and a good man , who deserves well , yet heares ill , hath no more cause to be troubled at it , than the bright and full Moon going on her course hath at the barking of many doggs . And as some speak evill of us because we do not run with them to the same excess of riot , to distemper , and overthrow our bodies : so others will not abide us , because we cannot come up to them in a like luxuriency and rankness of opinions ▪ to disturb our brains , and to destroy our souls . Now further , how have the Ministers of the Gospel in these last times ( wherein the world grows worse and worse ) been discouraged in the neglect that many find for the paines taken in their great work , their own proper means and maintenance withheld from them by the fraud and deceit of some , and forceably taken away by the power and violence of others , and grudgingly paid them by many more , as if that greatest of all works , the work of the ministry , deserved no wages : And lastly ( which is more and worse ) what grevious heart-breakings do the faithfull Ministers of the Gospell meet withall in their paines , a very great abundance of that spirituall seed of the word they sow so continually miscarrying , upon the thorny , hard , rockey ▪ barren hearts of their hearers . It was an excellent commendation that Quintilian gave of Vespasian the Emperour that he was Patientissimus veri , most patient to heare and to entertain truths , how happie should we be if our hearers in general deserved the like praise . But truth is not for every ones , nay , for few mens turn , Ergo inim●●i , a strange conclusion therefore and for this reason this very reason are we esteemed many mens enemies , because we tell them the truth ; as Saint Paul was long since accounted Gal. 4. 16. Some , that live in great and grosse sinns , cannot endure to have those their sinns ripp'd up or laid open ; dealing with us herein as a mad-man doth with a Chyrurgia● , flying in his face when he goes about to open a Vein that might recover him out of his Madness . Or like a deformed person , who breaks the Looking-glass that shews him his deformity . When our Blessed Saviour fed the people , they resolved presently to make him a King , John 6. but after when , he rebuked their vile manners , they cryed Crucifie him , Crucifie him , let him be crucified John 19. I have formerly heard from many of the Scotish Nation ( and I do believe the Report is very true ( that if a man did preach against their Bishops , while they were haling them down , they would hear him with a great deal of seeming attention , it did so please their humour ; but if the same man told the people afterward of their Swearing , Drunkenness , Whoring or the like , they would cry Wha , wha , what doth the man ail ? what would the man have ? There are very few or none but will be very well content that we should meddle with other mens matters , with other mens faults , while we let theirs alone as Herod seemed to heare John the Baptist gladly , till he mentioned , Herodias . Thus the Priest of Bethel , though he could not abide that Amos in his prophesie should grate upon the house of Israel , yet if he would fly into the land of Judah , and prophesie there , he was not against that . And though that the Jewes could not endure that Jeremy should meddle , with the burden of Judah and Jerusalem , yet if he would prophesie against Edom , and Moab , and Ammon , he might for all them . Mens dainty eares cannot endure to have their own sins touch'd , because truth like light is of a discerning nature , and makes things manifest . Hence evill men love darkness more than light , because their works are evill , As dark-shops are best for bad wares . Light is good , but to bad eyes offensive ; Honey is sweet , but to wounds smarting ; So truth is wholesome , but to guilty men distastfull , like the bloody waters in Egypt sweet and potable to the Hebrews ( as Josephus reports ) but so unsavoury to the Egyptians , as that they would not down . As they write of some creatures that they have gallu in their eare , fell in aure : so the hearing of some truths distasts many . like waters of wormwood , which may make a new proverb bitter as truth , for this many times puts some men into the Gal of bitterness , angers , nettles them , as ulcerous men use to shrink at the lightest touch , yea sometimes to cry out at the very suspition of touching . So that we are often driven unto this Dilemma , if we desire to please we must not speak truth , for if we tell truth , we cannot please . Tell a Politician this truth , that , Summaratio est quae pro Religione facit , that that 's the best , the strongest reason , which makes most for Religion , and that the best policie which makes most for Piety , this truth crosseth his purposes , projects , designes , and therefore he cannot abide it . Acquaint a covetous man with that truth spoken by St. Paul , that the love of money is the root of all evil ( because every sin either directly or consequently springs from Covetousness ) you offer him losse , you are a ●respasser to his trade , an Enemy . And let that truth spoken by St. Peter be pressed upon a filthy voluptuous person , that fleshly lusts war against the soul ; he regards you not , but though he perish in his lust , he will enjoy the pleasures that are present . Thus other sinners either question or quarrell at the truths that are told them : Censure and Hatred being the ancient lot of truth , Censure of the message , and Hatred to the bearer . When Lot came unto his Sons in Law then liveing in Sodome , and acquainted them with Gods purpose immediately to burn that , and other adjacents Cities , though he warned them as a prophet , and admonished them as a father , that if they loved their lives they must presently quit that place , they would not harken unto him , but as Livie observes of others ( though in another case ) nec morbum ferre ●ossunt , nec remedium , that they were troubled both at their sickness and cure , so these sons in lawof Lot , might happily be a little startled , at the report that Sodome should be destroyed ; but more troubled at the thought of leaving Sodome , which was as the Garden of the Lord , before it was destroyed , and that special love they did beare to that place might share up their infidelity to question the truth of that threat , and to reason the case hap 〈…〉 ily thus . Who ever yet knew it to rain fire ? and whence should that Brimstone come ? and if it must rain fire and Brimstone , why rather upon Sodome and Gomorrah than upon other places ? and therefore they were very willing to believe that their father in that menace mocked them , in telling them a fable or fancy of his own head , upon which they resolve to put it to an adventure , rather to stay and burn in Sodome , than to live and be safe and happie out of it . And therefore because they would not part with the company of the Sodomites , they are justly wrapt together in their condemnation , and punishment quos peredere vult Deus hos dementat . Wisdome enters not into the hearts of those which are allotted to destruction , for God many times infatuats when he meanes to destroy , as in the example of Pharaoh , who could neither consider nor feare , because it was his time to perish ; Pharaoh had warnings enough if he could have taken them , but after all he neglects God , and trusts his Chariots , who did serve him ( as every thing shall serve others trusted to in instead of God ) they bring him unto the middest of the Sea , and there leave him to perish miserably , where he sees not his misery ti●l he feels it nor feels it till he could not possibly avoid it . It was even thus with the Sons in Law of Lot , of whom it might have been spoken as it was afterward of the Sons of El● , they harkened not unto the voice of their Father , because the Lord would slay them ; the sons in Law of Lot were sufficiently made acquainted with their neare approaching danger , but all in vain , for the mon●ions of God hard●● the wicked . Hence to carnal minded men preaching is foolishness , devotion is Idleness , the Prophets mad men , and Paul a B●bler . St. John tells us in his third Epistle and fourth chap. that he could have no greater joy than to hear that those which he had taught did walk in the truth , that is , did live in some measure as they were taught ; which indeed is the joy and rejoycing the crown of every faithfull Minister of the Gospel . On the other side there can be no greater griefe , unto those who watch over mens souls to keep them safe , and above all things desire by the ministery of the word , to bring them from darkness to light fr●m the Power of Satan unto God , pressing upon them all arguments they can possibly invent which may p●rswade them to suffer God through Jesus ●●●ist to save their souls , and when this is done , to find all their l●bour lost , all their strength and indeavour to be spent in vaine . The spiritual sword of the word having had its edg and point broken off , and battered upon the stony hearts of their hearers , which it could not pierce . Oh this is an argument of discourse and discouragement above all other arguments that can be thought on , unto those who know how to value a precious soul , and to desire its salvation . And truly ( which before was pointed at ) if parents do not assist us in the ordering of their children , and Masters of servants in the reforming of their families : and to these if Magistrates suffer their swords to rust in their scabbards , rather than to draw them out in our assistance that they may reach scandalous offenders , whom the sword of the word cannot peirce , we may preach till our Tongues cleave to our gums , or fasten to the roofes of our mouths , and all to little purpose . And I must further add , that if all I named before do their parts , the voyce of the Minister will be too weak , the sword of the Magistrate too short for to reach and bring down rebellious sinners unto the obedience of Christ , unless the mightie arme of the Lord be revealed in his ordinances : yet however b●cause the ministry of the word is the ordinary means which Almightie God hath appointed and sancti●yed , to convert s●uls unto him , ( not excluding other mean● that tend to this end ) there might be a very great hope of doing God much service this way by this present generation , if Magistrates and Ministers and others in their several places did endeavour with all their might , to preach down sin , and to smite down sin , and to pray down sin , and to live down sin . But sad experience shews that it is far otherwise . And it is a most evident signe that the destruction is neer when the messages from God , and the Messengers of God are , as in these daies so generally neglected ; when the faithfull Dispencers of Gods Ordinances , who are spirituall Phisitians , have improved all their skill , to cure mens itching ears , to soften their hard hearts , and to heal their head-distempers , and have done every thing beside , that lies in their compass to further the salvation of their Hearers , but all in vain . And therefore that which was once said to Babylon , Jer. 51. 9. may be applied to this Nation . VVe would have healed England and she would not be healed . After which , it were most just ( when exhortations and reproofs , spoken and prest in the name of the Lord , can do no good ) for Almighty God to say unto his Prophets of England ( as he did to them in Babylon ) forsake it , up , be gon , spend your breath here no longer in vain , apply no more medicines for such as are past cure , get you to the Heathens , they will hear your voice . Go to Africa , America , or India , and there eate your Bread. Sanctifie unto me a people that were not a people , fetch me Sons and Daughters from far . Let the barren bear Children , and let them that might have been fruitfull be barren . I have been served with the sins of England a long time , I am weary of bearing them any longer , and therefore let them from henceforth lye , and dye and perish and ●ot in their iniquities . Oh 't is a Curse of all Curses , the very bottome of the Viol and dreggs of the vengeance of Almighty God , when upon a continued slighting and neglecting of his messages and messengers ; they are willed to relinquish their accustomed Flocks , and to carry the word they have to deliver , unto foreigners and strangers , as Paul and Barnabas told the Jewes at Antioch , Acts 13. 46. It was necessary that the word of God should first have been spoken unto you , but seeing you put it from you , and judge your selves unworthy of everlasting life , loe we turn to the Gentiles . The Jewes there neglect the word of God , and the losse of this word of God shall lose them their Credit , Liberty , Peace , Prosperity and Salvation , both in their own daies and in the daies of their Childrens Children . Where note , that Gospell and everlasting life are joyned together , and that the neglect of the one , is the loss of the other . Lo we turn to the Gentils ; wild , neglected and unnaturall Branches , they will hear our voice . And Acts 18. 6. When the Jewes at Corinth , opposed themselves , and blasphemed , Paul shook his Raiment and said , Your blood be upon your own heads , I am clean , from henceforth I will go to the Gentiles . When they resisted his person , and blasphemed his Doctrine , he shook his Raiment against them saying , Your blood be upon your own heads , as if he had said , I found you the Children of Death , and so I leave you , grow in your filthiness and unrighteousnes , 〈…〉 you have fullfilled the measure of your Fore-fathers , for my own part I wash my hands in innocency , I can free my Soul in the sight of God , I was carefull ●o apply my Cures unto the hurts of Corinth , but they would not be healed . Which thing , if the Lord in just judgement ever suffer to betall this Land , as there are not very many moneths passed since there was a great and strong endeavour by some ( who fetched their Counsells from the depths of Hell ) to remove both Candlesticks and Candles cut of it , that so the people of this Nation might have returned again to Aegypt and in time become Bruits , Atheists , and worse than Heathens . For if it be t●ue of Humane Learning , Emollit mores — that it softens and sweetens mens Manners ; it is more true of that Knowledge which is divine and spiritual , without wh●ch people may grow Barbarous , as in all probability this whole Nation might have done if the Lord had not appeared in the Mount , and by an immediate Providence prevented it . I say if any such thing ever happen to this Land , they who shall be so unhappy as to live to the fight of that wofull day , may borrow those words which that poor distressed woman somtimes uttered in the extream bitterness of her soul , saying 1 Sam. 4. 22. The Glory is departed , the Ark of God is taken . and again , the Glory is departed . If this I say ever happen to this Land ( which the Mercy and Goodness of Almighty God forbid ) it may be then said , that Judgment ●ath both begun and made an end with it ; and that the case of it would be more desperate than if the Ground of this Island had opened her Jaws , and in one common Grave buried all her Inhabitants . But blessed be God , Prophets are yet in England , and long may they continue in it , the Pearl is yet to be found in our field , the Gospell is yet amongst us . Oh that as we have the sound thereof daily in our eares , the letter of it walking through our lipps , so we might see the power thereof more manifested in our lives . To speak a few words more of those Indians with reflection still upon our selves , let us consider that as the Ground is more or less manured , so t is expected it should bring forth fruit accordingly some an hundred , and some fifty and some thirty fold , some more some less , but all some . Five Tal●nts must gaine other five , two must return two more , and one shall satisfie with less proportion . A Child may think and do and speak as becometh a C●ild ; but a Man must behave himself every way as becometh a man. An Hebrew must live as an Hebrew , not as an Aegyptian . A Prophet as a Prophet , and not ( by drudging and digging ) as an Husbandman . A Believer must live as a Believer , and not as an Heathen or Infidel . A Professor of the Gospell must walke as a Professor of the Gospel , not as a Libertine , an Epicure or Athiest . For a Wilderness to be barren there is no wonder at all in that , but if those Trees which have been well husbanded , dung'd and dress'd , continue still fruitless , they deserve cursing . Arbori infructuosae debentur duo , secur is et ignis . Two things belong unto the fruitless tree , the Axe to cut it down , and the Fire to consume it . When I have seriously thought on the many and mighty Nations at this day inhabiting the remote parts of the Earth , and how that many of them are people that live in happy and most fruitfull Soils , which afford every thing to please , de●ight , and to enrich the Sons of Men in sweet Aires ; that being most true of the Psalmist , The earth hath God given to the Children of men , Psal . 115. 16. To the Children of men who are meer Aliens and Strangers to God. Many of these enjoying as delectable places as the Sun shines on . And for the people themselves , many of them , for flesh and bloud , as comely as the Earth bears . And further , many of them people which are provident to forecast , ingenuous to invent and most able and active to perform . Concerning whom , they who have tryed them may further say , surely they are a wise people a●d of great understanding ; but considering again , that they en●oying every thing , want every thing in wanting Christ , it makes their condition in all their enjoyments , which seeme to make them happy , most miserable . To which purpose Lactantius speaks well of the Learning of Heathen Philosophers , Omnis Doctrina Philosophorum sine capite &c. That all their learning was without an head , because they knew not God , and therefore seeing they were blind , and hearing they were deaf , and understanding they understood nothing as they ought to have done it . So for outvvard things , though they have abundance , yet they have nothing , because they have not God , in the right knowledge and understanding of him , as he ought to be known in Christ Jesus . They want Christ because they are altogether unacquainted with him ; but if vve , who have had such a continuall povver of him , and have such advantages to knovv him by hearing him so often teach in our streets , if vve vvant him , for vvant of closing vvith him , and consequently be never a vvhit the better for him , it will make our estate by far , to be more lamentable than theirs . Tyre and Sydo● , and Gomorrah and Sodome , and all the people I have named , will speed better at the day of judgement than we shall do . These Heathens in East-India ( as I strongly believe ) see as far with the eye of Nature as it can possibly reach , and nature it self teacheth them , and teacheth all the world beside , that there is a God , but who this God is , and how this God is to be worshipped , must elsewhere be learn'd . Thus nature without Grace being like Sampson when his eyes were out , who could not readily find the Pillars of the house wherein he was , no more can any man of himself fasten unto any pillar of prop of truth , unless the Spirit of God instruct and direct him how to do it . Veritatem Philosophia quaerit , Theologi● invenit , Religio possidet , saith Mirandula . Philosophy seeks truth , Divinity finds it , but Religion possesseth it not the face or mask , or visard , or forme , but the truth and power of Religion , of which something by the way . The truth , and power of Religion , I say , for there have been ever many misconceivings about Religion . How many stirs , and quarrels , and Heats have we known about the list , and fringe of Christs Garment , ( as one of most high deserving long since observed ) and these mistakes in Religion have made many to agree no better than the Bricklayers of Babel , who when their tongues were divided could not understand one anothers speech , but did mistake one thing for another ; And thus do many now who take nature ( if but a little refined ) for Grace ; Will for Conscience . So a floating knowledge for true wisdom , cruelty for Justice , covetousness for frugality , baseness for humility , presumption for hope , a distempered heat for true zeal , and vaine credulity for faith . And the reason of all this is , because the best Graces have their Counterfeits , and from hence come those many mistakes . Now for the power and truth of Religion we shall the better know it , if we first briefly discover what it is not , and then what it is . What it is not ; It doth not consist in a bare hearing of the word , though heard never so frequently , nor in a bare performance of other duties , which are good in themselves , though praiers perform'd ne'r so constantly ; long prayers wil not excuse the devouring of vvidovvs houses , nor the doing of other good duties , any the like acts of oppression and violence . Thou Preachest , thou hearest , thou readest , thou prayest , but how livest thou ? what doest thou ? if these questions cannot be well resolved , all good performances will prove nothing worth . Again , the power and truth of Religion is not manifested in a rash censuring and condemning of others , I am not as other men are , nor as this Publican ( you know who said it . ) It doth not consist in the exalting of a mans self above others , whatsoever his gifts and graces are . It is not to be found meerly in an ability to talk or prattle , or dispute , or wrangle , and after to hold the conclusion , whatsoever may be said against it in the premises . But for the truth and power of Religion , if we would briefly , and in some particulars know what it is , it is that which makes a man labour first to know , and then to believe , and to do whatsoever is to be bele●ved and to be done , but to believe and do rather than to know . It is that which makes a man put a better esteem upon others than upon himself . It is that which puts a guard on the lips , a bridle on the tongue , a cu●b on the will , and gives Rules to the affections ; vvhich , vvhen they are high and exalted , keep the heart still lovv , Because the more acquaintance the heart hath vvith God , the more humble it is , even behol●ing through Gods purity it s ovvn vileness . And therefore a man ( in vvhom the truth and povver of Religion shines ) vvhen he hears of sinners , borrovvs the Apostles language , and saith of himself , that I am the chief , for he keeping a continuall guard and vvatch over him●elf , can accuse himself of thousand , both faylings and sins , vvhen he is free from all the vvorld beside . This further makes a man to behold indifferent things vvith obedience , rather than vvith opposition or dispute , knovving that the vvisdom vvhich is from above , 〈◊〉 first pure and then peaceable . Briefly therefore , when the truth and power of Religion is separated from the profession thereof , a mans Religion is nothing worth for in this Case there is small difference 'twixt an Israelite and an Ishmaelite , 'twixt a Circumcised Hebrew , and an uncircumcised Philistine , 'twixt a Bap●ized Englishman , and an unwashen Turk F●r the barren Figtree in Gods Orchard is in no better case , than the bramble in the wilderness , for God will lap them both up in the same bundle of condemnation , It being all one to deny the faith , and not soundly and sincerely to profess it . It is reason which makes us men , it is Religion that makes us Christians , woe be to us that we were borne men if , we be not Christians , woe be to us that we are called Christians , if our lives shame our Christianity , if we be not Christians in deed , and in earnest , as well in name , and in profession so . We quarrell at the superstition and blind devotion of others . But let us examine our selves , whether superstition in them , hath not a great deal of more heat in it , than Religion in us ; whether in their blind devotion , the avvfulness in their se●vices of God , doth not arraign and condemn irreverence in ours . Ready we are to judge the Papists for their rash vows of C 〈…〉 y , but let not us that do so , ever hope tha● u●cleaneness will bring us to Hea 〈…〉 n. And we that are forward to condemn the P●p●sts for their mad conceivings about works of Supererrogation , must never think that Faith without works , will justifie us before God. That we , who wonder at such people as I have named in East India , as at others for their austeritie of life , which they voluntarily and unconstrainedly submit unto in their will-worships , must never conceive that doing vvhat vve please , what vve vvill , can bring us at last to true happiness . God hath called us ( saith the Apostle ) to glory and vertue , to vertue and holiness as the means , to glory and happiness as the end . That thereforeof St. Hierom is undoubtedly true , ●ifficile imò impossibile est & quis transeat à deliciis ad delicias , &c. That it is an hard , yea , an impossible thing , for a man to leap from pleasure to Paradice , here to have his belly fill'd continually with the delicacies of the Creatures , there to have his mind satisfied vvith the fulness of joy , and in both vvorlds to appear glorious . Stories are fill'd with rare examples of virtue even in Heathens , Seneca the Philosopher Writes of Sixtius , that vvhen the day was ended , and the night vvas come , vvherein he should take his rest , he vvould first ask his mind quoa malum sanasti hodie & c ? vvhat evill hast thou healed this ●ay ? vvhat vice hast thou withstood ? and in what part art thou bettered ? I find this recorded of another , who was so exact in his walking , that his whole life was perpetua censura , &c. a continuall censure of himself . Aristides for his uprightness was called the just . And Tully Writes of Fabricius that he was a man who would resolve well , and after so unmoveably bent to perform what he had resolved to do , ut facilius solem è suo cursu , &c. that you might as ●oon put the Sun out of hi● course , as Fabricius from his intended purpose : I have ob●erved before , that very many people in East India , what lets and impediments soever they have , will by no means omit their frequent devotions , nor any other thing they esteem themselves bound to perform , as to G●d ; ●he far greater shame for Christians ; when every tr●●●e is sufficient to make such a D●ve●sion as may hinder them in Religious dut●es . And for many of those Heathens I have spoken of , they live up even to the very height of nature , and want means to lead them further . Now what shall I say more of them ? surely thus , that our Blessed Saviour lik'd and loved the young man in the Gospel , Mar. 10. 21. even for that moralitie he saw in him , Jesus beholding him , loved him . And so may Almighty God who is infinite in mercy look in favour upon many of these poor Creatures , that go as far as they can , in shewing them Jesus Christ , and in his face beholding them ; for many shall come from the East and West , and North , and South and shall sit down with Abraham and Isaac and●acob ●acob in the Kingdom of Heaven . But this is a consideration lockt up amongst Gods secrets , and therefore I dare not pry any more or further into it ; neither shall I for the present enlarge my self in this Miscellany ; which I could have made to swell into a Volume . But if that I have written be as well taken as it is well meant , it is enough if not too much . However there are two things which I must adde in relation to my self . The first ( that I may not alwaies lye at the mercy of my Reader ) this though , difficile est Satyram non scribere , that if my Pen hath let fall any thing in this discourse unbeseeming my calling and years , I most humbly beg pardon for that ; I shall leave the Press to make an ansvver for it self . For the Second , I shall presume one pardon , and that is for the leaneness and lowness of my stile , vvherevvith this Relation is cloathed , when my Reader considers , that I lived amongst Indians vvhich made me rude . Dum in vitâ sumus in viâ . THis Lif 's our way , in which where ere we be We miss our path , if that felicitie Be not our utmost aym ; towards which we meet With Cross-ways , Rubs and streights that cause our feet To stumble or to faint : yet must we on , What ●'re we meet , untill our journeys done . We seek a Country , cannot find it here , Here in this Pilgrimage , i' th whole world , where The streightest , smoothest paths , which most do please , Are clog'd with toyl and trouble ; but want ease . Our God , and Country too are both above , We keep our way whiles that we thither move , But loose it when our motion doth not tend To that hop'd period , which may make our end Happy and safe . There is no standing still Here in this life ; we do extreamly ill , When we proceed not , for if once we slack To press towards the mark , we then draw back . Who therefore sees beyond his eyes , must know He hath a further journey still to go : For though he could with weary paces get The world's great round , his tyresome progress yet Were not all pass'd , still must he think his ear Fill'd with that voice Elias oft did hear , What doest thou here Elias ? up be gone , Andafter many days still cry'd go onne . Who follows close Gods call , and way runs best , Till he receives his penny , take his rest . In three parts of the vvorld I 've been , novv come . To my last journey , that vvill bring me home . Ed. Terry . FINIS . 
A65012	----	The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies. Viaggi. Part 3. English Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652. 1665 Approx. 1463 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 244 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65012 Wing V47 ESTC R7903 11981351 ocm 11981351 51838 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65012) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51838) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 521:4) The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies. Viaggi. Part 3. English Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652. Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644. Havers, G. (George) [7], 480 p. : plans. Printed by J. Macock for Henry Herringman ..., London : 1665. Translation by George Havers of the third part of the author's Viaggi ... cioè la Turchia, la Persia, e l'India. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Voyages and travels. Iran -- Description and travel. India -- Description and travel. India -- Description and travel -- Early works to 1800. Arabian Peninsula -- Description and travel. 2003-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-03 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2004-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-04 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Imprimatur , White-hall , June 4. 1664. WILL. MORICE . THE TRAVELS OF Sig. Pietro della Valle , A Noble ROMAN , INTO EAST-INDIA AND Arabia Deserta . In which , the several Countries , together with the Customs , Manners , Traffique , and Rites both Religious and Civil , of those Oriental Princes and Nations , are faithfully Described : In Familiar Letters to his Friend Signior MARIO SCHIPANO . Whereunto is Added A Relation of Sir ROE's Voyage into the EAST-INDIES . LONDON , Printed by J. Macock , for Henry Herringman ; and are to be sold at his Shop at the Blew-Anchor in the Lower-walk of the New-Exchange . 1665. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE ROGER Earl of ORRERY , &c. My Lord , IT is not more commonly then truly observ'd , That the Preeminence of Excellent Things is universally attended with a proportionable Result of Benefit to those of Inferior Degree : And the same may with equal verity be affirm'd of the Glory of Great Personages . Your Names serve , not onely to distinguish you , or , by the Addition of Titles , to give you higher rank in the State ; but , like the Sun communicating Light and Life together , they animate and beautifie what-ever is irradiated by them . Which general Consideration , though it could not give me any particular Right , yet it may in some sort warrant the sutableness of dedicating this Transcript to your Lordship's Name ; A Name , which besides having been able to revive and support a long-depr●ssed Interest in a Considerable Kingdom , is so highly celebrated upon the account of other Performances , as scarce to find a Parallel among those of your own , or any other Orb. Nor is it a little ground of Confidence to me , that what I present is neither wholly my own in any sort , nor any of it otherwise then as an Interpreter ; nor ( lastly ) one of those refined Pieces of Invention , which while your Protection is implored , do with-all solicite your Judgment ; But of that kind of Writings , which containing Descriptions of Countries and their Customs , can onely please by the Variety of the Relations , and the Veracity of the Relator . He , whom I have interpreted , was a Noble Roman , ( Persons of which Quality , as they have greater Curiosity , so they have far more Advantages in reference to making of Observations in Forreign Countries , than they whose chief business is Traffick ) and was carried onely by his own curious Genius into those Oriental parts of the World , whereof he here gives an Account ; which is so full of delightful Variety , and considerable Remarks , that as after his Return his Person was dignifi●d with an Honourable Office in the Court of his own Prince ; so , since his Death , his Travels have no less happily travell'd , and been naturaliz'd in some other Languages . The other Piece hath been judg'd fit to be adjoyned , as one of the Exactest Relations of the Eastern parts of the World that hitherto hath been publish'd by any Writer , either Domestick or Forreign ; having been penn'd by one that attended Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Great Mogol : Than whom , 't is acknowledg'd by one of that Country that trades most into those parts , none ever gave a more faithful Account thereof . It remaines onely , that , as by this action I have ( though with all the Modesty that becomes me ) assum'd an Interest in a Great Name , so I also testifie the Honour and Veneration I bear to Great Worth and Rare Accomplishments ; which I shall do summarily ( and yet in the utmost importance of the words ) by professing my self , My Lord , Your Lordships in all Humble Respect and Observance , G. Havers . P. Scipionis Sgambati è Societate Jesu , PETRO à VALLE PATRICIO Romano , Ob cineres Conjugis ex ASIA revectos . AENeadum soboles Albani sanguinis haeres , Aeneae proavi quàm bene facta refers ! Ille senem ex Asia fertur vexisse parentem ; Ex Asia conjux est tibi ducta comes . Par utrique fides esset , nisi quòd tua major Est pietas , Italûm gloria VALLIADE . Ille senem extinctum Siculâ tellure reliquit ; Tu Romam extinctae conjugis ossa vehis . THE TRAVELS OF Peter Della Valle , Sirnamed The Traveller . Containing a DESCRIPTION of the EAST-INDIES , &c. LETTER I. From Suràt , March 22. Anno 1623. IN the beginning of this year , at my departure from Persia , I writ last to you from aboard the Ship call'd the Whale , in which I was newly embarqu'd upon the coasts of that Country , and had not yet begun my Voyage . Since which time having sail'd over a good part of the Ocean , arriv'd at the famous Countries of India , travell'd and view'd no inconsiderable portion thereof ; by conveniency of the same Ship which brought me hither , and is ready to set sail speedily towards Muchà in the Arabian Gulph , ( and the rather for that a German Gentleman a friend of mine is embarqu'd in her , with an intention to travel from thence , in case he can get passage , to see Aethiopia ; ) with this Letter ( which I recommend to him to get transmitted into Italy , if possible , from those Ports of the Red Sea , or by the way of Cairo , where they trade , or by some other conveyance ) I come again to give you an Account of my Adventures , and the Curiosities which have hitherto afforded delicious repast to my alwayes hungry Intellect . To begin therefore : Upon Thursday the 19 of January , having dispatch'd and taken order for what was needful , a little before day , after the discharge of some Guns , as 't is the custome at going off from any Coast , we began leisurely to display our sails , moving but slowly , because we waited for the ship-boat which was still at shore ; upon whose return we unfolded all our Canvase , and though with a small gale , directed our course between the Islands of Ormuz and Kesom , passing on the outer side of Ormuz next Arabia , in regard the shallowness of the Channel towards Persia afforded not water enough for such great Ships as ours . We were in company only two English Ships , namely , the Whale , which was the Captain-ship , ( in which I was embarqu'd ) commanded by Captain Nicholas Woodcock , and another call'd the Dolphin , which had for Captain , Master Matthew Willis . At noon , being near Lareck , and no wind stirring , we cast Anchor without falling our sails , and our Captain sent his long boat a shore to Lareck , with two Grey-hounds which the English of Combrù had given him , to catch what game they could light upon . Towards night we set sail again ; but though the wind somewhat increas'd , yet because the boat was not return'd we struck sail a little , and staid for it , discharging also several musket-shots , to the end those that were in it might hear and see where we were : And because 't was one a clock in the night , and the Boat was not yet come , we doubted some disaster might have befaln it , in regard of the multitude of those Arabian Thieves call'd Nouteks , which rob upon that Sea , and frequently reside in this Island of Lareck : Yet at length it return'd safe and sound , and brought us abundance of Goats ; whereupon we again spread our sails freely to the wind , which was pretty stiff , although not much favourable to our course . However , we went onwards , plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia ; and on Saturday morning , as we drew near the Arabian shore , we saw three small Islands , situate near one another , and not far from a certain Cape , the name of which , and the Islands , they could not tell me , so as that I might set it down truly ; whereby I perceiv'd how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts ; for in the Countries themselves , where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people , few of them know how to pronounce the same aright . On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate our selves in the Dolphin , our companion , where the Captain entertain'd us liberally all day . In the mean time we had a good fresh gale , and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf , we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia ; and in the latter discern'd a famous white Rock , which standing in the midst of a low sandy shore , looks like a little hill made by hand . We pass'd the Cape , which they call in Persian Com barick , that is , small sand ; and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck . On Monday , the Sea being calm , the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship , discoursing of sundry matters ▪ and he took occasion to shew me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country , whither he then sail'd , which they call Greenland , lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees . He related how he found this horn in the earth , being probably the horn of some Animal dead there ; and that when it was intire it was between five and six feet long , and seven inches in circumference at the root , where it was thickest . The piece which I saw ( for the horn was broken , and sold by pieces in several places ) was something more then half a span long , and little less then five inches thick ; the colour of it was white , inclining to yellow , like that of Ivory when it is old ; it was hollow and smooth within , but wreath'd on the outside . The Captain saw not the Animal , nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea ; for according to the place where he found it , it might be as well one as the other : but he believ'd , for certain , that it was of a Unicorn ; both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much , and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this , as he conceiv'd . But herein I dissent from him ; inasmuch as , if I remember aright , the horn of the Unicorn , whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros , is by Pliny describ'd black , and not white . The Captain added that it was a report , that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America , not far from that Country of Greenland ; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland , a neighbouring Country , and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island ; and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America , in case it be no Island . This Country of Greenland is of late discovery ; and the first Christian that discover'd it , or went thither , was this Captain Woodcock , in the year above-mention'd ; and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account , because whereas the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass , ( whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things ) he found this green and full of Grass , although it be always cover'd over with Snow ; so that when the Animals there mind to feed , they hollow the snow with their feet , and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same . The English now yearly sail thither , where they take abundance of Whales ; and some so vast , that when they open the mouth , the wideness is above three Geometrical paces , or fifteen foot over . Of these Whales the English make Oyle , drawing it onely out of the fat of their paunch ; and they make such plenty , that out of one single Whale , they say , they often get 19 , 20 , and 21 , Tun of Oyl . This Greenland , by what Captain Woodcock saw , who discover'd it , from the end of seventy six degrees , to seventy eight and a half , ( the cold not suffering him to go further ) was un-inhabited ; he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts . The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found , because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries , and , besides their salary , must make no other profit of their Voyages ; but what ever they gain or find , in case it be known , and they conceal it not , all accrues to the Company that employes them . When the Horn was intire , it was sent to Constantinople to be sold , where two thousand pounds Sterling was offer'd for it : But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople , but sent it into Muscovy , where much about the same price was bidden for it ; which being refus'd , it was carry'd back into Turkey , and fell of its value ; a much less sum being now proffer'd then before . Hereupon the Company conceiv'd , that it would sell more easily in pieces , then intire ; because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate . Accordingly they broke it , and it was sold by pieces in sundry places ; yet for all this , the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds Sterling . And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it , and this was it which he shew'd me . On the 25. of January , sailing in the main Sea with the prow of the Ship South East and by East ; and , as I conceive , at a good distance from the Country of Macran , ( which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania , or else of Gedrosia , and at this day having a Prince of its own , lyes upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol ) we discern'd behind us three or four Ships which seem'd to be Frigots or Galliots , but towards Evening we lost sight of them . The same day , and the other before , began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things , which I took to be Snakes , or at least fishes in the form of Snakes , being exactly of the form of large Eeles , long and round , and according to the motion of the water seem'd crooked as they floated along the Sea. Nevertheless demanding of intelligent persons what they were , I understood that they were neither those Animals , nor yet living things , but onely a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape , void of all motion , saving what the agitated water gave it ; although by reason of the motion of the ship they seem'd to move contrary to us , whilst we saw them left behind . And they told me , that the nearer we came to India , we should see more of these things . The next Evening , our Captain , who was a little more merry then ordinary , ( because , the Captain of the Dolphin dining with us that day , he had drank pretty freely in conversation ) discoursing with me , as he was wont , after Supper , spoke very frankly to me concerning their affairs of Ormuz : In conclusion he told me , that their Treaty with the Persians stood thus ; That if they would deliver to the English the Fortress of Ormuz , with half the revenues of the Custom-house and the City , as they desir'd from the beginning ; then the English would people Ormuz , and restore the trade as formerly , keeping the same continually open with Persia ; and that for this purpose , and also for guarding that Sea against the Portugals and other Enemies , they would keep four ships in Ormuz . That when this were agreed upon , the English would transport a good number of people from England , and whole Families with Wives and Children , to dwell in Ormuz , as the Portugals did before : and then they would prosecute the War against the Portugals at Machat , and every where else . But if these things were not agreed to , they would make War no longer against the Portugals ; nor car'd they for the Traffick of Persia upon other terms . Now should these Treaties take effect , they would in no wise be advantagious for the Catholick Religion ; and were there no more to be fear'd , the Portugals would thereby be for ever excluded from recovering Ormuz ; yea , all the rest which they possess in those parts would be in great danger . Imanculi Beig , who was General of the Persians in the late Wars , and with whom the English treated in Combrù concerning this affair , Captain Woodcock said , he inclin'd to the bargain ; but it was not known what the Chan of Sciraz , and ( which is more important ) the King would do . On one side , I know , the Persians insisted much upon having Ormuz wholly to themselves ; accounting it a small matter to have gain'd , with so much War , and loss of men , onely the half , or rather less then half , the Fortress being deducted which the English demanded for themselves ; so that the Persians would have but the same interest there as the King of Ormuz had with the Portugals , and no more . They conceive also , that they have done little , and perhaps ill , should they make no greater acquisition , in having onely chang'd the Portugals in Ormuz for the English , and Christians for Christians ; that upon easier terms it might be hop'd , that perhaps the Portugals , after the loss of Ormuz , would agree with the Persians , now there was no more to lose , and onely give the Persians that which the King of Ormuz , a Mahometan like themselves , injoy'd . Moreover , to the Persian , no doubt , the friendship of the Portugals would be more profitable , in regard of the many States which they possess in India , from whence they may with more facility and certainty maintain the accustomed Commerce with Persia. But , on the other side , to see the Portugals so worsted , and the English more fortunate , at least , and couragious , if not more strong , 't is a clear case that Ormuz will never be reinhabited , nor Trade set on foot again , unless some Nation of the Franks , which have ships and strength at sea , reside there ( things which the Persians wholly want , there being neither Mariners nor Timber in Persia , about that Sea , to build ships ) and the loss resulting to Persia by the extinguishtinguishing of this Traffick , the charge of maintaining the Fortress of Ormuz without any profit , and the continual danger of losing it every hour , unless the English guard the Sea with their ships and help to defend it ; these and other like considerations may not improbably induce the King of Persia ( contented to have demonstrated his power and valor , and chastis'd his Enemies , the Portugals , according to his desire ) to grant the English as much as they demand : For he should not yield it to them upon force , but out of his liberality ; and for his own profit give them that freely , which to retain to himself , as things now stand , would not onely be of no advantage , but of loss . Peradventure he may also imagine now , in the pride of his victory , that as with help of the English he has driven the Portugals out of Ormuz ; so 't will be easie for him to expel the English too , either by the help of others , or else by his own Forces alone , should they not comply with him . However , because these Treaties with the Persian are manag'd by the Company , of Merchants who also made the War , and not by the King of England ; and hitherto 't is not known , whether their King approve the fact or no , and will prosecute or let fall the enterprize ; therefore , for a total conclusion , besides the consent of the King of Persia , they also wait the determination of the King of England ; and the greatest hope I have of the defeating of these projects so prejudicial to the Catholicks , is this alone , that the English King will not meddle in them , and , perhaps also , prohibit his Subjects so to do ; as a person whom we know to be a Friend to Peace , most averse from all kind of War , especially with the King of Spain , while the Match of his Son with the Daughter of Spain is in agitation . In the mean time we began to find the Sea sufficiently rough , being got wholly out of the Persian Gulph , and enter'd into the open Sea , ( term'd by the Ancients Mare rubrum , and by us at this day the Southern Ocean ) and having pass'd not onely the Cape of Giasck , but also that of Arabia , which the Portugals vulgarly call Rosalgate , as it is also set down in the Maps ; but properly ought to be call'd Ras el had , which in the Arabian Tongue signifies Capo del fine , or the Cape of the Confine , because 't is the last of that Country , and is further then any other extended into the Sea ; like that of Galicia in our Europe , which for the same reason we call Finis Terrae . On Saturday , the 28. of January , having taken the meridional altitude of the Sun , according to daily custom , and made such detraction of degrees as was necessary , we found our selves twenty three degrees five minutes distant from the Equinoctial towards the North : whence by consequence we had pass'd the Tropick of Cancer twenty six minutes and a half , according to the opinion of the Moderns , who reckon the Sun 's greatest declination where the Tropicks are , twenty three degrees thirty one minutes and a half distant from the Equinoctial . During the succeeding dayes we sail'd with a brisk but favourable wind , and with a Sea not tempestuous but something rough . Every day about the hour of noon the Sun's altitude was infallibly observ'd , not onely by the Pilots , as the custom is in all ships , and the Captain , ( who was a good Seaman , and perform'd all the exercises of Art very well ) but ( which pleas'd me most , and which I thought worthy of great praise and imitation ) there was no day , but at that hour twenty or thirty mariners , masters , boys , young men , and of all sorts came upon the deck to make the same observation ; some with Astrolabes , others with Cross-staffs , and others with several other instruments , particularly with one which they told me was lately invented by one David , and from his name call'd David's - staff . This Instrument consists of two Triangles united together , one longer then the other , both having their base arch'd , and between them in the circle of their bases containing an intire quadrant of ninty degrees . But whereas the shortest Triangle , whose Angles are less acute , contains sixty degrees divided by tens ( according to custom ) in the circle of its base , which are two thirds of a quadrant ; the other longer and of acuter Angles , which extends much backward , and opens in a wider circle at the base , comprehends no more then thirty , which make the remainder of the quadrant ; so that the longer Triangle contains fewer degrees by half then the shorter ; and he that would have the degrees larger for the better subdividing them into minutes , may make the circle or base of the lesser Triangle take up seventy degrees , and so there will remain to the longer no more then twenty for the complement of the quadrant . According to this distribution , the degrees in the longer Triangle will come to be so large , as to be capable of the smallest division of minutes ; a thing very important . Besides , it hath two Fanes or Sights , in each Triangle one , which are to be mov'd backward and forward ; and with these , that is , with that of the long Triangle , the level of the Horizon is taken ; and with the other of the short Triangle , that of the Sun ; with this further conveniency , that the Sights being sufficiently large , are therefore very expedient for performing the operation with speed , notwithstanding the dancing of the ship when the Sea is rough ; in which case , if the Sights be too small , 't is hard to make any observation . With this Instrument , and several others , many of the English perform'd their operations every day ; such as knew not how to do them well , were instructed ; and if any one err'd in computation or otherwise , his error was shew'd him , and the reason told him , that so he might be train'd to work exactly : The opinion of the skilful was heard , and taken notice of ; and at length all the observations being compar'd together , the Pilot and the Captain resolv'd , and with mature counsel determin'd of all ; by which means their voyages are very well manag'd , and almost always succeed prosperously to them . In the Portugal ships I hear the contrary comes to pass ; because the Pilots being extremely jealous of their affairs ( an habitual humour of that Nation ) will be alone to make their observations , and for the most part perform them in secret , without any Associate to see them : Should any other person in the ship offer to take the altitude of the Sun , or look upon the Map or Compass , or do any thing that relates to the well guiding of the Vessel , and knowing its course , they would quarrel with him , and by no means suffer him to do it ; being averse that any other should meddle with what they say is their office and belongs to them alone . From their being so little communicative , and very averse to teach others , it happens that few amongst them understand any thing of the Art of Navigation , there being none that will teach it experimentally ; and they understand little enough , because they have no conference about the practical part , and learn much less of the Theory . This is the reason that their ships frequently miscarry , to the incredible detriment both of particular persons and of the Kingdom : And which is worse , 't is said that not onely many of them are lost through the ignorance or negligence of those that guide them , but also sometime by malice : For the Portugal Pilots have got a custom when they are to make a Voyage , to take up great sums of money at Lisbon upon interest , the most they can get to trade withall ; and they take the same by way of Venture upon the ships which they guide : Now when by the way any small disaster befalls them , they not onely avoid it not , as many times they might do , but , if they be of evil intention , they cunningly run the ships aground either in these Coasts of Africa or elsewhere ; so that though oftentimes the people , and also the arms , goods , especially of the greatest value be sav'd , yet so it is , that sometimes many perish or suffer excessive loss ; and this onely to the end , that the shipwrack may be the occasion of their remaining gainers of the monies taken up at interest upon the hazard aforesaid ; which monies they carry not with them to trade withall , but leave all at home in Portugal : A practice indeed very pernicious , and which ought to be most rigorously punish'd : but the Portugals have now no King in their Country to mind their affairs , and the government depends upon Madrid , where perhaps they that administer it , being more intent upon their private interests then the publick , these and infinite other disorders pass unredress'd . The English , on the contrary , and other Europaeans which sail upon the Ocean , are most diligent and strict observers of all exact discipline , and of what concernes the good conduct of their ships ; and because they well understand all the most exquisite points of Navigation , and are extremely curious , as well in the Practice as in the Theory , they spare no pains , and neglect not the doing of any thing whereby they may render their Navigations in all places more easie and secure : Insomuch that Captain Woodcock , upon occasion of his having staid a year and odd moneths with his ship in the Persian Gulph , shew'd me a Chart or Plat-form of the whole Streight of Ormuz , made by himself during that time with the highest exactness ; for he had not onely taken the most just measures and distances of all the adjacent places , but also sounded all the Coast with a plummet , to find all the convenient places where great ships , such as theirs , might ride and cast anchor when occasion should require . On the Third of February , conceiving by our reckoning that we were near India , in the Evening we let down the plummet into the Sea , as we us'd often to do , and found it not above seventeen fathom ; whereby 't was concluded , that we were little more then six leagues distant from land , although by reason of the darkness of the Air none could be yet discern'd ; because that precise depth of water uses to be found in those Seas at that distance from land . The Captain , who by well observing the Sun and the Winds , had every day diligently noted the ships way in the Map , as the custom is , hop'd that we might be near the City of Daman , which lies within the Gulph of Cambaia , on the right hand as you enter into it , a good way inwards ; but I , without having so much minded the Maps , said , that I conceiv'd we were much lower , and more without the Gulph towards Bassain ; because although we had always sail'd and kept the ships prow directed to Daman by the shortest line , yet for the two or three last dayes we had had the Wind for that place contrary ; which although it hinder'd us not from holding our course , because we help'd our selves with the rudder , and siding of the sails , yet the violence of the Wind must needs have continually driven the ship something lower then we intended . Two hours after midnight , the current of the Gulph of Cambaia being contrary , against which , by reason of its impetuosness , there is no sailing for a while , but the ship must stay either for the turning of it , ( which is known when it will happen , because it regularly changes according to the hours and days of the Moon ) or for a strong Wind wherewith to master the current ; for this reason , and also that the day-light might resolve us in what place we were , we cast anchor , and struk sail , to wait for a more fitting time . The Sea in this place began to be very rough , which happens by reason of the strong current which it hath . The next Morning we discern'd land afar off , and , according to my conjecture , it appear'd that we were lower , that is , more to the South of Daman about twelve leagues , in a place a little distant from Bassain , which the English call Terra di San Giovanni , but in the Sea-Chart is noted in the Portugal Tongue with the name of Ilhas das vaccas , or the Islands of Cows . About one a clock in the Afternoon , the Tide being become less contrary , we set sail again by degrees , approaching still nearer the shore of India . But a little before Night the current turning against us , we were constrain'd to cast anchor once more ; nevertheless after midnight it became favourable again , and we sail'd onwards by degrees till day . This slow course through the Gulph of Cambaia , with the plummet always in hand , and sounding every hour , it was requisite for us to hold , because the place is dangerous , in regard of the many shelves or quick-sands which are in it , and especially because the current , which turns every six hours , now setting one way , and anon the other , causes great hindrance . By reason of which shelves , from the time of our entrance into the Gulph , we did not guide the ship directly towards Suràt , which no doubt would have been the shortest way by a strait line , but keeping lower towards Daman , fetch'd a large compass to the South , tacking about afterwards to the North when we were near land , onely to avoid the many shelves and shallows , through which our great ships could not pass . On Sunday , the the fifth of February , being at anchor in the Morning , we discover'd near the land , which was not very far from us , ten or fifteen Frigots or Galliots sailing Eastwards ; which probably were either Portugal or Indian Merchants of some Cafila , ( as they call a Fleet or Consort of ships ) coming from Cambaia to go to Goa , or some other place thereabouts . The night following , we heard the report of Artillery , which we conceiv'd to come from the City of Daman , being the place nearest us . Wednesday night after , the Wind blew somewhat hard against us , in regard whereof , and the strength of the current which carry'd us in that narrow channel amongst shelves and quick-sands , we sail'd for a good while very circumspectly , and not without some danger . On Thursday we stood right against the mouth of the River of Suràt , which City is not situate upon the shore , but some leagues within land : And because there is no station there for great ships , we continued sailing Northwards to the place where is the Port most frequented by the ships of Europe ; which though the best of all that Coast , yet the Vessels of that Country , not knowing so well how to steer , make not much use of it , because the entrance is a little difficult . On Fryday the tenth of February , in the Afternoon , the favour of the current failing us , we cast anchor in sight of the Port of Suràt at a little distance ; and our boat going a shore , the President of the English Merchants ( who uses to reside in Suràt , and is superintendent of all their Trade in East-India , Persia , with the other places depending on the same , is now one Mr. Thomas Rastel ) perceiving our ships near , and being at that time at the Sea-side near the landing place , came in our boat to the ships , together with one of their Ministers , ( so they call those who exercise the office of Priests ) and two other Merchants ; and after a collation and a supper lodg'd with us all night . He spoke Italian very well , and made me many civil offers and complements ; shewing himself in all things a a person sufficiently accomplish'd , and of generous deportment , according as his gentile and graceful aspect bespoke him . He inform'd me , that Sig r Alberto di Scilling , a German Gentleman , known to me in Persia , having return'd from the Court of the Moghol , and other parts of India , which he had travell'd to see , was at that time in Surat , from whence he was gone to see the City of Barocci hard by , and would return speedily : with which intelligence I was much pleas'd , because Sig : Alberto was my great friend , and I extremely desir'd to see him . On Saturday Morning we convers'd together for some time , drinking a little of hot wine boyl'd with Cloves , Cinnamon , and other spices , which the English call burnt wine , and use to drink frequently in the Morning to comfort the stomack , sipping it by little and little for fear of scalding , as they do Cahue , ( Coffee ) by me elsewhere describ'd . And they use it particularly in the Winter to warm themselves ; though in India 't is not necessary for that end , because albeit 't was still Winter , according to our division of the seasons , yet we had more heat there then cold . After this short refection , the President return'd a shore , and I remain'd in the ship , not expecting to disimbarque till we were got into the Harbour , which was a little before night , and the anchors were cast very near the land : but because 't was now late , and the City of Surat was a good distance off , none of us car'd to land . Nor did I go out of the ship on Sunday , both because it was a sacred day , and because our Captain was pleas'd to give an Entertainment to us and the Captain of the Dolphin , our companion in the voyage . Monday , the thirteenth of the same moneth , was the day of my Ague , whereof I had had divers fits by the way at sea ; nevertheless , after a collation I went on shore , together with the Captain of our ship , where we continu'd under certain tents pitch'd for convenience of the Tonnellers , ( so the English term certain of their Mariners imploy'd to fill the Casks with water ) in expectation of Coaches to carry us to Surat ; there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol , abundance of Coaches made after their fashion , which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin , which the Indian Ambassador gave , amongst his presents , to the King of Persia ; nor remains any thing more to be said of them , but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots , describ'd by Strabo , and are generally cover'd with crimson silk , fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains : And that the Oxen , which also as anciently draw the same , are fair , large , white , with two bunches like those of some Camells , and run and gallop like Horses ; they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff , but beset with many tufts or tassels , and abundance of bells at their necks ; so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance , and make a very brave show . With these kind of Coaches in India , they not onely go in Cities , but also for the most part travel in the Country . To the Sea side came no Coach , and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off , call'd Sohali , where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks , who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd : but I could not accompany him , because of my Ague , and therefore staid in a Tent , well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed , which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground , waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach , and Carts from the City for my goods . Whilst I was lying in this place , the violence of my fit was scarce over , when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horse-back , cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target , who came towards our Tent , and stood still to speak with some person , as if he inquir'd for something among us : Upon his nearer approach , and my better considering him , I perceiv'd 't was my great friend Sig : Alberto di Scilling , who being return'd from Barocci , whither the President had told me he was gone , and hearing news of us , was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me . Whereupon , raising my self suddenly from the bed , we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends , who come from far , and have not seen one another a long time ; after which sitting down together , we recounted our adventures one to the other at length , he much condoling my misfortunes , and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr , with which we went together to the Town Sohali , where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepar'd , which immediately they gave us , entertaining us in conversation till night ; and certain Indian Women of the Town , publick dancers , gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums , Bells , and other instruments of their fashion , which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise , and not without disturbance of my head . A little within night the Captains took leave of us , and returned to their ships , and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town , because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat , the Gates of the City being shut in the night time , at least that of the Dogana , or Custom-house , through which we were to pass . They told us the way to the City was seven Cos , or Corù , ( for 't is all one ) and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna , or league of Persia ; so that it answers to little less then two English Miles . The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way towards Surat , and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short , and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea ; therefore to avoid greater trouble , both of conveyance and of the Dogana , or Custom-house , which is known to be rigorous in Surat , I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship , and carry'd with me onely such few things as were requisite for daily use . The high-way from the Sea side to the City , ( as 't is also generally in this province of Guzarat , wherein we were ) is all very even ; the soil green all the year , and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts , Tamarinds , and other fruits . Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful , unless near certain houses ; but the fields are every where either ploughed , or full of living creatures feeding in them . We arriv'd at the City in good time , in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapì , or Taptì , which was to be pass'd over by boat : On the other side of which River , something on the right hand as you go into the City , which hath no walls , stands a Castle lately built , but very ill design'd . Moreover , near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana , or Custom-house , and it took us up some time to dispatch there , because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in , ( although they be but Clothes for change ) to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes ; nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence , as 't is also practis'd in Venice . In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order , that it being known that I conducted with me the Sig ra Mariuccia , although a girl very young , the Capo , or President of the Dogana , requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality , and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder : otherwise , in lawful things , there is no difficulty , either through diversity of Religion , or upon any other account . We were no sooner come to the Dogana , but the news of our arrival was , I think , by Sig : Alberto's means , carried to the House of the Dutch , many of which have Wives there which they married in India , purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Java Major , which they call Batavia Nova ; where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families : For which end , many of them , for want of Europaean , have taken Indian , Armenian , and Syrian Women , and of any other race that falls into their hands , so they be or can be made Christians . Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea , and partly sunk , partly taken by the Hollanders ; amongst other booty , three Maidens were taken , of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge , with a dowry which the King gives them , to the end they may be married in India , in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts . These three Virgins falling into the hands of the Hollanders , and being carry'd to Suràt , which is the principal seat of all their traffick , the most eminent Merchants amongst them strove who should marry them , being all passably handsome . Two of them were gone from Suràt , whether to the abovesaid Colony , or elsewhere , I know not . She that remain'd behind was call'd Donna Lucia , a young Woman , fair enough , and Wife to one of the wealthiest and eminentest Hollanders . The President of the Hollanders call'd by them the Commendator , who resides in Suràt , and has the general superintendency of their affairs in all these parts of the East , is at this time Sig : Pietro Vandenbroecke , a Gentleman of good breeding , and very courteous ; he speaks no Italian , but Spanish very well , as being born at Antwerp : He lives in a goodly Palace , which hath many distinct apartments , with several entrances into a Court , like so many different houses , onely included within the same wall , which is entred into by one great Gate : Here the Commendator holds the best and largest apartment to himself ; in the rest lodge some of their gravest Merchants , which are of the Council for management of affairs , in order to their better conveniency and union , besides many others of inferior condition , which live out of this great inclosure , dispers'd elsewhere in the City , and when occasion requires , they all repair to the Palace of the Commendator . Amongst those whose habitation was in the Palace of the Commendator , Lucia's Husband has one of the principal , where he lives with his family and and Wife , whom , according to the custom of India , he maintains with much splendor and gallantry . Now upon their knowledge of our arrival , Donna Lucia presently sent her coach to bring Sig : Mariuccia to her house , for her better accommodation with her , till we had setled out business , and provided lodgings . I was well pleas'd with the motion , because till I had well accommodated my self with a place of residence , the Sig : Mariuccia could not be better dispos'd of then with this Portugal Gentlewoman , who is a Christian , and withal secretly a Catholick , with the privity and connivance of her Husband , although in publick she makes a virtue of necessity , and in appearance conformes to the unhappy mode of that Nation , into whose power the fortune of war and the disaster of her Country-men hath brought her . Sig : Alberto Scilling , had , before we came from the Sea-side , importun'd me in the name of the Commendator to lodge at his house ; which favour I much thank'd him for , and handsomely declin'd , not thinking fit to accept it , because I had receiv'd and wav'd the like invitation made to me before by the English President , who thought me the more oblig'd to comply with his offer , because I came in their Ships : But I excus'd my self both to the Commendator and the President ; partly , because I was desirous to be at liberty by my self , and partly , for that it was requisite for Sig : Mariuccia to be amongst Women , of which there was none in the English House . Being got quit of the Custom-house , I went to see for a House ; and because I was a new comer , and and had no servant that knew the City , I referr'd my self to the direction of Sig : Alberto , who took this care upon himself , and soon after told me he had sent to get one prepar'd and put in good order ; But by what I found afterwards , he had contriv'd with the Dutch Commendator onely to delude me ; for as he was carrying me to the place where he pretended to have taken a House for me , he made me pass by the Palace of the Hollanders , out of the Gate whereof a Gentleman belonging to the Commendator step'd forth , and invited me in his name to alight from my Horse , and at least stay and dine with him that day , the rather because Sig ra Mariuccia was there ; telling me that it was not convenient for me wait in the streets undecently and tediously , whilst a House was preparing for me elsewhere , which could not be done so speedily . Notwithstanding which reasons , I endeavour'd all that possibly I could to decline this invitation , out of respect to the English President , and with affectionate thanks desir'd the Gentleman to excuse me to the Sig r Commendator , straining my self to correspond to his courtesie with the best Complements I had : But this avail'd me little ; for as I was hastening to break off the discourse and be gone , the Commendator himself came forth into the street half undress'd as he was in the house , and taking hold of my Horse's bridle , told me that he would by no means suffer me to go any where else now it was late without certain quarters ; at least , I must needs stay and dine with him that day . Beholding him thus on foot before me , I alighted in civility from my Horse , and with the best words I could , endeavour'd to get quit from the courteous violence which he us'd to me : But there was no remedy ; he held me prisoner , as I may say , and I was fain to stay dinner with him as he desir'd . Moreover , when night came , being I was resolv'd to lodge in another House of mine own , under pretext that none could be got though sought for all day , ( wherein I know not whether Sig r Alberto deluded me too ) I was forc'd to accept of a large House from the Commendator which he had taken for himself , before his late removal to that great Palace wherein he liv'd with the rest of his Country-men ; which former House remaining empty at his charge and disposal , I was by his great importunity oblig'd to accept : Wherefore I went to lodge there this night , and for the conveniency of Sig ra Mariuccia , they sent thither one of their Wives , a young Christian Woman of Armenian race , though born in India , with some other women-servants . Now lest the English President should take this ill , I purpos'd to prevent him with terms of courtesie ; and the next Morning after a short , and the last fit of my Tertian , I went to give him a visit , and make my excuses to him by representing to him the reasons of what had pass'd with the Hollanders , without any voluntary fault of mine : But upon my enquiry at his House , and sending my message to him , I was answer'd that he was not at home , although we perceiv'd by certain signes that he was , but fairly declin'd to receive my visit . Wherefore understanding afterwards that he was much incens'd not onely against me , but also against the Holland Commendator , conceiving that he had unhandsomely stolne and usurp'd me from him , ( as he said ) in regard of the interest he had in us , upon the account of our being brought thither in their ships ; and that he had a more particular displeasure against Sig r Alberto , knowing him to have been the principal occasion of all , I thought it expedient to appease him by all means , and upon what ever terms of satisfaction : Nevertheless I did not judge it meet to venture another repulse by going to visit him , but sent him a Letter in justification of my self , with all the civil expressions I could devise . At first he was something backward to receive it , doubting perchance that I had written angerly to him , in regard of my preceding visit : yet at length , upon the request of some mediators whom I made use of , he took it , read it , and remain'd very well satisfied with my proceedings , in which there was nothing but gentleness . The Commendator likewise , being one of an excellent nature , us'd all means he could to give the President satisfaction , and to shew him that what he had done with us was to no ill end ; he went purposely to visit him , carrying Sig : Alberto with him , to the end he might justifie himself too : both of them intreated , and both of them took the blame upon themselves ; in fine , so much was done and said that the President was reconcil'd with all . And because it was insisted on my behalf that he would admit a visit from me , he consented upon this condition , that this first time should not be simply my visit but his invitation , which accordingly he made to us to come all together that night to supper with him , where he treated us very splendidly , and every thing ended in jollity and friendship as at first . And all the while that I stay'd at Suràt , he oblig'd me continually with sundry demonstrations of his affection ; particularly , by often sending his own Coach to me , with his Interpreter , who is an Armenian Christian , and a Catholick , call'd Scander , Brother to F. Agostino Bagiezzi of Alingia , a Dominican , my acquaintance in Persia : which Interpreter being skill'd in the Country , and conversing with me in the Persian Tongue , carry'd me frequently abroad to see sundry things . As for the Hollanders , the caresses and civilities which they have done , and still continue to me , are so numerous , that I shall have them in remembrance as long as I live . But 't is time now to speak a little of this City , and the curiosities which here and elsewhere I have lately seen . The City of Suràt is of a handsome greatness , and , for these Countries , of sufficiently good building : 'T is very populous , as all other Cities and places are in India , which every where abounds with people . The Inhabitants are partly Gentiles , and partly Mahometans ; and , if I am not deceived , the former are the greater number : However , they live all mixt together and peaceably , because the Gran Moghol , to whom Guzaràt is now subject , ( having sometimes had a distinct King ) although he be a Mahometan ( but not a pure one , as they report ) makes no difference in his Dominions between the one sort and the other : and both in his Court and Armies , and even amongst men of the highest degree , they are of equal account and consideration . Yet the Mahometans , as the Masters , especially those of the Mogholian Race , which now is the Imperial in these parts , seems to have some little more of authority . But forasmuch as I have formerly survey'd and observ'd the manners of the Mahometans both in Turkey and Persia , I now turn my mind to those of the Gentile-Idolaters in India , which are more new to me ; and with such observations in reference to both , as shall seem worthy of notice , I shall not fail to acquaint you . In the first place , I shall give you the relation of a Nuptial Pomp , which I saw one day pass by my house in this manner ; A long train of men with Drums and Trumpets before them march'd in the day time first , carrying cover'd baskets full of sundry things , which were either a Present sent from the Bridegroom to the Bride , or rather the attiring of the Bride , which uses to be publickly shewn in the East . Then follow'd on foot likewise some black Women-slaves , well cloth'd , being given to the Bride either by the Father or the Husband . Lastly , to conclude the Pomp , came a Palanchino , a kind of Litter , wherein persons of quality are wont to be carry'd in India . It was not of the ordinary form , which hang downwards upon one pole between the bearers before and behind ; but it was to be carry'd on high upon poles by four men , one at each corner , and it was cover'd all over with silk , yet no body was within it ; so that I know not what it serv'd for , unless haply it was intended to transport the Bride to her Husband ; this different fashion being for greater solemnity made use of , in such an occasion as Marriage . At night the married couples pass'd by , and , according to their mode , went round about the City with a numerous company . They were four , all very small Children , two boys and two girls ; ( for in India most Marriages are made at that age ) and because they were not big enough to ride on Horse-back alone , therefore they were held up by so many well-grown men who sat upon the saddle . Before them went many Torches and Musical instruments , with a great troop of people on foot accompanying them . But the persons of quality follow'd in Coaches , of which there was a good number , and going one by one they made a very long train ; whereby it was known that the married Children were of considerable quality . Of remarkable things without the City , there is on one side a very large Cistern or Artificial Pool , surrounded with stone-work , and contriv'd with many sides and angles , at which there are stairs leading down to the surface of the water . In the midst stands a little Island , which cannot be gone to but by boat or swimming . The Diametre of this Artificial Lake is two good furlongs , which in our parts would seem a competent largeness , but here 't is not much ; and this Fish-pond of Suràt is not accounted among the greatest , but the least in India ; where indeed they are numerous , and the most magnificent and goodly structures , or rather , the only structures in this Country which have any thing of magnificence or handsomeness . They are made in divers places by Princes , Governours of Countries , or other wealthy persons , for the publick benefit , and as works of Charity ; because the soil , sutable to the Climate , is sufficiently hot , and aboundeth not in water : Rivers are not in all places ; and other running waters and springs there are scarce any , especially in the more in-land parts remote from the Sea ; Rain likewise very seldome through the whole year , saving in that season call'd by them Pausecàl , which signifies , The time of rain , being about three moneths , beginning about the middle of June ; and during which time , the Rain is continual and very great : whence some upon this account call these three moneths Winter , although the weather be then hottest , as well in India as in all the rest of the northern Hemisphere . And this , no doubt , proceeds from the Providence of God ; since , were it not for this great rain , India would be in regard of the great heat and drought at this time , unhabitable ; as likewise the whole torrid Zone , in which most of India lies , was believ'd by the Ancients , who had no knowledge of these marvellous rains , which render it not onely habitable , but also fertile and most delitious . Now , for that the Country is in some parts so scarce of water , many Cities and inhabited places have no other but the rain-water gather'd in these great Cisterns ; which are so capacious , that one of them suffices a City for a whole year and more : And it not onely affords drink to men and animals , but also they wash clothes and beasts in it when occasion requires , and make use of it to all purposes ; whereby it comes to pass that in some places the water they have is not over clear ; and the rude Indians care not for such delicacies , but 't is enough for them if they have what is barely needful . The Cistern , or Lake of Suràt , hath a great Trench adjoyn'd to it on one side , long , large , and deep , over which certain small bridges are built ; and it falls into another less Cistern a good way off , which though but small here comparatively , would yet be a very large one in our parts ; 't is built with many sides of stone like the former , as also the banks of the Trench are . Between the great Lake and the less , upon the Trench , stands a small Cupola , or arched Structure , made for the sepulture of some principal Mahometans of the Country ; and , as they say , of two brethren who kill'd one the other , and of their Wives . 'T is no long time since this Cistern was made , according to the common report , by a private man of this City , but sufficiently wealthy ; whose Daughter , they say , or rather one descended from him , is still living , and I know not by what sinister hap of fortune , very poor , so that she hath scarce bread to eat : Wherein I observ'd a great ingratitude of the Citizens of Suràt , in suffering his heir to want food , who for their publick benefit had been at so great expence . This Poole of Suràt is call'd Gopì Telau , that is , the Poole of Gopì , which was his name who made it at his own charge . And although the King , who in those dayes rul'd over Guzaràt , did what he could to have it call'd after his own name ; yet that of the Builder has been justly retain'd by the vulgar , and remains to this day . 'T is not improbable , that this Gopì , who made this Piscina of Suràt , is the same whom Giovanni di Barros in his second Decade of Asia frequently mentions with the title of Melìk , and relates to have been in those times , a little above a hundred years ago , a great friend to the Portugals ; styling him often Lord of Barocci , and once , in the last book , Lord of Suràt ; but I rather believe that he was onely Governour of either of these Cities under the then Mahometan Kings of Cambaia , ( as he speaks ) that is , of Guzaràt ; of which Province Cambaia is a principal , and in a manner the Maritine City , more known then the rest to the Portugals by trade ; whence they have given its name to the whole Kingdome , although not Cambaia , but Ahmedabàd , more within land , is properly the Royal Seat. 'T is therefore possible that Melìk Gopì , mention'd by Barros , made this Cistern when he was Governour of Suràt , it being the work and expence of such a person . Nor do the vulgar mistake in saying that he was a private man , since under the Mahometan Princes , who never allow any hereditary Lord in their Territories , the Governours of their Cities , and all other Ministers , ( whom they choose indifferently out of all sorts of people , and not seldome out of the lowest plebeians , and are always removable at pleasure ) may with reason be call'd private persons , although advanc'd to whatever high dignity . On an other side of the City , but out of the circuit of the houses , in an open place , is seen a great and fair Tree , of that kind which I saw in the sea coasts of Persia near Ormùz , called there Lul , but here Ber. The Gentiles of the Country hold it in great veneration for its greatness and age , visiting and honoring it often with their superstitious ceremonies , as dear and dedicated to a Goddess of theirs call'd Parvetì ; whom they hold to be the Wife of Mahadeù , one of their greatest Deities . On the trunk of this Tree a little above the ground , they have rudely engraven a round circle , which really hath not any feature of a humane countenance , but according to their gross application represents that of their Idol . This face they keep painted with a bright Flesh-colour , and this by a sacred rite of Religion ; as the Romans also dy'd the face of Jupiter with Vermillion , as Pliny testifies : Round about it are fastned Flowers , and abundance of a plant whose leaves resemble a Heart , call'd here Pan , but in other places of India , Betle . These leaves the Indians use to champ or chaw all day long , either for health's sake , or for entertainment and delight , ( as some other Nations for the same reasons , or rather through evil custome , continually take Tobacco : ) And therewith they mix a little ashes of sea-shels , and some small pieces of an Indian Nut sufficiently common , which here they call Foufel , and in other places Areca ; a very dry fruit , seeming within like perfect wood ; and being of an astringent nature they hold it good to strengthen the Teeth : Which mixture , besides its comforting the stomack , hath also a certain biting taste wherewith they are delighted ; and , as they chaw it , it strangely dyes their lips and mouths red , which also they account gallant ; but I do not , because it appears not to be natural : They swallow down onely the juice after long mastication , and spit out the rest : In Visits , 't is the first thing offer'd to the visitants ; nor is there any society or pastime without it . He that is curious to know more of it , may consult the Natural Historians who have written of the exotick Simples of India , particularly Garcias ab Horto , Christopher Acosta , Nicolaus Monardes , translated all together into Latin by Carolus Clusius . I shall onely add , that the fame I had heard in Persia of this Indian Masticatory , ( especially from an Italian Fryer who had been in India , and told me 't was a thing not onely of great nutriment , and very good for the stomack , but moreover of an exquisite relish ) made me desirous to try it . As for its other qualities I can say nothing ; but there is no great matter in the taste , nor should I make much difference of chawing these leaves of Pan , or those of our Cedars . But to return to my Relation ; Those flowers and leaves about the Idol's face carv'd in the Tree , are frequently chang'd , and fresh constantly supply'd ; and those which at times are taken away , are given as a sacred thing to the people who come from all parts to visit it . In the same rude sculpture of a humane face , they have put certain eyes of Silver and Gold with some jewels , which were given by some persons who foolishly believ'd themselves cur'd of maladies of the eyes , by virtue of the Idol : Before whom , upon a little hillock , stands continually one of their Gioghi , who among the Indians are a sort of Hermits ; and sometimes I have seen a Woman too standing there . On high , there hangs a Bell , which those that come to make their foolish devotions , first of all ring out , as if thereby to call the Idol to hear them ; then they fall to their adoration , which is commonly to extend both hands downwards as much as possible , being joyn'd together in a praying posture ; which lifting up again by little and little , they bring to their mouths as if to kiss them ; And lastly , extend them so joyn'd together , as high as they can , over their heads : Which gesticulation is us'd onely to Idols and sacred things ; for to men , even to Kings themselves , they make the same Salutation ( which in the Persian-Tongue they call Teslìm , and in their Indian , Sumbaia ) only with the right hand . This ceremony being perform'd , some make their prayers onely standing , others prostrate themselves with their whole body groveling upon the earth , and then rise again ; others onely touch the ground with the head and fore-head , and perform other like acts of Humility . After which , they go about the Tree , some once , others oftner , and then sprinkle before the Idol either Rice , or Oyle , or Milk , or other such things which are their Offerings and Sacrifices without blood ; for to shed blood , even for Sacrifice , is not their custome ; but to kill any sort of Animal is counted a great sin . Such as are of ability , give moreover some Almes to the person attending the service of the Idol ; from whom in requital they receive the flowers and leaves which are about the Idol , and that with great devotion , kissing them , and in token of reverence laying them upon their heads . A-side of this Tree , stands a very small Cupola , or Chappel , with a very narrow window for entrance ; I saw not what was within it , but I was inform'd that Women who have no Children go in there sometimes , and after they have been there become fruitful by the virtue of the place ; but as in false Religions every thing is imposture , so 't is the opinion here , that the attendants of the Idol play fine pranks in this particular , either beguiling simple young Women , or satisfying the more crafty ; whom indeed they sometimes cause to become pregnant , but 't is by natural means without miracle , the Priests within the Chappel supplying the defects of their Husbands . Moreover , on another side of this Tree , stands a square low Post , on which certain figures of Idols are engraven : and at the foot thereof , there is a little kind of trench or hole , where also they pour Milk and Oyle , and make divers other Oblations . They are very solicitous in keeping the Tree with every bough and leaf of it , not suffering it to be injur'd by animals or men , nor in any wise violated and profan'd . They tell a story of an Elephant who one day by chance eat but one single leaf of this Tree , for which being punish'd by the Idol , he dy'd within three dayes : Which story I understood to be thus far true , namely that the event was in this manner ; but 't was thought that for the reputation of the place , the attendants of the Idol either poyson'd or knock'd the Elephant on the head ; in which Arts the Gioghi and Priests of the Gentiles use to be very dextrous . The Commendator of the Dutch , came one day to give me a visit , and after a competent conversation , carried me in his Coach a little out of the City , to see one of the fairest and famousest gardens of Suràt . The plot was level , well contriv'd and divided with handsome streight Walks : on either side whereof , were planted rowes of sundry Trees of this Climate , namely , Ambe , or , as others speak , Manghe , before describ'd by me in my last Letters from Persia , in the maritine parts whereof I saw some Trees of this kind ; Foufel , whose leaves are like those of the Palm-tree , but of a livelier and fairer green ; Narghìl , like the Palm in the leaves also , and is that which we call Nux Indica : and others , different from what are found in our parts . The plots between the several walks was full of herbs and flowers , partly such as we have , and partly not ; amongst the rest they shew'd me a Flower , for bigness and form not unlike our Gilly-flower , but of a whitish yellow , having a very sweet and vigorous scent , and they call it Ciampà . In a convenient place there is a square place , rais'd somewhat from the ground , and cover'd with large sheds , to fit there in the shade , after the manner of the East : and here we entertain'd our selves a while , and had a Collation ; other things in the garden worthy of remark I saw none . As for the plants and strange simples of India , and the whole Torrid Zone , ( in these things very different from ours ) I shall say briefly once for all , that they are such and so many , that to write fully of them would require express volumes , and make as big as those of Dioscorides and Pliny , all of things unknown to us . Nevertheless , the curiosity of the Portugals , and other Europeans who trade in these parts , hath hitherto been so small that I know not any that have spoken and observ'd any thing in this kind , besides the three Authors above mention'd . And they have written of very few things , although of those few they have written faithfully and well ; and I , who have read them all with diligence , have made some not unprofitable Notes upon them , which I keep in Manuscript by me , and you may see one day ; when it shall please God to bring us together . As for the Dutch Commendator , and the English President also , who came frequently in this manner to carry me abroad ; I must not forbear to say , that both of them live in sufficient splendor , and after the manner of the greatest persons of the Country . They go abroad with a great train , sometimes also of their own men on Horse-back ; but especially with a great number of Indian servants on foot , arm'd according to the mode , with Sword , Buckler , Bows , and Arrows . For 't is the custome of servants in India , whether Mahometans or Gentiles , to go alwayes arm'd not onely upon a journey but also in the City , and to serve in the house all day with the same weapons by their sides , and never to lay them off , saving at night when they go to sleep . Moreover , these Governours of the two Frank or Christian Nations which reside in Suràt , use to have carry'd before their Coach or Horse when they ride , a very high Bannerol or Streamer by a man on foot ; ( which likewise is the custome of all men of quality here ) and likewise to have a sadled Horse lead by hand before them : And not onely they who are publick persons , but any private person whatever , of whatever Country or Religion , may in these parts live with as much grandeur and equipage as he pleases : and such is the liberty here , that every one may do , if he will and be able , as much as the King himself . Hence , generally all live much after a genteel way ; and they do it securely , as well because the King doth not persecute his subjects with false accusations , nor deprive them of any thing when he sees them live splendidly , and with the appearances of riches , ( as is often done in other Mahometan Countries ) as because the Indians are inclin'd to these vanities , and servants cost very little , in regard of the multitude of people , and the small charge wherewith the common sort are maintain'd ; for a simple Servant , who is not an Officer , commonly in the best houses , between wages , victuals , and clothing , stands not in more then three Rupià a moneth , amounting to about the value of a Venetian Zecchine , or ten shillings sterling . Of Slaves there is a numerous company , and they live with nothing ; their clothing is onely white linnen , which though fine , is bought very cheap ; and their dyet for the most part is nothing but Rice , ( the ancient food of all the Indians , according to Strabo ) of which they have infinite plenty ; and a little fish , which is found every where in abundance : So that every body , even of mean fortune , keeps a great family , and is splendidly attended ; which is easie enough , considering the very small charge , as I said , and on the other side the very considerable gains of traffick wherein most men are imploy'd , and the incomes of the Land , through its incredible fruitfulness , I dare say , unmeasurable . Upon this occasion I must not forget , that amongst the Indian Men , both Mahometans and Pagans , agreably to what Strabo testifies , they did of old wear onely white linnen , more or less fine according to the quality of the persons , and the convenience they have of spending : which linnen is altogether of Bumbast or Cotton , ( there being no Flax in India ) and for the most part very fine in comparison of those of our Countries . The Garment which they put next to the skin , serves both for Coat and Shirt from the girdle upwards , being adorn'd upon the breast , and hanging down in many folds to the middle of the Leg. Under this Cassack from the girdle downwards , they wear a pair of long Drawers of the same Cloth , which cover not only their Thighs , but legs also to the Feet ; and 't is a piece of gallantry to have it wrinkled in many folds upon the Legs . The naked Feet are no otherwise confin'd but to a slipper , and that easie to be pull'd off without the help of the Hand ; this mode being convenient , in regard of the heat of the Country , and the frequent use of standing and walking upon Tapistry in their Chambers . Lastly , the Head with all the hair , which the Gentiles ( as of old they did also , by the report of Strabo ) keep long , contrary to the Mahometans who shave it , is bound up in a small and very neat Turbant , of almost a quadrangular form , a little long , and flat on the top : They who go most gallant , use to wear their Turbant only strip'd with silk of several colours upon the white , and sometimes with Gold ; and likewise their girdles wrought of Silk and Gold , instead of plain white . I was so taken with this Indian dress , in regard of its cleanness and easiness , and for the goodly shew me-thought it had on hors-back , with the Scemiter girt on , and the buckler hanging at a shoulder belt , besides a broad and short dagger of a very strange shape ty'd with tassell'd strings to the girdle , that I caus'd one to be made for my self , complete in every point , and to carry with me to shew it in Italy . The Mahometan Women , especially of the Mogholians , and Souldiers of other extraneous descents , who yet are here esteem'd , go clad likewise all in white , either plain , or wrought with Gold-flowers ; of which work there are some very goodly and fine pieces . Their upper Garment is short , more beseeming a Man then a Woman , and much of the same shape with those of Men : Sometimes they wear a Turbant too upon their heads , like Men , colour'd and wrought with Gold : Sometimes they wear onely fillets either white or red , or wrought with Gold and Silver ; for other colours they little use . Likewise their Clothes are oftentimes red , of the same rich and fine linnen ; and their Drawers are also either white or red , and oftentimes of sundry sorts of silk-stuff , strip'd with all sorts of colours . When they go along the City , if it be not in close Coaches , but on foot or on horse-back , they put on white veils , wherewith they cover their faces , as 't is the custome of all Mahometan Women : Yet the Indian Gentile Women commonly use no other colour but red , or certain linnen stamp'd with works of sundry colours , ( which they call Cit ) but all upon red , or wherein red is more conspicuous then the rest ; whence their attire seems onely red at a distance . And for the most part they use no garment , but wear onely a close Wastecoat , the sleeves of which reach not beyond the middle of the Arm ; the rest whereof to the Hand is cover'd with bracelets of Gold , or Silver , or Ivory , or such other things according to the ability of the persons . From the waste downwards they wear a long Coat down to the Foot , as I have formerly writ that the Women do in the Province of Moghostan in Persia , near Ormùz . When they go abroad , they cover themselves with a Cloak of the ordinary shape like a sheet , which is also us'd by the Mahometan , and generally by all Women in the East ; yet it is of a red colour , or else of Cit upon a red ground , that is , of linnen stamp'd with small works of sundry colours upon red . Those that have them , adorn themselves with many gold-works , and jewels ; especially their Ears with pendants sufficiently enormous , wearing a circle of Gold or Silver at their Ears , the diametre whereof is oftentimes above half a span ; and 't is made of a plate two fingers broad , and engraven with sundry works , which is a very disproportionate thing . The Pagan Women go with their faces uncover'd , and are freely seen by every one both at home and a broad : Nevertheless they are modest , and honor'd much more then the Mahometans ; and amongst them 't is a certain thing that there is not any publick Courtisan ; but amongst the Mahometan Women there are infinite , who go every day publickly to houses , and where they please ; to play on Musick , sing , dance , and do what else belongs to their profession . But of these things , enough for this time . I came from Persia with a great desire to go to Cambaia , in regard of what I had heard of it ; being told that in that City , which is one of the ancientest of India , the Pagans are very numerous , and above measure observers of their Rites ; so that I might probably see more remarkable Curiosities there of those Idolaters then elsewhere : Sig : Alberto Scilling had the same desire ; so that upon my imparting my mind to him , and his consenting thereunto , both of us desir'd the Dutch Commendator , that when any of his Nation went to Cambaia , as they us'd to do sometimes about their affairs , he would do us the favour to advertise us thereof , that we might go thither in their company . The Commendator promis'd to do us this kindness as soon as possible , nor was it long before we were advertis'd of an opportunity : The Commendator's Steward , who takes care of the like businesses , came to know of us how many Coaches we should need ; Sig : Alberto spoke to him for one for himself , and I for two , intending to carry Sig a Mariuccia with me , because I thought not fit to leave her in Suràt without me , although she had the company of good Women . I offer'd the Steward money for the Coaches , but he refus'd then to take it , saying that it was not the custome , and that at our return , accounts should be made up ; for so they were wont to deal with those Hackney-men , with whom the Nation has always long account for such matters ; and I , who understood things no otherwise then by this information , suffer'd my self to be perswaded . Now , on Monday the 23d of February , being the day for our setting forth , besides the three Coaches for Sig : Alberto and me , and two others full of Dutch-men who were to go this journey with us , all in very good order for habits and arms , and also with a Trumpeter with a silver Trumpet to recreate the Travellers , the Commendator himself came to my house with many others of his followers in their City-Coaches , to conduct me forth and set me in the way . He accompany'd me to a certain place without the City , where , in the shadow of a small Chappel , we convers'd together for a good while , and were entertain'd with sundry fruits , particularly with Grapes , which here in Suràt we have often eat ripe , sweet , and good in February , yet green of colour , like the Vva-Lugliatica , or early July-grape of Italy ; and I believe there is plenty enough to make Wine . Whilst we were in this place , a Post came to the Commendator from Agra and from the Court , with news that Sciàh Selìm , King of the Country , had sent one of his principal Chans , call'd Asàf Chan , to Agra , to remove the Royal Treasure thence before the arrival of Sultan Chorròm , one of the same Kings Sons , lately rebell'd against his Father , and then reported to be upon his march with his Army thither : And from Agra it was signifi'd , that things were in great danger of alterations through this war ra●s'd between the Father and the Son , with great danger of the whole State of India . This notable Passage happening in my time , will give me occasion to write many things worthy of memory , usually attending the like Conjunctures ; and being present in the country , peradventure I shall hereafter be an eye-witness , or at least have certain intelligence of sundry occurrences . In the mean time , to the end what I shall have occasion to speak of these Revolutions may be better understood , I shall here give such account of the State of the King and his people , as may suffice to give light to all the rest . Sciàh Selim , ( who , as I have formerly writ to you , is King of the greater part of India , between Indus and Ganges , and whose Countries are extended Northwards as far as the cliffs of mount Taurus , or Imaus , where it divides India from Tartaria ; ) is that great Monarch , whom in Europe you commonly call the Great Moghòl : Which Name is given him , because of his being deriv'd from a Race of Tartars call'd Moghols , who are of the City of Samarcand , and the Province of Giagatà , which is the ancient Sogdiana ; as 't is manifested by the Persian Geography , where to this day that Territory is denoted and distinguish'd by the ancient name of Soghol . Teimùr Lenk , call'd by us Tamerlane , as Mir Aliseir reports , a famous Author of those times , who writ his History in the Persian-Tongue handsomely and with great exactness , descended by a collateral line from the near kindred of Cnighiz Chan , the most puissant King of Chataio , known also in Europe to our Histories , and by S. Antonino , who writes largely concerning him , nam'd with a little corruption Cingis Cham. This Cnighiz warring with his neighbours , and destroying many other Principalities , became at length Lord of a Vast Dominion , and in a manner of all Tartaria , ( which comprehends both the one and the other Scythia ) and at his death divided the same between his Sons . To Giagatà , the second Son , fell the Country of Samarcand , with all Sogdiana , and sundry other adjacent Territories ; and He , from his own Name call'd it Giagataio , and all the Nations who remain'd under his Government Giagataians : A very ancient custome of the Scythians to give the Princes Name to Counties and their Subjects , as appears by Diodorus Siculus . In process of time , a Descendant of Giagatà reigning still in these parts , Teimùr Lenk , though extracted from the noblest blood of the Kings , yet remote from the Royal Stock by a long series , liv'd in Samarcand his own Country , a man rather of valour then of great fortune . But it falling out that the King at that time was slain for his evil deportments , by the Grandees of the Country ; in which conjuncture Teimùr Lenk was elected and placed in the Sovereignty : He , not contented with the sole Kingdom of Giagataio , being increas'd in strength and power , made afterwards those great Expeditions which the World beheld : Of which nevertheless , little sincere fa●e arrives to us ; there being no Europaean who hath written truly thereof , saving briefly in the Spanish-Tongue Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo , who was sent thither Embassador by his King Don Henry the Third of Castile . In like manner Teimùr at his death left that his great acquired Empire , divided amongst many Sons and Nephews , who falling at variance afterwards , and their Successors continuing the same , ruin'd one another with sundry warrs ; and God knows whether in Tartary there be left at this day any Prince of that Race . A Cadet , or Younger Brother of them , who had no share among the Tartars , came over the Mountains to seek his fortune in India , within the Court of a Prince then reigning in one part of it : Where being once introduc'd , by great alliances and services he rais'd a great House ; and in time , various Revolutions brought it to pass that one of his Successors came to be possess'd of that Kingdom , and to found the Royal Family now regnant ; of which , with very great augmentations of Dominion Sciàh Selim , now living , is the fourth King , as his own Seals testifie , the impression whereof I keep by me , wherein is engraven all his pedigree as far as Tamerlain , from whom Sciàh Selim reckons himself the eighth descendent . When Sciàh Selim was born , he was at first call'd Sceichù ; because the King Ekbàr his Father , having before had no children , conceiv'd he had obtain'd him by the prayers of a certain Sceich , ( so they call a Religious Man ) to whom he bore great reverence . But after he was come to ripe age , his Father chang'd his Name , as here they sometimes do , into Sciàh Selim , which , in the Arabian Dialect , the learned Language to all Mahometans , signifies Rè Pacific , a Peaceable , or Peace-making King ; conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature : The Father dying , Sciàh Selim being advanc'd to the Kingdom , chang'd his Name once again ( as 't is the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion ) with more Magnificent Titles , ( for their proper Names are nothing but Titles and Epithets ) and would be call'd Nur eddin , Muhammèd , Gihòn ghir , which partly in Arabick , partly in Persick , signifies , The Light of the Law , Mahomet , Take the World ; in regard of the profession which he makes in publick of the Mahometan Sect ; though really in secret , by what they report , he little cares for Mahomet and his Law , or any other Religion ; accounting , according to the vain opinion of some in these parts , that a man may be sav'd in every Law. Nevertheless , the Name Sciàh Selim , tenaciously inhering in the memory of people , remains still to him , and in common discourse he is more frequently call'd by this then any other Name . He had two Brothers : One , who took a part of the Province Dacan , was call'd by his proper Name Peharì , and by sirname Sciah Muràd : The other , who dy'd in the City Berhampòr , was nam'd Daniel , and sirnam'd Sombòl Sciàh , but both dyed without Heirs ; whereupon their Dominion returned back to Sciàh Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women , this King had four Sons ; the first , is call'd Sultàn Chosrou ; the second , Sultàn Peruìz ; the third , Sultàn Chorrom , now in rebellion , ( to whom , when he return'd from a war which he had prosperously manag'd in Dacàn , his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn , which is interpreted , King of the World ; ) and the fourth Sultàn Scehriar , is yet a youth of small age . 'T is possible , others besides these have been born to him ; but being dead , either in Child-hood or long ago , there is no mention made of them at present . He hath one Wife or Queen , whom he esteems and favours above all other Women ; and his whole Empire is govern'd at this day by her counsel . She was born in India , but of Persian Race , that is , the Daughter of a Persian , who coming , as many do into India , to the service of the Moghòl , hapned in time to prove a very great man in this Court , and , ( if I mistake not ) Chan or Vice-roy of a Province . She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who serv'd the Moghòl too ; but after her Husbands death , a fair opportunity being offer'd , as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows , I know not how Sciàh Selim had notice of her , and became in love with her . He would have carried her into his Haràm , or Gynaeceo , and kept her there like one of his other Concubines , but the very cunning and ambitious Woman , counterfeited great honesty to the King , and refus'd to go into his Palace ; and , as I believe , also to comply with his desires , saying , that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain , and Daughter of an Honourable Father , and should never wrong her own Honour , nor that of her Father and Husband : and that to go to the King 's Haram , and live like one of the other Female-slaves there , was as unsuitable to her noble condition . Wherefore , if his Majesty had a fancy to her , he might take her for his lawful Wife , whereby his Honour would be not onely not injur'd , but highly enlarg'd ; and on this condition she was at his service . Sciàh Selim , so disdaign'd this haughty motion at first , that he had almost resolv'd in despight to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halàlchor , as much as to say Eater-at-large , that is , to whom it is lawful to eat every thing ; and for this cause they are accounted the most despicable people in India . However , the Woman persisting in her first resolution , intending rather to dye then alter it ; and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart , with the help too , as some say , of Sorceries practis'd by her upon him , if there were any other charms ( as I believe there were not ) besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy ; at length he determin'd to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest . And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King 's Haram with supream authority ; having cunningly remov'd out of the Haram , either by Marriage or other handsome wayes , all the other Women , who might give her any jealousie ; and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers , and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures , and particularly those of her blood and alliance . This Queen is call'd at this day Nurmahàl , which signifies , Light of the Palace ; A Name , I believe , conferr'd on her by the King , when he made her Queen . She hath a Brother , who is still in great favour with the King , and of great power , and is the Asàf Chan , whom I mention'd above , and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion ; whence some , not without ground , suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm , is with some participation of Asàf Chan , and of Numrahàl her self ; perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father . Sultan Scehriàr hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahàl by her first Husband , for by the King she hath hitherto no Children : Wherin appears the prudence of this Woman , who hath so well establish'd her self with alliances in the Royal Family . But to return to the King's Children , Sultàn Chosrou the eldest , who was a Prince of much expectation , well belov'd , and , as they say , a friend in particular of the Christians , being at the government of I know not what Country , rebell'd against his Father , under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him , because indeed King Ekbar his Grand-father , at his death left it to him his Nephew being then born , and not to Selim the Father who was his Son ; being displeas'd with his Son Selim , for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him . So easie are Insurrections amongst these Infidels , and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons , and they in their own Fathers : With this pretence Sultàn Chosrou , once rais'd a great Army against his Father ; but coming to a battel he was routed and forc'd to surrender himself freely to his Father : Who chiding him with words rather gentle then otherwise , ask'd him to what end he made these tumults , knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him ? Yet his deeds were sharper then his words ; for in the first place , he caus'd all the chief Captains who had follow'd him in the war to be cruelly slain , and shewing them so slain to Chosrou , as in his return with Triumph he made pass along with himself in the middle of a long row of them barbarously mangled in several manners , and to behold some of his faithfullest Confidents sew'd up in beasts skins , and be so left miserably to rot ; he bad him see in what sort of people he had confided . Moreover , he suffer'd him no longer to live freely , but committed him to the safe but Honourable custody of certain Grandees of his Court : And , which was worse , he caus'd his eyes to be sew'd up , as 't is sometimes the custom here ; to the end to deprive him of sight without excaecating him , that so he might be unfit to cause any more commotions ; which sewing , if it continue long , they say it wholly causes loss of Sight ; but after a while , the Father caus'd this Prince's eyes to be unrip'd again , so that he was not blinded but saw again , and it was only a temporal pennance . Yet he was not deliver'd from prison , in which he lived so closely for two years , that onely one person was suffer'd to be with him in the prison to serve him . Nurmahàl , who had apprehended that Sultan Chosrou would succeed his Father in the Kingdom , and desir'd to establish her self well , had frequently offer'd her Daughter to Sultàn Chosrou before she married her to Sultan Scehriàr ; but he , either for that he had another Wife he lov'd sufficiently , and would not wrong her , or because he scorn'd Nurmahal's Daughter , would never consent : Insomuch that whilst he was in prison , and was told by reiterated messages that if he would marry Nurmahal's Daughter , he should be immediately set free ; nevertheless he would not be brought to do it . His Wife , on the contrary , who lov'd him as well as he lov'd her , obtain'd to be the person allotted to serve him in the prison , and accordingly went thither and liv'd with him so long as he was there , never ceasing to perswade him to marry Nurmahal's Daughter , that so he might be deliver'd from those troubles ; that for her part , she was content to live with him as a slave , provided she saw him free and in a good condition ; but he could never be prevail'd with . Thus he liv'd in prison with his faithful and dear Wife , till , the malice of his persecutors and his Father's anger being wearied , about two years after he was taken out of prison , but still held in a more honourable custody . For these things , Sultan Chosrou remain'd always much in the hatred of Nurmahal ; who despairing to marry her Daughter to him , gave her to Sultan Scehriar , as is abovesaid . Sultan Peruìz , the second Son , is now Governour of the Kingdom of Bengala at the mouth of Ganges , and lives peaceably , nor is any news heard of him . Sultan Chorrom , the third Son , had and hath under his Government that part of Dacan , which is subject to the Moghol , but now is about to usurp the Kingdom of Guzarat , where I writ these things . Sultan Scehriar hath no Government yet , but 't is said that he is lately made Captain of eight thousand Horse : Now touching the rebellion and the beginning of it ; Sultan Chorròm , after the alliance that he made with Asaf Chan , so wrought by the means of his Father in law , and Numerhal his Aunt , that the King granted him the prisoner Sultan Chosrou into his own power , taking him out of the hands of him that kept him , and committing him to him to keep , yet with order to use him very well and have great care of him . And this , because Chorrom refus'd to go to his government , and to the war whereunto they sent him , unless he carried Sultan Chosrou with him , alledging that it was not convenient that he should be absent from the Court whilst Sultan Chosrou his competitor and back-friend stai'd there ; when he had got him into his hands , he went to his goverment , and there kept and treated him honourably a year or two : but afterwards , out of the intention which he always had to remove him out of his way to the succession of the Kingdom , he being absent ( as some say ) sent him poyson'd meats , appointing certain of his Captains who kept him , to make him eat those meats by any means , either fair or foul . The Captains punctually executed this order ; but because Sultan Chosrou , becomming suspicious by their importunity to have him eat , would by no means taste of those meats , saying plainly , that they intended to poyson him ; the Captains , since there was no other remedy , and perhaps having order , leap'd all upon him , and he defended himself bravely , till at length having fell'd him to the ground , they strangled him with a Bow-string . Others say , that Sultan Chorròm himself slew him with his own hand publickly . Be it as it will , Sultan Chosrou dy'd of a violent death ; and Sultan Chorròm was either by himself , or by mediation of others the Mutherer . Sciah Selim upon hearing this news , being highly displeas'd with Sultan Chorrom , calls him to Court to give account of the fact . Sultan Chorrom would not obey the Summons , but gathering together his Forces , which nevertheless are not great to withstand his Father ; and raising not onely those of his own jurisdiction , but also divers other neighbouring Cities not comprehended therein , ( as Cambaia and other such , from which he hath remov'd the Governours plac'd there by his Father , and appointed others at his own devotion ) with the assistance and counsel of some pety Gentile Princes , he remov'd his Camp towards Agra , as is above intimated . In which commotions , and the death of Sultan Chosrou , 't is not onely suspected that there is some conspiracy of Asaf Chan and Nurmahal , his ancient enemies in secret , but also that the King of Persia is of intelligence with them , who about the same time , or a little before , on his side made the warr of Candahar : in which the coldness which the Moghol shew'd , proceeded , no doubt , either from his not being well inform'd , because perhaps Nurmahal , and Asaf Chan , who were his chief Counsellors , suffering not true intelligence to be signifi'd to him ; or perhaps , because the evil carriage of Sultan Chorrom hath hitherto necessitated him to stand in suspence . 'T is true , the last Advertisements from Agra , that the King , as I said , sent Asaf Chan to remove the treasure from thence , argue that the King still entrusts him ; and consequently , either that he is not in fault , or that his fault is not yet known . The doubt will be best clear'd by Time. Sultan Chosrou left a little Son behind him , whose name is Sultan Bulachi : But my journey now calls me elsewhere . The Commendator having read the Letters from Agra , and communicated to me all the News , it being now Evening , I took leave of him ; and after sundry volleys of muskets he return'd to the City ; and I with my company of five Coaches , took the way of Cambaia . Having travell'd two Cos , we ferri'd over the same River of Suràt ; and then proceeded four other Cos , which in all were six , and at Night took up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab : But we rested little , because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again . Our journey from Suràt to Cambaia , was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early , we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina , or Lake , which we found by the way of a long and narrow form , of which kind there are many in these parts . Having travell'd sixteen Cos , which was from Suràt in all two and twenty , before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci , or Behrug , as they call it in Persian ; under the walls whereof , on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda , which we ferri'd over . The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness , built high upon a rising hill . For the circuit 't is populous enough , as generally are all the parts of India . 'T is considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth , or Callico , made more plentifully there then in other places , and dispers'd not onely through Asia , but also into our Europe ; so that the English and Dutch ( which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here ) freight five or six great ships therewith every year ; and for the better imbarking it , make it up in very great balls , each as big as Roman Coach ; and every piece of Cloth , little bigger then one of our Towels , being carri'd to Aleppo , will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre , and in Italy at least for six Crowns . Whence you may infer , what wealth comes out of this small City alone , which for compass and buildings , is not greater then Siena in Tuscany , although 't is above three times as populous ; and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise . A few Cos from the City , is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates , white and green ; but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia , although it be further from the Mine , because there is a Sea-port , and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants ; and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes , either round or oval , to make Coronets or Neck-laces , and also little Cups , and divers other curious vessels for ornament . The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides , but is about as many miles distant as 't is from Suràt . When we pass'd over the River , our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument , gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci ; and they , at the Summons , came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us ; from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there . Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache , or small Indian ship which they were building , and was not yet finish'd , in which they treated us till night , drinking of Tari , which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India , whitish and a little troubled ; of taste , somewhat sowrish and sweet too , not unpleasing to the palate , almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine ; yet it inebriates as Wine doth , if drunk immoderately . The next day , which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon . Six Cos off , we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach , having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci . Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governour of Cambaia , remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom , who had plac'd another there at his devotion ; and this , being driven from thence , return'd to Suràt , where his house and usual habitation was . His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant , in a cover'd and very convenient litter . Three other Elephants follow'd unladen , saving with the men upon their necks who guided them ; then abundance of Coaches , partly cover'd and full of women , partly uncover'd with men in them ; then a great number of Souldiers , Horse and Foot ; and , in brief , a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India , which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be . After this we foarded a small River , which I believe , was of salt water , which , they say , is call'd Dilavel ; and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos , we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser . On Thursday , two hours before day , we arose to go along with a great Cafila , or Caravan , which was there united ; nevertheless we departed not so soon , but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day ; because the City was lock'd up , and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll , as likewise was paid in many other places the same day , though of small value . The Cafila was so great , and the Coaches so many , that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards ; just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps . Having travell'd about five Cos , an hour after Sun-rise , we came to an arm of the Sea , or , to speak better , to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia , directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea : In which place , the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent , and with a more rapid current , then perhaps in any other part of the world , at least any whereof I have knowledge . But before I proceed further , 't is needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers , even Moderns , which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians . In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen , the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia ; which is a grievous error , and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad , ( and 't is no narrow one ) : for Indus , which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths , sufficiently distant , runs not on the East of Guzarat , as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia ; but rather on the West , and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia , that all Guzarat , and perhaps some other Countries lye between . Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph , is not Indus , but this Mehi which I speak of , a River of handsome but ordinary greatness , and hath not the least correspondence with Indus . Now , being come to the side of it , we were fain to foard over this Water , and not without danger : For there is a plain of about five Cos , which is all over-flow'd at high Tide ; and when the water is lowest , in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded ; and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage , he would infallibly be drown'd . And besides , even in those places which are always foardable , when the Water is a little higher , or the current more furious then ordinary ( for 't is not always equal , but more or less , according to the times of the Moon ) it often carries away people , and sometimes with such violence , that an Elephant cannot bear up against it , but is swept away by the Water . Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard , namely , when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb ; which , if I mistake not , in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon ; as , on the contrary , when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven , the Tide uses to be at the highest . But in the Gulph of Cambaia , I know not upon what reason , perhaps because 't is much within the Land , and far from the great mass of the Ocean , it happens at another different hour , yet well known to the Country-people . The more cautious , wait also the most fitting days in the moneth ; because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher ; and , without comparison , highest and most impetuous of all , about the Aequinoxes and Solstices : In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate , and in other intermediate days , lower then the rest . So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon , were come in a good time , and likewise in a seasonable hour , the Cafila , or Caravan , having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right ; for the owners of the Coaches , and the others imploy'd in this journey , are well instructed of every thing , and know what they have to do . So being united in a great troop , the better to break the stream , we pass'd over all that space of five Cos , which was moist yet firm ground ; saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River , which nevertheless is salt there , the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River . Of the four streams which we waded , the first was inconsiderable , the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches , into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not , because their floar , and especially the wheels are very high ; and you sit , according to the manner of the East , as upon plain ground , without hanging the Legs downwards , but keeping them bow'd under you . For greater security , they hir'd sundry men on foot , who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands , that so in regard of their lightness , they might not float and be carry'd away ; and also to carry our bundles high on their heads , that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches . The men who go on foot in this passage , either strip themselves naked , covering onely their privities with a little cloth , or pulling up their coat , which , as I said , is of plain white linnen , and serves both for garment and shirt ; and also tucking up their breeches made of the same , they care not for wetting themselves . 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage , which is very much frequented , abundance of people go every day in this manner , some in Coaches and Charriots , others on Horseback and a foot , men and also women naked , without being shie who sees them ; a spectacle , no doubt , sufficiently extravagant . This wet passage being over , there remain two other Cos , but of firm and higher ground , ( which is not overflow'd , although it be plain and the Sea-shore ) to arrive at the City of Cambaia , whither we came before dinner-time , having travell'd that day , in all , twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants , by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness , and treated continually with exquisite chear ; for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places . Cambaia is a City indifferently large , though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls , which are sufficiently spacious . 'T is seated on the Sea-shore , in a plain , almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph , whereunto it gives name . The City , that is the inner part , without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls , built with plain cortines and round battlements . The Houses within , are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns , which is the custom in India for provision of Water , which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains . In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses , but in these parts they are counted good , and perhaps , the best of the whole Province ; and they are made shady and cool , as the heat of the place requires . The City hath no form'd Port , because it stands in a low Plain , but 't is call'd a Port , by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts ; which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots , Galeots , and other small ones of that make , which go either by oar or sail ; because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way . The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles ; and here , more then elsewhere , their vain superstitions are observed with rigor . Wherefore we , who came particularly to see these things , the same day of our arrival , after we had din'd and rested a while , caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts , which , for being sick , lame , depriv'd of their mates , or otherwise needing food and cure , are kept and tended there with diligence ; as also the men who take care of them , are maintain'd by the publick alms ; the Indian Gentiles , ( who , with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians , ( the first Authors of this opinion , according to Herodotus ) believe the Transmigration of Souls , not onely from Man to Man , but also from Man to brute beast ) conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small , a little room sufficing for many Birds : Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance , as Cocks , Hens , Pigeons , Peacocks , Ducks , and small Birds , which during their being lame , or sick , or mateless , are kept here ; but being recover'd and in good plight , if they be wild , they are let go at liberty ; if domestick , they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House . The most curious thing I saw in this place , were certain little Mice , who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them , were put into this Hospital ; and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton , very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose , giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather , because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else ; and , as he told us , he intended when they were grown up , to let them go free whither they pleas'd . From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side , to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat . 'T is small , adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Suràt , with some also of ours , as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe , which in India are accounted rare things . There is a running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck , or cover'd place to keep cool , standing upon a great Piscina , or Lake , contiguous to the Garden on the out-side ; and serving like that of Suràt , to the common uses of the City . Besides which , in this Garden there is nothing worth notice : Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita , or Temple of the Mahometans , whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions , not onely Mahometans , but likewise Gentiles . In the street before the Gate , many persons sitting on the ground asked Alms , to whom the passers-by cast some Rice ; others , certain other Corn , but no Money : Within the Meschita , in a narrow dark place by a walls side , is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble , and this they call Pir , that is , Old , which they say is equivalent to Holy : I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such . The people enter in with great crowds , especially Women , who use to be more forward in these things then others : All who go in , strew Flowers or Rice there ; to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings : But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles then Mahometans ; and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia , 't is no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adher'd to the Mahometans . A little distant from this place , we saw another Sepuchre ador'd too of some Mahometan ( for the Gentiles , who burn their dead , have no Sepulchres ) built with a great roof four square , supported by divers pillars , and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch ; this also many persons came to kiss and venerate . Beyond the abovemention'd Garden upon the Sea-side , we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality , having a high round Cupola , like a Tower , which is ascended by a little ladder , and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land , to a great distance . These things being seen , we return'd home the same way we came : The next Morning , going about the City , we saw another Hospital of Goats , Kids , Sheep , and Weathers , either sick or lame , and there were also some Cocks , Peacocks , and other Animals needing the same help , and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court ; nor wanted there Men and Women lodg'd in little rooms of the same Hospital , who had care of them . In another place , far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves , some whereof had broken Legs , others more infirm , very old , or lean , and therefore were kept here to be cur'd . Among the beasts there was also a Mahometan Thief , who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off : But the compassionate Gentiles , that he might not perish miserably , now he was no longer able to get his living , took him into this place , and kept him among the poor beasts , not suffering him to want any thing . Moreover , without one of the Gates of the City , we saw another great troop of Cows , Calves , and Goats , which being cur'd , and brought into better plight , or gather'd together from being dispers'd and without Masters , or being redeem'd with Money from the Mahometans who would have kill'd them to eat , ( namely , the Goats and other Animals , but not the Cows and Calves ) were sent into the field to feed by Neat-herds , purposely maintain'd at the publick charge ; and thus they are kept till being reduc'd to perfect health , 't is found fitting to give them to some Citizens , or others who may charitably keep them . I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeem'd from slaughter ; because in Cambaia , Cows , Calves , and Oxen , are not killed by any : And there 's a great prohibition against it , by the instance of the Gentiles , who upon this account pay a great summ of Money to the Prince ; and should any , either Mahometan or other be found to kill them , he would be punish'd severely , even with death . At Night we had Musick at home , made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers , ( for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts ) who with their Indian Instruments , which a●● Drums , Bells ty'd to the Arms , and the like , all of great noise , gave us divertisement , playing , dancing , and singing whilst we were at Supper ; but their Musick being too full of noise , was to me rather distasteful then pleasing . The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols , one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia . The form of it is perfect square , with walls round about , supporting a flat roof , which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars dispos'd in a square too ; within which , upon the little space remaining , is advanc'd somewhat higher then the roof , and yet of a square form , a kind of Cupoletta , or little Chappel . In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols , made of white Marble , and naked , ( as the Indians paint all their Idols : ) They are in a sitting posture , yet after the manner of the East , as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gather'd under ; but they sit in a place somewhat higher then the floare , as it were upon a large Pedestal . These Nieches are inclos'd with doors made with lattices , that so the Idols may be seen without opening them ; but they are open'd upon occasion for any that are minded to go in : They were so for us , but we entred not , because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors . The principal Idol in this Temple , is that which stands in the middle Nieche , call'd Mahavir , from whom the Temple is denominated : Who this Mahavir is , and whether he be all one with Mahadeu , as I have some suspicion , I do not yet know ; because the Indians who talkt with us , either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue , being all Factors or Merchants , and consequently unlearned , could not give us any account of these things ; besides , they speak those Languages ill , and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling : With other learned Gentiles , to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar , we could not discourse for want of Language ; wherefore of all these things , and all the particularities of their Religion , I reserve my self to be further inform'd at Goa , if it shall please God ; where I shall have better convenience and more time , and meet with some learned Brachman , perhaps turn'd Christian , and able to give me a more certain Relation hereof either in Portuguez or Latine ; and if he be a Christian , he will , no doubt , give it me more truly then the Gentiles , who I believe , talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely . Wherefore referring my self to the better intelligence which I hope to have there , I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes , and something more which I attain'd to understand , without suspicion of error . Before the Idol without the Nieche hung a Bell , ( as 't is the custom in all their Temples ) which , as I said before , all those who come to make their prayers ring at their first entrance . Within this and the other Nieches on the sides , were one or two lighted Candles . In the other sides of the Temple , something higher then the pavement , were in the wall certain little Nieches , in each of which stood an Idolet , or little Idol , some in the shape of Men , others of Women . One there was which had many Arms on a side , and many Faces ; and this they said was call'd Brachma , one of their chief false Deities . Another had the head of an Elephant , and was call'd Ganescio : They say , he is the Son of Mahadeu , who finding him one day with Parveti his Wife , but his own Mother , and not knowing who he was , kill'd him out of jealousie , cutting off his Head ; but afterwards understanding that he was his own Son , he repented him of his error , and resolv'd to bring him to life again : Wherefore meeting with an Elephant , ( as he had purpos'd to do with what he first happen'd upon ) he cut off his Head and plac'd it on his dead Son's Shoulders : Whereupon Ganescio reviv'd , and thenceforward liv'd immortal with an Elephants Head. But behold another delusion . One there is with the Head , I know not , whether of a Tyger or Lyon , probably 't is that Narosinha , which I formerly writ that I saw in Combru , in the maritine parts of Persia. Some of these Idolets sate upon sundry Animals , as Tygers and the like , and even upon Rats ; of which things the foolish and ignorant Indians relate ridiculous stories : But I doubt not , that under the veil of these Fables , their ancient Sages ( most parsimonious of the Sciences , as all Barbarians ever were ) have hid from the vulgar many secrets , either of Natural or Moral Philosophy , and perhaps also of History : And I hold for certain , that all these so monstrous figures have secretly some more rational significations , though express'd in this uncouth manner : As we know in ancient time among the Gentiles of our Countries there was , in the figures of quadrifronted Janus ; of Jupiter Ammon , with the Head of a Ram ; of Anubis , with the Head of a Dog , and many other extravagances not onely of the Grecians and Aegyptians , but also of the Romans . The Sieling , Pillars , and Walls of this Temple were adorn'd with Painting , especially red , which how dear 't is to the Indians , I formerly intimated . The doors of their Houses , namely , the Posts , Architraves , and Barrs that fasten it , are all colour'd so ; adding some mixture of white limes to the red ; for of white too they are so enamour'd , that all Men are generally cloth'd with it . A custom peradventure deriv'd to them from Aegypt where it was in use , as Herodotus writes ; and whence perhaps Pythagoras himself learnt it , who went cloth'd in white , as we find noted by Aelian , and others . And I observe , that in many particulars the manners of the present Indians much resemble those of the ancient Aegptians ; but since the Aegyptians who descended from Cham the Son of Noah , were a very ancient people , I rather believe that the Indians learnt from the Aegyptians , then the Aegyptians from the Indians ; and 't is known , that from Aegypt there was always Navigation and Commerce into India by the Southern Ocean . The red colour , amongst these Indians is , besides by the Women , worn also by the Sami , who are a kind of religious persons ; with red , the Gioghi who live like Hermits and go about begging , sometimes paint their bodies in many parts ; and also with red blended with yellow , that is , with some parcel of Sanders or Saffron , almost all the Indian Gentiles dye their fore-heads , and sometimes their garments ; accordingly , as Strabo reports from the testimony of Onesicritus , they did likewise in the time of Alexander the Great . Lastly , they wear red Turbants upon their Heads , and their Girdles are oftner wrought with red then any other colour . After having seen the Temple of Mahavir , we went to visit an old Brachman , accounted very learned amongst them , with whom we discours'd as well as we could by an interpreter , because he understood no other Language but the Indian . We found him amongst many Scholars , to whom he was giving a Lecture : He shew'd us his Books written in an antique Character , which is the learned amongst them , not common to the vulgar , but known onely to the learned , and us'd by the Brachmans ; who , in distinction from other vulgar Characters , us'd variously in sundry Provinces of India , call it Nagheri . I have , and shall carry with me two small Books of it , which I sometimes bought in Lar. This Brachman is call'd Beca Azàrg ; of which words , Beca is his proper Name , and Azàrg his Title of Honour . Amongst other Books , he shew'd us that of their sect ; in which , though it was bound long ways , as 't is the fashion of their Books , yet the lines were written cross the paper , after the manner of some of our Musick-Books : He affirm'd to us for certain , that it was a work of Pythagoras , which well agreeth with what , Philostratus saith , Jarchas told Apollonius , namely , that they Indians believ'd the same concerning the Soul which Pythagoras had taught them , and they the Aegyptians ; which is quite contrary to what , I said before , was my opinion , which of these two Nations first taught the other . But Diogenes Laertius , who writes Pythagoras's Life copiously enough , making mention of his going into Aegypt , and how he convers'd likewise with the Chaldaeans and Magi , yet speaks not a word that ever he went into India , or had communication with the Brachmans . Wherefore , if Pythagoras taught any thing to the Indians , as Jarchas said , he did it not in person but by his books , which possibly were carry'd into India . Moreover Beca Azàrg added , that their Brachmà , esteemed one of the chief amongst their false Gods , ( from whom they are denominated Brachmans ) is all one with Pythagoras : A curious notion indeed , and which , perhaps , would be news to hear in Europe , that Pythagoras is foolishly ador'd in India for a God. But this , with Azàrg's good leave , I do not believe : Either he did not expresly speak thus , and by the fault of the Interpreters we did not understand him aright ; or , if he did affirm it , perhaps he came to be mistaken by having heard Pythagoras nam'd by some Europaeans for the Author of that foolish opinion of the Transmigration of Souls . Be it as it will , I cannot believe that Pythagoras and Brachma are all one ; because though Pythagoras be very ancient , for he flourish'd in the Consulship of Brutus , who expell'd the Kings out of Rome ; yet I hold the Rites and opinions of the Brachmans much more ancient . For when Diodorus relates the contest of the two Wives of Ceteus , an Indian Captain in the Army of Eumenes , each of whom would be burnt with her Husband slain in battel , speaking of the Laws , Customs , and Rites of the Indians , he calls them , even at that time , Ancient things . And though Pythagoras and the Consulship of Brutus may precede not onely Eumenes , who was one of Alexander the Great 's successors , but Alexander himself by about two ages , according to the Chronology of Bellarmine , which to me seems good enough ; yet the space of two hundred years or somewhat more , is not such as that those things may be call'd Ancient , which had their beginning within so short a term ; as it should be infallibly , if Pythagoras , whom they take to be their Brachma , were the first Author to the Indians of their Learning , and consequently of their Rites , Customs , and Laws . But since I have already made frequent mention of the Brachmans , and perhaps shall have occasion to do the same hereafter ; to the end it may be understood what they are , I shall here subjoyn so much as I have hitherto attain'd to know concerning them , and all the other Indians . The whole Gentile-people of India is divided into many sects or parties of men , known and distinguisht by descent or pedigree , as the Tribes of the Jews sometimes were ; yet they inhabit the Country promiscuously mingled together , in every City and Land several Races one with another . 'T is reckon'd that they are in all eighty four ; some say , more , making a more exact and subtle division . Every of these hath a particular name , and also a special office and imployment in the Common-wealth , from which none of the descendents of that Race ever swerve ; they never rise nor fall , nor change condition : Whence some are Husbandmen , others , Mechanick , as Taylers , Shoemakers , and the like ; others , Factors or Merchants , such as they whom we call Banians , but they in their Language more correctly Vanià : Others , Souldiers , as the Ragia-puti ; And thus every one attends , and is employ'd in the proper Trade of his Family , without any mutation ever hapning amongst them , or Alliance of one Race contracted with another . Diodorus and Strabo , ( almost with the same words , as if the one had transcrib'd the other ) affirm , that anciently the Races of the Indians were seven , each addicted to their proper profession ; and for the first of all , they place that of the Philosophers , who , no doubt , are the Brachmans . Into seven kinds of men with their particular , and by Generation perpetuated Offices , Herodotus in like manner writes , ( and Diodorus confirms it , though he disagrees in the number ) the people of Aegypt was divided in those days ; whereby 't is manifest what correspondence there was between Aegypt and India in all things . Nor do I wonder at the division into seven Races onely , because what is observ'd at this day , must then also have hapned , namely , that the so many Races which they reckon , are reduc'd to four principal ; which , if I mistake not , are the Brachmans , the Souldiers , the Merchants , and the Artificers ; from whom by more minute subdivision all the rest are deriv'd , in such number as in the whole people there are various professions of men . In the substantial points of Religion all agree together , all believe the Transmigration of Souls , which according to their merits and demerits ( they think ) are sent by God into other bodies , either of Animals more or less clean , and of more or less painful life ; or else of men more or less noble and handsome , and more or less pure of Race , wherein they place not a little of their vain superstition ; accounting all other Nations and Religions , besides themselves , unclean ; and some more then others , according as they more or less differ from their Customs . All equally believe that there is a Paradice in Heaven with God , but that thereinto go onely the Souls of their own Nation , more pure and without any sin , who have liv'd piously in this world : Or in case they have sin'd , that after divers Transmigrations into various bodies of Animals and Men , having by often returning into the world undergone many pains , they are at length purg'd , and at last dye in the body of some man of Indian and noble Race , as the Brachmans , who amongst them are held the noblest and purest ; because their employment is nothing else but the Divine Worship , the service of Temples and Learning , and they observe their own Religion with more rigor then any others . 'T is true , the Brachmans , who amongst the Indians , in my opinion , much resemble the Levites of the Jews , are divided too into several sorts , one more noble then another , and , according to nobility , more rigorous also in matter of eating , and in their other superstitious Ceremonies ; for some of them are Astrologers , some Physitians , some Secretaries of Princes ; and so of other sorts of Scholars which I know not well : but the most esteem'd and most sublime amongst the Brachmans , and consequently , the most rigorous of all in point of eating and other observances , are those who perform the Office of Priests , whom they call Boti . Ordinarily they never admit into their Sect any man of another Religion ; nor do they think that they do ill herein , or contrary to the zeal of saving Souls ; since believing the Transmigration , they conceive it not necessary to salvation to change Religion , although one be of a false Sect ; but judg that if this Soul shall be worthy to have pardon from God , it shall after death , and after being purg'd sundry ways , pass into , and be born in the body of some Indian amongst them , and live excellently ; and so by this way at last arrive at Paradice and live with God , although in the beginning it was in the world in the body of the worst sinner and miscreant whatever . With people of other Religion they never eat , nor will have any communication of food , and , as much as possible , they avoid even to touch them ; conceiving themselves polluted by communicating with others . And herein they are so scrupulous , that even amongst the Indians themselves , one of more noble Race , not only neither eats , nor makes use of the same clothes , or vessels , nor communicates in any thing with one less noble , but also endures not to be touch'd by him ; which if it fall out by chance that he be , he must purifie himself from the defilement by washings , and other arrogant Ceremonies . And hence 't is a prety sight to behold the great respect which upon this account the ignoble bear to the more noble then themselves , and how upon meeting in the street , the ignoble not onely give place , but dance wildly up and down for fear of rushing against the noble , and polluting them in any measure ; which , if they should not do , the Noble , and especially the Souldiers , would make them do it to the Musick of blows . From this averseness to communicate one with another , particularly , in the use of eating and drinking-vessels , concerning which they are most strict , is sprung a strange Custom , which I was delighted not onely to see , but also sometimes out of gallantry to imitate in conversation . It happens very often during hot weather , both in Travelling and in Towns , that people have need of refreshing themselves , and drinking of a little water ; but because every one hath not a drinking-vessel of his own ready , to avoid defiling or being defil'd by his companion 's cup ; there 's a way found out whereby any person may drink in that , or any other whatever , without scruple or danger of any either active or passive contamination . This is done , by drinking in such manner that the vessel touches not the lips or mouth of him who drinks ; for it is held up on high with the hand over the mouth , and he that lifts it up highest , and holds it farthest from his mouth , shews himself most mannerly ; and thus powring the liquor out of the cup into the mouth , they drink round while there is any left , or so long as they please . So accustom'd are the Indians to drink in this manner , that they practise it almost continually with their own vessels for delight , without the necessity of shunning communication with others ; and they are so dextrous at it , that I remember to have seen one of them take with both hands a vessel as big as a basin , and lifting it up above a span higher then his mouth , powre a great torrent of water into his throat and drink it all off . Having been frequently present at such occasions , that where ever I came the Indians might not be shie of reaching me a cup of water , I purposely set my self to learn this manner of drinking , which I call drinking in the Air , and at length have learn'd it ; not with cups as big as basins , like his abovesaid ; but with a handsome cruze , like those we use , or with a little bottle or drinking glass made on purpose , I do it very well : Sometimes in conversation we drink healths all' Indiana , after this fashion , with consent that all do reason in the same manner ; and he that cannot do it right , either wets himself well , or falls a coughing and yexing , which gives occasion of laughter . But to return to the opinions of the Indians ; As for good works and sins , they all agree with the Doctrine of Morality , and the universal consent of Mankind , that there are differences of Virtue and Vice in all the world . They hold not onely Adultery , but even simple Fornication a great sin ; nor do they account it lawful , as the Mahometans do , to have commerce with femal slaves , or with others besides their own Wives . Yea , slaves of either Sex they no-wise admit , but hold it a sin ; making use of free persons for their service , and paying them wages , as we do in Europe : Which likewise was their ancient custom , as appears by Strabo , who cites Megasthenes and other Authors of those times for it . They detest Sodomy above measure , and abhor the Mahometans whom they observe addicted to it . They take but one Wife , and never divorce her till death , unless for the cause of Adultery . Indeed some , either by reason of the remoteness of their Wives , or out of a desire to have Children , in case the first Wife be barren ; or because they are rich and potent , and are minded to do what none can forbid them , sometimes take more Wives ; but 't is not counted well done , unless they be Princes , who always in all Nations are priviledged in many things . When the Wife dyes , they marry another if they please ; but if the Husband dye , the Woman never marries more ; were she so minded , nor could she find any of her own Race who would take her , because she would be accounted as bad as infamous in desiring a second Marriage . A very hard Law indeed , and from which infinite inconveniences arise ; for not a few young Widows , who in regard of their Reputation cannot marry again , and have not patience to live chastly , commit disorders in private , especially with men of other Nations and Religions , and with any they find , provided it be secret . Some Widows are burnt alive , together with the bodies of their dead Husbands ; a thing which anciently not onely the Indian Women did , according to what Strabo writes from the Relation of Onesicritus ; but also the chaste Wives of the Thracians , as appears by Julius Solinus . But this burning of Women upon the death of their Husbands , is at their own choice to do it or not , and indeed , few practise it ; but she who doth it , acquires in the Nation a glorious name of Honour and Holiness . 'T is most usual among great persons , who prize Reputation at a higher rate then others do ; and in the death of Personages of great quality , to whom their Wives desire to do Honour by burning themselves quick . I heard related at my first coming , that a Ragià , that is , an Indian Prince , ( one of the many which are subject to the Moghol ) being slain in a battel , seventeen of his Wives were burnt alive , together with his body ; which in India was held for great Honour and Magnificence . I have heard say , ( for I have not seen any Women burnt alive ) that when this is to be done , the Wife or Wives who are to be burnt , inclose themselves in a pile of wood , which is lay'd hollow like the rafters of a house , and the entrance stop'd with great logs , that they may not get out in case they should repent them when the kindled fire begins to offend them : Yea , divers men stand about the pile with staves in their hands to stir the fire , and to powre liquors upon it to make it burn faster ; and that if they should see the Woman offer to come out , or avoid the flames , they would knock her on the head with their staves and kill her , or else beat her back into the fire ; because 't would be a great shame to the Woman and all her kindred , if she should go to be burnt , and then through fear of the fire and death , repent and come out of it . I have likewise heard it said , that some Women are burnt against their own Will , their Relations resolving to have it so for Honour of the Husband ; and that they have been brought to the fire in a manner by force , and made besides themselves with things given them to eat and drink for this purpose , that they might more easily suffer themselves to be cast into the fire ; but this the Indians directly deny , saying , that force is not us'd to any ; and it may be true , at least in Countries where Mahometans command ; for there no Woman is suffer'd to be burnt without leave of the Governour of the place , to whom it belongs first to examine , whether the Women be willing ; besides , and for a Licence , there is also paid a good sum of money . Nevertheless , 't is possible too that many Widows being in the height of their passion taken at their word by their kindred who desire it , go to it afterwards with an ill will , not daring to deny those that exhort them thereunto , especially if oblig'd by their word ; nor to discover their own mind freely to the Governour . Things , which amongst Women , through their natural fearfulness and modesty , easily happen . And I would to God that in our Countries , in sundry cases , as of marrying or not , and the like matters , we had not frequent examples which Women not seldom give of great resolutions , not forc'd in appearance , but indeed too much forc'd in reality , for avoiding displeasure and other inconveniencies . In the Territories of Christians , where the Portugals are Masters , Women are not suffer'd to be burnt , nor is any other exercise of their Religion permitted them . Moreover , the Indian-Gentiles believe that there is a Devil in the world , almost of the same conditions wherewith we conceive him ; but they think too , that many wretched Souls unworthy ever to have pardon from God , as the last of the great punishments which they deserve , become Devils also ; than which they judge there cannot be a greater misery . The greatest sin in the world they account shedding of blood , especially that of men ; and then , above all , the eating of humane flesh , as some barbarous Nations do , who are therefore detested by them more then all others . Hence the strictest amongst them , as the Brachmans , and particularly the Boti , not onely kill not , but eat not , any living thing ; and even from herbs tinctur'd with any reddish colour representing blood , they wholly abstain . Others , of a larger conscience eat onely fish . Others , the most ignoble and largest of all , though they kill not , nevertheless they eat all sort of Animals good for food , except Cows ; to kill and eat which , all in general abhor , saying , that the Cow is their Mother , for the Milke she gives , and the Oxen she breeds , which plough the Earth , and do a thousand other services , especially in India , where through the paucity of other Animals , they make use of these more then any for all occasions . So that they think they have reason to say , That Cows are the prop of the world , which perhaps would signifie by that Fable , common also to the Mahometans , and by me formerly mention'd ; That the world is supported upon the Horns of the Cow. Moreover , they have these creatures in great Veneration ; for Cows being kept well in India , and living with little pains and much ease , therefore they believe that the best Souls , to whom God is pleased to give little pain in this world , pass into them . All the Indians use many washings , and some never eat without first washing the whole body . Others will not be seen to eat by any one ; and the place where they eat , they first sweep , wash , and scoure with water and Cow-dung . Which , besides cleanliness , is to them a Ceremonial Right , which they think hath the virtue to purifie : But having observ'd it too in the houses of Christians , I find that indeed it cleanses exquisitly , and makes the floores and pavements of houses handsome , smooth , and bright . And if the Cows and Bulls whose dung they use , eat grass , it gives a prety green to the pavement ; if straw , a yellowish : But for the most part the floores are red , as those of Venice are , and I know not with what they give them that colour . But these and other Ceremonies which I have not seen my self , and know onely by Relation , I willingly pass over . I shall conclude therefore with saying that by the things hitherto mention'd , it appears that in the substance of Religion , and what is most important , all the Races of the Indians agree together , and differ onely , perhaps , through the necessity , which is caus'd by the diversity of humane conditions in certain Rites and Ceremonies , particularly , of eating more or less indistinctly . Wherein the Ragiaputi , Souldiers , with the wonted military licentiousness , take most liberty , without thinking themselves prejudic'd as to the degree of Nobility . Next to them , the meanest and most laborious professions are more licentious in eating then others , because they need more sustenance ; some of which drink Wine too , from which the others more strict , abstain to avoid ebriety ; and so from all other beverage that inebriates . But those of other Races whose employments admit more rest and a better life , are also more sparing and rigorous in the use of meats , especially the Brachmans , as I said , dedicated wholly to Learning and the Service of Temples , as the most noble of all . In testimony whereof they alone have the priviledge to wear a certain Ensign of Nobility in their Sect , whereby they are distinguisht from others ; 't is a fillet of three braids , which they put next the flesh like a Neck-chain , passing from the left shoulder under the right arm , and so round . This fillet hath a mystery , and is given to all persons of that Race , and to a few of one other for a great favour , with many superstitious Ceremonies , of which I forbear to speak , because I have not yet any good information thereof . There was a long dispute in India , between the Jesuits and other Fathers , whether this fillet , which the Portugals call Linha , was a badge of Religion , or onely an Ensign of piety ; and whether it was to be permitted , or not , to Indian Converts , who were very loth to lay it aside . Much hath been said , and with great contest by both parties , and at length the cause is carried to Rome , and I was inform'd of it two or three years ago in Persia. For I remember Sig : Matteo Galvano Gudigno , a Canon and Kinsman to the then Archbishop of Goa , pass'd by Sphahàn , and continu'd there many days ; being sent by the same Archbishop , who favour'd the side contrary to the Jesuits , purposely to Rome with many writings touching this affair , which he out of courtesie communicated to me . I know not whether the final determination of it be yet come from Rome ; some say it is , and in favour of the Jesuits : But at Goa we shall know these things better . The truth is , the Jesuits prove , ( on one side ) that the honour of wearing this Ribban is frequently granted not onely to the Indians , but also to strangers of different Nation and Sect ; as to Mahometans , who ( by condescension of that King , who among the Indians hath authority to do it , as Head of their Sect in spirituals ) have in recompence of great and honourable services enjoy'd this priviledge , without becoming Gentiles , or changing their Religion , but still persisting to live Mahometans ; which indeed is a strong Argument . On the other side , they prove that many Brachmans and others of the Race priviledg'd to wear it , intending to lead a stricter life , and abandon the world by living almost like Hermits ; amongst other things , in humility lay aside this Ribban , being a token of Nobility ; which 't is not likely they would do , if it were a Cognizance of Religion ; yea , they would wear it the more . But this second Argument seems not to me so cogent , because , amongst us Christians , if a Knight of the order of Calatrava , or the like , which are Ensignes of Nobility , in order to a more holy life enter into some Religion , either of Fryers , Monks , or other Regulars ; 't is clear that taking the Religious Habit , he layes aside the body of his Knight-hood , although it be that Cross , than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion ; albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too . 'T is enough , that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons , namely , that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion . And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies , yet they will not have it taken away , alledging for example , that the Crosses of our Knights , however Ensignes of Nobility , are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion , the more to authorize them . Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians , provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside , and especially the End , in which alone consists the sin ; changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs , and other pious Commemorations . And this may be done by applying ( e. g. ) the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity , or in some such manner , turning it to a pious and lawful use . Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons ; they say , 't is a thing in it self , of its own nature , wholly unlawful to Christians , as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition ; which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it ; and that for the three Braids , 't is well known , they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods ; and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer , yet they are withall , and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion ; as Crosses are amongst our Knights , wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast , not onely ostentates his Nobility , but also firmly profess the Christian Faith. That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan , their Vassal , and remaining a Mahometan , is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian ; which may be done by way of dispensation , and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one , or a yellow , is , besides the matter of credit , a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes . Many other Reasons they alledge , which I do not well remember , and which , no doubt , will be narrowly examin'd at Rome . What the determination will be , I shall know more certainly at Goa ; and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles . Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells , I am to tell you , that after the seeing of the Temple , and visiting the Brachman abovesaid , the same day , which was Saturday the 25th of February , upon occasion of a Cafila , or Caravan , which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabàd , which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzaràt , we , namely , Sig : Alberto Scilling , and my self , with our attendants , were desirous to see that City ; and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone , we resolv'd to go with the Cafila . And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Suràt , in which some of the Hollanders , residing at Cambaia , went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt ; we all went out of the Town together , and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs , were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds , which the Indians call Hambelè , ( where also are certain Sepulchres , and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple , unroof'd and without walls about , saving a little wall at the front , and a place markt where prayers are to be made ; of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India , especially in the Country ) we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch , being diverted with Musick , singing and dancing by the same Women , which we had the night before at our house . At length taking leave , they took their way towards Suràt , and Sig : Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabàd , going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù . The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable ; within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù , which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone , thicker below then at top , and which diminishing by degrees , ends at the top in a round . Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby , the name of Mahadeù they in their language , is properly interpreted Great God. But we had enough to laugh at , when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles ; and amongst other of his miracles , they relate that he grows every day , and becomes bigger hourly ; affirming , that many years since he was no higher then a span , or little more , and now he is above two , and perhaps three ; and thus he continues increasing every day : a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves . Having seen this Temple , we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà , three miles distant from Cambaia , where we all lodg'd that night . The next Morning being Sunday , the Cafila , which consisted of above a hundred Coaches , besides foot-men and horse-men , and great loaden Wagons , set forth three hours before day ; and staying not to rest any where , according to the custom of the East , ( which is to make but one bout of a days journey ) having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon , or little later , we lodg'd at a Town call'd Màter , where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where ; they were small , white , and with a tail less , and not so fair as those of our Countries . On Monday , about two hours before day , we resum'd our Voyage . When it was day , we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies , of which almost all the Trees were full . They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies , which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great , beholding upon certain Hills a far off , and taking to be Men intended to have charg'd , had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were , as Strabo relates . We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet , which almost every one had and sounded , and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows ; two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars , and indeed , not be suffer'd by Governours , since these Ruffians under pretext of begging , rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd ; which having weapons themselves , they may easily do . This County was almost all woody , the ground unmeasurably dusty , to the great trouble of Travellers ; the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful , not known in Europe ; and having no leaves , but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches , almost like our Sparagus but bigger , harder and thicker , of a very lively green ; being broken , they send forth Milk like that of immature Figgs , which is very pernicious to the flesh wherever it touches . The Fields were full of Olive-trees , Tamarind-trees , and other such which in India are familiar . About noon , having travell'd twelve , or , as others said , fourteen Cos , we arriv'd at Ahmedabàd , and our journey from Cambaia hither was always with our Faces towards the North East . Being entred into the City , which is competently large , with great Suburbs , we went directly to alight at the house of the English Merchants , till other lodging were prepar'd for us , where also we din'd with them . After which we retir'd to one of the houses which stand in the street , which they call Terzì Carvanserai , that is , the Taylers Inn. For you must know that the Carvanserai , or Inns in Ahmedabàd , and other great Cities of India , are not , as in Persia and Turkey , one single habitation made in form of a great Cloyster , with abundance of Lodgings round about , separate one from another , for quartering of strangers ; but they are whole great streets of the City destinated for strangers to dwell in , and whosoever is minded to hire a house ; and because these streets are lockt up in the night time for security of the persons and goods which are there , therefore they call the Cavanserai . Notwithstanding the wearisomness of our journey , because we were to stay but a little while at Ahmedabàd , therefore after a little rest we went the same Evening to view the market-place , buying sundry things . It displeas'd me sufficiently that the streets not being well pav'd , although they are large , fair , and strait , yet through the great dryness of the Earth they are so dusty , that there 's almost no going a foot , because the foot sinks very deep in the ground with great defilement ; and the going on Horse-back , or in a Coach , is likewise very troublesome in regard of the dust ; a thing , indeed , of great disparagement to so goodly and great a City as this is . I saw in Ahmedabàd , Roses , Flowers of Jasmin , and other sorts , and divers such fruits as we have in our Countries in the Summer ; whence I imagin'd , that probably , we had repass'd the Tropick of Cancer , and re-enter'd a little into the temperate Zone ; which doubt I could not clear for want of my Astrolabe , which I had left with my other goods at Suràt . On Tuesday following , which to us was the day of Carnaval , or Shrove-Tuesday , walking in the Morning about the Town , I saw a handsome street , strait , long , and very broad , full of shops of various Trades ; they call it Bezari Kelàn , that is , the Great Merkat , in distinction from others , than which this is bigger . In the middle is a structure of stone athwart the street , like a bridge with three Arches , almost resembling the Triumphal Arches of Rome . A good way beyond this bridge , in the middle of the same street is a great Well , round about which is built a square Piazzetta , a little higher then the ground . The Water of the Well is of great service to all the City , and there is always a great concourse of people who come to fetch it . Going forwards to the end of the Market , we came to the great Gate which stands confronting the street , and beautifi'd with many Ornaments between two goodly Towers ; 't is the Gate of a small Castle , which they call by the Persian word Cut. Nor let it seem strange , that in India in the Countries of the Moghòl , the Persian Tongue is us'd more , perhaps , then the Indian it self , since the Mogholian Princes being originally Tartars and of Samarcand , where the Persian Tongue is the natural of the Country , have therefore been willing to retain their native Speech in India ; in brief , the Persian is the Language of the Moghols Court , most spoken and us'd in all publick writings . Near this Castle Gate , in a void place of the street are two pulpits handsomely built of stone , somewhat rais'd from the ground , wherein 't is the custome to read the King's Commandments publickly , when they are be proclaim'd . Thence turning to the right hand , and passing another great Gate , and through a fair Street we came to the Royal Palace ; for Ahmedabàd is one of the four Cities , amongst all the others of his Dominions , where the Grand Moghòl by particular priviledge hath a Palace and a Court ; and accordingly he comes sometimes to reside there . This Palace hath a great square Court , surrounded with white and well polish'd walls . In the midst stands a high Post to shoot at with arrows , as is also usual in the Piazzaes of Persia. On the left side of the Court as you go in , are the King's Lodgings , a small and low building . What 't is within side , I know not , for I enter'd not into it ; but without , 't is as follows : Under the King's Windows is a square place inclos'd with a rail of colour'd wood , and the pavement somewhat rais'd ; within which , when the King is there , are wont to stand certain Officers of the Militia , whom they call Mansubdàr , and they are almost the same with our Colonels : their Command extends not to above a Thousand Horse ; nor are they all equal , but from a thousand downwards , some have more , some less , under them . Within this inclosure of the Mansubdary , under the King's Balconies , stand two carv'd Elephants of emboss'd work , but not large , painted with their natural colours ; and in the front of the Royal Lodgings , are other such Ornaments after their mode , of little consideration . Some said , that a while ago in one of the Balconies stood expos'd to publick view an Image of the Virgin Mary , plac'd there by Sciàh Selim , ( who , they say , was devoted to her ) and to whom , perhaps , it was given by one of our Priests , who frequent his Court out of a desire to draw him to the Christian Faith ; but the Image was not there now , and possibly , was taken away by Sultan Chorrom his Son , ( reported an Enemy of the Christians and their affairs ) since his coming to the Government of those parts of Guzaràt . The station of the greater Captains , and of higher dignity then the Mansubdary , as the Chans and others of that rank , is in the King's Balconies ; or near hand above there within the Rooms : The inferior Souldiers , that is , such as have onely two or three Horses , stand upon the ground in the Court without the above mention'd inclosure . In the front of the Court is another building , with an inclosure also before it , but less adorned ; 't is the place where the King's Guard stands with all its Captains : And the same order , I believe , is always observ'd in the Moghòl's Court , in whatsoever place or City he happens to be . Within this Court is another on the left hand , surrounded with other buildings for necessary Offices , but not so well built nor polish'd . Having seen what we could of the Royal Palace , we return'd by the same way we came to the street of the great Market . From whence we went to see a famous Temple of Mahadeù , to which there is hourly a great concourse of people , and the street which leads to it is always full , not onely of goers and commers to the Temple , but also of beggars who stand here and there asking Alms of those that pass by . The building of this Temple is small , the entrance narrow and very low , almost under ground ; for you descend by many steps , and you would think you were rather going into a Grotto then into a Temple ; and hence there is always a great crowd there . On high hung a great number of Bells , which are rung every moment with great noise by all those who come to worship . Within the Temple continually stand many naked Gioghi , having onely their privities ( not very well ) cover'd with a cloth ; they wear long Hair dishevel'd , dying their Fore-heads with spots of Sanders , Saffron , and other colours suitable to their superstitious Ceremonies . The rest of their bodies is clean and smooth , without any tincture or impurity ; which I mention as a difference from some other Gioghi , whose Bodie are all smear'd with colours and ashes , as I shall relate hereafter . There is , no doubt , but these are the ancient Gymnosophists so famous in the world ; and , in short , those very Sophists who then went naked , and exercis'd great patience in sufferings , to whom Alexander the Great sent Onesicritus to consult with them , as Strabo reports from the testimony of the same Onesicritus . Many of them stood in the Temple near the Idols , which were plac'd in the innermost Penetral or Chancel of it , with many Candles and lamps burning before them . The Idols were two stones , somewhat long , like two small Termini , or Land-marks , painted with their wonted colours ; on the right side whereof was a stone cut into a figure , and on the left another of that ordinary form of a small pillar , according to which , as I said before , that they use to shape Mahadeù : And before all these , another like figure of Mahadeù , made of Crystal , upon which the Offerings were lay'd , as Milk , Oyle , Rice , and divers such things . The assistent Gioghi give every one that comes to worship some of the Flowers , which are strew'd upon , and round about the Idols ; receiving in lieu thereof good summs of Alms. Coming out of this Temple , and ascending up the wall of the City , which is hard by , we beheld from that height the little River call'd Sabermeti , which runs on that side under the walls without the City . Upon the bank thereof , stood expos'd to the Sun many Gioghi of more austere lives , namely such , as not onely are naked , like those above describ'd , but go all sprinkled with ashes , and paint their bodies and faces with a whitish colour upon black , which they do with a certain stone that is reduc'd into powder like Lime : Their Beards and Hair they wear long , untrim'd , rudely involv'd , and sometimes erected like horns . Painted they are often , or rather dawb'd with sundry colours and hideous figures ; so that they seem so many Devils , like those represented in our Comedies . The ashes wherewith they sprinkle their bodies are the ashes of burnt Carkasses ; and this , to the end they may be continually mindful of death . A great crew of these with their Chief or Leader , ( who conducts them with an extravagant banner in his Hand , made of many shreds of several colours , and to whom they all religiously obey ) sat by the Rivers side in a round form , as their custom is ; and in the field there were many people , who came , some to walk , and others , to wash themselves ; the Pagan Indians holding their Rivers in great Veneration , and being not a little superstitious in bathing themselves therein . From the same place , I beheld a little Chappel built upon two small figures of Mahadeù , not upright , but lying along upon the ground , and carv'd in basse relief , where also were Lamps burning , and people making their Offerings . One of the Gioghi , laying aside all other care , remain'd continually in this Chappel with great retiredness and abstraction of mind , scarce ever coming forth ; although it was very troublesome abiding there , in regard of the heat of the lights ; and inconvenient too , by reason the Chappel was so little that it could scarce contain him alone as he sat upon the pavement , ( which was somewhat rais'd from the Earth ) with his Leggs doubled under him , and almost crooked . Returning home by the same way of the great Bazàr , or Market , I saw Carvanserai , or Inns made with Cloysters like those of Persia ; one greater and square of the ordinary form , and another less , narrow and long . Of divers other streets , in which I saw nothing observable , I forbear to speak . The same day after dinner , having taken leave of certain Armenian and Syrian Christians , who live in Ahmedabàd with their Wives and Families , we put our selves upon the way to return to Cambaia , with the same Cafila , with which we came ; and which every week departs thence at a set day . At our setting forth we met with a little obstacle , for by reason of the new Commotions between the Moghòl , and his Son Sultan Chorròm , who was become Master of these parts of Guznet , there was a fresh prohibition in Ahmedabàd , that no Souldiers Wives , nor other person of quality should go out of the City by Land ; and this , as I conceive , lest the rumors of the troubles should cause the people of the City to remove into other Territories , and abandon the faction of the Rebel Sultan Chorròm ; which they could not do if their Wives were restrain'd , because Husbands are in a manner necessitated to abide where their Wives and Houses are . So that by reason of this prohibition , I could not have got away , having my Sig ra Mariuccia with me , unless I had obtain'd express leave in writing from the Governour ; in order to which it was needful for me to make it appear that we were strangers and not people of the Country , and to pay some small summ of Money , besides going backward and forward , whereby we lost much time . Having at length obtain'd permission , and being got out of the City , we went a little without the walls to see a great Artificial Lake which is there , made of stone with stairs at several angles about it ; its Diameter was , by my conjecture , above half a mile . It hath about the middle an Island , with a little Garden , to which they go by a handsome Bridge of many Arches very well built ; upon which , I believe , two Indian Coaches may go a breast . Indeed these Indian Lakes are goodly things , and may be reckon'd amongst the most remarkable structures of the world . Having seen this , we went to overtake our Cafila , which was arriv'd at a Town seven Cos distant from Ahemdabàd , call'd Barigia , or Bariza , ( for the Indians very much confound these two Letters g and z in their speaking . ) We came late to the said Town , by reason of our hindrances at our departure from Ahmedabàd ; but certain Horse-men appointed , as I conceive , to guard the way , having met us in the night , would needs accompany us thither that so we might go safely ; for which service they were contented with a very small gratuity which we gave them . The first of March , being Ash-Wednesday , we set forth by break of day ; and having travell'd fifteen Cos , an hour or little more before night , we came to lodge in a competently large Town call'd Soznitrà , where I saw Batts as big as Crows . The next day , March the second , beginning our journey early , we travell'd twelve Cos , and a little after noon arriv'd at Cambaia . The Dutch Merchants there understanding by others that we were coming with this Cafila , came to meet us a little without the Gate , and with their accustomed courtesies conducted us to lodge in their House . March the third , we went out of the walls to the top of the Tower of that Sepulchre , which I said we saw near the Garden of the King of Guzarat , to behold from thence , ( being a great prospect upon the Sea ) the coming in of the Tide , which indeed was a pleasant spectacle . 'T was New-Moon this day , and so a greater Tide then usual , and we went to observe it at the punctual time of its being at the height , which those people know very well ; because at that time it increases in less then a quarter of an hour , to almost the greatest height it is to have , and flows with greatest fury ; contrary to what happens in other Seas . Now at the due time we saw the Sea come roaring a far off , like a most rapid River , and in a moment overflow a great space of Land , rushing with such fury that nothing could have with-stood its force ; and I think it would have overtaken the swiftest Race-horse in the world . A thing verily strange , since in other places both the rising and the falling of the Sea in the flux and reflux is done gently in full six hours , and with so little motion that 't is scarce perceiv'd . After this we went to see another goodly Cistern , or Lake , without the City , formerly not seen , of a square form , and of a sumptuous marble structure , with stairs about it like the others which I had seen elsewhere . Afterwards we saw in one of the Suburbs or Hamlets near the City , call'd Cansari , a Temple of the Gentiles , peradventure the goodliest that I have seen , with certain Cupola's , and high Balconies of tolerable Architecture , but no great model . This Temple belongs to that Race of Indians who shave their heads ( a thing unusual to all others who wear long hair , like Women ) and such are call'd Vertià . The Idol in it sate on high over an Altar at the upper end , in a place somewhat dark , ascended by stairs , with lamps always burning before it . When I went in , there was a Man at his Devotions , and burning Perfumes before the Idol . At some distance from this , stands another Temple of like structure , but more plain and of a square form ; within it were seen abundance of Idols of several shapes , whose Names and Histories , the shortness of time , and my unskilfulness in their Language allow'd me not to learn. Without the Gate of these Temples , I beheld sitting upon the ground in a circle , another Troop of those naked Gioghi , having their bodies smear'd with Ashes , Earth , and Colours , like those I had seen upon the River of Ahmedabàd ; they made a ring about their Archimaudrita , or Leader , who was held in such Veneration not onely by the Religious of their Sect , but also by the other secular Indians , for Reputation of Holiness , that I saw many grave persons go and make low Reverences to him , kiss his Hands , and stand in an humble posture before him to hear some sentence ; and He with great gravity , or rather with a strange scorn of all worldly things , hypocritically made as if he scarce deign'd to speak and answer those that came to honour him . These Gioghi , are not such by Descent but by Choice , as our Religious Orders are . They go naked , most of them with their bodies painted and smear'd , as is above mention'd ; yet some of them are onely naked , with the rest of their bodies smooth , and onely their Fore-heads dy'd with Sanders and some red , yellow , or white colour ; which is also imitated by many secular persons , out of superstition and gallantry . They live upon Almes , despising clothes and all other worldly things . They marry not , but make severe profession of Chastity at least in appearance ; for in secret 't is known many of them commit as many debaucheries as they can . They live in society under the obedience of their Superiors , and wander about the world without having any setled abode . Their Habitations are the Fields , the Streets , the Porches , the Courts of Temples , and Trees , especially under those where any Idol is worshipt by them ; and they undergo with incredible patience day and night no less the rigor of the Air then the excessive heat of the Sun , which in these sultry Countries is a thing sufficiently to be admir'd . They have spiritual exercises after their way , and also some exercise of Learning , but ( by what I gather from a Book of theirs translated into Persian , and intitl'd , Damerdbigiaska , and , as the Translator saith , a rare piece ) both their exercises of wit and their Learning , consist onely in Arts of Divination , Secrets of Herbs , and other natural things , and also in Magick and Inchantments , whereunto they are much addicted , and boast of doing great wonders . I include their spiritual exercises herein , because according to the aforesaid Book , they think that by the means of those exercises , Prayers , Fastings , and the like superstitious things , they come to Revelations ; which indeed are nothing else but correspondences with the Devil , who appears to , and deludes them in sundry shapes , forewarning them sometimes of things to come : Yea sometimes they have carnal commerce with him , not believing , or , at least , not professing that 't is the Devil ; but that there are certain Immortal , Spiritual , Invisible Women , to the number of forty , known to them and distinguisht by various forms , names , and operations , whom they reverence as Deities , and adore in many places with strange worship ; so that some Moorisco Princes in India , as one of these three pety Kings who reign'd in Decàn , Telengane , and Meslepaton , ( Cutbsciach , as I remember ) though a Moor ; yet retaining some reliques of ancient Gentilism , makes great Feasts and Sacrifices to one of these Women in certain Grottoes under high Mountains which are in his Country ; where 't is reported , that this Woman hath a particular and beloved habitation ; and He of the Gioghi , that by long spiritual exercises can come to have an apparition of any of these Women , who foretells him future things , and favours him with the power of doing other wonders , is accounted in the degree of perfection ; and far more if he happen to be adopted by the Immortal Woman for her Son , Brother , or other Kinsman ; but above all , if he be receiv'd for a Husband , and the Woman have carnal commerce with him ; the Giogho thenceforward remaining excluded from the commerce of all other Women in the world , which is the highest degree that can be attain'd to ; and then he is call'd a spiritual Man , and accounted of a nature above humane , with promise of a thousand strange things , which for brevities sake I pass over . Thus doth the Devil abuse this miserable people . As for any thing more concerning these Gioghi , I refer you to what I have formerly written of them , and the Samì , who are another sort of Religious Indians who wear Clothes , as I saw them in Bender of Combrù . And of the Sciences of the Gioghi , and their spiritual exercises , especially of a curious way , rather superstitious then natural , of Divining by the breathing of a Man , wherein they have indeed many curious and subtle observations , which I upon tryal have found true . If any would know more , I refer him to the Book above mention'd , which I intend to carry with me for a Rarity into Italy ; and if I shall find convenience , I shall one day gratifie the Curious with a sight of it in a Translation . On the fourth of March , I went out of Cambaia to a Town two miles off , call'd Hagrà , to see a famous Temple , built of old by the Race of the Banions , and belongs to them ; but yet the Brachmans possess it , and have care of it , as if it were descended to them . This Temple is dedicated to Brahmà , who , as I said before , they hold to be the same with Pythagoras , although of the origine of Bramà , and how he was produc'd of the first Cause , or else of the first Matter , and how they take this for one of the Elements , and a thousand other extravagances ; they tell long Fables , which do not agree to Pythagoras a meer man ; but for all this they confound the two Names , and 't is no great matter to reconcile them herein , after the same manner that our ancient Gentiles agreed in their Jupiter , taken sometimes for one of the Elements , and sometimes historically for an ancient King one of Saturn's Sons ; and in divers other like names , in reference to History and Philsophy they had double , allegorical and mysterious significations . Concerning the Genealogy of Bramà , and the other fabulous Indian Gods , and what belongs to their vain Theology , I refer the Reader to the Books of Father Francesco Negrone , or Negraore , as the Portugals call him , who writes fully thereof in his Chronicles of the things done by those of his Order in India , written in the Portugal Language ; and I think he is the first , and perhaps , the onely Modern Writer who hath given account of this matter in Europe . The said Father having been assisted therein , for information by most fit and sufficient Interpreters , namely , the Fathers of his own Religion , good Divines , skill'd in the Indian Tongue , and perfectly intelligent of these matters ; who also read and interpreted the very Books of the Indians to him , and were likewise his interpreters in the discourses which he had often with the learned Indians concerning their Religion , as himself frequently told me . Besides which , he wanted not other helps , because being appointed Historiographer to his Order , he was abundantly supply'd with what was needful to that Office ; he convers'd long in the Kingdom of Bisnaga , where the Religion and Sciences of the Indians have their Principal Seat ; as also in the Island of Zeilan , which many take to be the ancient Tabrobana , and in other Countries for this very purpose . He made many peregrinations expresly to see places and things conducing thereunto , and was assisted by the Vice-Roys themselves and Governours of Provinces , subject to the Portugals , who sent him into all places accompany'd oftentimes with whole bands of Souldiers , where the wayes were not secure ; in brief , without sparing cost , pains , or diligence , he professedly intended this business for many years together , with all kind of convenience and authority . Lastly , he was some years since sent by his Order into Europe , in Order to print his Works ; and in the year 1619 , as I came through Persia , I saw him at Sphahàn ; and during his short abode there by means of a Friend got a sight of his Papers , but had not time to read them , as I desir'd . He went thence directly to Rome , whither I gave him some Letters to certain Friends and Relations of mine to be civil to him there , as I know they were ; and after some years sojourning at Rome , whilst I was at Bender of Combrù , I heard that he was coming from Rome towards Turkie , in order to return to India , where I hope to see him again ; and if he bring his Books printed with him , I shall read them , and what I find remarkable therein which may be serviceable to these writings of mine , I shall make mention of the same in its proper place , Father Joam de Lucena a Jesuit , in his History of the Life of San Francesco Xavier , written in the Portugal Tongue , makes mention likewise of the Religion and Customs of the Indian-Gentiles , and seems to speak thereof with good grounds , although in some few particulars , if I mistake not , he is capable of a little correction . Yet that which troubles me most , is , that it clearly appears by his Book that he knew much more of the Customs of the Indians then he hath written : which perhaps he would not write , either because they were obscene and impious , or pertain'd not to his purpose . I saw Father Negrone since at Goa , but he brought not his Book printed ; either because his Fathers , as some say , would not have it printed ; or — . Yet he saith , he hath sent it to be printed in Portugal in that Language , and expects it by the next Ship ; if it comes , I shall see it . But having in Goa discours'd with him more largely then I did in Persia , I find him very little vers'd in matters of ancient History and Geography , as generally the Fryars of Spain , and especially Portugal are not , addicting themselves little to other Studies , besides what serves to Preaching ; wherefore , without good skill in ancient History , Geography , and other Humane Learning , I know not how 't is possible to write Histories well , particularly , concerning the Customs of the Indians ; of which also he hath had no other information but by interpreters ; in which way I have by experience found that many errors are frequently committed . Nevertheless we shall see what light may be had from Lucena's Book , although it be short , concerning the Religion of the Indians . In the mean time returning to my purpose , I shall tell you , that in the Temple dedicated to Brahmà in the Town of Naghrà , which is little considerable for building but in great Veneration for ancient Religion , there are many Idols of white Marble . The biggest is the Chief , and hath the worthiest place : In the middle is the Statue of Brahma , or Pythagoras , with many Arms and Faces , as they ordinarily pourtray him , namely , three Faces , for I could not see whether there were a fourth or more behind ; 't is naked with a long picked Beard , but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure , which for its bigness hath a very great Belly , I know not whether through the Artificers fault , who seems to have been little skilful ; or else because the Indians , as I have also heard of the people of Sumatra , account it a great Beauty and perfection to have a great Belly . This figure of Brahma stands upright , and at his Feet two other less carv'd figures , which , as they say , are his two Sons , Sunnet and Sunnatan . On each side of Brahma stand likewise two Statues of Women , somewhat less then Brahma himself , and they call them his Wives , Savetrì , and Gavetrì . On the left side of this narrow Temple , stand two other figures of the same bigness , being two naked Men with long Beards , whom they pretend to have been two religious persons , I know not whether Doctors or Disciples of Brahma or Pythagoras ; one is call'd Chescuèr , the other Ciavan de Chescuèr . On the same side downwards are many other Idolets , as one with an Elephants Head , and divers others formerly by me mention'd . All which Idols are serv'd , ador'd , perfum'd , offer'd to , and wash'd every day as for delight , ( for the Indians account it delight to wash often ) by the Brachmans , who assist at their service with much diligence . I must not forget , that the Banians say , this Town Naghera was the King's Seat and principal City , anciently the Head of the whole Kingdom of Cambaia , and that the City now properly call'd Cambaia , and rais'd to greatness by the ruine of this old , is a modern thing ; whence I have sometimes suspected that the Indian Character call'd Naghra , us'd by the learned , was denominated from this City wherein it was anciently us'd ; but 't is onely a Conjecture ; and I have learnt by long and much experience , that in the derivation and interpretation of Names , especially of Places , there is no trusting to the resemblance of Words ; because by reason of the diversity of Languages , and the casual Conformity of Words which signifie things sufficiently different , according to the variety of Places , gross errors are easily admitted . Nagher in the Indian Language signifies a Great City . Coming from Naghra , I saw some naked and besmeared Men , of deportment almost like the incinerated Gioghi , who were of a Race of Indians accounted by themselves the most sordid and vile Race of all in India ; because they eat every thing , even the uncleannest Animals , as Rats and the like ; whence ●●ey are call'd in Persian , Hhalal-chor , which signifies a Man that accounts it lawful to eat any thing ; the Indians call them Der , and all people in general abhor not onely to converse with , but even to touch them . Concerning Religion , I have heard nothing particular of them , but believe them Gentiles as the rest , or perhaps , Atheists , who may possibly hold every thing for lawful , as well in believing as in eating . They are all sufficiently poor , and live for the most part by begging , or exercising the most sordid Trades in the Common-wealth , which others disdain to meddle with ; but they , either because their Rite teaches them so , or necessity inforces them , are not at all shie of . March the fifth , We visited the King's Garden again , and many other Gardens , where we tasted divers fruits , and beheld several Flowers of India unknown in Europe ; amongst the rest , one very odoriferous which I kept in a Paper , which they call Ciompa . Without the City we saw the Saltpits , and also the Field by the Sea-side , where the Indians are wont to burn the bodies of their dead ; which may be known by the reliques of many fires and pieces of bones not wholly burnt , which are seen scatter'd about the same . The next Morning early , we return'd to this Field , and saw several Bodies burnt , and particularly observ'd the Funeral of one Woman from the beginning to the end . They carry the Corps wrapt in a cloth of Cit , of a red colour for the most part , and much in use among the Indians for other purposes . They carry it not upon a Biere , as we do , but ty'd to and hanging down like a sack , from a staff lay'd cross two Men's shoulders . They make the funeral pile of wood , lay'd together in form of a bed , of equal length and breadth , and sufficient to receive the Body ; upon which , beginning then to lament with a loud voice , they lay the carkass naked and supine , with the Face and Feet towards the Sea ; which I believe , is likewise observ'd ( where the Sea is not ) towards Rivers , Lakes , and Cisterns , the Indians having a particular devotion to the Water ; nor do I know , that herein they have respect to any Region of Heaven . They cover the privities with a piece of wood , anoint the Hands and Feet , put a coal of fire in the Mouth ; and then all things being prepar'd , they set fire first at the Throat , and afterwards to the whole pile round about , beginning first at the Head , but with their Faces turn'd another way , as Virgil saith our Ancestors did ; Then sprinkle Water on the ground round about the pile , which they continually stir up with staves in their Hands , and blow with the motion of a cloth , to the end the flame may not spread , but burn more speedily . The body being consum'd by degrees , they reduce the fire into a round form , and when all is burnt , they leave the ashes , and sometimes a piece of a bone not wholly consum'd there in the same place : The cloth wherein the body was wrapt before it was committed to the pile , they give in Charity to some poor person present . Such as have where withall , are burnt with odoriferous and precious wood , in which the rich sp●●d much ; but they that cannot reach so high , use ordinary wood . Children under two years of age are not burnt but buried , as we saw some in the same Field . Nor let the Reader wonder , that in the same day and hour we hapned to see so many dead persons ; for , besides that Cambaia is a large City and very populous , as all the Cities and Lands of India are ; the Gentiles are wont to perform this Ceremony of the dead onely in the Morning , at a set hour , and in that place ; so that all that dye in the whole City , during the twenty four hours of the day , are brought to that place at the same hour . The same day we had News of a Jesuit's coming to Cambaia from Goa , with a Cafila of Portugal Frigats , which was going for Agrà : Whereupon in the Evening , Sig : Alberto Scilling and I , in company of a Venetian Merchant , went to visit him at the house where he lodged ; and having told him that we were to go the next day for Suràt , I desir'd him to give a letter to the Jesuits of Daman and Bassaim , where I hop'd to touch upon the way to Goa ; which he very courteously condescending to do , we went again the next Morning to see him before we departed . March the seventh , In the Morning we visited the Father Jesuit , who was not a Priest , but one of those whom they call Fratelli , Brothers , or young Fryars . He gave me Letters to F. Antonio Albertino , an Italian , and Rector of their Colledge in Daman , and to the Father Rector of their Colledge of Bassaim , desiring them that since I could not imbarque at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals , because I was to return to Suràt , where I had left my goods in the Ships , they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila , either at Daman or Bassaim , where I intended to meet it as it return'd . I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Fathers Resident at Agrà , to whom I had written formerly from Persia , desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books , written by their Fathers in that Court , in order to get the same printed at Rome ; and by Sig : Alberto Scilling , I had understood that my first Letter was receiv'd there , and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report , and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia , particularly of this Sig : Alberto . In this other Letter from Cambaia , I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa ; and desiring them to write to me there , and remember to favour me with those Books . Having dispatch'd the Father Jesuit , we return'd to the Dutch House to have a Collation ; and here we were entertain'd a good while with good Musick by an Indian , who sung tolerably well , and play'd upon a certain odd instrument us'd in India ; which pleas'd me well enough , because it was not so obstreperous Musick as the ordinary of the vulgar Indians , but rather low and very sweet , and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country , having liv'd at the Court of Tisapor , in the service of Adilsiah . His Instrument was made of two round Gourds dy'd black and vernish'd , with a hole bor'd in one of them , to reverberate the sound . Between the one Gourd and the other , about the distance of three spans , was fastned a piece of wood , upon which they both hung , and the strings which were many , partly of brass , and partly of steel , were extended , passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges ; and these were the frets , which he touch'd with the left Hand to diversify the sounds , and the strings with the right , not with his Fingers or Nails , but with certain iron wires fastned to his Fingers , by certain rings like thimbles , wherewith he did not strike the strings strongly , but lightly touch'd them from the top downwards , so that they render'd a sound sufficiently pleasant . When he play'd , he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck , and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder , and the other under his right arm , so that it was a prety sight . Collation and Musick ended , we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants , and took the same way by which we came . We pass'd over the five Cos of wet ground , with the four Currents of Water , of which the second was the deepest ( having waited a while for a fit hour ) in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches , Carts , Horse-men and Foot-men , in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before ; onely the Water was now much higher then we had found it at our coming , so that it came into all the Coaches , and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches , bare leg'd too , because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg . The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water , and the Coaches being light , if Men hir'd purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady , and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in , without doubt , the Water would have swept them away . In this place on the left hand towards the land in the moist ground , we beheld at a distance many Fowls , as big or bigger then Turkies , go up and down , rather running then flying . They told us , they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros Flamencos , from their bright colour ; and I think , they are those of whose beaks Mir Mahhammed in Spahàn , makes bow-rings for the King ; although he erroneously takes it for the beak of the Cocnos , or Phoenix , which good Authors describe , not a water Fowl , but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains . Having at length pass'd this dangerous foard , and following our way we came at night to lodge at Giambuser , the same Town where we had lodg'd formerly . March the eighth , We put our selves upon the way again , and foarded the little salt-water Dilavel , and at night arriv'd at Barocci , and were as formerly entertain'd in the House of the Dutch. But upon the way , before we enter'd the City , we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who , but seems to be some great person's , and is worship'd by the Moors as a sacred thing . This Fabrick is pleasantly seated amongst Trees , something elevated upon the side of a little Lake , or Great Cistern . In the chief part of it , besides the principal Sepulchre , which stands apart in the most worthy place , are many other Sepulchres of white Marble , of an oblong form , with many carvings and works tolerable enough ; 't is likely they are the Tombs , either of the Wives and Children , or of the other kindred of the Principal , because they seem all of the same work and time . Round this greater structure stand other less , with Sepulchres of Moors in them , who cause themselves to be buried there out of devotion to the place ; whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not onely of some great person or Prince as it intimates , but also of one that dy'd with some opinion among the Moors of Sanctity . I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King , who came to have dominion in those parts ; but I credit not the Relation , because I had it not from a good hand . March the ninth , We departed from Barocci , ferrying over the River , and at night lodg'd at Periab , where we had quarter'd before as we went. March the tenth , Having gone the short way which remain'd , and pass'd the River of Surat by boat , we came to that City about Noon , where I repair'd to the House before assign'd me by the Dutch Commendator , and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants , seen by us at Ahmedabàd , who was come thither with a Brother of hers , in order to be marry'd shortly to one Sig : Guilielmo , a Hollander , to whom she had been promis'd in Marriage at Ahmedabàd , and who also was in the same House , which was capable of him and more . I understood at Suràt , that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sackt the City of Agrà , except the Castle , and that his Army and himself had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and discovering the Goods and Mony of the Citizens ; particularly , that he had tortur'd , and undecently mangled many Women of quality , and done other like barbarities , whereby he render'd himself very odious to the people . Concerning Asaf Chan , it was said , that he was held in custody by the King , as suspected of Rebellion , although his affairs were spoken of with much uncertainty ; and that the King was hastning to come against his Son , but was not yet far off , and mov'd slowly . March the one and twentieth , Conceiving the return of the Portugal Cafila from Cambaia to Goa to be near hand , and desiring to make a Voyage with the same ; since in regard of the greatness of my luggage , and the length of the way I could not go by Land , and 't was not safe going by Sea , by reason of the continual incursions of the Mahabar Pirates ; I dispatch'd a Messenger to Daman , a City of the Portugals , a little way from Suràt , to F. Antonio Albertino , Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits , with the Letter which their above-mention'd Father had given me in Cambaia ; and giving him account of my self and my intention , I desir'd him to send me from Daman one of those Light Vessels which they call Almadiae , and are of that swiftness that they are not at all afraid of Pirates , to carry me from Suràt to Daman , where I desir'd to meet the Cafila : For I could not go by a Boat of Suràt , since the Mariners of Suràt would not have taken my Goods aboard which were in the English Ships , without first carrying them into the City to make them pay Custom ; whereby I might have been put to a great deal of trouble of going backward and forward , as also upon the account of the Moorish Books which I had with me , and reliques of Sig : Maani . Wherefore to prevent these intricacies , I pray'd the Father to send me a Boat from Daman to take me in not at the City , but at the Port where the Ships ride , and where I intended to be with my Goods ready upon the shore of Sohali . And to the end this Portugal Boat might come securely and not fear , I sent him two safe Conducts , one from the English , and the other from the Dutch ; although there was no necessity of them , because Boats come many times secretly from Daman , without such safe Conduct to sell Commodities to the English Ships . March the fifteenth , Was the first day of the Feast of the Indian-Gentiles , which they celebrate very solemnly at the entrance of the Spring , with dancings through the street , and casting Orange Water and red Colours in jest one upon another , with other festivities of Songs and Mummeries , as I have formerly seen the same in Sphahan ; where also reside constantly a great number of Banians and Indian-Gentiles . Yet the solemnity and concourse of people was greater then in Persia , as being in their own Country , and a City inhabited in a great part by Gentiles and wealthier persons . Otherwise , I saw nothing at Surat during these three Festival Days , but what I had seen already at Sphahan , and have mention'd in my Writings from that place . March the eighteenth , Being invited to the Dutch House , we there saw the Contract of Sig ra Mariam , the Daughter of the abovesaid Armenian or Syrian Merchant , Resident Ahmedabad with Sig r Guiglielmo a Dutch-man , which was follow'd by a sumptuous Dinner , at which were all the Christian Dames of Europe that liv'd at Surat to attend upon the Bride ; namely , one Portugal Woman taken in the last Ships , which were surpriz'd by the Dutch , and married likewise to a Dutch man ; Mary Bagdadina , Wife to another Hollander , and with them also my young Mariam Tinatìn ; and another born in India , and contracted to a Dutch-man ; of which Nation , many upon the encouragement of certain priviledges granted them by the State , marry Wives in India of any kind , either white Women or black , and go to people New Batavia , which they have built in Java Major , near a place which they call Giacatora ; and they that cannot light upon Free-women for Marriage , buy slaves and make them their lawful Wives to transport thither . At this entertainment were present also the President of the English , with all those of his Nation , all the Dutch Merchants , the Brides Brother , Sig : Alberto Scilling , my self , and in short , all the Europaean Christians that were in Surat . March the one and twentieth , A Post came to the Dutch Merchants from Agra , with fresh News , that Sultan Chorròm , had besides the former , given a new sack to the said City , and the Souldiers committing the like and greater Cruelties , exasperated perhaps , at their being valorously repuls'd , in assaulting the Castle with loss of many of their Companions . March the two and twentieth , This Morning the Messenger whom I had sent to Daman , return'd to Surat with the answer which I expected . F. Antonio writ me word that there was but one of those Light Vessels belonging to Daman , and it was now at Surat , being lately come thither , the Master of which was one Sebastian Luis ; wherefore he advis'd me to agree with him for my transportation , and in case he were already gone , then I should advertise him thereof at Daman , and they would speedily send him back ; for which purpose they kept the safe Conducts , which I had sent for security of the Vessel . But having presently found the abovesaid Sebastian Luis , I have agreed with him to bring his Boat out of the River to the Sea-side , and take me in at the Port which is some distance from the mouth of the River , where I have appointed to meet him to morrow morning . It remains onely that I take leave of the Dutch Commendator and the English President , from whom I have receiv'd infinite Obligations during all my residence here , particularly to the Sig r Commendator ; the remembrance whereof shall continue with me during Life . I hope , God willing , to write to you speedily from Goa , and in the mean time humbly kiss your Hands . LETTER II. From Goa , April 27. 1623. I Now salute you ( my dear Sig : Mario ) from Goa ; in India indeed I am , but no Indian . Having pass'd through the Syrian , and afterwards the Persian Garb , I am again transvested into our Europaean . In Turkie and Persia you would not have known me , but could not mistake me in India , where I have almost resum'd my first shape . This is the third transformation which my Beard hath undergone , having here met with an odd Barber , who hath advanc'd my mustachios according to the Portugal Mode , and in the middle of my chin shaven after the Persian Mode , he hath left the Europaean tuft . But to continue my Diary , where I left off in my last Letter , which was about my departure from Suràt . March the three and twentieth , Having taken leave of all Friends , a little after Dinner I set forth to depart , but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana , or Custom-house , that they detain'd me till almost night before I could get away . The occasion was this ; In the Pass given me , ( without which none can depart ) the Governour three times expresly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me ; and this for no other cause but for that himself , ( foolishly , or rather cunningly , as appear'd afterwards ) out of a pretended vain fear , as he said , when we came first to Suràt , lest he should be known what he was by some of the Persians , who are there in the service of the Great Moghòl , and not knowing that in India there is Liberty of Conscience , and that a Man may hold or change what Faith he pleases , not the least trouble being given to any person touching Religion in the Dominions of the Moghòl ; not knowing these things , I say , and fearing to confess himself a Christian before any that might know him in Persia for a Moor , had declar'd in the Dogana , when he was examin'd thereupon , that he was a Musliman , which they interpret a Moor , although the word properly signifies safe or saved , that is , of the right Faith ; and therefore by Christians ( understanding it in their own sense ) when considerable respects oblige them to conceal themselves , perhaps is not unlawful to be assum'd . Now Cacciatùr being hereupon taken for a Moor , and not daring to deny it or discover himself more clearly , but , as I believe , intending to be a Moor really , and to do what afterwards he did ; they would not suffer that he should go along with me into the jurisdiction of Christians , where they conceiv'd he would be in danger of being perverted . And although innumerable Moors go daily into the neighbouring Territories of the Portugals , nor are they wont to be forbidden ; yet , my Cacciatùr , I know not upon what account , they prohibited very strictly , I believe by his own procurement . When I had read this prohibition in my Pass , I sent him out of the City before-hand , with order to cross the River at another place a good way off , and meet me at the Sea-side , where being among the English , he would be out of all all danger ; but through the negligence of a Man of the Country whom he took to direct him , either by his own will , as 't is most likely , because he knew not the way ; or else , not having found Boats to pass the River elsewhere , as he said , he was directed to cross it at the same place near the Custom-house , where we did ; whereupon being seen by the Officers , he was seiz'd upon , and they would not suffer him to come by any means . I us'd much instance , and try'd divers wayes , alledging by a writing that he was bound to serve me longer , and was to go to Goa to be paid his wages there , according to agreement : But all to no purpose , they still answering , ( though with great courtesie indeed ) that the accord was good , and that Cacciatùr did not break it , being for his part ready to go , but that they made him stay by force , as in zeal for Religon 't was reasonable for them to do ; that , had I been going into some Territory of Moors as I was of Christians , they should not have kept him from me ; and therefore , in short , I must be contented to leave him behind , and pay him for his service done in Suràt ; otherwise they could not give a Pass to my self . Perceiving there was no remedy , I return'd to the Dutch-House , and having consulted with the Commendator what to do , I agreed with Cacciatùr , ( who was willing not to be left at Suràt , after I had threatned to cause him to be slain there , in case he stay'd to turn Moor ) that he should shew himself desirous to stay at Suràt , and in the Governour 's own House too if he pleas'd , assuring him under his Hand , that I had fully satisfi'd him , that so my journey might not be stopt ; and after I was gone without him , the Dutch Commendator , who took this care upon him , should procure his escape , and send him by another way to the Sea-side where I took Boat ; or if he could not be sent timely enough to find me there , then he should come to Daman by Land , where he should certainly find me . Upon this agreement we went before the Governour , with the discharges of his Arrears in writing , and the Governour was contented to let me go , after he had narrowly examin'd , whether it was true that he was pay'd by me , and that his agreeing to stay in Suràt was not a fiction . But we had laid all things so together , that he did not discover the truth , or perhaps did not care much to find it out . Wherefore leaving Cacciatùr in the Governours House , where he caus'd him to stay with sundry promises , about night I departed the City , and cross'd the River with Sebastian Luis in my company , who having sent his Vessel down the River , went along with me by Land. On the other side of the River , we waited some hours for Coaches to carry us to the Sea-side , which we were fain to hire at a Town some distance off , and were slow in coming . But as soon as they came we got into them , and travell'd the rest of the night to the Sea-side . March the four and twentieth , At Day-break we got to the shore side , where we found the English President attended with all the Merchants of his Nations , who were giving order for dispatching their Ships which were ready to set sail to Muchà , or Muchàr , in the Red Sea ; namely , the two Ships , the Whale and Dolphin , wherewith I came into India ; for of the other three which I left in Bender of Kombrù , they had sold the little Frigat which was in ill plight , to the Persians , who design'd to make use of her in the enterprize of Arabia , whither they had determin'd to pass alone , now the English plainly refus'd to joyn with them in the War ; and the other two great Ships having put in likewise at Suràt , were soon after sent out again with Master Thompson , who came with them from Persia , it not being known in Suràt whither . I was receiv'd by the President in his Tent , together with my Mary Tinatìm ; and soon after came Cacciatùr my Servant , and two Moors of Suràt , by the favour of the Commendator of the Dutch ; but I know not whether it were with his own good liking , though to us he pretended that it was . After my departure the Commendator went to visit the Governour , and since I was gone , and , as he said , could not carry Cacciatùr out of Suràt , he desir'd that he would give him to him , to the end he might live in his House with other Friends ; which the Governour readily granting , the same night , by the help of certain persons purposely disguis'd in Indian Habit , he sent him by a secure way to the Sea-side , where he found me in the Tent of the English President . The same Morning I went aboard the Ship call the Whale , ( wherein I came ) to visit the Captain and take leave of my Friends , with whom also I din'd ; afterwards I went aboard the Dolphin , to visit not onely the Captain who was my Friend , but especially my good Companion Sig : Alberto Schilling , who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea , intending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins , in case he could get Transportation , and were not hindred in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass , upon account of being a Christian ; the Turks not willingly granting passage to Christians ( especially Europaeans ) towards Hhabese , in regard of the suspitions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince . Wherefore taking leave of Sig : Alberto with many embraces , of Master Rosel , ( whom I had known in Persia , and who being come from thence after me , was here shipt for a Trading Voyage ) and of all my other Friends in the two Ships , I came back to sup and lye on Land in the Tent of the President . March the twenty fifth , Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis , and also going aboard my self , whilst the President went to his own Ships to dispatch them , set sail for Daman ; at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea , which enters far into the Land , of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India , which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands ; and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers , and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent , ( although the water is salt , and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea ) the Portugals term them in their Language Rios , Rivers ; which I take notice of , that it may be understood that all the Rios , or Rivers , which I shall name in the coast of India , and not specifie that they are streams of fresh water , are such arms of the Sea as this , improperly call'd Rivers . This , where we staid this night , is call'd Rio di Colek , or Coleque . I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea , but really Rivers of fresh water ; and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers ; hence it comes to pass that 't is hardly perceiv'd whether they have any stream or no ; and the water going far into the Land comes likewise to be salt ; but indeed they are Rivers , and form Islands by their entring into the Sea with many mouths . They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India , and the Portugals very truly call them Rios , Rivers . Wonder not at these doubts and various informations , for I could not understand things thoroughly at first , for want of converse with intelligent persons ; nor was it easie for me to judge right in the beginning , the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest , as the saltness of the water did me , in my judgement of these Rivers ; making me take them for arms of the Sea ; which mistake , was further'd by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals , who not knowing more of this coast then the shore where the water is salt , think that the Rivers are salt water ; but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things . March the twenty sixth , About noon we arriv'd at Daman , but unseasonably , the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning , and we discern'd them sailing afar off , but it was not possible to overtake them , I advertis'd F. Antonio Albertino , Rector of the Jesuits Colledge , of my coming , and he very courteously came forthwith to the Sea-side to receive me , and carry'd me to lodge in the Colledge , which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built . He sent Mariam Tenatim , in a Palanchino , or Indian Litter , ( wherein people are carry'd lying along as 't were in a Couch , and those of Women are cover'd ) to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman , and advis'd me that since the Cafila was departed , I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim , where it was to touch ; and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did . The City of Daman is small , but of good building and hath long , large , and strait streets . It hath no Bishop , as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast , being subject in spirituals to the Arch-Bishop of Goa ; but in every one of them resides a Vicar , whom they call da Vara , that is , of the Vierge or Mace , ( which is the badg of Authority ) with supream power . Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See , ( as they call the Duomo , or Cathedral ) here are Dominicans , Franciscans , and , as I remember , Augustines too ; all , who have good Churches and Covents . The City is environ'd with strong walls of good fortification , and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it ; and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah , whose State ( being govern'd at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar ) borders upon it by Land ; therefore the Portugals here are all Horse-men , and keep many good Arabian Horses , as they are oblig'd to do , going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires , though during my time here they were at peace . In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits , some of which are describ'd by Carolus Clusius , and others not , which , as I was told , were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil , or New Spain ; namely , Papaia , Casu or Cagiu , Giambo , Manga or Amba , and Ananas ; all which seem'd to me passibly good , and , though of different tasts , not inferior to ours of Europe , especially Papaia , which is little esteem'd in India ; and , if I mistake not , is not mention'd by the abovesaid Writer ; in shape and taste , it much resembles our Melons , but is sweeter , and consequently to me seem'd better . Ananas is justly esteem'd , being of a laudable taste , though something uncouth , inclining more to sharpness , which , with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant . And because the said Books mention it not , I shall briefly add , that to the outward view it seems , when it is whole , to resemble our Pine-Apple , both in the divisions and the colour ; saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long strait leaves between green and white , which the Pine-Apple hath not , and which render it prety to look upon ; 't is also different from the Pine-Apple , in that the husks are not hard , but tender like the common skin of Fruits ; nor is it needful to take them off one by one , neither is any seed eaten , as the Pine-Nuts , which are within the husks , but the whole Fruit is all pulp , which is cut with the knife ; and within 't is of somewhat a greenish colour . Of temperament , 't is held to be hot , and good to promote digestion , having , in my opinion , somewhat of a winish taste and strength ; which virtue of helping digestion , is likewise ascrib'd in a higher degree to Caju , whence it always uses to be eaten with fish ; but of this and the rest , because I suppose others have written of them , I shall forbear further to speak . In Daman , I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News . First , that the two English Ships , which , as I said , were sent from Suràt before my departure thence , upon some unknown design , went to Dabul , under pretext of Peace and Friendship , as if to traffick in that Port ; and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets , and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore : but the English having fairly landed , suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there , and nail'd them up ; then putting their hands to their Arms , began to fall upon the people of the City ; who upon this sudden unexpected onset , betook themselves to flight , and were likely to receive great dammage ; but at length a Portugal Factor , and some few others making head against the English , and animating the Citizens to do the like , turn'd the scale of the victory , and in a short time beat out all the English , killing many of them , and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships ; who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul , which were in the Port richly laden , but unprovided , as in a secure place ; which was no small dammage to the City , and afforded a rich booty to the English. This action , I conceive , was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul , or perhaps , onely to force it to permit them free Trade ; and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto . The other News , was that Prete Janni , King of Aethiopia and the Abissins , was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church , and become a good Catholick , intending that his whole Country should do the same ; which if true , is indeed a thing of great consequence . March the seven and twentieth , About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim , in the same Barque or Almadia , and sail'd all the day ; at night , in regard of the contrary current and danger of Pirats , who cannot easily be seen and avoided in the dark , we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè . March the eight and twentieth , Continuing our course , in the Morning we espy'd some Ships , which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar , and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards . At night , we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi , from two Towns situate upon it , one call'd Kielme , the other Mahi . On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth , we sail'd forward again ; but the Tide turning contrary , we cast Anchor about noon , and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Continent . The sails being mended , and the current become favourable , we set forward again ; and having pass'd by some Vessels , which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar , about night we arriv'd at Bassaim . But , lest the people of the Fleet , which we found there with the Cafila , should molest our Boat , as sometimes 't is usual , and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy , we stay'd a while without the City , casting Anchor a little wide of the shore ; and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez , Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim , for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Colledge at Daman , and some also for others from the Brother of theirs , whom I saw in Cambaia . The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was , F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator , who because 't was said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa , immediately without entring into the City , procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat , as more commodious for passengers , in regard 't was free from the trouble of Souldiers which went in the Men of War , appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships . The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd , was call'd Diego Carvaglio , with whom having agreed for my passage , I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship , together with Mariam Tinatin , in the most convenient Cabin , and Cacciatùr to take care of them . It being now night , I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge , to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers , who very courteously retain'd me at Supper ; which ended , to avoid the danger of being left behind , I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship. Of the City Bassaim , I cannot say any thing , because it was night both at my entrance , stay , and coming away ; I can onely intimate , that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls , and , if I took good notice , seems to me greater then Daman ; but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest , and are not yet re-edifi'd . I found in the Colledge of Bassaim , F. Paolo Giovio an Italian . March the thirtieth , In the Morning the Fleet set sail , and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City , in view at a little distance , which they call Salsette ; and the place where we stay'd ( being a large and populous Island ) is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada ; and here we stay'd all day , because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land ; and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa , were not in order to depart , and we were forc'd to stay their preparation . March the one and thirtieth , At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa , but were slow in getting forth to the Main before we could set sail ; because the Tide was still going out , and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground . At length the Tide turning , we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island ; and being come into the broad Sea hois'd all our sails . About mid-night following , we arriv'd at Ciaùl , but enter'd not into the Port , because it stands much within Land upon a precipice , where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore , ( into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River ) makes an ample and secure harbour ; wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night , which in this place is no seasonable time , the Fleet would not enter , but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day . April the first , Entring into the Port in the Morning , we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore , where nevertheless the water is so deep , and our Galeots came so near the bank , that we went ashore by a bridge . In the entrance of the City and Haven , on the right hand , almost Southwards , we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl , commanding the Harbour and all the adjacent City ; on the top of it stands a strong Castle , which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacàn ; namely , by Nizam-Schiah , to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs ; and when the said King made war with the Portugals , the Moors did great mischief to them from the top of this Mountain , and another which stands near the Harbour , but something more inwardly , discharging great Artillery from thence upon the City and the mouth of the Port , so that no Ship could enter . But at last a small number of Portugals having routed with a signal , and almost miraculous victory , a very great body of Moors , the same day they likewise took the said Morro ; whither the routed - Moors flying , it hapned that in the entrance of the Fortress , an Elephant wounded by the Portugals , in its flight fell down in the Gate , so that the Moors could not shut it ; and the victorious Portugals in that fury of pursuing the Enemy , had occasion and convenience of entring : so that they took it , and still hold it , ( having improv'd the fortifications ) and consequently , deliver'd the City of Ciaùl from the continual molestations , which it suffer'd from thence by the Moors ; and now the Citizens live in peace , and more secure . Having landed a little way from the Dogana , or Custom-house , which stands without the walls ; the first thing I saw was the Cathedral Church , which stands likewise without the walls upon the shore , and is the See not of a Bishop but of a Vicar , as Daman , Bassaim , Ormuz , and other places are ; which though they enjoy the title of Cities , are nevertheless all subject to the Arch-Bishop of Goa . I went next into the Colledge of the Jesuits , whose Church here , as also in Daman , Bassaim , and almost all Cities belonging to the Portugals in India , is call'd Saint Paul's ; whence in India the said Fathers are more known by the name of Paulists then Jesuits . Here I visited F. Antonio Pereira , who was come from Bassaim , where I fell acquainted with him in our Fleet , in order to go likewise to Goa . I likewise visited the F. Rector of the said Colledge , who caus'd me to stay dinner with him ; and being the Fleet departed not that day , I also lodg'd in the said Colledge at night . April the second , I heard Mass early in the Jesuits Church , and taking leave of them went to embark , but found that my Galeot was remov'd to the other side of the Port under the Mountain to be mended ; and having found Sig : Manuel d' Oliveira , one of our Companions embark'd in the same Galeot , and understanding that the fleet did not depart that day neither , I went with him to hear a Sermon in the Cathedral Church ; after which , we went to dine in the House of F. Francesco Fernandez , Priest and Vicar , who liv'd sometimes at Ormuz , and after the loss of that Island was retir'd hither . The Portugals call Secular Priests , Fathers , as we do the Religious or Monasticks . In the same House dwelt Signor — a worthy and grave Souldier , who being a Friend to my said Companion , we convers'd together till it was late , and then our Galeot being come back we went to embark ; but neither did the fleet depart this night , as we suppos'd it would . April the third , A rumor of departing being spread abroad about noon , we put out to Sea , and cast Anchor at the mouth of the Harbour , where many other Galeots were gather'd , expecting the setting forth of the whole fleet ; but neither did we depart this day nor the night ensuing . April the fourth , The fleet being at length in readiness , and the Sun a good height , we set sail and departed from the Port of Ciaùl . In the Afternoon we sail'd by a Fort , which is the onely one possess'd near the Sea by the Moors of Daman , that is , by Nizàm Sciàh , which Fort is call'd Danda Ragiaporì ; and at night we cast Anchor under a steep shore call'd Kelsi . We did not sail in the night time , because the Cafila was numerous , consisting , by my conjecture , of above 200. Vessels , and in the dark some unwary Ship might easily have been taken by the Rovers of Malabar . The next day we sail'd gently along , onely with the sail call'd the Trinket , making but little way , that so we might go altogether and not leave many Ships behind , which being ill provided of Tackle could not sail fast . We cast Anchor again early in the Evening , to avoid the confusion which might arise by so many Ships casting Anchor together ; besides the danger of falling foul one upon another in the dark . Our course was always Southerly , and the Coast along which we pass'd on the left hand was all mountainous ; till having got out of the dominion of Nizam-Sciah , we began to coast along that of Adil-Sciàh . Now that it may be understood who these Princes are , I shall tell you that on the South of the States of the Great Moghòl , in the Confines whereof India begins to be distended into a great Tongue of Land like a Triangle , a great way Southwards into the Sea , between the Gulph of Cambaia , and the Gulph of Bengala ; the first Province of India joyning to the States of the Moghòl , is the Kingdom of Daman , whereof some part is still possess'd by the Moghòl . Next follows the Kingdom of Telengone , or Telengà , and many other Provinces divided under several Princes into little Kingdoms , which they say were anciently but one or two , and that the others who are now absolute Princes , were sometimes his Captains or Ministers , who having by degrees pull'd down the Principal ( who was , if I mistake not , the King of Bisnagà on the South , and the King of Sceherbeder ) are become equal , and all without superiority sovereign Princes . Amongst these , the nearest to the Moghòl are three Reguli , or pety Kings , all which yet have great dominion and strength , and are at this day of the Sect of the Moors ; for the Moors having at first been brought into India to serve as slaves , are by degrees become Masters , and by oppressing the Gentiles in many places have much propagated their Religion . Of these three Princes , the nearest to the Moghòl , whose Territory lyes toward the Sea on the West , and Confines with the Portugals at Giaùl and other places , and who is properly styl'd King of Dacàn , ( from the greatest Province ) is call'd by the name , or rather sirname , hereditary to all that reign in this State , Nizam Sciàh , which many interpret Rè della Lancia , King of the Lance , alluding to the Persian word Nizè , which signifies a Lance ; but I conceive they are mistaken , because his name is Nizam Sciàh , and not Nizè Sciah , as according to this interpretation it should be : Wherefore I have heard others , perhaps , better interpret it , Rè de' Falconi , King of Falcons , or Hawks , from the word Nizàm , which in the Indian Tongue , they say , signifies a Hawk or other Bird of Prey . And whosoever reigns here , always retains this sirname ; because whilest he was not an absolute Prince , but a Minister of that other great King of India , this was his Title and Office under that King. The Nizam Sciàh now reigning , is a Boy of twelve years old , who therefore doth not govern it , but an Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion , call'd Melik Amber , administers the State in his stead , and that with such authority , that at this day this Territory is more generally known and call'd by the name of Melick's Country , then the Kingdom of Nizam-Sciàh . Nevertheless this Melik Amber governs not fraudulently , and with design to usurp , by keeping the King shut up , as I have sometimes heard ; but according as I have better understood since from persons inform'd nearer hand , he administers with great fidelity and submission towards the young King ; to whom nevertheless , they say , he hath provided , or already given to Wife a Daughter of his own , upon security that himself shall be Governour of the whole State as long as he lives . This Melik Amber is a Man of great parts , and fit for government , but , as they say , very impious , addicted to Sorcery ; whereby 't is thought that he keeps himself in favour with his King , and that for works of Inchantments , ( as to make prodigious buildings , and with good luck , that the same may last perpetually and succeed well ) he hath with certain Superstitions us'd in those Countries committed most horrid impieties and cruelties , killing hundreds of his Slave's Children , and others ; and offering them as in Sacrifice to the invok'd Devils , with other abominable stories which I have heard related ; but because not seen by my self , I affirm not for true . The Ambassador of this Nizam-Sciàh in Persia , is that Hhabese Chan , an Abyssine also , whom I saw at my being there . Of strange things , they relate that Nizam-Sciàh , hath I know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast , that they say it requires 15000. pound of Powder to charge it ; that the Ball it carries , almost equals the height of a Man , that the metal of the piece is about two spans thick , and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen , besides Elephants to move it ; which therefore is useless for war , and serves onely for vain pomp . Nevertheless this King so esteems it , that he keeps it continually cover'd with rich cloth of Gold , and once a year comes in person to do it reverence , almost adoring it ; and indeed , although these Kings are Moors , yet they still retain much of the ancient Idolatry of the Countries , wherein Mahometism is little , or not yet universally setled . The second of the three pety Kings , whose Country joyns to that of the Moghòl , but borders upon the Sea Eastward in the Gulph of Bengala , is he who ( for the same reasons mention'd concerning Nizam-Sciàh ) is call'd by the hereditary sirname of Cutb-Sciàh , which some erroneously expound Polo d' i Rè , the Pole of Kings , being deceiv'd by the Arabick word Cutb , which signifies the Pole , and is us'd by the Arabians and Persians , to denote supream excellency ; understanding ( e. g. ) by Polo de i Savii , ò di Sapienza , The Pole of Wise-men , or of Wisdom , the wisest Man in the world ; by Polo di Santità o della Legge , The Pole of Sanctity and the Law , the greatest pitch , and the highest observer of the divine Law ; and so in all other like Cases ; but , I say , I believe they are mistaken ; and there seems to me more truth in the exposition of others , who interpret Rè de i Cani , King of Dogs , from Cutb , which in the Language of India signifies a Dog , because he was Master of the Dogs to that supream King. Under his jurisdiction is Gulcondalàr , where , I think , he hath his Royal Seat , and Mislipatan , a famous Port in the Gulph of Bengala . Lastly , the third of the three Reguli , is he who hath his Seat in Visapor , and reigns in the Country of Telongane , bordering upon the Portugals Territories at Goa , more Southwards then the two before mention'd . Some will have Visapor and Goa belong to the Province of Dacàn , and that Telenga much more remote toward the South . The truth is , India and the Provinces thereof is very confus'd ; forasmuch as the Indians themselves being illiterate cannot distinguish it aright , and the Portugals have all their knowledge thereof from the vulgar of the ignorant Indians , whose Language they understand not well , and extreamly corrupt in pronuntiations ; therefore I cannot speak any thing certain concerning the same , as neither have the Portugal Writers been able to do , though persons very exact and sufficient . But to return to my purpose , the proper name of him that now reigns is Ibrahim , but his hereditary sirname ( as the others ) is Adil-Sciàh , or Idal Sciàh , which signifies not giusto Rè , a Just King , as some think from the Arabick word Adil , denoting Just ; but rather , in my opinion , as some others say , Rè delle Chiavi , King of the Keys , from Adil or Idal , an Indian word importing Keys , he having been in times pass'd Superintendent of the Keys , ( of the Treasury perhaps , or Archives ) under the supream King. Sometimes these Princes have been call'd Nizam-maluk , Adil-Chan , and so the others with the words , either Melek or Chan , in stead of Sciàh , which is all one ; for Melek or Maluk , ( as some corruptly read ) signifies a King in Arabick , as Chan doth also in Turkish , and Sciàh in Persian : And because these three Languages are sufficiently familiar , and almost common to the Moors , therefore they have us'd sometimes one word , sometimes another ; but in later times it seems that those who now rule , rejecting the words Melek and Chan , are better pleas'd with the Persian Title Sciàh , as being , perhaps , more modern to them ; whence they are ordinarily call'd now Nizam-Sciàh , Cutb-Sciàh , and Adil-Sciàh , which are the three Princes of whom I undertook to give an account , as persons whom I shall have frequent occasion to mention in these Writings . And to leave nothing unsaid , I shall add , that Nizam-Sciàh , or rather his Governour Melik-Ambar , makes war frequently and bravely against the Great Moghòl , upon whom he borders : Cutb-Sciàh , I know not whether he actually makes publick war against him , but at least he fails not to assist his Neighbour Nizam-Sciàh with money . The same doth also Adil-Sciàh , but secretly and by under-hand ; not daring through I know not what mean fear declare himself an enemy to the Moghòl ; I say , mean fear , because not bordering upon him , ( for the two other Princes lye between them ) and being able , as they say , upon occasion to bring into the field a hundred thousand men , he seems justly chargeable with timerousness and cowardice ; since , me-thinks , he that hath a hundred thousand men at his command ought not to fear the whole world ; or , if he doth , he is a very Poltron : But indeed , Adil Sciàh fears the Moghòl , yea , he fears and observes him so much that he payes him an annual Tribute ; and when the Moghòl sends any Letter to him , which is always brought by some very ordinary common Souldier or Slave , he goeth forth with his whole Army to meet the Letter and him that brings it , who being conducted to the Palace sits down there , whilst Adil-Sciàh stands all the time , and the Letter being lay'd upon a Carpet on the pavement , before he offers to put forth his hand to take it up , he bows himself three times to the earth , doing reverence to it after their manner . Moreover , I have heard that this Ibrahim Adil-Sciah who now reigns , some years ago poyson'd his own eldest Son , as suspected of being likely to become one day a disturber of the Common-wealth and the publick quiet , being displeas'd with him onely because he once with too much freedom perswaded him to deny the Moghòl the accustom'd Tribute ; saying , that with the Tribute alone which he pay'd voluntarily he durst undertake to make a mighty war upon him and never pay him Tribute more ; which , if true , was certainly in this Prince a strange effect of fear . This Adil-Sciah hath marry'd one of his Daughters to Cutb-Sciah , and with Nizam-Sciah he constantly maintains , and frequently renews alliance ; so that they are all three fast friends , and firmly united together . I have also heard that Adil-Sciah uses to wear his Beard very long , contrary to the other two , who are shaven after the mode of Persia and India . They say the present Ibrahim Adil-Sciah is infirm , by reason of a great hurt receiv'd by a Wolf in his hips , so that he cannot ride on Horse-back ; and hence perhaps it is that he is so peaceable and timerous , infirmities undoubtedly much dejecting the spirits of Men. All these three Princes are Moors , as I said before , although their Countries abound with innumerable Gentiles . Cutb-Sciah alone , as I have heard , is Sciani , of the Sect of the Persians ; but the other two , I conceive , are Sonni , as the Turks and the Moghòl ; which yet I affirm not , because I have not perfect certainty thereof . The King of Persia cherishes all these three Princes sufficiently , and they have great correspondence by interchangeable Ambassies and Presents ; all which is onely in reference to make greater opposition to the Moghòl upon whom they border , and whose greatness is equally prejudiciall to them all . And so much may suffice concerning them . April the fifth , We set sail again , and in the Afternoon pass'd by the City Dabùl , which belongs to the Dominions of Adil-Sciah , and stands hid amongst Hills in a low Plain ; so that 't is scarcely seen . After which , we pass'd within two Leagues of a Point or Promontory which the Portugals call Dabùl falso , because it deceives such as come from far by Sea , making them take it for the Point of Dabùl , to which it resembles . At Night we cast Anchor near another shore which they call the Gulph or Bay , or , as the Portugals speak , A Enceada dos Bramanes , because the Country thereabouts is inhabited by many Brachmans . April the sixth , We set sail , and first pass'd by Ragiapùr , then by Carapetan . About two hours before night , we cast Anchor in an Enceada , or Bay , which they call Calosì , or Caloscì , not far from the Point of Carapetan . April the seventh , In the Morning we pass'd by Tambona , which was the Country of the Mariners of our Ship , and toward Evening by the Rocks which the Portugals call Los Illeos quemados , that is , The burnt Rocks , because they appear such by their colour and inequality ; and we continu'd sailing all Night , every Ship going as they pleas'd , without caring for the company of the Fleet ; now that by reason of the great nearness of Goa , we were in safety . April the eighth , Arriving before Day at the shore of Goa , we began to enter into the salt River , or Rio , as they speak , of salt water which the Portugals call Barra di Goa ; upon the mouth of which River , which is sufficiently broad , stand two Forts , one on each side , with good pieces of Artillery planted upon them to defend the Entrance . 'T is to be known that the City of Goa , at this day the Head of all the Dominion of the Portugals in India , is situate here in one of these Islands , of which , as I said before , there are innumerable upon all the Coast of India , made by the several Rivers which divide them from the main-land . The City is built in the inmost part of the Island toward the Continent ; and therefore the whole Island is plentifully inhabited with Towns and places of Recreation , and particularly , upon the River ; which is on either side , adorn'd with Buildings and Houses , surrounded with Groves of Palm-Trees , and delightful Gardens . The greatest part of the Island is inclos'd with a Wall , with Gates at the places for passage , continually guarded for security against the attempts of Neighbours , and also to prevent the flight of Slaves and Thefts ; since onely that River being cross'd , you enter presently into the Territory of Adil-Sciah and the Moors ; but 't is otherwise toward the Sea-side , for all the Coast which is beset with other small Islands and Pen-insula's , for a good space belongs to the Portugals , being inhabited with Towns and divers Churches . The City which lyes on the right hand of the River , as you enter into the inmost recess is sufficiently large , built , partly , on a Plain , and , partly , upon certain pleasant Hills , from the tops whereof the whole Island and the Sea are discover'd with a very delightful prospect . The buildings of the City are good , large and convenient , contriv'd for the most part for the benefit of the wind and fresh Air , which is very necessary in regard of the great heats , and also for reception of the great Rains of the three Moneths of Pausecal , which are June , July , and August ; which not upon account of the heat ( although it be very great at that time , but greatest of all in May , when the Sun is in the Zenith ) but of the great Rain , the Portugals call the Winter of the Earth . Nevertheless the buildings have not much ornament or exquisiteness of Art , but are rather plain , and almost all without beautifyings . The best are the Churches , of which many are held here by several Religions , as Augustines , Dominicans , Franciscans , discalceated Carmelites and Jesuits , with double , and very numerous Covents ; and indeed , half of the Religious that are here , would suffice for a City bigger then Goa : But besides these , there are also many of Secular Priests , and Parishes , and Chappels ; and lastly , the See or Cathedral , which nevertheless is neither the fairest , nor the greatest Church of that City , there being many others that exceed it . The See of Goa at the time of my being there was not finish'd , but scarce above half built , and thence seem'd to me small and less stately ; but having since seen the intire design of the structure , I conceive , that when 't is finish'd 't will be a very goodly Church . The people is numerous , but the greatest part are slaves , a black and lewd generation , going naked for the most part , or else very ill clad , seeming to me rather a disparagement then an ornament to the City . Portugals there are not many , they us'd to be sufficiently rich ; but of late , by reason of many losses , by the incursions of the Dutch and English in these Seas , they have not much wealth , but are rather poor . Nevertheless they live in outward appearance with splendor enough , which they may easily do , both in regard of the plentifulness of the Country , and because they make a shew of all that they have : however , in secret they indure many hardships ; and some there are , who , to avoid submitting to such Employments as they judge unbecomming their gravity , being all desirous to be accounted Gentlemen here , lead very wretched lives , undergoing much distress , and being put to beg every Day in the Evening ; a thing which in other Countries would be accounted unhappy and more indecent , not to say shameful , then to undertake any laudable profession of a Mechanick Art. They all profess Arms , and are Souldiers although marry'd ; and few , except Priests and Doctors of Law and Physick , are seen without a Sword ; even so the Artificers and meanest Plebeians : as also silk clothes , are the general wear almost of every body . Which I take notice of , because to see a Merchant and a Mechanick in a dress fit for an Amorato , is a very extravagant thing ; yet amongst them , very ordinary ; the sole dignity of being Portugals sufficing them ( as they say ) to value themselves as much as Kings and more . But returning to my purpose , whilst we were coming to the City by the River betimes in the Morning , we met the Vice-Roy who was going to the mouth of the Barra , to dispatch away Ruy Freira de Andrada , whom with five or six Ships ( a small preparation indeed ) he sent to the relief of Mascàt , and to make war against the Persians ; having likewise appointed divers other Ships to be sent after him from Ciaùl , Dio , and other Ports of the Portugals ; which if they go , may be sufficient for some considerable exploit : but the Orders of the Vice-Roy in other places , God knows how they will be executed in his absence . The sudden departure of Ruy Freira , made me sorry that I had not the opportunity to see him and speak with him , as I extreamly desir'd , and perhaps , it would not have been unacceptable to him . Arriving at the City , we cast Anchor under the Dogana , or Custom-house , where all Ships commonly ride , to wit , such as are not very great ; for these stay either at the barr in the mouth of the River , or in some other place thereof where they have the deepest water . Being come thither , I presently gave notice of my arrival to F. Fra : Leandro of the Anuntiation , whom I had known in Persia , and who was here Provincial Vicar of the discalceated Carmelites of India and Persia. I also advertis'd the Fathers Jesuits thereof , for whom I brought sundry of their Generals Letters from Rome , written affectionately to recommend me to them . F. Fra : Leandro came forth-with to visit me in the Ship , where after some discourse for a while together , he undertook to procure us a House and so departed ; having also offer'd me his own Covent with that same courtesie and confidence as was formerly between us . A little after , it was very great contentment to me to see and know F. Antonio Schipano , your Kinsman , now a very old man , who was saluted by me upon your account ; and so for this time I gave him a succinct Relation of you , puting him in mind of your Child-hood . He came to visit me with F. Vincenzo Sorrentino of Ischia , whom I had formerly seen in Persia , and who not living then with the Jesuits , came with the Spanish Ambassador as his Chaplain in that Voyage . These two Fathers being Italians , were sent by F. Andrea Palmeiro , Visitor of the Jesuits , and then their Superior in Goa , both to complement me in his Name , and to give him more exact information of me , whom he had never seen , nor so much as known by Fame , saving what his General 's Letters signifi'd to him . Wherefore after they had visited me , and understood what was my intention to do , they went to give account thereof to the Father Visitor , saying , that they would return again , as accordingly they did a good while after , offering me in the Name of the F. Visitor their Covent of Profess'd House , where they pray'd me to go and lodge , at least till I were provided of a House ; adding , that they would also provide a convenient residence for Mariam Tinatin , who was with me . I thank'd them , and accepted the favour as to my self , and this with the approbation also of F. Frà : Leandro , whom I acquainted therewith . But because it was late that day , and there was not time to dispatch my Goods at the Dogana , I did not land , but remain'd in the Ship with intention to do so the next day . April the ninth , Early in the Morning F. Frà : Leandro sent a Palanchino , or Sedan , to fetch Mariam Tinatin , that she might go to Mass at his Church , and afterwards repair to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman , call'd Sig ra Lena da Cugna , living near the discalceated Carmelites , and much devoted to them , whose House also stood right over against that which he intended to take for me . And this was done , because the Portugals who in matter of Goverment look with great diligence upon the least motes , without making much reckoning afterwards of great beams , held it inconvenient for the said Mariam Tinatin to live with me in the same House ; although she had been brought up always in our House from a very little Child and as our own Daughter . For being themselves in these matters very unrestrain'd , ( not sparing their nearest Kindred , nor , as I have heard their own Sisters , much less Foster-children in their Houses they conceive that all other Nations are like themselves ; wherefore in conformity to the use of the Country , and not to give offence , it was necessary for us to be separated ; the rather too , because strangers who amongst the Portugals are not very well look'd upon , and through their ignorance held worse then in our Countries Hereticks are , may easily expect that all evil is thought of them , and that all evil may easily befall them in these parts ; so that 't is requisite to live with circumspection . And this may serve for advice to whoever shall travel into these Regions . F. Fra : Leandro sent also to invite me to Mass at his Church ; and being it was a Holy Day , and the Jesuits were not yet come to fetch me , as they said they would , I determin'd to go thither , leaving Cacciatùr in the Ship to look to the goods . I was no sooner landed , but I met F. Sorrentino , who in the Name of his Jesuits was coming to fetch me , and also with a Palanchino to carry Mariam Tinatin I know not whither . She was gone already , and so I made an excuse for her , and likewise for my self to the Jesuits , onely for that day , being I was upon the way with the Carmelites ; and although it somewhat troubled them , yet I went to F. Leandro , having agreed to return to the Ship ; and the next day after my Goods were dispatch'd at the Dogana , which could not be done now because it was Sunday , I should then go to receive the favour of the Jesuits as they commanded me . Wherefore proceeding to the Church of the Carmelites , which stands at the edge of the City upon a pleasant Hill , with a very delightful prospect , I heard Mass there , and stay'd both to dine , sup , and lodg with them . April the tenth , Early in the Morning I went to the Ship , landed my Goods , dispatch'd them at the Custom-house , and having carry'd them to the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna , where Mariam Tinatin was , I went to quarter ( till the House taken for me were emptied , clean'd , and prepar'd ) in the Covent of the Profess'd House of the Jesuits , where I was receiv'd by the Visitor , the Provincial , the Provost , and the rest , with much courtesie , and with their accustomed Charity and Civility . I found there many Italian Fathers , of which Nation the Society makes frequent use , especially in the Missions of China , Japan , India , and many other places of the East ; besides the two above-nam'd , I found of Italians F. Christoforo Boro , a Milanese , call'd Brono in India , ( not to offend the Portugal's ears with the word Boro , which in their Language do's not sound well ) a great Mathematician ; and another young Father who was afterwards my Confessor ; F. Giuliano Baldinotti of Pistoia , design'd for Japan , whither he went afterwards . Moreover , in the Colledge which is another Church , and a distinct Covent , F. Alessandro Leni , an ancient Roman , and Friend of my Uncles , with whom , especially with Sig : Alessandro , he had studied in our Casa Instituta , or Academy ; F. Giacinto Franceschi a Florentine ; all who , with infinite others of several Nations , Portugals , Castilians , and others , were all my Friends ; and particularly , F. Pantaleon Vincislao a German , well skill'd in Mathematicks , and a great wit , Procurator of China ; F. Per Moryad , the Vice-Roy's Confessor , and F. Francesco Vergara , both Castilians ; F. Christoforo di Giavanni a Portugal , learned in Greek and Arabick ; F. Flaminio Carlo of Otranto , Master in Divinity . Of Fryers I also found many Italians , namely , in the Colledge of Fryer Joseph Masagna , a famous Spicerer , and a Man of much business in the Profess'd House , a Neapolitan , a Venetian , and a Thuscan , call'd Fryer Bartolomeo Pontebuoni , a good Painter , and also a Man of much employment , who were all my great Friends . April the eleventh , my Birth-day , The Jesuits shew'd me all their Covent , which is indeed a large and goodly Building , and though not much adorn'd according to our custom , yet perhaps , is the best thing that is in Goa ; as also the front of their Church . April the fourteenth , which was Holy Fryday , Being present at Holy Service in the Quire of the Jesuits , ( because I was still in my Persian Habit , the Portugal Clothes which I had bespoken being not yet made , and therefore I appear'd not in publick ) Sig : Constantino da Sà , ( a Portugal Cavalier , or Hidalgo , design'd General for the Island of Zeilan , whither he was preparing to go speedily with his Fleet ) coming also to hear the Office in the Quire , saw me there , and understanding who I was , was pleas'd to take notice of me , and after the Office was ended , came together with the Fathers very courteously to complement me , offering himself to serve me , ( as he said ) in the Island of Zeiland , if I pleas'd to go thither : Whereunto I also answer'd with the best and most courteous words I could . This Sig : Constantino had been sent with an Armado of many Ships to relieve Ormuz when it was besiedg'd ; but not arriving there till after the place was taken , he return'd back with his Fleet to Goa . April the sixteenth , being Easter-Day , I first resum'd an Europaean , to wit , a Portugal Habit , as 't is the fashion at Goa , amongst the graver sort , after I had worn strange garbs for many years together , and ever since the death of my Sig ra Sitti Maani , cloath'd my self and my servant in mourning . April the seventeenth , F. Vincislao Pantaleon , my Friend above-nam'd , ( who was skill'd in the China Language , having been many years in these parts , and intended to return thither ) shew'd me the Geographical Description of all China , written very small , or rather printed in a China Character after their way very handsomely . On which occasion , I must not omit to note that the Chineses , as the said Father shew'd me in their Books , are wont in writing to draw the line or verse of their writing , not as we and the Hebrews do cross the paper , but ( contrary to both ) from the top to the bottom , beginning to write at the right side of the paper , and ending at the left ; which to all other Nations seems a very strange way . Moreover , their Letters are not properly Letters , but great Characters , each of which denotes an intire word ; whence the Characters are as many as there are words in the Language , and they reckon to the number of eighty thousand ; a thing indeed not onely strange and superfluous , but also , in my opinion , unprofitable ; yea , disadvantageous , and onely for vain pomp ; for in learning these Characters they spend many years unprofitably , which might be imploy'd in the acquisition of other better Sciences , without being always Children , ( as Hermes Trismegistus said of the Greeks ; ) yea , in their whole life they cannot learn them all ; so that there are none among themselves , or , if any , they are very rare and miraculous , who can write and read all the words , and know all the Characters of their own Tongue , which is certainly a great imperfection ; although they say , that he who knows four thousand Characters , may speak and write well enough ; and he that knows six or eight thousand , may pass for eloquent . The Japoneses seem to me more judicious in this point , having for ordinary , and more facile use , invented a● Alphabet of few Letters , written likewise from the top downwards , wherewith they write all words , and all their own Language , and also that of China : But in the Sciences and more weighty matters , the learned amongst them most commonly make use of the China-Characters , which , as mysterious and sacred , are venerable to all these Nations ; and although they have all several Languages , yet they do and can make use of the same writing ; because being the said Characters are not Letters , but significative of words ; and the words although different in sound , yet in all these Languages are of the same signification and number ; it comes to pass that divers Nations adjacent to China , as these of Japan , Cauchin-China , and other , ( although different in Language ) yet in writing , making use of the China-Characters , at least in matters of greatest moment , understand one another when they read these Characters each in their own Tongue , with the different words of their proper Language ; which indeed , in reference to the commerce and communication of Nations , is a great convenience . April the seven and twentieth , This Morning , being the first Thursday after the Dominica in Albis , there was a solemn Procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament , for the Annual Feast of Corpus Christi , as the custom is . But in Goa it is kept out of the right time upon such a day , because the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain ; so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd , and therefore they anticipate it in this manner . The Procession was made by the whole Clergy , with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes , and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd , fictitious animals , dances and maskerades ; things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities . Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias , and therefore I have made use of this opportunity ; favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name , amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina , Sig r Andrea , Sig : Dottore , and Sig : Coletta ; upon whom , and your self , I pray Heaven for all felicity ; recommending my self to your prayers also for my safety . From Goa , April 27. 1623. LETTER III. From Goa , Octob. 10. 1623. HAving a fit opportunity , according to my desire to make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà , upon occasion of this Vice-Roy's dispatching Sig : Gio Fernandez Leiton , Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà , a Gentile-Prince of that Province ; and conceiving that my journey will begin within three or four days , I have therefore determin'd to write this Letter to you , that it may be convey'd by the first occasion of the Ships which are now preparing for a Voyage from India into Europe ; for I know not certainly , how far I shall tarvel , nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa , whether moneths or years . As little do I know what other opportunity , or convenient place I shall meet withall to write to you ; nevertheless I shall omit none that offers it self , and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary . Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits , On the first of May , I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours receiv'd of them , according to their most affectionate hospitality ; and went to the House prepar'd for me right over against that of Sig ra Lena da Cugna , which stands between the Covents of the Bare-footed Carmelites , and the Converted Nunns of S. Mary Magdalene , in a remote but not inconvenient place , nor far from the commerce of the City , and the more acceptable to me , because near the residence of Mariàm Tinatìn . May the third , The City of Goa , lying , as they say , in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes , agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho , according to which , F. Christoforo Brono told me , this City is in a Meridian different from that of Francfurt , about four hours more Eastward ; yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa , that is , in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night following the said day , ( speaking sutably to the Spanish and Portugal Clocks . ) Yet at this time it was the height of Summer , and the greatest heat of the year , as we found by experience . For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa , and these adjacent Regions ; because the Sun passes over their heads , and departs from them twice a year , once toward the North , and once towards the South . May the eleventh , A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land , to wit , by the way of Turkie , and , as they said , in a very short time , and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October , brought news amongst other things of the Canonization of five Saints made together in one day , namely , of S. Ignatio , the Founder of the Jesuits ; S. Francesco Xaverio , a Jesuit , and the Apostle of the East-India ; S. Philippo Neri , Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella , whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Child-hood , and whose Image is still so impress'd in my memory , that I should know him if I saw him ; S. Teresia , Foundress of the Bare-footed Carmelites ; and S. Isidoro , a Country-man of Madrid . We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma , Ranuccio Farnese , and how the Cardinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke . The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz , this Portugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles ; and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England , he brought no intelligence of any conclusion ; so that I belive , the news of Ormùz , lost chiefly by the fault of the English , will occasion much difficulty in the Treaty of that Marriage . May the seventeenth , Four Italian Bare-footed Carmelites arriv'd in Goa , being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia ; but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Christians who were discover'd and slain the year before , and especially that they had nothing to live upon ; they not knowing what to do , and being terrifi'd with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently , and being so advis'd by some , who , perhaps , like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia , resolv'd to come into India , and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial , whither they brought no fresh News from Rome , having departed from thence Eleven Moneths before . They came almost all sick , having suffer'd much in the Desarts of Arabia , and other places of the journey , where they had felt great scarcity ; and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way , sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates , which is a very hot food ; and withall the alteration of the Air , very hot too , and unusual to them in the hight of Summer , was the occasion of their being all sick . Two of them arriv'd this day , and the two others the day after ; because they came from Mascàt in several Ships , Of these four Bare-footed Carmelites , within a few days three dyed , and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escap'd . May the eighteenth , The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise ; and they said , it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain ; but I said , I wish'd they had first recover'd Ormùz , and then rung the Bells with joy for both . A vain people ! May the twentieth , The Bare-footed Carmelites would needs make particular rejoycing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia , and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits ; they sent two Portugal Children on Horse-back richly clad in riding habit , as Curriers , to declare with certain Verses to the Vice-Roy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint ; after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet before them , scattering other Verses to the people with the same tidings , the Bells of theirs , and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy , being injoyn'd thereunto by the Bishop's Order . At night themselves , and divers of their Friends , made Fire-works throughout the City . And in favour of them the chief Portugals , went the same night up and down the streets in a great Troop , clad in several disguises , after the manner of a Mascherade . I also bore a part in the solemnity , out of my devotion to the new Saint ; and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleas'd , I put my self into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the Desart , which was accounted very brave and gallant ; I accompany'd with Sig : Antonino , Son of Sig : Antonio Paraccio , my friend , a youth of about twelve years old , who was one of those who went in the day time to the Vice-Roy , and I cloth'd him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia , or rather like a noble Chizilbase Souldier , very odd and brave ; so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City . May the one and twentieth , In the Morning the Bare-footed Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in gratiarum actionem for the above-said Canonization of Santa Teresia , upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Sermon ; the Vice-Roy and a multitude of people being present thereat . May the three and twentieth , The Sun entring into Gemini , I observ'd that the Rain begun in Goa , and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India ; for it begins first in the more Southerly parts of Capo Comorni , and follows afterwards by degrees , according as places extend more to the North ; so that in Cambaia , and other more northern parts , it begins later then in Goa ; and the further any place lyes North , the later it begins there . Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerides , or Almanacks , they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal , or the time of Rain in India , at the fifteenth of their third moneth , call'd Cordad , which falls upon the third of our June ; because they have observ'd it in the more Northern parts of India , as in Cambaia , Suràt , and the like , where the Persians have more commerce then in other more Southern places . In Goa likewise , for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of June ; yet sometimes it anticipates , and sometimes falls something later with little difference . 'T is observ'd by long experience that this Rain in India , after having lasted some days at first , ceases , and there return I know not how many days of fair weather ; but those being pass'd , it begins again more violent then ever , and continues for a long time together . By this Rain , as I observ'd , the heat diminisheth , and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked , becomes cloth'd with new verdure , and various colours of pleasant flowers , and especially the Air becomes more healthful , sweet , and more benigne both to sound and infirm . The arm of the Sea , or River , which encompasses the Island of Goa , and is ordinarily salt , notwithstanding the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it , with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land , is made likewise wholly fresh ; whence the Country-people who wait for this time , derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts , which being temper'd with this sweet moisture , on a suddain become all green . June the first , I spoke first to the Vice-Roy of Goa , Don Francesco da Gama , Count of Bidigucira , Admiral of the Indian Sea , and Grand-son of that D. Vasco de Gama who discover'd East-India , in which this Don Francesco was sometimes Vice-Roy , and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian . I delay'd seeing him so long , because I was busi'd for a Moneth after my arrival in changing my Habit and providing a House , so that I went not abroad ; besides , that the Vice-Roy was likewise employ'd many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan ; and after they were gone , he retir'd to a place out of Goa , to recreate himself for many days ; so that I had no opportunity sooner . I presented to him two Letters from Rome , which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation , one from Sig : Cardinal Crescentio , and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholick King ; and he , without reading them , in my presence said , that without that recommendation he should have express'd all fiting Civilities to me , and that he was glad to see and know me , with many other Complements and courteous offers . He had no long discourse with me , because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council , and other persons of the Government expected to have Audience ; but when I went away , he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduc'd me , that at a more convenient opportunity he desir'd to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia , and that he would send for me ; and in the mean time desir'd a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Warrs of Persia , of which his said Confessor who had seen it , had given him notice ; wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand , as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue , and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it , made by himself into the Portugal Tongue , being the Vice-Roy did not understand the Italian . June the ninth , In the Colledge of the Jesuits was pronounc'd , as 't is the custom every year , a Latin Oration , for the Inchoation of the Readings ; which , the vacations being ended with the hot weather , begin again with the Rain and cool weather . Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa , signifying that the Moghòl had enounter'd with his Rebel Sultàn Chorròm , and routed him ; and that Sultàn Chorròm after his defeat was retir'd to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain , which they call Mandù , and that his Father had besieg'd them there . June the four and twentieth , being the Feast of Saint John Baptist , The Vice-Roy with many other Portugal persons of quality , as 't is the yearly custom in Goa , rode through the City in Habits of Masquert , but without Vizards , two and two alike , or three and three ; and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint John , he came into the street of Saint Paul , which they are wont to call La Carriera de' Cavalli , and is the best place in Goa . Here , after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had march'd by with their Ensignes , Drums and Arms , leaping and playing along the streets , with their naked Swords in their Hands , for they are all Foot ; at length all the Cavaliers run , two carriers on Horse-back , one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City , and the other upwards , running matches of two to two , or three to three , according as their attire agreed , with their Morisco Cymiters , and at last they came all down marching together in order , and so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace , and so the solemnity ended . I stood to see this shew in the same street of Saint Paul , in the House of one whom they call King of the Islands of Maldiva , or Maladiva , which are an innumerable company of small Islands , almost all united together , lying in a long square form towards the West , not far from the Coast of India ; of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King , but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people , fled to the Portugals and turn'd Christian , with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help . Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf , and so he and his descendents remain depriv'd of the Kingdom enjoying onely the naked Title which the Portugals being now ally'd to him still give him ; and because many Merchants Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals , they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign : of which , though the Governours of Ports , to whom upon necessity he must entrust , purloin above half from him ; nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly , and therewith supports himself . The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India , who hoping in the Portugals , have found themselves deluded . Wherein Reason of State is but ill observ'd by the Portugals , because by this proceeding , they have discourag'd all others from having confidence in them ; whereas had they assisted and protected them , as they ought and might easily , and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions , they would by this time have got the love of all India ; and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends , undoubtedly , have become more potent , as also , without comparison , more fear'd by their Enemies . June the nine and twentieth , This year the Moors began their Ramadhan , according to the Rules of my Calculation . July the five and twentieth , being the Feast of Saint James , the Protector of Spain , was solemnis'd with the same gallantry of Cariers and Dresses , as are above describ'd , saving that the Vice-Roy heard Mass in the Church of St. James . In the Evening , I went with Sig : Ruy Gomez Boraccio , a Priest and Brother of Sig : Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint James , which stands somewhat distant without the City , upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Sciàh , which is on the other side of a little River , or Arm of the Sea. For which reason , the Island is in this as well as many other dangerous places fortifi'd with strong walls ; and here there is a Gate upon the pass , which is almost full of people , going and coming from the main Land , and is call'd by the Indians Benastarni , by which name some of our Historians mention it in their writings concerning these parts , as Osorius , Maffaeus , &c. which Gate , as likewise many others , which are upon divers places of passage about the Island , is guarded continually with Souldiers , commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof , and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island , which in this place are very high , forming a kind of Bastion , or rather a Cavaliero , or mount for Ordnance ; not very well design'd , but sufficiently strong , wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place . We went to visit the said Captain , who was then Sig : Manoel Pereira de la Gerda , and from the high Balconies of his House and the Bastion , we enjoy'd the goodly prospect of the Fields round about , both of the Island and the Continent , being discernable to a great distance . The Captain entertain'd us with the Musick of his three Daughters , who sung and play'd very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute , after which we return'd home . About the Church of Saint James are some few habitations in form of a little Town , which is also call'd Santiago ; and the way from thence to the City is a very fine walk the Country being all green , and the way-sides beset with Indian Nut-trees , ( which the Portugals call Palms , and their fruit Cocco ) the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof , being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us ; as also because in Winter-time the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss , and other herbs growing there ; which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days , and the rather because 't is natural and without artifice . The same happens , I believe , not in this Island onely , but in all the Region round about . In the field adjoyning to the City , near the ruines of a deserted building , once intended for a Church , but never finish'd , is a work of the Gentiles , sometimes Lords of this Country , namely , one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld , round , and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre , and very deep ; it hath Parapets , or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates , at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom , to fetch water when it is very low . July the six and twentieth , I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island , where was a Church of Saint Anna , to which there was a great concourse of people , because it was her Festival . This Church stands very low , built amongst many Country dwellings , partly , of the Islanders who live there , and partly , of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a moneth for recreation . The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees , and the way leading to it is extreamly pleasant , all cover'd with green . After I had heard Mass here , Sig : Giovanni da Costa de Menecas , a Friend of mine whom I found there , carry'd me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant , and of small Building , which they call Santa Maria di Loreto , where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends . At night because it rain'd , I caus'd my self to be carry'd home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete , being nothing else but a net of cords ty'd at the head and feet , and hanging down from a great Indian Cane ; in which Net ( which is of the length of a Man , and so wide that opening in the middle , ( for the two ends are ty'd fast to the Cane ) 't is capable of one person ) a Man lyes along very conveniently with a cushion under his head , although somewhat crooked , to wit , with the feet and head advanc'd towards the Ligatures , and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane , which is carry'd upon the shoulders of two men before , and two behind ; if the person be light , or the way short , two Men onely bear it , one before , and the other behind . These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr ; for in these from the Cane hang not nets , but litters like little beds , upon which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth , or half lying along upon cushions , and so is carry'd very conveniently . Moreover , the Palanchini and the Andòr , differ from one another ; for that in the latter , the Cane upon which they carry is strait , as it is likewise in the Nets ; but in the Palanchini , for greater ease of the person carry'd that he may have more room to carry his head upright , the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊ , and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender , and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages ; and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight , therefore they are sold dear , at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece , which amount to about sixty of our Crowns . Besides , as well the Palanchini as the Andòr , and the Nets , are cover'd for avoiding the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves , to wit , those of the Indian Nut , and other such Trees , sufficiently handsome , which being cast over the Cane , hang down on each side , having two windows with little shutters ; They keep out the water very well , and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncover'd , and carry'd by a servant . Yet I never saw any go uncover'd in Goa , either in Andòr or Nets ; but out of the City in the Country , many . I have spoken more at length of these Carriages , because they are unknown in our Countries , although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete , engraven in certain Maps of the World , and , if I mistake not , amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil , where I believe they are us'd ; and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India , not onely in Cities , but also in journeys and those of sufficient length ; wherefore to make experience of it , I was minded to have my self carry'd this day after the manner which I have describ'd ; nor must I omit , that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfi'd with a very small reward . Going in Palanchino , in the Territories of the Portugals in India , is prohibited to Men , because indeed 't is a thing too effeminate ; nevertheless , as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws , they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain , and for favours or presents ; and afterwards become so common , that they are us'd almost by every body throughout the whole year . On the tenth of August , I believe , the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa , returning from the Northern signes , and passing to the Southern ; yet for the day and precise hour , I refer my self to a better Calculation , according to the good Books which I have not here with me . On the eleventh of the same Moneth , I saw at Goa a Carnero , or Weather without horns , which they told me was of the Race of Balagàt , not great but of strong limbs , harness'd with a velvet saddle , crupper , head-stall , bridle , stirrups , and all the accoutrements of a Horse ; and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old , as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù , which low School of Reading and Writing , the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children , not at the Colledge which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are , but at the Church of Giesù , which is the Profess'd House , and stands in the middle of the City , whither the abovesaid Youth rode daily upon his Martin ; and I observ'd , that the beast being us'd to the place , knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth , without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him , as they do many Horses . I took the more notice of this trifle , because it seem'd a new thing to ride upon such creatures ; for although in our Countries , Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture , running , leaping , and capring , yet 't is onely for sport , and with puppets upon the saddle ; but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mention'd , although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness . On the sevententh of August , the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival , to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa , which they call Narvè , or as the vulgar corruptly speak Narvà , as it were for pardon or absolution , and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here , plunging themselves into the Arm of the Sea , Men and Women together all naked , without any respect at all , even persons of quality , and casting Fruits , Perfumes , and other things into the water , as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place , with other Ceremonies , Devotions , and the like ; which I relate not more particularly , because I was not present at them , because the great Rain kept me from going to see them , as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great . Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in general of it , as being a considerable thing amongst them . This Feast , and their Devotion , lasts two days , but the first is most remarkable . August the one and thirtieth , A Galeon coming from Mascàt , ( being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain , and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port ) brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Moneths before at Mascàt with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships , was gone to attempt Sohèr , which place being formerly abandon'd by the Portugals , was now fortifi'd by the Persians with a strong Garrison ; and that after he had landed , he assaulted the Fort , but could not take it , though many Moors were slain in the encounter and about twenty five Portugals ; amongst which , were three or four Captains , Men of Valor and Esteem : in which action , some conceiv'd , that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance ; but he continuing to besiege it , it was deliver'd to him upon Articles , the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage ; after which he raz'd the Fortifications , and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia , which they call Galfarcan ; and having taken it , out of indignation , as I believe , for the many good Souldiers which they had kill'd of his at Sohàr , and to cast a terror , left no person alive , sparing neither sex nor age . Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve ; because on the one side , it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country ; and on the other , it will incite Enemies to fight against more obstinately and valorously , as knowing they are to expect no quarter . This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz , the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Vice-Roy ; but they say likewise , that Ormùz and Kesciome are extreamly well fortifi'd by the Moors . September the six and twentieth , Sig : Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa , Ambassador in Persia from the Catholick King in my time , who by reason of sundry accidents , and the oppositions of the Portugals to him as to a Castilian , ( as himself saith ) or , ( as other say ) because it was his own mind to do so ; since the year before being sent away in a Petache or Shallop according to his own desire , he return'd back for fear of a tempest , ( though without reason ) had never return'd home into Spain to his King ; but when I arriv'd in India , I found him at Goa , where we became acquainted together ; and coming to visit me one day , amongst other things whereof we discours'd , he told me that he had heard a while since that the Prior of Savoy , to wit , the Duke of Savoy's Son who is a Prior , was made Vice-Roy of Sicily , and Generalissimo of that Sea for his Catholick Majesty : Which was News to me , and , as a rare and unaccustom'd thing for the Spaniards to place Italians in governments of States in Italy , I was not unwilling to take notice of . September the thirtieth , At evening the Dominicans with the Fryers of the Society del Rosario , made a goodly Procession in Goa , with abundance of Coaches , and Images cloth'd after their manner , and richly adorn'd with many Jewels ; all the streets where it pass'd being strew'd with green herbs and flowers , and the windows hung with Tapistry and rich Carpets ; to which shew , which is yearly made for the Feast of the Rosary , which is upon the first Sunday of October , the whole City was gather'd together . This great Procession they make the Eve before the Feast after Vespers , and in the morning of the Feast they make another less one , onely about the Gate of the Church , but with the same pomp , and besides with the most Holy Sacrament . October the tenth , The Vice-Roy of Goa dispatch'd Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leiton my Friend , Ambassador to the Gentile-Prince , whose Dominion in the Kingdom of Province of Canarà , more Southernly then Goa , borders upon Onòr , and the other Territories of the Portugals in those maritime parts . This Prince Venk-tapà Naieka , was sometimes Vassal , and one of the Ministers of the great King of Vidià-Nagàr , which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnagà ; but after the down-fall of the King of Vidià-Nagàr , who a few years ago by the Warrs rais'd against him by his Neighbours , lost together with his life a great part of his Dominion , and became in a manner extinct ; Venk-tapà Naieka , as also many other Naieki , who where formerly his Vassals and Ministers , remain'd absolute Prince that part of the State whereof he was Governour ; which also , being a good Souldier , he hath much enlarg'd , having seiz'd by force many Territories of divers other Naieki , and pety Princes his Neighbours ; and in brief , is grown to that reputation , that having had Warr with the Portugals too , and given them a notable defeat , he is now held for their Friend , and for the establishment of this Friendship they send this Embassage to him in the Name of the King of Portugal , the Ambassador being styl'd , Ambassador of the State of India ; and though he is sent by the Vice-Roy , nevertheless , as their custom is , he carries Letters written in the name of the King himself , to do the more honour to Venk-tapà Nieka to whom he is sent . This is the first Ambassador sent to this Prince in the King of Portugal's Name ; for before in Occurrences which fell out , an Ambassador was sent only in the name of some one of those Captains , and Governours of the Portugal Territories , which had business with him ; and this was sent in answer to an Ambassador of his who hath been long at Goa , negotiating with the Vice-Roy the establishment of the said Friendship . The Ambassador of Venk-tapà Naieka is a Brachman , call'd Vitulà Sinaì , and having taken his leave of the Vice-Roy , the two Ambassadors departed together at this time . I having been some dayes before inform'd of this intended Embassie , and being desirous to see some Country of the Gentiles , where themselves bore sway , and observ'd their Rites without any subjection to Christians or Moors , or Princes of different Religion , as in those Lands which I had hitherto seen ; I offer'd my self to accompany my Friend Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leiton in this Embassie , and he hath been pleas'd to testifie very great liking of my company . So that I am to take Ship with him within three days , which will be the thirteenth or fourteenth of this present moneth of October . I hope I shall find matter wherewith to feed our Curiosity , and to give you an entertainment . In the mean time I heartily salute all our Friends at Naples , and most affectionately kiss your Hands . From Goa , October 10. 1623. LETTER IV. From Onòr , Octob. 30. 1623. BEing departed from Goa , and arriv'd at this Port of Onòr , I shall give you some account of what hath hapned in my observation during the few days since the last that I writ to you , October the tenth ; which because I understood lay still at Goa , with the two Ships which were to go thence for Persia , I have thought fit to send this to accompany it , and , I hope , you will receive both of them together ; and that not without some small delectation with my News , inasmuch as I am pleas'd in writing to you from several places , and ( when I can get opportunity ) from those very places which afford the novelties and matters whereof I write , which therefore may possibly be more grateful in the reception , as being native of the Country . I took Ship with our Portugal Ambassador , and Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leiton , about Evening October the fourteenth ; and departing from Goa , we remov'd to a Town call'd Pangi in the same Island , but lower near the place where the River enters into the Sea , and whither the Vice-Roys use to retire themselves frequently to a House of Pleasure which they have there , besides many other like Houses of private persons upon the River likewise ; and where also at the mouth of the Sea , or Bar , as they speak , which is a little lower , almost all Fleets that depart from Goa are wont to set sail . We might have perform'd this journey by Land along the Sea-cast , passing along the other Lands of Adil-Sciàh , till we came to those of Venk-tapà Naieka : But to avoid expences , and occasions of disgust with many Governours of those Territories subject to Adil-Sciàh , who sometimes are little courteous , and impertinent , the Vice-Roy would have us go by Sea ; and for more security , sent five of those light Frigats or Galeots , which the Portugals call Sangessis , to accompany us as far as Onòr , , where we were to land . So that we were in all ten Ships or Galeots , to wit , one which carry'd the Portugal Ambassador and us ; an other in which the Naieka's Ambassador the Brachman went ; three others laden with the baggage of the two Ambassadors ; ( and particularly , with Horses and other things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka , and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell ; ) and the five Ships of War , whereof Sig : Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General . Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship , the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea , and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us , where we arriving the abovesaid night , did not land because it was late , but slept in the Vessel . October the fourteenth , We went a shore in the Morning at Pangì , and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side , where I being present with them , Sig : Gio : Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was , and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King : wherewith he testified great contentment , but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear , as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight ; because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians , especially of the Gentiles , who all wear them in both ears : And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual , but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful , onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles , therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it ; but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law , but onely customarily disus'd , and that in Europe it was us'd by many , he commended the custom , and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant , and better then they who wore none ; so powerful is use to endear things to the eye , and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some , which others through want of custom , dislike , or value not . This day we departed not , because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us , was unprovided with Sea-men , for which we were fain to stay till the day following , and then were not very well provided . The cause whereof was , for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa , because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Sciàh , would not permit their Ships to come , as they were wont , to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado ; which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals , of which , were there nothing else , theirs being weaker , and more confus'd in their Government then ever , and all things in bad order , was a sufficient ground ; for remedy of which , they took no other course , but daily loaded themselves with new , unusual , and most heavy Impositions , to the manifest ruine of the State , taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes , which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels : but if such thefts continue , both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels , and as many as they can invent , will be all swallow'd up . Nevertheless , the Portugals are heedless according to their custom , and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs , which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Sciàh , think he knows nothing of these disorders , and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impertinence of his Officers . What the event will be , Time will shew . But to return to my purpose , Not being to depart this day , we went to dine and pass the time , with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig : Baldassar d' Azevedo , who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side , a little distant from the Villa , or Fort , where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi . Whilst we were recreating our selves , Sig : Fernandez bethinking himself of what , perhaps , he had not thought of before , ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage ; and I telling him that I had not , because I did not think it needful , he reply'd , that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go ; otherwise , he could not venture to carry me , for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him , by saying , that he had carry'd me a stranger , and without the Vice-Roy's Licence , into suspected places , where matters of State were to be handled ; in brief , knowing the matter blameable , and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation , and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others , and particularly , a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes , and much inferior to this ; he told me resolutely , that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good , either for him or me , that I should go . Wherefore being we were not to depart that day , he advis'd me to return to the City , and procured the said Licence , if I intended to go , and he would stay for me till the next Morning ; but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship , nor would he by any means venture to carry me . I , who well understood the procedures of the Portugals , and what rigor they use in their Government , and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone , which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices , was sensible that Sig : Fernandez had reason , and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency , because I accounted it not necessary ; but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy , who knew me well , and had shewn himself courteous to me , I look'd upon as not difficult . Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage , as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen , I went by boat to the City , and having first given account of my business to Sig : Antonio , and Sig : Ruy Gomez his Brother , ( to whose House I repair'd , having left that which I had hir'd , and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci ) I went with the same Sig : Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit , and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend , whom I desir'd ( as the fittest person to do it , in the short time left me ) to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy . He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it , and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night ; and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand , directed to the Ambassador Gio : Fernandez , wherein he told him , that whereas I desir'd to go along with him , he might carry me , and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person , with other like courteous and high expressions . Having gotten my Licence , I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio , to visit the Bishop of Cocni , who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa , and whom I had not yet visited ; and understanding that he was desirous to know me , and was a Prelate of great merit , not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters , but also in point of Government and Warr , ( for he took divers strong places , and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King , with great valour ) I would not depart without first visiting him , and making my self known to him . This Prelate is call'd Frà Don Sebastiano di San Pietro , and is an Augustine Fryer . We discours'd above an hour together concerning things of India , Persia , and other matters , and I recommended to him with the F. Confessor the Augustine Fathers of his Religion in Persia , giving him an account of their necessities , and how he might help them . Night being come , I went to make a Collation in the House of Sig ri Barocci , and when it was grown dark , I return'd to imbark in the Ship which expected me , and went to the Town of Pangi to find Sig : Gio : Fernandez and my other Companions , who were very glad at my return with the Vice-Roy's Licence , so favourable and courteous to me , because they were loath to have gone without me ; and so I slept with them that night in the same House . My charge , Mariàm Tinatìn , went not with me this journey because it was not expedient , being I was to return to Goa , but stay'd still in the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna ; onely Cacciatùr went with me to serve me . October the fifteenth , A little before night we were ready to set sail , had not we been necessitated to stay for certain Mariners till the next Morning , when we went to hear Mass in a Church of Saint Agnes belonging to the Augustine Fryers , and standing in the Island of Goa ; after which , being imbark'd , we stay'd a while longer waiting for the Brachman Ambassador , for what reason I know not , unless , perhaps , he was minded to make us stay for him , as we had made him stay for us . At length being got out of the mouth of the River , we continu'd sailing all night , but with a small wind . Our course was always Southward almost directly , and we coasted along the land at a little distance . October the sixteenth , In the Morning we discern'd four Ships of Malabar Rovers , near the shore ( they call them Paroes , and they go with Oars , like Gale●ts or Foists ) we gave them chase for above an hour , intending to fight them , but we could not overtake them ; onely we lost much time and much of our way . Night came upon us near certain ●●ocks , or uninhabited little Islands , which they call Angediva , which signifies , in the Language of the Country , Five Islands , they being so many in number . We found fresh water in one of them , they are all green and have some Trees . We set sail from thence the same night , but had little or no wind and violent rain . October the seventeenth , Continuing our course the next day with a very small gale , we saw the bound of the States of Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka , which is onely a brackish River , such as are frequent upon the Coast of India . The wind was but small still , so that all this day we could not arrive at Onòr ; but when it was night , because 't is no good entring into the Port of Onòr in the dark and with ebbing water , as it was now , we cast Anchor , and remain'd all night under an uninhabited small Rock , which they call the Rock of Onòr . After mid-midnight the Tide began to flow , but yet we stirr'd not . October the eighteenth , About break of day we mov'd along , and by the help of Oars finish'd the remainder of the way , arriving at Onòr in good time . This whole Voyage from Goa to Onòr , is not above eighteen Leagues , but it took us up so much time , because we had onely a very small wind . Onòr is a small place by the Sea-side , but a good Port of indifferent capacity , which is form'd by two arms of Rivers , which ( I know not whether both from one or several heads ) running one Southward , and the other Northward , meet at the Fortress , and are discharg'd with one mouth into the Sea. The habitations are rather Cottages then Houses , built under a thick Grove of Palms , to wit , those which produce the Indian Nuts , call'd by the Portugals , Coco ; and by the Arabians , Narghil . But the Fortress is of a competent circuit , though the walls are not very well design'd , being just as the Portugals found them made by the people of the Country . It stands upon a high Hill of free stone , and being very capacious , not onely the Captain lives there , but most of the married and principal Portugals have Houses in it , very well accommodated with Wells , Gardens , and other conveniencies . The streets within the Fortress are large and fair , besides a great Piazza sufficient to contain all the people of the place in time of a siege . There are likewise two Churches , one dedicated to Saint Catherine , and the other to Saint Anthony ; but ordinarily there is but one Priest in Onòr , who is the Vicar of the Arch-Bishop of Goa ; and therefore in Lent other religious persons always go thither . Out of the Fort , in the Country , is the Bazar or Market , but a small one and of little consideration ; nothing being found therein but what is barely necessary for sustenance of the inhabitants . Our Ambassador Sig : Gio : Fernandez lodg'd with us , not in the Fort , but without in the House of a private man ; and , I believe , it was because he had rigorous Orders from the Vice-Roy against the Captain ; and Commission to redress many Disorders which he had committed in his Government , especially to compose matters between him and the people of the Country ; as also between him and the Vicar , betwixt whom there were great Disorders , the fault of which was charg'd upon the Captain . When we were setled in our House , first the Vicar call'd F. Henrico Rabelo , and afterwards the Captain call'd Sig r Don Christoforo Fernandez Francisco , with almost all the principal persons of the place , visited Sig : Gio : Fernandez , who presently beginning to treat of business , and presenting to the Captain the Vice-Roy's Letters and Orders , the Captain being terrifi'd therewith on the one side , and on the other , oblig'd by the civil terms of Sig : Fernandez , forthwith offer'd himself ready to give the Vice-Roy satisfaction in whatever he commaded , and began immediately to put the same offer in effect ; releasing one whom he held Prisoner , and performing other things which Sig : Fernandez appointed him . October the nineteenth , The Captain inviting the Ambassador and all the company to dine in the Fort , we went first to visit him , and afterwards to hear Mass in Saint Catharine's Church , which is the Vicar's See ; which being over , the Ambassador visited a Gentlewoman who was a Kinswoman of the Vicar's , and then retir'd in private with the Captain , not without manifest signes that his re-pacification was rather upon necessity then out of good-will . Causa mali tanti , foemina sola fuit . The original of most of the Disorders between the Captain and the Vicar , they say , was occasion'd by the Captain 's Wife , who had banish'd out of Onòr a servant of his whom he had employ'd as his Instrument to other Women , and who had been formerly punish'd for the same fault . In the mean time we walk'd up and down , but saw nothing worth mentioning ; and at at dinner-time we went to the Captain 's House where we all din'd , namely , Sig : Gio : Fernandez the Ambassador , the Chief Commander of the Fleet , call'd Hettor Fernandez , F. Bartolomeo Barroso the Ambassadors Chaplain , Sig : Consalvo Carvaglio and I , who came in the Ambassador's Company . The Entertainment was sumptuous and very well serv'd ; dinner ended , we return'd to our House . October the twentieth , In the Evening the Chaplain and I went in a Palanchino a mile out of Onòr to see a fine running water , which issuing out of the Earth in a low , or rather hollow place , as it were the bottom of a Gulph , falls into a Tanke , or Cistern built round with stone ; and this being fill'd , it runs out with a stream watering the neighbouring-fields . The water is hot , to wit , not cold ; and therefore the Country-people come frequently to bathe themselves in it for pleasure . The Cistern is square , every side being five or six yards , and the water would reach to a man's neck ; but by reason of the ruinousness of the walls in some places , it is not very clean . Within it are small fishes , which use to bite such as come to swim there , yet without doing hurt , because they are small ; and the place being low , is consequently , shady , and so affords a pleasant station at all times . The Gentiles have this Cistern in Devotion , and call it Ram-tirt , that is , Holy Water , Water of Expiation , &c. The Portugals call it O Tanque da Pedre , that is , the Cistern of the Father , or Religious person , from the Gentile-Monastick who uses to remain there . We stript our selves , and spent a good while in swimming here . The fields about Onòr through which we pass'd were very pleasant Hills and Valleyes , all green , partly with very high herbage , partly with wood , and partly with Corn. October the one and twentieth , I took the Altitude of the Sun , and found it distant from the Zenith 24. degrees 20. minutes , upon which day the Sun , according to my manuscripts , was in the 27th degree of Libra , and declin'd from the Aequinoctial to the South 10. degrees 24′ , 56″ , which deducted from 24. degrees 20′ , in which I found the Sun , there remain 13. degrees 55′ , 4″ ; and precisely so much is Onòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. In the Evening the Ambassador Vitulà Sinay , who was lodg'd beyond the River more South of Onòr , came to the City to visit the Captain in the Fort. The Captain with all the Citizens , and Sig : Gio : Fernandez , with us of his Company , went to meet and receive him at the place where he landed ; three pieces of Ordnance being discharg'd when he entred into the Fort. October the four and twentieth , was the Davàli , or Feast of the Indian-Gentiles , and , I believe , was the same that I had seen the last year celebrated in Bender di Combrù in Persia : The same day , if I mistake not in my reckoning , the Moors began their new year 1033. In the Evening , I went to see another great Town of Gentiles , separate from that stands upon the Sea near Onòr , and they call it the Villa de' Brahmani , because most of the inhabitants are Brachmans , whereas they that live by the Sea-side are Fishermen , and of other like profession . This Town of the Brachmans stands about a Canons-shot within land , remote from the Fortress of Onòr towards Hordete or Greco . The inhabitants keep Cows or Buffalls , and live upon other Trades . In the entrance of the City is built for publick use a handsome square Cistern , or Receptacle for Water , each side of which contain'd about a hundred of my paces in length ; 't is fill'd with rain water , which lasts for the whole year . October the five and twentieth , came News to Onòr how on Thursday night last , October the nine and twentieth , Venk-tapà Naieka lost his chief Wife , an aged Woman , and well belov'd by him ; her name was Badra-Amà , Daughter of a noble-man of the same Race of Lingavant , which Venk-tapà himself is of . Badrà was her proper name , Amà , her Title , denoting Princess or Queen . We stay'd all this while at Onòr , because as soon as we arriv'd there , Vitulà Sinay writ to Venk-tapà Naieka his Master , giving him an account of our arrival ; and so it was necessary to stay for his Answer and Orders from the Court : we also waited for men to carry us upon the way , ( the whole journey being to be made in Litters or Palanchinoes ) together with our Goods and Baggage , which were likewise to be carry'd by men upon their shoulders . And the Davàli , or Feast of the Gentiles , falling out in the mean time , we were fain to stay till it was pass'd ; and I know not whether the Queens Death and Funerals may not cause us to stay some time longer . I will not suppress one story which is reported of this Lady . They say , thar twelve or thirteen years since , when she was about five and thirty years old , it came to her ears that Venk-tapà Naieka her Husband , being become fond of a Moorish Woman , kept her secretly in a Fort not farr from the Court , where he frequently solac'd himself with her for two or three dayes together ; whereupon Badra-Amà , ( first complaining to him not onely of the wrong which he did thereby to her , but also more of that which he did to himself , defiling himself with a strange Woman of impure Race , ( according to their superstition ) and of a Nation which drank Wine , and eat Flesh , and all sort of uncleannesses in their account ) told him that if he had a mind to other Women , he need not have wanted Gentile-Women of their clean Race , without contaminating himself with this Moor , and she should have suffer'd it with patience ; but since he had thus defil'd himself with her , she for the future would have no more to do with him ; and thereupon she took an Oath that she would be to him as his Daughter , and he should be to her as her Father : After which she shew'd no further resentment , but liv'd with him as formerly , keeping him company in the Palace , tending upon him in his sickness , and other things with the same love as at first , helping and advising him in matters of Government , wherein she had alwayes great authority with him ; and , in short , excepting the Matrimonial Act , perfectly fulfilling all other Offices of a good Wife . Venk-tapa Naieka , who had much affection for her , notwithstanding the wrong he did her with his Moor , endeavor'd by all means possible to divert her from this her purpose , and to perswade her to live a Matrimonial Life still with him , offering many times to compound for that Oath by the alms of above 20000. Pagods , ( Pagod is a gold coin , near equivalent to a Venetian Zecchine , or English Angel ) but all in vain , and she persever'd constant in this Resolution till death ; which being undoubtedly an act of much Constancy and Virtue , was the cause that Venk-tapà Naieka lov'd her always so much the more . October the eight and twentieth , Vitulà Sinay sent to tell our Ambassador , that having sent word of our arrival to the Court , the great Ministers had acquainted Venk-tapà Naieka therewith , who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife , that he went not forth in publick , nor suffer'd himself to be seen ; when they t●ld him of this matter , he stood a while without answering , and at length said onely , that they might come when they please : Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood , would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador , persons to convey his Goods , and other such things ; wherefore Vitulà Sinay said , that Sig : Gio : Fernandez might consider what to do , whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting , or to have him write again , and stay for an Answer ; for he would do which he pleas'd . Sig : Gio : Fernandez , as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges , was desirous to have provisions for the journey , Men to carry his Goods , and other greater conveniences , although in publick , and with us of his company , he did not testifie so much , being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion , and not at his request ; yet , I know , that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay , both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter , that he would write again to the Court , and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King , the first Monarch of Christians , ( for so I heard him tell the Interpreter , though he spoke with a low voice ) and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner , but that people should be sent to him for his journey , and persons to receive him , and commands given to Venk-tapà's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite ; that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court , he would stay another week at Onòr , and longer if need were , till a better Answer came ; and that , if he thought it expedient , Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office , as he that might do it best , and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador , who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer . The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay , who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction . October the nine and twentieth , After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt , Sig : Gio : Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay , and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter ; wherefore entring with us into one of those boats , which they call Mancive , going with twenty or four and twenty Oars , onely differing from the Almadies , in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop , sever'd from the banks of rowers , and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room ; we pass'd out of the Port , and thence from the mouth of the River Southward , went to land upon the continent , where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming , expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees , of which all this Country is full . This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles , where they bear sway themselves . Sig : Gio : Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay , both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass ; and at length , the discourse being ended , the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr . Upon the way he told us , that Vitulà Sinay said , that in either case , of his writing again , or going in person to the Court , and waiting for a new Answer , many dayes would be lost ; therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting ; and that to carry his ( the Ambassador's ) Goods , they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order ; wherefore Sig : Fernandez told us , he was resolv'd to go by all means , and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient , they alone requiring twenty five , besides those of the rest of his company , he would hire the rest at his own charge , and rid himself of this perplexity . By this change of opinion after this interview , I understod that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig : Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey , was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death , and the present confusion of the Court , as for some other cause ; and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer , was but an excuse of Vitulà ; but , in fine , the truth could be no other , then that they would not give him any greater Provisions , or because Venk-tàpà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie , &c. And to confirm this , I know that before Sig : Fernandez departed from Goa , Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay , that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel , which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince , neighbour to Mangalòr , who liv'd under the Portugal's protection , ( for whose defence , two or three years before , the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka , and receiv'd a notable defeat by him ) it was in vain , and that Sig : Gio : Fernandez , ( now first known to him ) might forbear to undertake this journey , for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it , nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince , as he had promis'd upon agreement , if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr , or elsewhere , he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands , once his own , privately , in hopes , perhaps , to raise some new commotion one day . So that Venk-tapà Naieka , knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel , which little pleas'd him ; and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd , which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions , and bring him in a great sum of mony , by agreement made by the Portugals , who every year were either to take it or pay for it ; and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year , they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year , nor yet for a great part of that of the last ; for which , by reason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him : And lastly , observing the Portugals weakned and low , so that they not onely stood in need of him , but now , in some sort , began to submit themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him , and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat ; 't was no strange thing , that being become insolent thereupon , as 't is the manner of the Barbarians , and designing to carry it high over them , he not only shew'd no great liking of the Embassie , but made little account of it ; and , in a manner , despis'd it ; that so he might keep himself and his affairs in greater reputation . October the thirtieth , Sig : Gio : Fernandez being resolv'd to depart the next day , sent some Horses before , upon this , with some of his Family . The same Evening , one from Goa brought News of the arrival there of some Portugals of the Fleet which came this year from Portugal , consisting of four great trading Ships , two Shallops , and four Galeons of Warr ; which last come in order to be consign'd to Ruy Freira for the War of Ormùz ; the loss of which place , and the deliverance of Ruy Freira out of prison being already known at the Court of Spain , but not the loss of the Ships of the Fleet the last year . The Portugals arriv'd in Goa , according to the abovesaid intelligence , came in one of the Galeons of the Fleet which is coming , which being separated from the rest , toucht at Mozambique , and there being old and shatter'd was lost , onely all the People and Goods were sav'd , and came in other Ships to Goa ; and being the rest of the Fleet delayes so long , 't is conceiv'd to have held a course without the Island of Saint Lorenzo , which uses to take up more time . They relate also , that the Marriage between Spain and England is concluded , and that the Prince of England is now in Spain , being come thither incognito before the conclusion of the Marriage which was shortly expected . It being already very late , I shall not longer deferr concluding this Letter , because it is requisite for me to go and take a little rest , that I be may fit for my journey to morrow Morning , if it please God ; to whom I heartily commend you , and with my accustomed affection kiss your Hands . From Onòr , October 30. 1623. LETTER V. From Ikkerì , Novemb. 22. 1623. I Write to you from Ikkerì , the Royal City and Seat of Venk-tapà Naieka , whither I am come , and where I am at present ; I shall give you an account of the Audience which our Ambassador hath had of this King , who , in my judgment , should rather be call'd a Regulus or Royolet , although the Portugals and Indians give him the honor of a Royal Title ; being he hath in effect neither State , Court , nor appearance befitting a true King. I shall describe to you every particular that is not unworthy your Curiosity , and adjoyn some other of my Relations and Descriptions of the Idolatrous Gentiles , their vain Superstitions and Ceremonies about their Idols , Temples , Pagods . What I shall now set down , mine own Eyes have witness'd to ; and I shall not fear being too tedious in describing things , perhaps , over minutely in these Letters ; since I know you are delighted therewith , and out of your great erudition can make reflections upon the Rites us'd in these parts of the world , which in many things are not unlike the ancient Aegyptian Idolatry . For I am perswaded to believe , not without the authority of ancient Authors , that the worship of Isis and Osiris was common to Aegypt and this Region , as in Philostratus I find Apollonius affirming , that in India he saw the Statues not onely of the Aegyptians , but also of the Grecian gods , as of Apollo , Bacchus , and Minerva . But to return to the particulars of my journey ; October the one and thirtieth , After one a clock in the Afternoon , we departed from Onòr with Sig : Gio : Fernandez in a Mancion or Barge , and the rest of the Family in a less Boat. Vitulà Sinay who was to go with us , we left in a readiness to set forth after us , I know not , whether by water or by Land. We row'd up the River which runs Southward to Onòr , against the stream , making use both of Sail and Oars ; and a little before night having gone about three Leagues , we came to Garsopà and there lodg'd . This place was sometimes a famous City , Metropolis of the Province and Seat of a Queen : in which State , as likewise in many others upon the Coast of India , to this day , a Woman frequently hath the sovereignty ; Daughters or other nearest Kinswomen begotten by what ever Father succeeding the Mothers ; these Gentiles having an opinion , ( as 't is indeed ) that the Issue by the Woman-side is much more sure of the blood and lineage of the Ancestors , then that by the Man-side . The last Queen of Garsopà fell in Love with a mean Man and a stranger , into whose power she resign'd her self , together with her whole Kingdom . In which act , ( setting aside her choosing a Lover of base blood , upon which account she was blam'd and hated by the Indians who are most rigorous observers of Nobility , and maintainers of the dignity of their ancestors in all points ) as to giving her self up as a prey to her lover , she committed no fault against her honor ; for in these Countries 't is lawful for such Queens to choose to themselves Lovers or Husbands , one or more , according as they please . But this Man who was so favour'd by the Queen of Garsopà , having thoughts as ignoble as his blood , in stead of corresponding with gratitude to the Queens courtesie , design'd to rebell against her , and take the Kingdom from her ; which for a while he executed , having in process of time gain'd the affection of most of her most eminent Vassals . The Queen seeing her self oppress'd by the Traytor , had recourse to the Portugals , offering them her whole State , on condition they would free her from imminent ruine . But the Portugals , according as they had alwayes in India done by their friends , ( whereby they have been many times the ruine of others and themselves too ) did not succour her till it was too late , and then very coldly . On the other side the Traytor , ( as his ill Fate , or rather God's just anger , would have it ) call'd to his assistance against the Queen and the Portugals , his Neighbour Venk-tapà Naieka , now Master of those Countries . Venk-tapà Naieka taking advantage of the occasion , enter'd suddenly into the Kingdom of Garsopà with great diligence and force , so that shortly becoming Master of the whole Country and the City Royal , having driven out the Portugals who came to defend it , he took the Queen Prisoner , and carry'd her to his own Court ; where being kept , although honourably , she ended her dayes afterwards in an honourable prison . But the Traytor under-went the punishment of his crime , for Venk-tapà Naieka caus'd him to be slain ; and for more secure keeping that State in his power , caus'd the City and Royal Palace of Garsopà to be destroy'd , so that at this day , that lately flourishing City is become nothing but a Wood ; Trees being already grown above the ruines of the Houses , and the place scarcely inhabited by four Cottages of Peasants . But returning to my Travel , I must not omit , that the three Leagues of this journey was one of the most delightful passages that ever I made in my life ; for the Country on either side is very beautiful , not consisting of Plains that afford onely an ordinary prospect , nor of towring mountains , but of an unequal surface , Hills and Valleys , all green and delightful to the eyes , cloth'd with thick and high Groves , and many times with fruit Trees , as Indian Nuts , Foufel , Ambe , and such like , all water'd with innumerable Rivolets and Springs of fresh water ; the sides of the River all shady , beset with Flowers , Herbs , and sundry Plants , which like Ivy creeping about the Trees and Indian reeds of excessive height , ( call'd by the Country-people Bambù , and very thick along the banks ) make the wood more verdant ; through the middle whereof the River strayes with sundry windings . In short , the River of Garsopà , for a natural thing , without any artificial ornament of buildings or the like , is the goodliest River that ever I beheld . Our boats being large , could not go to the ordinary landing place at Garsopà , because the River , which is discharg'd into the Sea with one stream , is there divided into many , which fall from several Springs upon some neighbouring Hills , so that the water is but little . Wherefore we landed at some distance from Garsopà , which stands on the South-bank of the River , and walkt the rest of the way on foot , and our goods were carry'd upon the Men's shoulders , whom we had hir'd for that purpose . Before we got to our lodging , it was night , and we were fain to wade over one of the arms of the River which took me up to the middle of the thigh ; the bottom was stony , and not so dangerous to us , ( who were free ) in reference to falling , as to the poor men who carry'd burthens upon their heads ; so that I wonder'd not he who carry'd the hamper of my clothes fell down with it , and wetted it in the water . At length we lodg'd not within the compass of Garsopà , which was somewhat within land , but near it upon the River , in a place cover'd with a roof amongst certain Trees , where many are wont to lodge , and where the Pepper is weigh'd and contracted for , when the Portugals come to fetch it : for this is the Country wherein greatest plenty of Pepper grows ; for which reason the Queen of Garsopà was wont to be call'd by the Portugals , Reyna da Pimenta , that is , Queen of Pepper . The River is call'd by the Portugals the River of Garsopà , but by the Indians in their own Language , one branch is term'd , Ambù nidi , and the other , Sarà nidi . From the River's mouth , where it falls into the Sea , to Garsopà , the way , if I mistake not , is directly East . November the first , After dinner we departed from our station , and passing by the Cottages , and the places where the City of Garsopà sometimes stood , we walk'd a good way Southwards , or rather South South-west , always through an uneven , woody Country , irrigated with water and delightful , like the banks of the River which I describ'd . Then we began to climb up a Mountain , which the Country-people call Gat , and divides the whole length of this part of India , being wash'd on the East with the Gulph of Bengala , and on the West with the Ocean or Sea of Goa . The ascent of this Mountain is not very rough , but rather easie and pleasant like the other soil , being thick set with Groves of Trees of excessive greatness ; some of them so strait , that one alone might serve for the Mast of a Ship. With all , the Mountain is so water'd with Rivulets and Fountains , and so cloth'd with Grass and Flowers , that , me-thought , I saw the most delightful place of the Appennine in Italy . If there be any difference , the Gat of India hath the advantage in this place , because the height is much less then that of our Appennine , the ascent more easie , the wood more beautiful and thick , the waters not less plentiful and clear ; If Gat yields to it in any thing , 't is in the frequency of inhabited places , the sumptuousness of buildings ; and lastly , in the beauty which the industrious art of the inhabitants adds to the Appennine ; the Indian Gat having no other , besides what liberal , yet unpolish'd , Nature gives it . About three hours after noon we came to the top of Gat , where a little beneath the highest cliff is found a kind of barr'd Gate , with a wall in a narrow pass , which renders the place sufficiently strong ; a little further than which , in the top of all , are found earthen Bulwarks , and lines , which guard the passage ; and in this place is a sufficient Fortress , being a mile and half in circuit . It was sometimes call'd Garicota , but now Gavarada Naghar ; we lodg'd about a Musket-shot without the Fort , in a plane and somewhat low place , where are some Houses like a Village , and amongst them a Temple of Hamant , who is one of those two Scimions who were imploy'd by Ramo for recovering his Wife Sità , as their Fables relate ; for which good work , and their other miracles , the Indians adore them . Here I saw his Statue in the Temple with burning lights before it , and a consecrated Silver Hand hung up by some devout person , perhaps , cur'd of some evil of his Hands . Below this place where we lodg'd , amongst the little Valleys of the Hill , is a fair and large Cistern , or Receptacle of water , which falls thereinto from a River descending from the Mountain , and the over-plus running into the lower Valleys . At night we heard Musick at the Gate of the above-mention'd Temple , divers barbarous Instruments sounding , and amongst the rest certain great Horns of metal , fashion'd almost into a semicircle ; I ask'd the reason of this Festival , and they told me , The Idol was to go presently , accompany'd with a great number of Men and Women , in pilgrimage to a place of their devotion near San Tomè , a moneths journey and more ; and that it was to be carry'd in a Palanchino , as the custom is , and in procession with sundry sounds and songs , almost in the same manner , as amongst us Christians , the Bodies or Images of Saints are carry'd in procession when any Community or Fraternity go in pilgrimage to Loreto , or Rome , in the Holy year . At this time assisted at the service of the Idol , amongst others , a Woman , who , they said , was so abstinent that she did not so much as eat Rice ; they held her for a kind of Saint , upon a fame that the Idol delighted to sleep with her , which these silly souls accounted a great spiritual favour ; and haply , it may be true , that some Incubus-Devil ha's to do with her , and deceives her with false illusions , telling her that he is her God ; of which kind of Women , there are many among the Moors . Divers come to ask her about future things , and she consulting , the Idol gives them their answer ; one of these interrogations was made to her whilst we were present . Others came to offer Fruits and other edibles to the Idol , which one of the Priests presented to it , murmuring his Orisons ; and taking half of the things offer'd , ( which after presentation to the Idol , remains to the servants of the Temple ) , he restores the other half to him that offer'd them ; and were it but one Indian Nut , he splits it in two before the Idol , and gives half to him that brought it ; who takes the same with reverence , and is afterwards to eat it with devotion as sacred food , and tasted of by the Idol . In the Evening , by the Captain of the Fort ( who was a Moor of Dacàn , and sometimes an Officer under one Melik a Captain of Adil-Sciàh , in the Frontiers of Goa , but being taken Prisoner in a War between Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka , and afterwards set at liberty , remain'd in the service of Venk-tapà ; and hath been about five and twenty years Governour of this Fortress , and is call'd Mir-Baì ) was sent a Present of Sugar Canes and other refreshments to eat , to Sig : Gio : Fernandez ; whom also the same night Vitulà Sinay , who travell'd with us , but apart by himself , came to visit , and entertain'd with the sight of two young men , who fenc'd very well a good while together , onely with Swords made of Indian Canes . On which occasion , I shall not omit that amongst the Indians , 't is the custom for every one to manage and make use onely of one sort of Arms , whereunto he accustoms himself , and never uses any other , even in time of War. So that some Souldiers fight onely with Swords , others with Sword and Buckler , others with Lances , others with Bows and Arrows , and others with Muskets ; and so every one with his own Arms , never changing the same , but thereby becoming very expert and well practis'd in that which he takes to . The way from Garsopà to Govarada Naghar was about five or six miles , and no more . November the second , Early in the Morning Vitulà Sinay first visited Sig : Gio : Fernandez , and afterwards the Captain of the Fort , accompanied with a great number of his Souldiers with several Arms , but most had Pikes , Lances in the form of half Pikes , and Swords ; onely two had Swords and Bucklers : one of them had a short and very broad Sword like a Cortelax , but the edge-part bowed inwards after a strange fashion . Those two with Swords and Bucklers came before the Captain , dancing and skirmishing after their manner , as if they fought together . The visit was receiv'd in the Porch of the little Temple above mention'd , and lasted a good while . Vitulà Sinay , who spoke the Portugal-Tongue well , serv'd for interpreter between our Ambassador and the Captain , and handsomely intimated to the Ambassador , that when he return'd back it was fit to give a Present to this Captain , and visit him in the Fort ; that the custom was so ; and he had already done the like to the Ambassador ; that since he did it not now , he had already made an excuse for it , by telling him that the baggage was gone before , and that he did not go to visit him , because he had no Present to carry him , but he would do it at his return . In the end of this visit , Vitulà Sinay caus'd a little Silver basket to be brought full of the leaves of Betle , ( an herb which the Indians are always eating , and to the sight not unlike the leaves of our Cedars ) and giving it to the Ambassador , he told him that he should present it to the Captain , the custom being so in India , for the person visited to give Betle-leaves to the visitant , where-with the visit ends . The Ambassador did so , and the Captain without taking any of these leaves , whether it were the custom , or that being a Moor he did not use it , ( which yet I believe not ) gave it to certain persons of qualitie , who stood beside him , and had accompany'd him ; neither did any of them touch the leaves , but the basket went from hand to hand till it was carry'd away as full as it was presented ; which being done , the Captain first , and then Vitulà Sinay , took leave and departed . After we had din'd , about noon or soon after , our Ambassador went away alone with his Chaplain , out of impatience to stay longer in that place ; the rest of us remain'd , expecting the removing of all our baggage , which was very slow in departing , because the Men who carry'd the same upon their heads , were not sufficient , and the burthens were too heavy ; so that it was needful to hire more , and increase the number of Porters to thirty six , besides mine , which I hir'd for my self apart ; and because neither were these enough , it was needful to lade two Oxen , who carry'd Goods for four other Men ; and this took up much time , because neither the Men nor the beasts which were hir'd were ready , but were to be sought for here and there . In the mean time , while the burthens were getting in order , I entertain'd my self in the Porch of the Temple , beholding little boys learning Arithmetick after a strange manner , which I will here relate . They were four , and having all taken the same lesson from the Master , to get that same by heart , and repeat likewise their former lessons and not forget them ; one of them singing musically with a certain continu'd tone , ( which hath the force of making deep impression in the memory ) recited part of the lesson ; as , for example , One by it self makes one ; and whilst he was thus speaking , he writ down the same number , not with any kind of Pen , nor in Paper , but ( not to spend Paper in vain ) with his finger on the ground , the pavement being for that purpose strew'd all over with very fine sand ; after the first had writ what he sung , all the rest sung and writ down the same thing together . Then the first boy sung and writ down another part of the lesson ; as , for example , Two by it self two make two ; which all the rest repeated in the same manner , and so forward in order . When the pavement was full of figures , they put them out with the hand , and if need were , strew'd it with new sand from a little heap which they had before them where-with to write further : And thus they did as long as the exercise continu'd ; in which manner , likewise they told me , they learnt to read and write without spoiling Paper , Pens , or Ink , which certainly is a prety way . I ask'd them , if they happen'd to forget or be mistaken in any part of the lesson , who corrected and taught them , they being all Scholars without the assistance of any Master ; they answer'd me , and said true , that it was not possible for all four of them to forget or mistake in the same part , and that they thus exercis'd together , to the end , that if one happen'd to be out , the others might correct him . Indeed a prety , easie , and secure way of learning . Having seen this Curiosity , and our baggage being laden , we all set forth after the Ambassador , and Vitulà Sinay set out together with us . We travell'd first East-ward , then South-ward , but many times I could not observe which way our course tended ; we went upon the ridge of a Hill , and through uneven wayes , sometimes ascending , and sometimes descending , but always in the middle of great thick Groves full of Grass and running water , no less delightful then the former Fields . A little more then half a League from the Fort , we found a Meschita of the Moors , built upon the way with a Lake or Receptacle of water , but not very well contriv'd by the Captain of the said Fort , which his King had allow'd him to make as a great favour ; for the Gentiles are not wont to suffer in their Countries Temples of other Religions . Here we found our Ambassador , who stay'd for us ; and we tarry'd likewise here above an hour in expectation of our baggage , much of which was still behind . At length continuing our journey , and having rested a good while in another place , night came upon us in the midst of a Wood , so shady , that although we had very clear Moon-light , yet we were fain to light Torches , otherwise we could not see our way . The Torches us'd in India are not like ours , but made of metal in form of those wherewith the Infernal Furies are painted , the fire of which is fed with Bitumen , and other dry materials which are put into the mouth or hollow at the top , into which also they frequently powre a combustible liquor , which the Man that holds the Torch carries in his other hand in a metalline bottle , with a long slender neck very fit for that purpose ; for when he is minded to recruit the flame , he distills a little liquor into it , the length of the neck securing his hand from hurt . By the light of these Torches we travell'd a great part of the night . At length being unable to overtake the Horses which were led before , and the baggage being behind , for fear of losing our way , we stay'd under a great Tree , where some in Palanchinoes , and others upon the ground , spent this night inconveniently and supper-less , having nothing else to eat but a little Bread , which we toasted at the fire , that we might eat it hot ; and with the same fire which we kindled , we allay'd the coldness of the night , which in the top of these Indian Mountains is very cold in regard of their height ; yet it was not sharper to us this night , then it uses to be at Rome in the beginning of September , even in temperate years . November the third , As soon as it was day we follow'd our way , and in a short time came to a Village of four Cottages , call'd Tumbrè , where the Horses were lodg'd , and we also stay'd till the baggage came up , which was much later then we ; and we stay'd the longer to rest the people that travell'd on foot : for all the servants , and I know not how many Musketiers , which our Ambassador carried with him , were on foot . Vitulà Sinay lay there likewise this night , but was gone before we came thither . From Garicota to Tumbrè , is about a League and half ; for in this Country they measure the way by Gaù's , and every Gaù is about two Leagues , and they said that from Garicota to Tumbrè , was not one Gaù . When we arriv'd at this Town , we found the pavements of the Cottages were vernish'd over with Cow-dung mix'd with water . A custom of the Gentiles in the places where they are wont to eat , as I have formerly observ'd . I took it for a superstitious Rite of Religion ; but I since better understand that it is us'd onely for elegancy and ornament , because not using , or not knowing how to make such strong and lasting pavements as ours , theirs being made sleightly of Earth and so easily spoyl'd , therefore when they are minded to have them plain , smooth , and firm , they smear the same over with Cow-dung temper'd with water , in case it be not liquid , ( for if it be , there needs no water ) and plaining it either with their hands or some other instrument , and so make it smooth , bright , strong , and of a fine green colour , the Cows whose dung they use , never eating any thing but Grass ; and it hath one convenience , that this polishing is presently made , soon dry , endures walking , or any thing else to be done upon it ; and the Houses wherein we lodg'd , we found were preparing thus at our coming , and were presently dry enough for our use . Indeed it is a prety Curiosity , and I intend to cause tryal to be made of it in Italy , and the rather because they say for certain , that the Houses whose pavements are thus stercorated , are good against the Plague ; which is no despicable advantage . Onely it hath this evil , that its handsomness and politeness lasteth not , but requires frequent renovation , and he that would have it handsome , must renew it every eight or ten days ; yet being a thing so easie to be done , and of so little charge , it matters not for a little trouble which every poor person knows how 's to dispatch . The Portugals use it in their Houses at Goa , and other places of India ; and , in brief , 't is certain that it is no superstitious custom , but onely for neatness and ornament ; and therefore 't is no wonder that the Gentiles use it often , and perhaps , every day in places where they eat , which above all the rest are to be very neat . 'T is true , they make a Religious Rite of not eating in any place where people of another Sect or Race , ( in their opinion , unclean ) hath eaten , unless they first repolish the same with Cow-dung , which is a kind of Purification ; as we do by washing it with water , and whitening the wall , ( not as a Religious Rite , but through Custom ) in Chambers where any one ha's dy'd . I said , where people not onely of different Religion , but also of impure Race have eaten ; because the Gentiles are very rigorous and superstitious among themselves , for a noble Race not to hold Commerce of eating with others more base ; yea , in one and the same Race , ( as in that of the Brachmans which is the noblest ) some Brachmans , ( as the Panditi , or Boti , who are held in great esteem amongst them ) will not eat in the Company , or so much as in the House of a Brachmans , Sinay , or Naieke , and other Nobles , who eat Fish , and are call'd by the general name Mazari , and much less esteem'd then those who eat none ; yet the Brachmans , Sinay , or Naieke , or other species of Mazari , who are inferior , eat in the House of a Pandito , or Boto , without being contaminated , but rather account it an honor . After dinner , we departed from Tumbre , travelling through unequal wayes and lands like the former , but rather descending then otherwise ; we rested once , a while under a Tree , to stay for the baggage , and then proceeding again at almost six a clock after noon , we came to the side of a River called Barenghì , which in that place runs from West to East , and is not fordable , although narrow , but requires a boat to pass it . On the Southern bank , on which we came , were four Cottages , where we took up our station that Night , enjoying the cool , the shadow , and the sight of a very goodly Wood which cloaths the River sides with green ; but above all where we lodg'd , on either side the way , were such large and goodly Trees , such spacious places underneath for shade , and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high , that indeed , I never saw in my dayes a fairer natural Grove ; amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù , or very large Indian Canes , twin'd about to the top with prety Herbs . The journey of this day was three Cos , or a League and half . This River , they say , is one of those which goes to Garsopà . Vitulà Sinay we found not here , because he was gone before . November the fourth ▪ We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River ; but because there was but one , and that a small boat , it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over ; then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven wayes like the former , we found many Trees of Myrobalanes , such as are brought into Italy preserv'd in Sugar . It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabick , by me formerly describ'd ; different onely in this , that in that of Gum Arabick , the branch consisting of many leaves , is much less , round or oval , and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones : But in this Myrobalane Tree , the branch is sufficiently long , and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side , are somewhat larger ; nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabick . The fruit is round , hard , of a yellowish green , smooth , shining , of little pulp , but a great stone , almost round and furrow'd with six circular lines . Being raw it hath an acid and astringent , but , in my judgment , no pleasant taste ; but preserv'd , becomes good . They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler . Having rested many times upon the way , and in all travell'd two Leagues , we ended this day's journey in the onely considerable and populous Town we had hitherto met , which is call'd Ahinelì . We lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols , which had two Porches , one within , the other without , both low after their manner , with very large Pent-houses strengthened with great Posts ; the Pavement rais'd high and dung'd , but not lately ; the walls white , sprinkled in the corners and ends , with a sort of Rose-Oyle , ill colour'd ; for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures . The Idol was call'd Virenà Deurù , the latter of which words signifies God , or rather Lord , being attributed also to Men of quality ; he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him ; of what figure he was I could not see well , by reason of the darkness , but they told me 't was a Man : In the body of the Temple , were many other wooden Statues of less Idols , plac'd about in several places , as 't were for ornament ; some of which were figures of their Gods , others not of Gods , but for ornament , of several shapes . Many of these figures represented dishonest actions . One was of a Woman , lifting up her cloths before , and shewing that which Modesty oblig'd her to cover : Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing , the Man holding his Hand on the Womans Breasts : Another had a Man and a Woman naked , with their Hands at one another's shameful parts , those of the Man being of excessive greatness , and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple . But these were not figures of Gods. Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads , and three Arms on a side , sitting astride a Peacock , which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà , that is , the Peacock of Brahmà ; another God was call'd Naraina , with four Arms on a side : Another with an Elephant's Head , and two Hands to an Arm , whom they call Ganesù , and others Bacra-tundo , that is , Round-mouth ; for one and the same God hath divers names : Another call'd Fuenà , had the shape of a Man , holding a naked Sword in his right Hand , and a Buckler in his left : Another had a Man under his Feet , upon whose Head he trampled ; and so , many others of various sorts . I observ'd that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head , high , with many picks or peaks , all ending in one long peak , a strange and majestical Diadem not us'd now in India ; it might have been of wreath'd Linnen , or Gold , or other solid matter ; wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient covering , at this day dis-us'd ; unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity , which I rather think , because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Aegyptian Statues , and , if I forget not , they were call'd Tutuli , and the Idols of Tutulati , as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints , or , as some make it , three Crowns one upon another , like the Regno , or Pontifical Crown of our Pope . In the middle of the Temple was another darker inclosure , wherein stood fastned in the ground certain slender staves , with others cross them in two rows , making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form ; and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon , at more solemn d●yes and hours . A Barber whom we had with us , an Indian - Gentile , but a Native of the Country of Adil-Sciàh , who was nam'd Deugì , and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue , could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple , when I ask'd him ; because , he said , they were not things of his Country , where they had other things and Gods , and that every Country had particular ones of their own . Within the circuit of this Temple , but on one side of the Court as you go in , were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple , two of which were empty , perhaps not yet well accommodated , but in the other was an Idol of an Ox , which our Barber knew , and said was also of his Country , and that they call it Basuanà ; it was half lying , or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect ; like which Ox , or Basuanà , stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tribunal of the Idol Virenà , as if it stood there for his guard . In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple , striking it with a staff ; and it made a tolerable sound , as if it had been a good Bell : at which sound , some from without assembling together , they begin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums , and two Pipes or Flutes of metal ; after which many Tapers being lighted , particularly , at the Steccato above-mention'd , and put in order a little quilt , with a Canopy of rich Stuff , which is alwayes ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol , they put the principal Idol Virenà into it , not that of ordinary wood in the middle of the Temple , but the other at the upper end , which was of the same bigness , about two spans round between the figure and ornaments about it , but all painted with various colours , gilded and deck'd with white Flowers . Then one of the Ministers march'd first sounding a Bell continually as he went , and after him others , and at length two with lighted Tapers , after which followed the Idol in his Canopy , with a Minister before him carrying a Vessel of Perfumes , which he burnt ; and thus they carry'd him in Procession : First , into the Court without the Temple , going out of it on the left Hand , as you enter , which to them as they came forth was the right , and returning by the other opposite . After which going out of the Gate of the Court into the street , they went in the same manner in Procession , ( still sounding their Bells ) I know not whither , but 't is likely they went to some other Temple to perform some kind of Ceremony ; for in the Town there was more then one . Being at length return'd , and the Procession re-entring the Court with a great train of Men and Women of the Town , they went thrice about the inside of the Court , as they had done once before they went out : But in these three Circumgyrations they observ'd this Order , that the first time they walk'd as they had done in the street ; the second , more leisurely , and those that sounded the Flutes , left off , and sounded another kind of shriller and sweeter Pipe ; the third time , they walk'd more slowly then before , and leaving off the second Pipes , sounded others of a far lower note . Which being done , those that carry'd and accompany'd the Canopy of the Idol , stood still in the entrance of the Temple right against the Upper End , and one of the Priests or Ministers standing at the Upper End directly opposite to the Idol , ( who was held standing on his Feet by help of one of the Minister's Hands , who for that purpose went alwayes on one side near him ; ) began to salute the Idol a far off with a dim Taper in his Hand , making a great circle with the same from on high downwards , and from below upwards , directly over against the Idol , which he repeated several times ; and in the end of the circles , which were always terminated in the lower part , he describ'd a strait line from one side to the opposite , and that where the circle began ; nor did he seem to me always to begin the circles on the same part , but sometimes on the right , and sometimes on the left , with what Order I know not . This being done within , the same Priest came to the Entrance where the Idol stood , passing directly through the midst of the Palisado of Lights , ( through which , I believe , that for others , and another time , it is not lawful to pass ; because out of these Ceremonies when any one enter'd to perform other Services , I saw him always go without the Palisado on the sides ) coming along , I say , sounding a Bell , and being follow'd by a Boy who carry'd a Basin of water with Santalus , or Sanders after him , ( the same wherewith , I conceive , they are wont to paint their fore-heads ) and also with Drums and Flutes sounding all the while ; he went in this manner three times round the Idol , beginning his circuits from the left side . When he had thus done , standing on the same side of the Idol where he began , and laying aside his Bell , he offer'd the Basin of water to the Idol , and dipping one Finger in it , lay'd the same upon the Idol's Fore-head , or thereabouts ; and if I was not mistaken , taking a little in his Hand , he also dy'd himself and the other Minister who upheld the Idol on the Fore-head therewith , after which he went to powre the remainder of the water in the Basin upon the ground without the Temple , but within the inclosure or Court. Then he took a wax-Candle , and therewith describ'd within the Palanchino or Carriage before the Idol many circles with lines at the end ; and putting out the Candle , took the Idol out of the Palanchino , and carrying it through the rail'd Steccado in the middle of the Torches , plac'd it on its Tribunal at the Upper End where it usually stands . In the mean time one of the Ministers distributed to all the by-standers a little quantity of certain Fitches mingled with small slices of Indian Nut , which , I conceive , had been offer'd to the Idol ; and they took and eat the same with signes of Devotion and Reverence . He offer'd some likewise to our people , and there wanted not such as took them ; the Drums and Fifes sounding in the mean time : which at length ceasing , and the Candles being put out , the Ceremonies ended , and the people return'd to their Houses . Such Men as were not Officers of the Temple , assisted at these Ceremonies in the first entrance , where we also stood : but the Women stood more within in the body of the Temple , where the rows of lights were . For the better understanding of all which description , I shall here delineate the Plat-form of the Temple with its inclosure and Porches , as well as I could do it by the Eye without measuring it . The Plat-form of an Indian Temple . 1. The Street . 2. The Stairs of the Entrance . 3. An high Wall of Earth before the Outer Porch . 4. The Outward Porch with an high Earthen Floor . 5. Two small Idols in two Nieches on the out side of the ends of the Porch . 6. The Gate , level with the Earthen Wall. 7. The Inner Porch with an Earthen Floor higher then that of the Gate , the Wall , and the Outer Porch . 8. A Void Space between the Porch and the Temple . 9. Part of the First Entrance of the Temple , lower then the plane of the Gate and the said Void Space . 10. Part of the same , but one Step higher . 11. The said Step , dividing the first Entrance in the middle . 12. The body of the Temple , situate between the first Entrance and the Penetrale or Chancel , the pricks denoting the rows of Torches . 13. A little door to go out at . 14. The Penetrale or Chancel , where the Oval denotes the Statue of Boue or Basuanà upon the ground . 15. The Inmost part of the Chancel , where the Idol Virenà stands . 16. A high Earthen Wall encompassing the Temple , 17. Three little Cells ; in the first of which , the Oval represents the Statue of Boue or Basuanà . 18. An open square-Court or Inclosure surrounding the Temple which stands in the middle of it . 19. The Walls thereof . 20. The Houses of such Men and Women as keep the Temple . The same Evening was brought to our Ambassador a Letter from Vitulà Sinay , who writ , that arriving at the Cour on Fryday before , he had spoken with his King , who being well pleas'd with the Ambassador's coming , had prepar'd the same house for him , wherein the King of Belighì was wont to lodge when he was at his Court ; and that he would make him a very honorable Reception ; that therefore as soon as we arriv'd at the Town Ahinalà , ( where we now were ) the Ambassador should send him notice ; which was accordingly done , by dispatching the Messenger presently back again ; and we waited for his return . November the fifth , At day-break the Ministers of the Temple where we lodg'd , sounded Pipes and Drums for a good while in the Temple , without other Ceremony . The like they did again about Noon , and at Evening ; but at night they made the same Procession with the Idol , and the same Ceremonies which are above describ'd . This day came to the Town a Captain from the King with many attendants , and having visited the Ambassador , took divers of those Idols which stood in the first Entrance , and carry'd them away with him to be new made , because some were old and broken . Late in the night came another Letter from Vitulà Sinay , which signifi'd to us that we should move forwards to a Town very near the Court call'd Badrapòr , where some persons from the King were to meet us , and accompany us to the Court ; although the Ambassador had writ to him before , that he car'd not for being accompany'd at his Entrance , but onely when he should go to see the King. I style him King , because the Portugals themselves and the Indians do so ; although in truth Venk-tapà Naieka , not onely because his Predecessors were a few years ago Vassals and simple Naieka's ( that is , feudatory Princes , or rather Provincial Governours ) under the King of Vidianugher ; and though at this day he reign he absolutly by Usurpation , is in effect no other then a Rebel ; and God knows how long his House will abide in greatness ; but also much more by reason of the smalness of his Territory , ( though it be great , in respect of other Indian Gentile-Princes ) deserves not the Appellation of King ; and the less , because he pays Tribute to Idal-Sciàh , who although a greater Prince , is but small neither for a King , and payes Tribute to the Moghol . In short , Venk-tapà Naieka , although now absolute , should , in my opinion , be called a Royolet rather then a King : But the Portugals , to magnifie their affairs in India , or else to honor the persons that rule there , ( which is not displeasing in Spain , and the Court of the Catholick King , who is of the same humor ) give the Title of King to all these petty Indian Princes , many of whom have smaller Dominions then a small feudatory Marquis in our Countries ; and ( which is worse ) that of Emperor to some , as to him of Japan , of Aethiopia , and of Calicut , who is very inconsiderable ; the quondam-Prince of Vidianagher , or Bisnagà , ( as they speak ) having in a strange and unusual manner multiply'd the number of Emperors , beyond what the fabulous books of Knights Errant have done : Albeit , in truth , there was never found but one Emperor in the world , the Roman Caesar , who , at this day , retains rather the name then the substance , in Germany . November the sixth , Two hours before noon we went from Ahinalà , and having travell'd through a Country like the former , but plain , about noon we came to the Town Badra ; where ▪ according as Vitulà Sinay had writ to us , we thought to lodge that night , and accordingly had lay'd down our baggage , and withdrawn to a place to rest ; but after two hours being there , we found our selves surrounded by abundance of people , ( for 't is a large Town , and they go almost all arm'd ) who out of curiosity came to see us ; whereupon the Ambassador , either having receiv'd an Answer from Vitulà Sinay , or not caring for a pompous entrance , rais'd us all again ; and after a small journey further we arriv'd at Ikkerì , which is the Royal City of Venk-tapà Naieka where he holds his Court ; having travell'd since morning from Ahinalà to Ikkerì but two Leagues . This City is seated in a goodly Plain , and , as we enter'd , we pass'd through three Gates with Forts and Ditches , but small , and consequently , three Inclosures ; the two first of which were not Walls , but made of very high Indian Canes , very thick and close planted in stead of a Wall , and are strong against Foot and Horse in any , hard to cut , and not in danger of fire ; besides , that the Herbs which creep upon them , together with themselves , make a fair and great verdure , and much shadow . The other Inclosure is a Wall , but weak and inconsiderable : But having pass'd these three , we pass'd all . Some say , there are others within , belonging to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is ; for Ikkerì is of good largeness , but the Houses stand thin and are ill built , especially without the third Inclosure ; and most of the situation is taken up in great and long streets , some of them shadow'd with high and very goodly Trees growing in Lakes of Water , of which , there are many large ones , besides Fields set full of Trees , like Groves , so that it seems to consist of a City , Lakes , Fields , and Woods mingled together , and makes a very delightful sight . We were lodg'd in the House , as they said , wherein the King of Belighì lodg'd ; I know not whether Kinsman , Friend , or Vassal to Venk-tapà Naieka , but probably one of the above-mention'd Royolets ; and to go to this House we went out of the third Inclosure , passing through the inmost part of the City by another Gate opposite to that by which we enter'd . The House indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan would scarce have dwelt in , having very few , and those small and dark Rooms , which scarce afforded light enough to read a Letter ; they build them so dark , as a remedy for the great heat of Summer . However , this must needs have been one of the best , since it was assign'd to the said King first , and now to our Ambassador ; although as we pass'd through the midst of the City I observ'd some that made a much better shew . At night they brought the Ambassador a couple of bed-steads to sleep upon , and some stools for our use , some of them made of Canes intervoven , instead of coverings of Leather or Cloth , being much us'd in Goa and other places of India ; but some others were cover'd with Leather . November the seventh , Vitulà Sinay came in the morning to visit our Ambassador , and in his King's Name brought him a Present of Sugar-Canes , Fruits , Sugar , and other things to eat , but not any Animal ; and , if I was not misinform'd , ( for I was not present ) he excus'd his Kings not sending him Sheep or other Animals to eat , by saying , that he was of a Lingavant or Noble Race , who neither eat nor kill any Creatures ; as if he should have sin'd and defil'd himself , by sending any to the Ambassador who would have eaten them . With this Present he sent a piece of Tapistry , not as a Gift , but onely for the Ambassador to make use of in his House , and it was us'd in such sort that at length it had a hole in it : The Ambassador , as not prizing it , having given it to his Interpreter to sleep upon ; as indeed , he seem'd not very well pleas'd with it or his Donatives ; for , speaking of the Reception which Venk-tapà Naieka made him , he would often say , ( according to the natural and general custom of his Nation ) ; Let him do me less honour , and give me something more , and it will be better . However , I believe Venk-tapà Naieka , who is not liberal , will abound more in Courtesie to the Ambassador then in Gifts . Vitulà Sinay said , that the next day the Ambassador should be call'd to Audience three hours after noon ; wherefore Himself and all his Attendants continued undress'd till dinner-time . I knowing the custom of Courts , and that Princes will not wait but be waited for , and that the hours of Audience depend upon their pleasure , not upon his who is to have it , dress'd my self in the morning leisurely , that I might not afterwards confound my self with haste ; and though in such solemnities others cloth'd themselves in colours , and with ornaments of Gold , yet I put on onely plain black Silk as mourning for my Wife . Before we had din'd , and whilst we were at Table , they came to call us in haste to Audience , saying , that Vitulà Sinay and other great Persons were come to conduct us to the King. The Ambassador finding himself unready and surpris'd , was forc'd to desire them not to come yet , making an excuse that we were still at dinner ; and , the Table being taken away , he and all the rest retir'd to dress themselves in great confusion ; and greater there was in getting the Horses sadled , preparing the Presents which were to be carry'd , and providing other necessary things in haste , for nothing was ready ; but the Ambassador and all his Servants were in a great hurry and confusion , calling for this and the other thing , which seem'd to me not to have too much of the Courtier . The persons who came to fetch us , stay'd a good while without , but at length were brought into the Porch of the House , that is , into the first Entrance within the Court , where Visits are receiv'd ; without seeing the Ambassador or any of his Attendants , who were all employ'd in the above-said confusion , at a good part of which these persons were present . The Pomp proceeded in this manner : Many Horsemen went formost , who were follow'd by divers Foot arm'd with Pikes and other weapons , some of them brandishing the same as they went along ; then march'd certain Musketiers with Drums , Trumpets , Pikes , and Cornets sounding ; these cloth'd all in one colour after the Portugal manner , but with coarse stuff of small value ; and amongst them rode a servant of the Ambassador's , better clad after their fashion , as Captain of the Guard. Then follow'd the Ambassador in the middle between Vitulà Sinay and Musè Bài ; and after him we of his retinue , to wit , the Chaplain , Sig : Consalvo Carvaglio , Sig : Francesco Montegro , who liv'd at Barcelòr , and whom we found at Ikkerì about some affairs of his own ; but because he wanted a horse , he appear'd not in the Cavalcade . After us came some other Horse-men ; but , in summ , there was but few people , a small shew , and little gallantry ; demonstrative signes of the smallness of this Court and the Prince . In this manner we rode to the Palace which stands in a Fort or Citadel of good largeness , incompass'd with a great Ditch , and certain ill built bastions . At the entrance we found two very long but narrow Bulwarks . Within the Citadel are many Houses , and shops also in several streets ; for we pass'd through two Gates , at both which there stood Guards , and all the distance between them was an inhabited street . We went through these two Gates on Horse-back , which , I believe , was a priviledge , for few did so besides our selves , namely , such onely as entred where the King was ; the rest either remaining on Horse-back at the first Gate , or alighting at the Entrance of the second . A third Gate also we enter'd , but on Foot , and came into a kind of Court , about which were sitting in Porches many prime Courtiers , and other persons of quality . Then we came to a fourth Gate guarded with Souldiers , into which onely we Franchi or Christians , and some few others of the Country were suffer'd to enter ; and we presently found the King , who was seated in a kind of Porch on the opposite side of a small Court , upon a Pavement somewhat rais'd from the Earth , cover'd with a Canopy like a square Tent , but made of boords and gilded . The Floor was cover'd with a piece of Tapistry something old , and the King sat after the manner of the East upon a little Quilt on the out-side of the Tent , leaning upon one of the pillars which up-held it on the right hand , having at his back two great Cushions of fine white Silk . Before him lay his Sword , adorn'd with Silver , and a little on one side almost in the middle of the Tent , was a small eight-corner'd Stand , painted and gilded , either to write upon , or else to hold some thing or other of his . On the right hand , and behind the King , stood divers Courtiers , one of which continually wav'd a white fan made of fine linnen , as if to drive away the flies from the King. Besides the King , there was but one person sitting , and he the principal Favorite of the Court , call'd Putapaià , and he sat at a good distance from him on the right hand near the wall . As soon as we saw the King afar off , the Ambassador and we pull'd off our Hats , and saluted him after our manner ; he seem'd not to stir at all ; but when we approach'd nearer , the Ambassador was made to sit down within the Tent at a good distance from the King near the wall , as Putapaià sate , but on the left side , at which we enter'd . The rest of us stood a good while before the Tent , on the left side also . Vitulà Sinay approach'd to a Pillar opposite to that on which the King lean'd , and there serv'd as Interpreter , sometimes speaking with the King , and sometimes with the Ambassador . Musè Baì stood also on our side , but distant from the King , and near one of the Pillars of the Porch . The King 's first words were concerning the Health of the King of Spain and the Vice-Roy ; and then the Ambassador subjoyn'd the causes of his coming , namely , to visit him , and continue the Amity which his Highness held with that State of the Portugals , ( who use that style to these Indian Kings , as they did also to their King of Portugal when they had one , whence this custom first arose , and is still continu'd ; although now when they name their King of Spain , so much a greater Lord then the King of Portuagl , they use not the term Highness , but Majesty , after the manner of Europe . ) The Ambassador added that in token of this Amity , the Vice-Roy sent him that Present , not as any great matter , but as a small acknowledgment ; That their King had sent him a considerable Present from Spain , which his Highness knew was lost at Sea ; That yet by the Ships which were coming this year he should receive another , as he might see in the Vice-Roy's Letter which he presented to him . And hereupon the Ambassador arising from his Seat , went to present the same to him almost kneeling upon one knee ; and he without moving a whit , took it and gave it to Vitulà Sinay , who gave it to another , probably , the principal Secretary , without reading or opening it . The Ambassador had brought a Letter to him likewise written in the King of Spain's Name , but did not present it now ; because the Portugals say , that the first time of going to Audience , they are onely to make a Visit , and not to treat of business . Then they drew forth the Present before the King , which was some pieces of cloth , within one of those wooden gilt boxes which are us'd in India ; a Lance of the Moorish shape , to wit , long and smooth like a Pike , the point of Iron gilt , and the foot embellish'd with Silver , a gallant Target , and the Horse above-mention'd cover'd with a silken Horse-cloth ; which Horse was brought into the Court where the King sate . After he had receiv'd and view'd the Present , and taken the Iron of the Lance in his hand , which the Ambassador said was of Portugal ; they caus'd the rest of us to sit down near the outer wall of the Porch on the left side , upon a rough Carpet strip'd with white and blew , ( of that sort which the Turks and Persians call Kielim ) spread upon the pavement of the Porch . The Ambassador , although he sate , yet never put on his Hat before the King , ( for so the Portugal Nobles are wont to do before the Vice-Roy , namely , to sit , but not to be cover'd ) nor did the King speak to him to cover himself , but let him continue uncover'd ; wherein , to my thinking , he committed an error ; for going as he did in the name of the State , which amongst them is as much as to go in the King of Spain's Name ; why should he not be cover'd before so small a Prince ? And the error seem'd the greater , because he was the first that went Ambassador to Venk-tapà Naieka in the name of the State ; and consequently , hath made an ill president to such as shall come after him . And in introducing such prejudicial customs , a publick Minister should have his eyes well open : but the truth is , the Portugals of India understand little , are little Courtiers , and less Polititians , how exquisite soever they be accounted here , as this Sig : Gio : Fernandez is esteem'd one of the most accomplish'd , and , I believe , not undeservedly . At night , I could not forbear to advertise some of his Country-men hereof in a handsome way , it not seeming fit for me , a stranger and the younger man , to offer to give him a Lesson . However , he never put on his Hat , and Civility oblig'd us to the same forbearance ; but indeed , it was too much obsequiousness for such a Prince ; as also for the Ambassador to tell him of the other times that he had been privately at that Court , and kiss'd his Highnesse's Feet ; with other like words little becomming an Ambassador . Nevertheless he spoke them , professing himself much the servant of Ven-tapà Naieka , out of hope that he , as Vitulà Sinay had promis'd him at Goa , would write to the King of Spain in his favor , by which means he should have some remuneration . Indeed , the Portugals have nothing else in their Heads but Interest , and therefore their Government goes as it does . As we sate down , ( being four of us that did so , besides the Ambassador , to wit , the Chaplain , Caravaglio , Montegro , and my self ) I handsomely took the last place ; because knowing the nature of the Portugals , I would not have them think that I a stranger went about to take place and preheminence of them in their solemnities ; and they conformably to their own humor , not onely us'd no Courtesie to me , as well-bred Italians would have done , by saying to me , Amice , ascende superiùs ; but I saw they were greatly pleas'd with my putting my self in the last place , Caravaglio taking the first , the Chaplain the second , and Montegro the third . I , little caring for this , or for shewing and making my self known in the Court of Venk-tapà Naieka , laugh'd within my self at their manners , and with the observation recreated my Curiosity , which alone had brought me into these parts . The King's discourse to the Ambassador was distended to divers things , and , as he was speaking , he frequently chaw'd leavs of Betle , which a Courtier reach'd to him now and then , and , when he was minded out a lump of the masticated leaves , another held a kind of great Cup to his Mouth , for him to spit into . The King ask'd concerning the slowness of the Ships this year , as that which disgusted him , in regard of the Money they were to bring him for Pepper . He inquir'd of several things of India , and desir'd to know some kind of News . The Ambassador told him all the News we had at Onòr , which were uncertain , being onely the Relations of some vulgar persons , and therefore , in my judgement , too immaturely utter'd ; affirming , for certain , the coming of the Fleet with a great Army , the Alliance between Spain and England , the passage of the Prince of England into Spain ; and moreover , ( Good God! ) the reduction of all England to the Catholick Faith by the publick command of that King , with other such levities usual to the Portugals , who are very ignorant of the affairs of the world and of State. The King further spoke long concerning things transacted with him in the War of Banghel , particularly , of the Peace that concluded it ; for which , probably , being disadvantageous to the Portugals , he said , ●e heard that many blam'd him the Ambassador , who negotiated it with his Ministers ; and that they not onely blam'd him for it , but said , he would be punish'd by the King of Spain , who was offended with it ; whereat being sorry , as his Friend , he had sent several times to Goa to inquire tidings concerning him . The Ambassador answer'd , that 't was true , there had been such accusations against him and greater , some alledging that his Highness had brib'd him ; but that they were the words of malevolent persons , which he had always laugh'd at , knowing he had done his duty , and onely what the Vice-Roy had appointed him ; and that in Spain they give credit to the informations of the Vice-Roy , and not to the talk of others , as well appear'd by the event . Venk-tapà proceeded to say , that that Peace was very well made for the Portugals , and that much good had follow'd upon it ; intimating that they would have made it with disadvantage , if it had not been concluded in that manner as he concluded it : As if he would have said , It had been ill for the Portugals , with manifest signes of a mind insulting over them , and that the business of Banghel was no more to be treated of . Then he ask'd the Ambassador , How old he was ? How many Children he had ? Putting him in mind of his using to come , when a very Youth , to Ikkerì with his Father to bring Horses , and shewing himself very friendly to him . Nor did the Ambassadar lose the occasion of desiring him that he would favor him with his Letters to the King of Spain , pretending to hope for much upon account of them ; a thing which I should not commend in an Ambassador , because he may thereby come to be thought by his natural Prince too partial to , and too intimate with , the Prince with whom he treats ; and also by this means disparages himself , as if he need to beg the mediation of foreign Princes to his natural Lord , and of such Princes too with whom he negotiates in behalf of his own ; which by no means seems handsome . Then Venk-tapà Naieka inquir'd concerning the rest of us , and Vitulà Sinay answer'd his Questions ; telling him of me , that I was a Roman , and that I travell'd over so great a part of the World out of Curiosity , and that I writ down what I saw ; with other things of the same nature . Venk-tapà Naieka ask'd me , Whether I understood the Language of the Moors ? I answer'd that I did , together with the Turkish and Persian ; but I mention'd not the Arabick , because I have it not so ready as the other two , to be able to make use of it before every body . He seem'd sufficiently pleas'd in seeing me , and understanding that I was born at Rome , and came thither so great a Traveller ; highly esteeming the ancient fame of Rome and the Empire , and its new Grandeur and Pontificate of the Christians . These and other Discourses , which I omit for brevity , lasting for some time , he caus'd to be brought to him a piece of Silk embroider'd with Gold , such as the Indians wear cross their shoulders , but with us may serve to cover a Table or such like use ; and calling the Ambassador before him , whither we accompany'd him , gave it to him , and caus'd it to be put upon his shoulders ; whereupon we were dismiss'd , and so going out to Horse again , we were reconducted home with the same solemnity and company . After this , as we were walking through the City late in the Evening without the Ambassador , we saw going along the streets several companies of young girls well cloth'd after their manner , namely , with some of the above-mention'd wrought and figur'd Silk from the girdle downwards ; and from thence upward either naked , or else with very pure linnen , either of one colour , or strip'd and wrought with several , besides a scarf of the same work cast over the shoulder . Their heads were deck'd with yellow and white flowers form'd into a high and large Diadem , with some sticking out like Sun-beams , and others twisted together and hanging down in several fashions ; which made a prety sight . All of them carry'd in each hand a little round painted Stick , about a span long or little more , which striking together after a musical measure , besides the sounds of Drums and other instruments , one of the skilfullest of the company sung one verse of a song at once , at the end of which they all reply'd seven or eight times in number of their meter this word , Colè , Colè , Colè , which I know not what it signifies , but , I believe , 't is a word of joy . Singing in this manner , they went along the street eight or ten together , being either friends or neighbours , follow'd by many other women , not dress'd in the same fashion , but who were either their Mothers or their Kins-women . I imagin'd it was for some extraordinary Festival , and I was willing to have follow'd them to see whither they went , and what they did ; but being in the company of others , I could not handsomely do it , nor had my Companions the same Curiosity , as indeed the Portugals are not at all curious . I understood afterwards that they went to the Piazza of the great Temple , which is moderately large , and there danc'd in circles , singing their songs till it was late ; and that this was a Festival , which they keep three dayes together at the end of a certain Fast in Honor of Gaurì , one of their Goddesses , Wife of Mohedaca ; and therefore 't is celebrated by girls . November the ninth , Walking about the City , I saw a beam rais'd a good height , where , in certain of their Holy-dayes some devout people are wont to hang themselves by the flesh upon hooks fastned to the top of it , and remain a good while so hanging , the blood running down in the mean time , and they flourishing their Sword and Buckler in the Air , and singing verses in Honor of their Gods. Moreover , in a close place opposite to the Temple , I saw one of those very great Carrs , or Charriots , wherein upon certain Feasts they carry their Idols in Procession , with many people besides , and Dancing-women , who play on musical instruments , sing , and dance . The four wheels of this Carr were fourteen of my spans in diameter , and the wood of the sides was one span thick . At the end of it were two great wooden Statues , painted with natural colours ; one of a Man , the other of a Woman naked , in dishonest postures ; and upon the Carr , which was very high , was room for abundance of people to stand ; and , in brief , it was so large that scarce any but the widest streets in Rome , as Strada , Giulia , or Babuino , would be capable for it to pass in . I saw also certain Indian Fryers , whom in their Language they call Giangàma , and perhaps , are the same with the Sages seen by me elsewhere ; but they have Wives , and go with their faces smear'd with ashes , yet not naked , but clad in certain extravagant habits , and a kind of picked hood or cowl upon their heads of dy'd linnen , of that colour which is generally us'd amongst them , namely , a reddish brick-colour , with many bracelets upon their arms and legs , fill'd with something within , that makes a jangling as they walk . But the pretiest and oddest thing was , to see certain Souldiers on Horse-back , and considerable Captains too , as I was inform'd , who for ornament of their Horses wore hanging behind the saddle-bow two very large tassels of certain white , long , and fine skins , ( they told me they were the tails of certain wild Oxen found in India , and highly esteem'd ) which tassels were about two yards in compass , and so long as to reach from the saddle-bow to the ground ; two , I say , hung behind the saddle-bow , and two before of equal height , and two others higher at the head stall ; so that there were six in all : between which the Horse-man was seen upon the saddle half naked , and riding upon a Horse which leap'd and curvetted all the way ; by which motion those six great tassels of skin , being very light and not at all troublesome , but flying up and down , seem'd so many great wings ; which indeed was a prety odd spectacle , and made me think I saw so many Bellerophons upon severall Pegasus's . The same Evening I saw the companies of girls again , and following them I found that they did not go into the Piazza of the Temple , as they had done the two nights before , but into one of the King's Gardens , which for this purpose stood open for every body , and is nothing but a great field planted confusedly with shady and fruit-Trees , Sugar Canes , and other Garden plants . Hither almost the whole City flock'd , Men and Women , and all the companies of the flower'd Virgins , who putting themselves into circles , here and there danc'd and sung ; yet their dancing was nothing else but an easie walking round , their snappers alwayes sounding ; onely sometimes they would stretch forth their legs , and now and then cowre down as if they were going to sit , one constantly singing , and the rest repeating the word Colè , Colè . There wanted not other Donne ballatrici , Dancing-women , who exceeded the former in skill and dexterity : But in conclusion , they gather'd into several companies to supper , with the other Women that accompany'd them ; so did the Men also , some with their Wives , and some alone , of which there wanted not who invited us , not to eat with them ( for they communicate not with strangers at the Table ) but to take some of their fare ; which we thank'd them for , but accepted not , being delighted onely to see them feast so together , dispers'd in several places of the Garden ; this being the night that the Fast ended . The same night a Post from Goa brought the Ambassador a Letter from the Vice-Roy , with another for Vitulà Sinay , and a third from the Captain of Onòr . The Ambassador imparted his intelligence to none , but forbad the Post to let it be known that he had brought Letters ; whence I conceiv'd , that the News was not good , otherwise it would have been presently publish'd ; onely I heard some obscure talk of the Malabarians , but I would not inquire further into the matter , as that which did not belong to me ; especially amongst the Portugals who are very close and reserv'd towards strangers . November the tenth , I saw passing along the street a Nephew of Venk-tapà Naieka , his Sisters Son , a handsome youth , and fair for that Country ; he was one of those that aspire to the succession of this State , and was now returning from the fields without the Town , whither he uses to go every Morning . He is call'd Sedà-Siva Naieka , and was attended with a great number of Souldiers both Horse and Foot marching before him , and behind with many Cavaliers and Captains of quality , himself riding alone with great gravity ; He had before him Drums , Cornets , and every sort of their barbarous instruments : Moreover , both in the Front and in the Rear of the Cavalcade , were , ( I know not whether for magnificence or for guard ) several Elephants carrying their guides upon their backs ; and amongst them was also carried his Palanchino or Litter . November the eleventh , The Ambassador went again to Audience , to present to Venk-tapà Naieka the Letter writ to him in the King of Spain's Name ▪ and declare what that King requir'd of him . He went alone without any of us , or of the Portugals his Companions , either not willing that we should be present at the debating of business , or because he went in a Palanchino , and had his two Horses led before him , but there were neither Palanchino's nor Horses enow in the House for the rest of us . With those that came to fetch him , came also a publick Dancing-woman , who perform'd a prety piece of Agility in his presence ; for standing upon one foot , when the Drums and other instruments sounded , with the other she swiftly turn'd round in the Air a large Iron Ring , about a span in Diametre , without letting it fall off her great Toe , and at the same time with one hand toss'd two Cymbals or brass balls , catching one in her Hand whilst the other was aloft , and so alternately , and very nimbly without ever letting them fall ; which indeed was great dexterity , to be imploy'd at the same time with the foot and the hand , standing firm all the while on the other foot without support , and yet attending to the Musick , and this for a good space together : during which an old Man with a white beard and bald head , who brought her , stood behind her , crying all the while Ahùd , Ahùd , Ahùd , which in their Language signifies as much as Good , Good , Good. The Ambassador return'd quickly from Audience , but made not a word of any thing . The King frequently sent him things to eat ; particularly , fruits out of season , to wit , brought to him from far distant places , amongst which we had Ziacche , ( which I take to be the same with Zátte , which is a kind of Gourd ) a fruit very rare at this time ; and also Indian Melons , which how good soever , are worth nothing at any time , the Climate not being for such fruits . November the twelfth , I took the height of the Sun at Ikkerì , and found the Meridian Altitude 31. degrees . He was now in the 19th degree of Scorpio , and consequently , declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 17. gr . 29′ . 23″ . which substracted from the 31. degrees in which I found the Sun , there remain 13. gr . 30′ . 37″ . and such is the Elevation of the Pole at Ikkerì ; which must be also as many degrees , to wit , 13. gr . 30′ . 37″ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At dinner the Ambassador told us , that the King of Spain's Letter which he had presented the day before to Venk-tapà Naieka concern'd not any business , but was onely of complement , and particularly , to give him much thanks for having of late years refus'd to sell Pepper to the English and Dutch , who had been at his Court to buy it ; and also for the good Amity he held with the Portugals , which he desir'd might encrease every day : That of the affairs of Banghel , or any others , he said nothing , referring all to the Vice-Roy , and the Embassador whom the Vice-Roy had sent to him : Wherewith Venk-tapà Naieka was very well pleas'd , and he had reason ; for during the present State of the Portugals affairs , I certainly think they will not speak a word to him of Banghel , nor of any thing else that may be disgustful to him . The same day the Ambassador had been at Court ; being invited to see solemn Wrastling at the Palace . We did not accompany him , for want of Horses and Palanchinoes ; but at night he told us , Vitulà Sinay ask'd much for me , wishing I had been present at this Wrastling , which was exercis'd by Persons very stout and expert therein ; because he had heard that I writ down what I saw remarkable . However , Caravaglio , Montegro , and my self not going thither , went out of Ikkerì half a League Northwards , to see another new City which Venk-tapà hath begun to build there . 'T is call'd Saghèr , and is already prety well inhabited , with Houses all made of Earth after their manner . The Palace is finish'd , and Venk-tapà frequently goes to it ; as also a Temple built upon a great Artificial Lake , a House for his Nephews and other Grandees , with all conveniencies thereunto , particularly , great Stalls for Elephants , of which he keeps here above eighty ; we saw many of them here , some for War , large and handsome . A Market was kept this day in Saghèr , as 't is the custom every Sunday , and at Ikkerì every Fryday . There was a great concourse of people , but nothing to sell besides necessaries for food and clothing , after their manner . The way between Ikkerì and Saghèr is very handsome , plain , broad , almost totally direct , here and there beset with great and thick Trees which make a shadow and a delightful verdure . As we return'd home at night , we met a Woman in the City of Ikkerì , who , her Husband being dead , was resolv'd to burn her self , as 't is the custom with many Indian Women . She rod on Horse-back about the City with open face , holding a Looking-glasse in one hand , and a Lemon in the other , I know not for what purpose ; and beholding her self in the Glass , with a lamentable tone sufficiently pittiful to hear , went along I know not whither speaking or singing certain words , which I understood not ; but they told me , they were a kind of Farewell to the World and her self ; and indeed , being utter'd with that passionateness which the Case requir'd and might produce , they mov'd pity in all that heard them , even in us who understood not the Language . She was follow'd by many other Women and Men on foot , who , perhaps , were her Relations ; they carry'd a great Umbrella over her , as all Persons of quality in India are wont to have , thereby to keep off the Sun , whose heat is hurtful and troublesome . Before her , certain Drums were sounded , whose noise she never ceas'd to accompany with her sad Ditties or Songs ; yet with a calm and constant Countenance , without tears , evidencing more grief for her Husband's death then her own , and more desire to go to him in the other world than regret for her own departure out of this : A Custom , indeed , cruel and barbarous , but withall , of great generosity and virtue in such Women , and therefore worthy of no small praise . They said , she was to pass in this manner about the City , I know not how many dayes , at the end of which she was to go out of the City and be burnt , with more company and solemnity . If I can know when it will be , I will not fail to go to see her , and by my presence honor her Funeral , with that compassionate affection which so great Conjugal Fidelity and Love seems to me to deserve . November the thirteenth , I took the Altitude of the Sun at Ikkerì , and found it 31. gr . 40′ . The Sun was now in the 20th degree of Scorpio , and declin'd Southwards 17. gr . 45′ , 40″ . which taken from 31. gr . 40′ . leave 13. gr . 54′ , 20″ . The former time , I found Ikkerì to be in 13. gr . 30′ , 31″ ; but now I found it to be in 13. gr . 54′ , 20″ . between which there is onely the difference of 23′ , 43″ , which is a small matter : And therefore I account my observation right ; for the small variation between the two times is no great matter , in regard the declination of the Sun not being punctually known , may cause the difference . At night , walking in the City , I saw in the Piazza of the great Temple ( which I understood was dedicated to an Idol call'd Agore Scuarà , who , they say , is the same with Mahadeù , although they represent him not in the same shape with that I saw of Mahadeù in Cambaia , but in the shape of a Man , with but one Head and Face , and sixteen Arms on each side ( in all thirty two ) ; which is not strange , since our Antients call'd many of their Idols by names sufficiently different , and pourtray'd them in several shapes ; and wherein also I understood there was an Idol of Parvetì , who is the Wife of Mahadeù , though the Temple be not dedicated to her ) : I saw , I say , in the Piazza one of their Fryers or Giangami , clad all in white , sitting in an handsome Palanchino , with two great white Umbrellaes , held over him , one on each side , ( which two were for the more gravity ) and a Horse led behind , being follow'd by a great train of other Giangami , clad in their ordinary habits . Before the Palanchino , march'd a numerous company of Souldiers , and other people , many Drums and Fifes , two strait long Trumpets , and such brass Timbrels as are us'd in Persia , Bells and divers other Instruments , which sounded as loud as possible , and amongst them was a troop of Dancing-women adorn'd with Girdles , Rings upon their Legs , Neck-laces , and other ornaments of Gold , and with certain Pectorals or Breast-plates , almost round , in the fashion of a Shield , and butting out with a sharp ridg before , embroyder'd with Gold , and stuck either with Jewels or some such things which reflected the Sun-beams with marvellous splendor ; as to the rest of their bodies , they were uncover'd , without any Veil or Head-tire . When they came to the Piazza , the Palanchino stood still , and the multitude having made a ring , the Dancing-women fell to dance after their manner , which was much like the Moris-dance of Italy , onely the Dancers sung as they danc'd , which seem'd much better : One of them , who , perhaps , was the Mistress of the rest , danc'd alone by her self , with extravagant and high jumpings , but alwayes looking towards the Palanchino : Sometimes she cowr'd down with her hanches almost to the ground , sometimes leaping up she struck them with her Feet backwards , ( as Coelius Rhodiginus relates of the ancient dance call'd Bibasi ) continually singing and making several gestures with her Hands ; but after a barbarous manner , and such as amongst us would not be thought handsome . The Dance being ended , the Palanchino with all the train went forward , the Instruments continually playing before them . I follow'd to see the end , and found that they went into the ch●●f street , and so out of the City by the Gate which leads to Sag●èr , stopping in divers places of the street to act the same , or the like dances over again ; and particularly , in the Entrance of the said Gate , where , amongst many Trees and Indian Canes which make the City-Wall , there is a small Piazza , very eeven , and shaded about , like a Pastoral Scene , and very handsome . At last the Giangamo with his Palanchino and train , enter'd into certain Gardens without the Gate , where his House stood ; and after the last Dance he remain'd there , and the rest went away . They told me , this Honor was done him , because they had then cast water upon his Head , and perform'd some other Ceremony , equivalent to our ordaining one in Sacris , or creating a Doctor . As I was going along the streets to behold this Pomp , I saw many persons come with much devotion to kiss the Feet of all those Giangamoes , who on Foot follow'd the principal Giangamo who was in the Palanchino ; and because they were many , and it took up much time to kiss the Feet of them all , therefore when any one came to do it , they stood still all in a rank to give him time ; and whilst such persons were kissing them , and for more reverence touching their Feet with their Fore-heads , these Giangamoes stood firm with a seeming severity , and without taking notice of it , as if they had been abstracted from the things of the World ; just as our Fryers use to do when any devout persons come out of reverence to kiss their Habit ; but with Hypocrisie , conformable to their superstitious Religion . Returning home , I met a Corps going to be burn'd without the City , with Drums sounding before it ; it was carryed sitting in a Chair , whereunto it was ty'd that it might not fall , cloth'd in its ordinary attire , exactly as if it had been alive . The seat was cover'd behind , and on the sides with red and other colours , I know not whether Silk or no. It was open onely before , and there the dead person was to be seen . By the company , which was small , I conjectur'd him to be one of mean quality . But they told me , All dead people are carry'd thus , as well such as are buried , ( as the Lingavani , whom they also put into the Earth sitting ) as those that are burn'd ; and that he , whom I saw , was to be burn'd , we gather'd from the Fire and Oyle which they carry'd after him in vessels . The night following there was a great solemnity in all the Temples , by lighting of Candles , singing , Musick , dancing , about twenty Dancing-women , who went in Procession with the Idol into the Piazza , dancing before the great Temple ; but , as I was told , they began very late , namely , at the rising of the Moon , which was about an hour before mid-night ; so that I was gone to bed before I knew of it , although in the Evening I saw the lights in the Temple . But though I saw nothing , yet I heard of it as I was in bed , being awaken'd by the noise ; and hearing the same was to be acted over again the next night , I purpos'd with my self to see it . November the fourteenth , I went at night to the Temple to see whether there was any extraordinary solemnity ; but there was nothing more then usual , nor did the Idol come forth : onely in the great Temple and its Inclosure or Court , into which they suffer not strangers to enter , they made their accustom'd Processions with musical instruments , singing , and other Ceremonies , which , I conceive , were the same with those I saw in Ahinelì : onely they are celebrated here every night , because as 't is a more eminent Church , so consequently the service is more pompous ; besides that , they told me Venk-tapà Naieka had a great and particular devotion to the Idol Agoresuàr , who is here worship'd . On the fifteenth of the same moneth , came first in the day-time and afterwards at night to our House twelve or fifteen publick Dancing-women , who by consequence , are also publick Strumpets , although very young , being conducted by certain of their men . In the day time they did nothing , but talkt a little ; and some of them made themselves drunk with a certain Wine made of dry'd Raisins , or a sort of Aqua Vitae and other mixtures , call'd in India , Nippa ; I say some of them , because certain others of less ignoble Race , as they are more abstinent in eating , so they drink not any thing that inebriates . At night , they entertain'd us a good while with Balls , or Dancing , after their mode , accompany'd with singing , not unpleasant to behold ; for they consist of a numerous company of Women , all well cloth'd and adorn'd with Gold , Jewels , and Tresses of several fashions , who sing and snap their wooden instruments . They begin all their Balls slowly , and by degrees growing to a heat , at last end with furious and quick motions , which appear well enough : Amongst their other Dances two pleas'd me well , one in which they continually repeated these words — and another wherein they represented a Battel , and the actions of slaughter ; in the conclusion , the Master of the Ball , who directs all , and was one of those that brought them , dancing in the midst of them with a naked Ponyard , wherewith he represented the actions of slaughter as the Women did with their short sticks . But the end of this shew was more ridiculous : For when they were dismiss'd , they not onely were not contented with the largess of the Ambassador , although I added as much of my own to it , but went away ill satisfi'd , testifying the same by cholerick yellings , which to me was a new Comedy . November the sixteenth , I was told that the above-mention'd Woman who had resolv'd to burn her self for her Husband's death , was to dye this Evening . But upon further enquiry at the Womans House , I understood that it would not be till after a few dayes more , and there I saw her sitting in a Court or Yard , and other persons beating Drums about her . She was cloth'd all in white , and deck'd with many Neck-laces , Bracelets , and other ornaments of Gold ; on her Head she had a Garland of Flowers spreading forth like the rayes of the Sun ; in brief , she was wholly in a Nuptial Dress , and held a Lemon in her Hand , which is the usual Ceremony . She seem'd to be pleasant enough , talking and laughing in conversation , as a Bride would do in our Countries . She and those with her , took notice of my standing there to behold her , and conjecturing by my strange Habit , what the meaning of it was , some of them came towards me . I told them by an Interpreter , that I was a Person of a very remote Country , where we had heard by Fame , that some Women in India love their Husbands so vehemently , as when they dye to resolve to dye with them ; and that now having intelligence that this Woman was such a one , I was come to see her , that so I might relate in my own Country that I had seen such a thing with my own Eyes . These people were well pleas'd with my coming , and she her self , having heard what I said , rose up from her seat , and came to speak to me . We discours'd together standing , for a good while . She told me that her Name was Giaccamà , of the Race Terlengà , that her Husband was a Drummer ; whence I wonder'd the more ; seeing Heroical Actions , as this ●ndoubtedly ought to be judg'd , are very rare in people of low quality . That it was about nineteen dayes since her Husband's death , that he had left two other Wives elder then she , and whom he had married before her , ( both which were present at this discourse ) yet neither of them was willing to dye , but alledg'd for excuse that they had many Children . This argument ga●e me occasion to ask Giaccamà , ( who shew'd me a little Son of her own , about six or seven years old , besides an other Daughter she had ) how she could perswade her self to leave her own little Children ? And told her , that she ought likewise to live rather then to abandon them at that Age. She answer'd me , that she left them well recommended to the care of an Uncle of hers there present , who also talk'd with us very cheerfully , as if rejoycing that his Kins-woman would do such an action ; and that her Husbands other two remaining Wives would also take care of them . I insisted much upon the tender Age of her Children , to avert her from her purpose , by moving her to compassion for them , well knowing that no argument is more prevalent with Mothers then their Love and Affection towards their Children . But all my speaking was in vain , and she still answer'd me to all my Reasons , with a Countenance not onely undismay'd and constant , but even cheerful , and spoke in a such manner as shew'd that she had not the least fear of death . She told me also , upon my asking her , that she did this of her own accord , was at her own liberty , not forc'd nor perswaded by any one . Whereupon I inquiring , Whether force were at any time us'd in this matter , they told me , that ordinarily it was not , but onely sometimes amongst Persons of quality when some Widow was left young , handsome , and so in danger of marrying again ( which amongst them is very ignominious ) , or committing a worse fault ; in such Cases the Friends of the deceas'd Husband were very strict , and would constrain her to burn her self even against her own will , for preventing the disorders possible to happen in case she should live ; ( a barbarous , indeed , and too cruel Law. ) However , that neither force nor perswasion was us'd to Giaccamà , that she did it of her own free will ; in which , as of a magnanimous action , ( as indeed it was ) and amongst them of great honor , both her Relations and her self much glory'd . I ask'd concerning the Ornaments and Flowers she vore , and they told me , that such was the Custom , in token of the Mastì's joy ( they call the Woman , who intends to burn her self for the death of her Husband , Mastì ) in that she was very shortly to go to him , and therefore had reason to rejoyce ; whereas such Widows as will not dye , remain in continual sadness and lamentations , shave their Heads , and live in perpetual mourning for the death of their Husbands . At last Giaccamà caus'd one to tell me , that she accounted my coming to see her a great good fortune , and held her self much honour'd , as well by my visit and presence , as the Fame which I should carry of her to my own Country ; and that before she dy'd she would come to visit me at my House , and also to ask me , as their custom is , that I would favour her with some thing by way of Alms towards the buying of fewel , for the fire wherewith she was to be burnt . I answer'd her , that I should much esteem her visit , and very willingly give her some thing ; not for wood and fire wherein to burn her self , ( for her death much displeas'd me , and I would gladly have disswaded her from it , if I could ) but to do something else therewith , what her self most lik'd ; and that I promis'd her , that so far as my weak pen could contribute , her Name should remain immortal in the World. Thus I took leave of her , more sad for her death then her self , cursing the custom of India , which is so unmerciful to Women . Giaccamà was a Woman of about thirty years of age , of a Complexion very brown for an Indian , and almost black , but of a good aspect , tall of stature , well shap'd and proportion'd . My Muse could not forbear from chanting her in a Sonnet , which I made upon her death , and reserve among my Poetical Papers . The same Evening Lights being set up in all the Temples , and the usual Musick of Drums and Pipes sounding , I saw in one Temple , which was none of the greatest , a Minister or Priest dance before the Idol all naked , saving that he had a small piece of Linnen over his Privities , as many of them continually go ; he had a drawn Sword in his Hand , which he flourish'd as if he had been fencing ; but his motions were nothing but lascivious gestures . And indeed , the greatest part of their Worship of their Gods , consists in nothing but Musick , Songs , Dances , not not onely pleasant but lascivious , and in serving their Idols as if they were living Persons ; namely , in presenting to them things to eat , washing them , perfuming them , giving them Betlè-leavs , dying them with Sanders , carrying them abroad in Procession , and such other things as the Country-people account delights and observances . In rehearsing Prayers , I think they are little employ'd , and as little in Learning . I once ask'd an old Priest , who was held more knowing then others , grey , and clad all in white , carrying a staff like a Shep-herds crook in his Hand , What Books he had read , and what he had studied ? Adding that my self delighted in reading , and that if he would speak to me about any thing , I would answer him . He told me , that all Books were made , onely that Men might by means thereof know God , and God being known , to what purpose were Books ? as if , he knew God very well . I reply'd , that all thought they knew God , but yet few knew him aright ; and therefore he should beware that himself were not one of those . November the seventeenth , By Letters brought from Barcelòr , with News from Goa , we heard that the Prince of England was gone incognito into Spain to accomplish his Marriage with the Infanta ; and that his arrival being known , and the King having seen him , preparations were making for his publick Reception . That the Fleet was not yet arriv'd at Goa , except one Galeon ; and that the News from Ormùz was , that Ruy Freyra was landed in that Island , and having entrench'd himself under the Fort , held the same besieg'd with that small Armado he had with him : Whence 't was hop'd , that great supplies being to be sent to him from Goa , and the enmity of the English ceasing in consideration of the Marriage between the two Crowns , and consequently , their assistance of the Persians , Ormùz would shortly be recover'd ; and indeed , in respect of the above-said circumstances , I account it no hard matter . November the twentieth , In the Evening , either because it was the next night after Monday , or that 't was their weekly custom , or perhaps , for some extraordinary solemnity , Tapers were lighted up in all the Temples of Ikkerì ; a great noise was made with Drums and Pipes , together with the Dancings of the Ministers of some Temples before the Gates , as is above described . Wherefore I went to the great Temple , where , being the principal , I thought to see the greatest and most solemn Ceremonies . After the people were call'd together by the sounding of several Trumpets a good while without the Temple , they began to make the usual Procession within the Yard or Inclosure , with many noises of their barbarous instruments , as they are wont to do here every Evening : Which after they had done as often as they pleas'd , they went forth into the street , where much people expected them , carrying two Idols in Procession , both in one Palanchino , one at each end , small , and so deck'd with Flowers and other Ornaments , that I could scarce know what they were . Yet , I think , that in the back-end was Agorescuèr , to whom the Temple is dedicated ; and the other Parveti , or some other Wife of his . First march'd the Trumpets , and other instruments of divers sorts , continually sounding ; then follow'd amongst many Torches a long train of Dancing-women , two and two , bare-headed , in their dancing dress , and deck'd with many Ornaments of Gold and Jewels . After them , came the Palanchino of the Idols , behind which were carryed many Lances , Spears with silken Streamers , and many Umbrella's garnish'd with silken tufts and fringes round about , more stately then those us'd by others , even the King himself ; for these are commonly the Ensignes of Grandeur . On each side the Palanchino went many rows of Women , either publick Dancers or Whores ; but because these were not to dance , they went bare-fac'd indeed , ( as the Pagan Women here little care for covering their Faces ) but with a cloth bound about their Heads , and hanging down both behind upon their Shoulders , and before upon their Breasts . Some of them next the Palanchino , carryed in their Hands certain little Staves , either of Silver , or Silver'd over ; at the end of which hung thick , long , and white tufts of the hair of Horses tails , with which ( as 't is the custom of great Persons in India to use them ) they went fanning the Air , and either drove away the Flies from the Idols in the Palanchino , or at least performing this Office as a piece of Grandeur , as with us the same is done to the Pope , with fans made of the tails of white Peacocks , when he goes abroad in Pontificalibus . Neither were there wanting about the Idols many of their Priests or Ministers of the Temple who accompany'd them ; particularly , one who seem'd the chief and Archimandrita of the rest ; besides , abundance of Torches whose light dispell'd the darkness of the Moon-less night . In this order they came into the Piazza , and there after they had made a large ring , the dancing began ; first , two Ballatrici , or Dancing-women , one from one side of the circle , and another from another , yet both with their Faces always turn'd towards the Idols , walk'd three steps forward , and then three backward ; and this they did innumerable times . I suppose , it was a way of saluting the Idols . After the said two Dancers alone had done thus , two others from the several sides joyn'd with them , and they did the same again , three and three . This Salutation , or Preamble of the Ball , being many times repeated , they began to dance , namely , two that danc'd better then the rest , one on the right side of the circle , and the other on the left , both with their Faces , never with their back towards the Palanchino of the Idols , though often in the Dance they retir'd backwards as well as went forwards . Their dancing was high , with frequent leapings and odd motions , sometimes inclining their posteriors as if they meant to sit down , sometimes rising very high , and displaying the Coat wherewith they are cover'd from the girdle downwards , and almost holding one Arm stretch'd out before them , wherewith they now and then made as if they were thrusting or fencing ; besides other mad gestures which were all accompany'd with words which they sung , and sometimes with cries more apt to give horror then delight . Hence , while all the other Dancing-women , ( that is , those who were uncovered and loose for dancing ) danced all in a company together further distant from the Idols , snapping their little sticks and singing , being guided by a Man who danced with them and was their Master . But the other Dancers who were clothed , stood about the Idols , but danced not , nor ever moved from their place ; onely they accompanyed the Shew , very fine with Ornaments of Gold and Jewels , and some of them having Flowers , others , leavs of Betle , or other Odoriferous Herbs in their Hands . This Dance being ended , the Procession went forwards with the same Pomp , and a numerous Train of Men and Women of all sorts . They went round about the outermost walls of the Temple , which is surrounded with very large streets , inhabited for the most part by the said Dancers , or publick Strumpets . The circuit of the Procession began from the right Hand as you come forth of the Temple , which comes to be the left as you enter in ; and in the same manner I saw the Procession begin at the Temple of the Town Ahinelà , which I have described above ; so that it must needs be one of their usual Ceremonies . This stop'd at the several places of the streets through which it past ; and at every such stopping , the above-mention'd Dancings , Preambles , and other Circumstances were again repeated ; whence the Shew lasted a good while , and concluded at length with the last Dance in the Piazza before the Temple-Gate ; which ended , the Procession with the Idols re-entered the Temple , where being replaced according to their accustomed Ceremonies , the solemnity ended , and all the people departed . I was told by one of the spectators , that this Ceremony was practised every Monday at night , and every New Moon , and every Full , as also upon certain other extraordinary solemnities with more or less Pomp proportionably to the Festivals : And he added , that the night following there would be a greater solemnity then this , because the New Moon , and another of their Feasts were then co-incident , and that the King himself would be there ; Wherefore I resolved with my self to see it . November the one and twentieth , This night were an infinite company of Torches and Candles lighted , not onely in all the Temple , but also in all the Streets , Houses , and Shops of Ikkerì , which made a kind of day-light over all the City . In each of the Temples was its Idol , which in some was a Serpent ; and they had adorned the outward Porches not onely with lights , but also with certain contrivances of papers , on which were painted Men on Horse-back , Elephants , people a fighting , and other odd figures ; behind which papers , lights were placed in certain little Arches , like those which we make in our Sepulchres ; these , with other gay Ornaments of Silk hung round about , made a sufficiently prety Shew . In the great Temple , not onely the inside , in the middle whereof is a very high and slender Cupola , ( which appears without too ) but also all the outer walls , and all those round about the Piazza which lies before it , as also the Houses of the adjacent sides were all full of lights . The concourse of people of all sorts and degrees , both Men and Women was very great ; and they appeared to go about visiting all the Temples . When it was very late , the King came to the great Temple , accompanied onely with his two Nephews , to wit , Seda-Siva Naieka , ( whom I had formerly seen ) Son of one of his Daughters , and Vira-badrà Naieka , a young boy his Son's Son , and is he whom he designs for his Successor , if his other kindred elder then he , to wit , the above-said Sedà-Siva , and two other of Venk-tapà's Nephews by another of his Brothers whom he keeps prisoner , do not disturb him . The King came in a Palanchino a great pace , his two Nephews on Horse-back , and so did Vitulà Sinay who rode by the King's side , with appearance of a great Favourite . Likewise Putapaia came in a Palanchino , and other of his Grandees , some in Palanchino's , and some on Horse-back , following him at a great distance , with some number of Souldiers and Servants on Foot ; but , in summ , the whole train was not very considerable . The King stay'd in the Temple about an hour , being entertain'd with Musick , Dancing , and other things which I could not see , because I was without . At length he came forth , and with the same company , and running in as much haste as he came , return'd home ; the like did all the other people of whom the Piazza was full , some on one side , some on the other . After the King was come out of the Temple , they carry'd the Idols a while in Procession about the Piazza , but with small pomp and company ; so that I car'd not for staying to see them , but went to another Temple standing at the end of the Bazar , or Market , in the view of a large and goodly street , where , besides the shew of lights which was gallant , I stay'd a good while with my Companions , ( for all the Ambassador's Family was come abroad this night to see the solemnities ; the Padre Capellano not excepted , but disguis'd ) to see two great companies of Dancing-women dance , they all being sent for thither by a great Captain , ( who , perhaps , had the care of the solemnities of this Temple ) after the King was gone from the great Temple , they danc'd here a good while , in numerous companies ; after which , we return'd home , it being after mid-night . November the two and twentieth , Ven-tapà Naieka had already given our Ambassador an answer concerning the affairs which he negotiated , and the Ambassador had prepar'd a dispatch to be sent to the King of Banghel ; also another for the Vice-Roy of Goa , giving him an account of his negotiation ; when a Currier arriv'd from Banghel with new Letters , both for Venk-tapà Naieka and the Ambassador : Whereupon consultation was held , what Answer to return him , which was soon concluded on the part of Venk-tapà Naieka to this effect , ( being no other then what he had before resolv'd upon ) namely , that he would pay the King of Banghel 7000 Paygods yearly , according to the Treaty of the Peace , provided the said King would come and live in his Court , or in some other place of his Country , ( excepting such Lands as were formerly his , for fear he might make new insurrections ) or else in Goa , or any of the adjacent places , namely , in the Island of Salsette , or some place there without the City ; but however , such wherein he may be subject to the Vice-Roy of Goa ; so that Venk-tapà might be secure that the said Banghel would live peaceably without making new commotions . But in case ( as he seem'd to intend ) he would live neither in Venk-tapà's Country , nor in that of Goa , but would continue in Cagnoroto where he was at present , ( which is a place beyond Mangalòr Eastwards , and belongs to another small but free Prince , alli'd to Banghel , whither , being near to his quondam-Territories , he had betaken himself ) or else would remove here and there like a Fugitive and Invader , disquieting these Countries ; then Venk-tapà was resolv'd not to give him any thing at all . Therefore let him either accept the above-said Offer , or never speak more to him , for he would not hear him . That he hath been mov'd to make this offer of paying him the said summ , by the instance of the Portugals , who had interpos'd in his behalf by this Embassie : And that for Banghel's assurance that he would perform this , he gave the Ambassador ( and accordingly he did so ) a Copy of the Letter containing these promises , which he writ to the said King of Banghel , to the end the Ambassador might send it to the Vice-Roy , and be a witness of what he promis'd and was to observe . He ha's further told the Ambassador , that this King had formerly writ to him that he would come and live in his Dominion , and repented of what he had done heretofore through evil counsel ; that yet , for the future , he would be at his devotion , receiving that Pension which he had promis'd him , and the like : Nevertheless he had now chang'd his mind , and refus'd both to come into his Dominion , and to go into that of Goa : That therefore seeing him so unconstant , he had much reason not to trust him , and , in short , would neither trust him , nor give him any thing saving upon the above-said terms ; and that not for his own sake , but in regard of the instance which the Portugals made for him : That this was his last Answer , and that nothing more was to be expected or hoped from him . From Spain , they say , Orders are sent to the Vice-Roy to re-establish Banghel by all means in his State , and to make war upon Venk-tapà , unless he restore the same intirely . However , being that Country is remote , and in the time that is spent in the going and coming of dispatches , many things may happen which may render it necessary for the Vice-Roy in the present conjuncture to proceed in sundry particulars differently from what Orders he receives from Spain , and to have authority in this business of Banghel to deliberate of Peace or War , as shall to him seem most expedient , endeavouring to comply no less with the time and the State of things , than the advertisements from Spain : Therefore the King of Spain , in the Letter which he writ to Venk-tapà Naieka , making onely general complements to him , referrs all matter of business to the Vice-Roy , to guid himself therein as he shall think most fit . Accordingly the Vice-Roy , though he knows the King of Spain's intention and order to make war upon Venk-tapà ; yet it not seeming to him a fit time , whilst the Portugals are engag'd in the war of Ormùz , and also in Malacca , ( which is reported besieg'd either by the King of Acem , ( which is Sumatra ) , or by him and the Dutch together ) and much perplex'd in a thousand other intricacies in India ; hath therefore given Order to the Ambassador to seem satisfi'd with what-ever Answer Venk-tapà Naieka gives , and to return without making further instance ; it sufficing the Vice-Roy to have made this complement for the service of the King of Banghel , and shown that he hath done therein what was in his power ; as well-knowing that Venk-tapà would not be moved by the Embassie alone , and that the conditions he requires of the King of Banghel , upon which to give him what he had promis'd , are but excuses ; being certain this King will not venture himself in his Dominions , ( as neither is it reasonable ) much less go and subject himself in the Territories of Goa , and so will not admit of the Proposals . Wherefore seeing 't is not time now to constrain Venk-tapà Naieka to greater things by war , he dissembles till a better occasion , for fear of drawing this new Enemy upon him at an unseasonable conjuncture ; and orders the Ambassador to depart with shew of good Friendship . The Ambassador hath accordingly done so , and seeming satisfi'd with Venk-tapà's Answer , hath added other Letters to those formerly written to the King of Banghel , certifying him of Ventapà's Resolute Mind ; that he must either accept of the Agreement , or must speak no more of any ; and that he onely expects at Ikkerì this his last Resolution before his return to Goa . He hath written the same to the Vice-Roy of Goa ; and the dispatches being seal'd , he hath order'd both Curriers to depart , and also a Brachman call'd Mangasa , together with the Currier , to the King of Banghel , sending likewise with them a Christian of Barselòr , nam'd Lorenzo Pessoa , who was at Ikkerì with Montegro , that he might either in Mangalòr , Banghel , or other places thereabouts procure Mariners for a Ship remaining at Barselòr unprovided of Men ; giving the said Pessoa a Licence to hire some , which he had obtain'd of the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka , to levy them in his Territories if need were . Being by this time sufficiently inform'd of remarkable things in Ikkerì , I am desirous of divers others , especially , to see the person of the Queen of Olaza , whose History and many valiant exploits I read , when I was in Persia ; for which I have a fair opportunity by accompanying these Men sent from the Ambassador , of whom when I have taken leave , I shall ( God willing ) depart to morrow . LETTER VI. From Mangalòr , Decemb. 9. 1623. HAving already seen in Ikkerì as much as was there remarkable and being very desirous of seeing Barselòr , Mangalòr , and also principally the Q. of Olaza , whose Dominion and Residence is contiguous to Mangalòr ; as well for that she is Sovereign of those parts , ( a matter in other Countries not ordinary ) and a Princess famous in our dayes , even in the Indian Histories of the Portugals , as because she is a Gentile in Religion , as likewise all her Subjects are ; ( whence , I conceiv'd , I might possibly see some considerable curiosity there ) I lay'd hold of the occasion of going thither in company of these Men who are sent by the Ambassador , by whose favour , being provided of a good Horse , ( in regard there were no Palanchino's to be hir'd in Ikkerì ) and a Man to carry my baggage upon his Head , I prepar'd to set forth the next Morning . November the three and twentieth , Before my departure from Ikkerì , I was presented from Vitulà Sinay , ( of whom I had before taken leave ) with a little Book written in the Canara-Language , which is the vulgar in Ikkerì and all that State. It is made after the custom of the Country , not of paper , ( which they seldom use ) but of Palm-leavs , to wit , of that Palm which the Portugals call Palmum brama , i. e. Wild-palm , and is of that sort which produces the Indian Nut ; for so do those commonly in India , where Palms that produce Dates are very rare . In the leavs of these Palms they write , or rather , ingrave the Letters with an Iron style made for the purpose of an uncouth form ; and , that the writing may be more apparent , they streak it over with a coal , and tye the leavs together , to make a Book of them after a manner sufficiently strange . I being desirous to have one of these Books to carry , as a curiosity , to my own Country for ornament of my Library , and not finding any to be sold in the City , had entreated Vitulà Sinay to help me to one ; but he , not finding any vendible therein , caus'd a small one to be purposely transcrib'd for me , ( there being not time enough for a greater ) and sent it to me as a gift just as I was ready to take Horse . What the Book contains , I know not , but I imagine 't is Verses in their Language , and I carry it with me , as I do also ( to shew to the curious ) divers leavs not written , and a style or Iron Pen , such as they use , together with one leaf containing a Letter Missive after their manner , which was written by I know not who to our Ambassador ; of whom taking leave with many complements , as also of Sig : Carvaglio , the Chaplain , Montegro , and all the company , I departed from Ikkerì a little before noon , going out at the same Gate whereat I had enter'd ; and having no other company but a Veturino , or Hackney-man , and a Pulià who carry'd my luggage , without any other servant ; for as for Galàl the Persian , aliàs Cacciatùr , I was constrain'd to dismiss him for some uncommendable actions , and send him back from Ikkerì to Goa . I will not omit to tell you , that this my brave God-son , ( whom I had brought so carefully out of Persia , and trusted so much , and who alone of all my ancient servants remain'd with me ) one day cunningly open'd a light box or basket , ( Canestri the Portugals call them ) wherein I kept my Clothes , and which , after the fashion of the Country , was not of wood , but of hoops lin'd with leather , and clos'd with little Pad-locks , like those which are us'd at Rome for Plate ; and they are thus contriv'd that they may be of little weight , because in these parts , carriages and baggages for travel are more frequently transported upon Mens shoulders then upon beasts backs ; and one of these baskets or Canestri is just a Man's load . Now the good Cacciatùr having open'd mine , without hurting the lock , or medling with the linnen which he found therein , took out onely all the little mony which I then had , and had put into it , to avoid carrying its weight about me ; it was in one of those long leathern purses , which are made to wear round the waste like a girdle , and was full of Spanish Rialls , a Coyn in these parts , and almost in all the world current enough . His intention , I conceive , was to leave me ( as they say ) naked in the Mountains in the center of India , and peradventure , to go into some Territory of the Gentiles or Mahometans , there to pass a jovial life upon my expence . But it pleas'd God , the theft being done in my Chamber , where none but he resorted , we had vehement suspition of him ; and therefore the Ambassador making use of his Authority , caus'd him to be laid hold on , and we found the theft in his breeches ty'd to his naked flesh ; and thus I recover'd my money . I was unwilling any hurt should be done to him , and withall , to keep him longer ; nevertheless that he might not go into the Infidel-Countries , lest thereby he should lose his Religion and turn to his native errors , I sent him away with some trusty persons to Goa , giving him Letters also to Signora Maria , but such as whereby they might know that I had dismis'd him , and that he was not to be entertain'd there , though otherwise indempnifi'd . By this Story you may see how much a Man may be deceiv'd in his trusting ; how little benefits prevail upon an unworthy nature ; and withall , you may consider to what misfortunes a Stranger is subject in strange Countries ; so that if I had had nothing else , being thus depriv'd of all , I should have been left to perish miserably amongst Barbarians . But leaving him to his Voyage , I departed from Ikkerì , and having pass'd the Town Badrapor , I left the road of Ahinelì , and by another way more towards the left hand , went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses , which they call Bamanen coppa . After dinner we continu'd our way , and foarded a River call'd Irihalè , not without being wet , by reason of the smallness of my Horse ; and having travell'd near two Gau's ( one Gau consists of two Cos , and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues ) we lodg'd at night in a competent Town , the name whereof is Dermapora . In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant , as well because I understood not the Language of the Country , ( for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal , yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter , because being by Race a Pulià , which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean , they would not suffer him to come into their Houses , nor touch their things ; though they were not shie of me , albeit of a different Religion , because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race ) ; as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet : For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles , there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them ; one must be contented onely with Rice , Butter , or Milk , and other such inanimate things , wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes ; but , which is worse , they will cook every thing themselves , and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels ; wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs , which yet are smooth enough , and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels : Besides , one must entreat them three hours for this , and account it a great favor ; so that , in brief , to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience . The truth is , 't is a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ , to put it so in the heads of these people , that they are polluted and become unclean , even by touching others of a different Religion ; of which superstition , they are so rigorous observers , that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean , ( though a Gentile ) dye , then go near him to relieve him . November the four and twentieth , In the Morning before day , the Brachman Nangasà , and the Ambassador's other Men , being in haste , advanc'd before ; but I , desirous to go more at my own ease , remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master ; as I might well enough do , since the High-ways of Naieka's Country are very secure . The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills , and through Woods , many great streams likewise occurring . I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice , some of which I was fain to walk a foot , my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster , and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces . I din'd , after I had travelled one Gau and a half , in a good Town called Colùr , where there is a great Temple , the Idol whereof , if I mis-understood not , is the Image of a Woman ; the place is much venerated , and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage . After dinner , my Horse being tired , I travelled not above half another Gau ; and having gone in all this day but two Gau's , went to lodg at a certain little village , which they said was called Nalcàl . Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands , courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses , and prepared supper for us . This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns , but , like the Mazandran in Persia , with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods . The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice ; their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water , which abounds in all places ; but they pay , as they told me , very large Tributes to the King , so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves , and live in great Poverty . November the twenty fifth , I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former , and foarded many deep Rivers . Having gone three Cos , we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice , whereof the whole Country is full , at a place call'd Kelidì . In the Evening , my Pulià being very weary , and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further , we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnàr , about a mile forwards ; so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau. November the twenty sixth , I pass'd over clifts of Hills and uneeven and woody places . At noon I came to a great River , on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvarì , near which , the River makes a little Island . We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side . Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr , call'd the Higher , i. e. within Land , belonging to the Indians , and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka , to difference it from the Lower Barselòr , at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals . For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast , there happens to be two places of the same Name , one call'd the Higher , or In-land , belonging to the Natives ; the other , the Lower near the Sea , to the Portugals , where-ever they have footing . Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side , I came into a fair , long , broad , and strait Street , having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand . The soil is fruitful and well peopled , encompass'd with weak walls and ditches , which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones , which shew that there is good and fair Marble here , whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry , or are the remains of ancient Fabricks . It stands on the South side of the River , which from the Town Gulvàn fetches a great circuit , seeming to return backwards ; and many Travellers , without touching at the Upper Barselòr , are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat , which is soon done ; but I was desirous to see both places , and therefore came hither . Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr , I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream ; for a little below the said Town , it is divided into many branches , and forms divers little fruitful Islands . About an hour and half before night , I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals , which also stands on the Southern bank of the River , distant two good Cannon-shot from the mouth of the Sea ; having travell'd this day in all , one Gau and a half . The Fort of the Portugals is very small , built almost in form of a Star , having no bad walls , but wanting ditches , in a Plain , and much expos'd to all sort of assaults . Such Portugals as are married , have Houses without the Fort in the Town , which is prety large , and hath good buildings . I went directly to the House of Sig : Antonio Borges , a former acquaintance , who came from Goa to Onòr , together with us , and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkerì had recommended me . I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr , call'd Sig : Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while , and he seem'd a gallant man , though but young . Here was an Armado , and a Cafila of Ships , which came from Goa , and went to Mangalòr and Cocìn , or further ; they were to depart the next day , and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr . This night I supp'd at the House of Sig : Antonio Borges , with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet ; and went to lodg by his direction in another good House , together with some Souldiers of the same . November the seven and twentieth , That I might not go alone , without any body to serve me in the Ship , I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr , recommended to me by Sig : Antonio , and nam'd Manoel de Matos , with whom alone I went aboard about noon , having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig : Rocco Gomes , the chief Portugal in Barselòr , who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well . Among others that din'd with us , there was one Sig : Neittor Fernandez , by me elsewhere mention'd , who came from Goa to Onòr with us ; the Captain Major of the whole Armado , Sig : Francesco de Lobo Faria , who commanded a Galley and six other Ships , besides the Cafila of Merchants . I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig : Neittor Fernandez , who in the street express'd much courtesie to me . Being gone a good way upon the Sea , and it being now night , the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men , and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr ; whereinto we designing to enter in the dark , and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept , struck upon land , and , the wind growing prety stiff , were in great danger of being over-set and lost ; and the more , for that when we perceiv'd it , and went to strike fail , we could not for a good while , because the ropes , either through moistness , or some other fault , would not slip ; so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground , not onely became very leaky , but gave two or three such violent knocks , that had she not been new , without doubt she had been split . The Sea-men were not onely confounded but all amaz'd , nothing was heard but disorderly cryes ; the voice of him that commanded could not be heard , every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety ; many of the Souldiers had already strip'd themselves to leap into the Sea ; some ty'd their Money at their backs , to endeavour to save the same together with their lives , making little account of their other goods ; divers made vows and promises of Alms , all heartily recommended themselves to God ; one embrac'd the Image of our Lady , and plac'd his hope in that alone . I could not induce my self to believe , that God had reserv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end , so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart ; nevertheless seeing the danger extream great , I fail'd not to commend my self to God , his most Holy Mother , and all the Saints . By whose favour at length , the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope , and the Sea not rough , ( for , if it had , it would have done us greater mischief ) the Mariners freed the Ship , having cast themselves into the Sea , and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm ; the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven , soliciting the other Ships out , and mending our own . The whole Fleet being set forth before day , we return'd , where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us ; and thence we set sail all together . November the eight and twentieth , We sail'd constantly Southwards , coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us . Half way to Mangalòr , to wit , six Leagues from Barselòr , we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands , which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria ; one of which we approach'd with our Ship , and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons , ( of whose nests there is great abundance ) wherewith we made a good supper . Afterwards continuing our course , we pass'd by Carnate ; and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr . This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers , one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel ; the other more Southern from those of Olaza , which stands beyond the River Southwards , or rather beyond the bay of salt-water ; which is form'd round and large like a great Haven , by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea , whose flowing fills the same with salt water . Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel , and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor , into which the Fort extends it self , being almost encompass'd with water on three sides . 'T is but small , the worst built of any I have seen in India , and , as the Captain told me one day when I visited him , may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither , contiguous to the Fort , and encompass'd with weak walls ; within which , the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd . There are three Churches ; namely , the See or Cathedral within the Fort ; our Lady Del Rosario , La Misericordia , and San Francesco without . Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all ; two Franciscan Fryers , and one Vicar Priest , to whose charge , with very small revenews belong all the other Churches . I went not ashore because it was night , but slept in the Ship. November the nine and twentieth , Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr , and went together with Sig : Neittor Fernandez , and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig : Ascentio Veira , a Notary of the City . After which , I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his , by Sig : Paolo Sodrino , who was married in Mangalòr , and came for Goa , in our Ship. The next night the Fleet departed from Cocìn , but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza . November the thirtieth , After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario , I visited the Captain of Mangalòr , not in the Fort , but in a cover'd place without the Gate , which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea , and where he was then in conversation . He was an old Man all gray , by Name Sig : Pero Gomes Pasagna . The first of December , in the Morning I went to see Banghel , by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher , or Banghervarì ; 't is a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr , towards the South and upon the Sea ; and the King that rul'd there , and in the circumjacent lands being at this day driven out , 't is subject to Venk-tapà Naieka . A Musket-shot without Mangalòr , on that side , is a small River which is pass'd over by a ruinous stone bridg , and may likewise be forded ; 't is the boundary of the Portugals jurisdiction . The above-said mile is through cultivated fields , and then you come to Banghel , which is a rich soil , and sometimes better peopled then at present ; whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw . It hath been but one strait street , of good length , with Houses and Shops continu'd on both sides , and many other sheds dispers'd among the Palme-to's . The King's House stood upon a rais'd ground , almost like a Fort , but is now wholly destroy'd , so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate ; for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territory , he demolish'd what-ever was strong in it . The Bazàr , or Market-place remains , although not so stor'd with goods as it was in the time of its own King ; yet it affords what is necessary , and much Areca or Fofel , whereof they make Merchandize , sending the same into divers parts , that of this place being better then others ; here are also in the Bazàr , some Gold-smiths who make knives and cizzers adorn'd with Silver very cheap , and other like toys , of which I bought some , and having seen all that was to be seen return'd on foot , as I came , though somewhat late , to Mangalòr . December the second , This Morning I went to see Olaza , which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is , but the contrary way towards the South , and stands on the other side of a great River , which was to be pass'd over by boat . The Queen was not here , and seldom is , but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land ; yet I would not omit to see Olaza , the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen , as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals , and perhaps , the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoyes . I found it to be a fat soil , the City lying between two Seas , to wit , the Main-sea and the Bay , upon an arm of Land which the Port incloses ; so that the situation is not onely pleasant , but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it . It is all open , saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other , where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions . The Bazàr is indifferent , and besides necessaries for provisions , affords abundance of white and strip'd linnen cloth , which is made in Olaza , but course , such as the people of that Country use . At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove , and at the end thereof a great Temple , handsomely built for this Country , and much esteem'd . Olaza is inhabited confusedly , both by Gentiles who burn themselves , and also by Malabar-Moors . About a mile off Southwards , stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the above-said Groves , where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes . 'T is large , enclos'd with a wall and trench , but of little moment . In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch , where the Guard is to stand ; and within that a great void place like a very large Court , on the far side whereof stands the House , whose inside I saw not , because the Court was not there ; yet for this place , it seem'd to have something of wild Majesty ; behind , it joyns to a very thick wood , serving both for delight and security in time of necessity . The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses . Having seen as much as I desir'd , I stay'd not to dine , but return'd to Mangalòr ; there being always a passage-boat ready to carry people backwards and forwards . December the third , Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass in the Church Del Rosario , I went to San Francesco , where I heard Mass , and a tolerably good Sermon , made by an old Father call'd Francesco dos Neves . In the Evening , I prepar'd to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court , which was the design of this litle peregrination . And not finding Sig : Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr , I was help'd to a boat by Sig : Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr , but who had liv'd long at Mangalòr . I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza , but another more Northern , different from the above-mention'd little one , over which I pass'd by a bridg to Banghel , and falling into the Port of Mangalòr . I took with me also a Brachman call'd Narsù , a Native of Mangalòr , to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen , ( although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well ) partly , that I might have more persons with me to serve me , and partly , because the Bachman being a Gentile , known and vers'd in this Court , might be more serviceable to me in many things : than my own Servant ; so having provided what was needful , and prepar'd victuals to dine with upon the River by the way , which is somewhat long , I determin'd to set forth the next Morning . December the fourth , Before day-light I took boat at Mangalòr , in which there were three Water-men , two of which row'd at the Prow , and one at the Poop with a broad Oar , which serv'd both for an Oare and a Helm . Having pass'd by Bronghel , we enter'd into the great Northern River , in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandize pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka , to whom the circumjacent Region is subject . Rowing a great way against the stream , the water whereof for a good space is salt , at length we stay'd to dine at a Town call'd Salè , inhabited for the most part by Moors , and situate on the right bank as you go up the River . This Town with others round it , is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord , call'd Ramo Rau , who in all hath not above 2000 Pay-gods of yearly Revenew , of which he payes about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka , to whom he is Tributary . Nevertheless he wears the Title of King , and they call him Omgiu Arsù , that is , King of Omgiù , which is his chief place . Having din'd and rested a while , we continu'd our Voyage , and after a good space enter'd into the State of the Queen of Oloza , to whom the Country on either side the River belongs . The River is here very shallow , so that though our boat was but small , yet in many places we struck against the ground ; at length about Evening we arriv'd at Manèl , so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides , which is onely a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather then Houses ; but the Country is open , fair and fruitful , inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husband-men , besides those united to the great Street call'd the Bazàr , or Market ; all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl , which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream . Having landed , and going towards the Bazàr to get a Lodging in some House , we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman , on foot , accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her , all which were quite naked after their manner , saving that they had a cloth over their shame , and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt ; each of them had a Sword in his hand , or at most a Sword and Buckler ; there were also as many behind her of the same sort , one of which carry'd over her a very ordinary Umbrella made of Palm-leavs . Her Complexion was as black as that of a natural Aethiopian ; she was corpulent and gross , but not heavy , for she seem'd to walk nimbly enough ; her Age may be about forty years , although the Portugals had describ'd her to me much elder . She was cloth'd , or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton , and bare-foot , which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women , both high and low , in the house and abroad ; and of Men too , the most and the most ordinary go unshod ; some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers , very few use whole Shoos covering all the Foot. From the waste upwards the Queen was naked , saving that she had a cloth ty'd round about her Head , and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders . In brief , her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchin-wench or Laundress , then a delicate and noble Queen ; whereupon , I said within my self , Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain , which in Europe is so great a matter ! Yet the Queen shew'd her quality much more in speaking then by her presence ; for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person , and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman . They had told me that she had no teeth , and therefore was wont to go with half her Face cover'd ; yet I could not discover any such defect in her , either by my Eye or by my Ear ; and , I rather believe , that this covering the Mouth , or half the Face , as she sometimes doth , is agreeable to the modest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East . I will not omit , that though she were so corpulent as I have mention'd , yet she seems not deform'd , but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth ; and indeed , the report is , that she hath been a brave Lady , though rather of a rough then a delicate handsomeness . As soon as we saw her coming , we stood still , lay'd down our baggage upon the ground , and went on one side to leave her the way to pass . Which she taking notice of , and of my strange habit , presently ask'd , Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language ? Whereupon my Brachman Narsù step'd forth and answer'd , Yes ; and I , after I had saluted her according to our manner , went near to speak to her , she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience . She ask'd who I was , ( being already inform'd , as one of her Souldiers told me , by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel , that I was come thither to see her ) I caus'd my Interpreter to tell her , that I was Vn Cavaliero Ponentino , A Gentleman of the West , who came from very farr Countries ; and because other Europaeans than Portugals were not usually seen in her Dominions , I caus'd her to be told , that I was not a Portugal but a Roman , specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople , who in all the East are styl'd and known by the Name of Rumì ; but a Christian of Rome , where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians . That it was almost ten years since my first coming from home and wandring about the world , having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes ; and that being mov'd by the fame of her worth , which had long ago arriv'd at my Ears , I was come into this place purposely to see her , and offer her my service . She ask'd , What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen ? I gave her a brief account of all ; and she hearing the Great Turk , the Persian , the Moghol , and Venk-tapà Naieka nam'd , ask'd , What then I came to see in these Woods of hers ? Intimating that her State was not worth seeing , after so many other great things as I said I had seen . I reply'd to her , that it was enough for me to see her Person , which I knew to be of great worth ; for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither , and accounted the same very well imploy'd . After some courteous words of thanks , she ask'd me , If any sickness or other disaster had hapned to me in so remote and strange Countries , How I could have done being alone , without any to take care of me ? ( a tender Affection , and incident to the compassionate nature of Women ) . I answer'd , that in every place I went into , I had God with me , and that I trusted in him . She ask'd me , Whether I left my Country upon any disgust , the death of any kindred or beloved person , and therefore wander'd so about the world , ( for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love , or for the death of some dear persons , or for other unfortunate accidents ; and if Gentiles , they become Gioghies ; if Mahometans , Dervises and Abdales ; all which are a sort of vagabonds , or despisers of the world , going almost naked , onely with a skin upon their Shoulders , and a staff in their Hands , through divers Countries , like our Pilgrims ; living upon Alms , little caring what befalls them , and leading a Life suitable to the bad disposition of their hearts ) . I conceal'd my first misadventures , and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause , but onely out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs , and to learn many things , which are learnt by travelling the World ; men who had seen and convers'd with many several Nations , being much esteem'd in our parts : That indeed for some time since , upon the death of my Wife , whom I lov'd much , though I were not in habit , yet in mind I was more then a Gioghi , and little car'd what could betide me in the World. She ask'd me , What my design was now , and whither I directed my way ? I answer'd , that I thought of returning to my Country , if it should please God to give me life to arrive there . Many other questions she ask'd , which I do not now remember , talking with me standing a good while ; to all which , I answer'd the best I could : At length she bid me go and lodg in some house , and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience . Whereupon I took my leave , and she proceeded on her way , and , as I was afterwards told , she went about a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water to certain places , whereby to improve them . I spoke to the Queen with my head uncover'd all the while ; which courtesie , it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals , onely upon the account of being such , I thought ought much rather to be us'd to this who was a Queen , and in her own Dominions , where I was come to visit and to do her Honour . After she was gone her way , I with my people enter'd into a little village , and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country , and near the Palace ; but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor , that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh , or what I pleas'd ; which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffer'd . The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles , and partly Malabar-Moors , who have also their Meschita's there ; which was of much convenience to me . The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deuì-Ciautrù ; of which words , Abag is her proper Name ; Deuì signifies as much as Lady , and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods ; nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù , or Deurù , which are both one , and equally attributed to Princes ; whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world , and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths ; as likewise ( which is my ancient opinion ) that the word [ God ] where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator , doth not properly signifie that First Cause , who alone ought to be ador'd by the World , but signifi'd at first , either Great Lord , or the like ; whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world , suitable to that of the Holy Scripture , Filii Deorum , Filii Hominum ; and consequently , that the gods of the Gentiles , though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times , were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe , and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him ; ( some calling him , Causa Prima ; others , Anima Mundi ; others , Perabrahmi , as the Gentiles at this day in India : ) But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us ; of the truth whereof , I have great Arguments , at least amongst the Indian - Gentiles ; or if more then Saints , yet at least Deifi'd by favour , and made afterwards Divi , as Hercules , Romulus , Augustus , &c. were amongst the Romans . But to return to our purpose , they told me the word Ciautrù , ( the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name ) was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza ; and therefore possibly signifies either Prince , or King , and Queen , or the like . As for this Countries being subject to a Woman , I understood from intelligent persons of the Country , that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign , and that 't is a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles , the Sons do not succeed the Fathers , but the Sons of their Sisters ; they accounting the Female-line more certain , as indeed it is , than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza , having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs , his Wife succeeded him ; and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deuì , who was her Sister to succeed her . To whom , because she is a Woman and the descent is certain , is to succeed a Son of hers , of whom I shall hereafter make mention ; but to him , being a Man , not his own Sons , but the Son of one of his Sisters , hereafter likewise mention'd , is to succeed . Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen , I shall add , that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister , she was married for many years to the King of Banghel , who now is a fugitive , depriv'd of his Dominions , but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers . Yet , though they were Husband and Wife , ( more for Honors sake then any thing else ) they liv'd not together , but apart each in their own Lands : in the Confines whereof , either upon Rivers , where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats , or in other places of delight , they came to see and converse with one another ; Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women , who accompany'd him where-ever he went. 'T is reported , that this Queen had the Children , which she hath , by this Banghel , if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover ; for , they say , she wants not such . The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen , I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them , and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel , sending back to him , ( as the custom is in such case ) all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife . For this , and perhaps for other causes , Banghel became much offended with the Queen , and the rupture proceeded to a War : during which , it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers , not very well guarded , he sending his people with other boats in better order , took her and had her in his power : Yet , with fair carriage and good words , she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country . In revenge of this injury , she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel , who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals , because he was confederate with them , and ( as they say of many Royolets of India ) Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal , the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel , and the Portugals who favour'd him , the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka , who was already become very potent , and fear'd by all the Neighbours , and under his protection and obedience she put her self . Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen , took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own , destroying the Fort which was there ; he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts , demolishing their strength , and rendring them his Tributaries ; one of which was the Queen of Curnat , who was also confedrate with the Portugals , and no friend to her of Olaza : he came against Mangalòr , where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals , he defeated a great number ; and , ( in short ) the flower and strength of India , carrying the Ensigns , Arms , and Heads of the slain to Ikkerì in triumph . He did not take Mangalòr , because he would not , answering the Queen of Olaza , who urg'd him to it ; That they could do that at any time with much facility , and that 't was best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place , ( which was rather a House then a Fortress ) in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries : After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals , by which he restor'd the Colours he had taken from them , and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort , which Venk-tapà , as I said before , demolish'd ; besides other conditions which are now under consideration , according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkerì . This was the War of Banghel , in which the Queen got the better of him and the Portugals , of which she was very proud ; yet with-all , her Protector Venk-tapà Naieka who is very rapacious and little faithful , sufficiently humbled her , and she got not much benefit by him , saving quiet living ; for besides his subjecting her to his obedience in a manner , she was necessitated , whether by agreement or violence I know not , to resign to him Berdrete , which is the best and richest City she had , together with much Land in those Confines of Venk-tapà , and of the inner part of her Country , which amounted to a good part of her Dominions ; however , at present she lives and governs her Country in Peace , being respected by all her Neighbours . This Queen had an elder Son then him that now lives ; he was call'd Cic-Rau Ciauerù , and dy'd a while since . The Portugals say , that she her self caus'd poyson to be given him , because the young man being grown up , and of much spirit , aspir'd to deprive her of the Government , and make himself Master : Which is possible enough : for divers other Princes in the world have procur'd the death of their own Children upon jealousie of State ; so prevalent is that cursed enormous Ambition of ruling . Yet such an impiety not being evident to me concerning the Queen , I will not wrongfully defame her , but rather believe , that the young man dy'd a natural death , and with regret to her . So neither do I believe what the Portugals incens'd against her further report , namely , that she hath attempted to poyson this second Son ; but it succeeded not , he being advertis'd thereof by his Nurse who was to give him the poyson ; since I see that this Son lives with her in the same place and house peaceably , which would not be , if there were any such matter : Nor can I conceive , why she should go about to extinguish all her own Issue in this manner , having now no other Heir born of her self . December the fifth , The Queen of Olaza's Son , who though he govern not , ( for the Mother administers all alone , and will do as long as she lives ) yet for honor's sake is styl'd King , and call'd Celuuà Rairù , ( of which words , Celuuà is his proper name , and Rairù his title ) sent for the Brachman my Interpreter in the Morning , and discoursing long with him , took a particular information of me , telling him that he understood I was much whiter then the Portugals who us'd to trade in that Country , and of a very good presence , and consequently , must needs be a person of quality . In conclusion , he bid him bring me to him when my conveniency serv'd ; for he was very desirous to see me and speak with me . This Message being related to me , I let pass the hour of dinner , ( because , having no appetite , and finding my stomack heavy , I would not dine this day ) and when it seem'd a convenient time , I went ( with my Interpreter ) cloth'd in black after my custom ; yet not with such large Breeches down to the heels , as the Portugals for the most part are wont to wear in India , in regard of the heat , ( for they are very commodious , covering all the Leg , and saving the trouble of Stockins , so that the Leg is naked and loose ) but with Stockins and Garters and ordinary Breeches , without a Cloak , ( though us'd by the Portugal-Souldiers in India , even of greatest quality ) but with a large Coat or Cassock , open at the sides , after the Country fashion . The Palace , ( which may rather be call'd Capanna Reale , a Royal Lodge ) is entred into by a Gate like the grate or lattice of our Vine-yards at Rome , ordinary enough , seated in the midst of a field , which like them is divided by a small hedge from the neighbouring fields . Within the Gate is a broad Walk or Alley , on the right side whereof is a spacious plot sown , at the end of which , the Walk turns to the right hand , and there upon the same plot stands the Royal Mansion , having a prospect over all the said great green field . In the middle of this second Walk , you enter into the House , ascending seven or eight wooden stairs , which lead into a large Porch , the length of which is equal to the whole fore-part of the House . This Porch was pav'd with Cow-dung after their manner , the walls about shining , and painted with a bad red colour much us'd by them . The fore-part of it , which is all open , is up-held by great square posts , of no great height , ( for 't is their custom to make all buildings , especially Porches , but low in respect of the breadth and length , with very broad Pent-houses ; which is , I believe , by reason of the great heat of the Country , where they have more need of shadow and coolness , than of air or light . Directly opposite to the stairs in the middle of the Porch , was another small Porch , which was all the entrance into the inner part of the building . Within the little Porch was a small room long and narrow , where the King sate near the wall on the left side ; and he sate upon the ground after the Eastern manner upon one of those coarse clothes , which in Persia and Turkie are call'd Kielim , and serve for poor people ; nor was it large , but onely so much as to contain the Person of the King , the rest of the room being bare , saving that it was pollish'd with Cow-dung . Beside the King , but a little farther on his left hand , sate upon a little matt , sufficient onely to contain him , a Youth of about fifteen or eighteen years of age , call'd Balè Rairù , who was his Nephew , and is to succeed him , being the Son of his deceased Sister , who was Daughter to the present Queen . The Father of this Youth was a neighbour Gentile Prince , whom they call the King of Cumbià , ( or perhaps more correctly , Kunblè ) call'd by his proper name Ramò-Nàto Arì ; of which words , Ramò-Nàto is the proper name , and Arì the title . They said he was still living , though others at Goa told me afterwards that he was dead . But being this young Balè Rairù was not to succeed his Father , but had Right of Inheritance in Olaza , therefore he liv'd not in his Father's Country , but here at Manèl with his Grand-mother and his Uncle . None other sate with the King , but three or four of his more considerable servants stood in the room talking with him ; and in the great Porch , without the little one , stood in files on either side other servants of inferior degree , two of which nearest the entrance ventilated the Air with fans of green Taffeta in their Hands , as if to drive away the flyes from the King or the entrance ; a Ceremony us'd , as I have said elsewhere by Indian Princes for Grandeur ; and they told me , the green colour was a Ceremony too , and the proper badg of the King of Olaza , for the King of Banghel uses Crimson ; other Princes , white , as I saw us'd by Venk-tapà Naieka ; and others , perhaps other colours : A small company indeed , and a poor appearance for a King ; which call'd to my remembrance those ancient Kings , Latinus , Turnus , and Evander , who , 't is likely , were Princes of the same sort . Such as came to speak with the King , stood without in the Porch , either on one side , or in the middle of the little Porch ; either because the room was very small , and not sufficient for many people ; or rather , as I believe , for more State. The King was young , not above seventeen years of age , as they told me , yet his aspect spoke him elder ; for he was very fat and lusty , as I could conjecture of him sitting , and besides , he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks , which he suffer'd to grow without cutting , though they appeared to be but the first down . Of Complexion he was dusky , not black , as his Mother is , but rather of an earthy colour , as almost all the Malabars use to be . He had a lowder and bigger voice then Youths of his age use to have , and in his speaking , gestures , and all other things he shew'd Judgment and manly gravity . From the girdle upwards he was all naked , saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoulders . The hair of his head was long after their manner , and ty'd in one great knot , which hung on one side wrapt up in a little plain linnen , which looks like a night-cap fallen on one side . From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore , because he never rose from his seat , and the Chamber was something dark ; besides that , the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low . His Nephew who sate beside him was not naked , but clad in a whole white garment ; and his Head was wrapt up in a greater volume , white , like a little Turbant . When I came before the King , his Men made me come near to the little Porch in the midst of them , where standing by my self , after the first salutations , the King presently bid me cover my head ; which I forth-with did without further intreaty ; though with the Mother , because a Lady , I was willing to super-abound in Courtesie , speaking to her all the time uncover'd : But with the Son who was a Man , I was minded to enjoy the priviledg of my descent , and receive the favour which he did me , as due to my quality . To sit upon at first they offer'd me nothing , nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground : Yet to shew some difference between my self and the by-standers , after I had put on my Hat , I lean'd upon my Sword , and so talk'd as long as I was standing , which was not long ; the King , who at first sat side-wise , turning himself directly towards me , although by so doing he turn'd his back to his Nephew . He ask'd me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done ; Whence I came ? What Countries I had travell'd through ? What Princes I had seen ? Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune ? Or why ? How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries , in case of sickness or other accidents ? To all which I answer'd , as I had done to his Mother ; and upon my saying , that I wander'd thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God ; He ask't me , Who was my God ? I answer'd him , ( pointing upwards ) the God of Heaven , the Creator of the Universe ; whereupon certain Souldiers there present , ( in all likelyhood Moors ) as if applauding me , said , Ah Chodia , Chodia , which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord , and is meant of God ; inferring that I worship'd the true God , whom they Moors pretended to know , in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country ; And they us'd the Persian word Chodia , because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia , ( which is not very remote from India ) as also from Arabia ; or perhaps , because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Sciàh and Dacàn , being in great part Moors , use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less then their natural Language ; whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have , by reason of neighbourhood , communication both in Religion and Speech . The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me , and that no Europaean of my quality had ever been in his Country ; that my person well shew'd of what quality I was : Nor was he mistaken herein ; for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country ? unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails for Ships ; these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees . I told him , I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him ; that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness ; but it being so many years since my departure thence , and my Travels so far , I had nothing left as I desir'd ; yet , as a memorial of my service , I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country : Whereupon I caus'd my Interpreter , ( who carried it ) to offer him a little Map of the World , which I had brought with me out of Italy ; telling him what it was , and how all the Countries , Lands , Seas , and Islands of the world were exactly delineated in it , with their Names set to each place in our Tongue , and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was . The King was hugely pleas'd with it , and desir'd to see several Countries , where they lay , and how great they were , asking me sundry questions about them ; but being he understood not our Letters written therein , he satisfi'd himself with the sight onely , and with shewing it to all the by-standers as a curious and ingenious piece of Art. Then he ask'd me , whether I could eat in their Houses , or of their meats ; for he desir'd to give me something to eat : I answer'd that I could , and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touching of things , but in doing good works . He earnestly desir'd me , that I would stay a while till some meat were prepar'd for me ; for by all means he would have me eat something in his House , and himself see me eating . I told him , that if his intention were onely to give me meat , the time was already past , nor was I dispos'd to eat ; but if it were to see me eat , I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country , not having there the preparations necessary thereunto , so that his Highness should not see what , perhaps , he desir'd ; and therefore I beseech'd him to excuse me : Nevertheless he was so urgent for it , that , not to appear discourteous , I consented to obey him . And , till the meat came , the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch , where I might sit after our manner , but not in the King's sight . Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me , and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me , commending me much for several things , but above all , for a good presence , for speaking truly and discreetly , like a Gentleman , and for my civil deportment . But before I proceed further , I will here present you with a rough and unmeasur'd draught of the King's House , and the place wherein he was ; so far as may suffice for the better understanding of what is already spoken , and is to follow after . 1. At the foot of this design is the Gate of the Palace . 2. The Walk leading to it , and included within the House . 3. A great plain and sown field . 4. The turning of the Walk before the House , where the short lines intersecting the outward line towards the field , represent the Trees planted at equal distances and in order . 5. Seven or eight wooden Stairs leading up to the Porch . 6. The Porch of the House , in which the little squares near the outer lines are the wooden pillars which support it , and the ambient lines the walls . 7. The King's Servants standing on either side without the little Porch of the Chamber . 8. I Pietro Della Valle , when I first talk'd with that King , standing . 9. The Room wherein the King was . 10. The King sitting on the ground upon a little coarse Cloth. 11. The King's Nephew sitting on the ground upon a little matt . 12. The King's Servants standing . 13. I Pietro Della Valle sitting in the said room on the ground upon a little low Table , whilst I eat and discours'd with the King a very long time together ; the place mark'd with the number 13 , being that where they set the meat before me . 14. A small open Court. 15. A small mount or bank in the said Court , leading from the more inward Chambers to that where the King was . 16. Inner Chambers and Lodgings , which , what they were , I saw not ; but they were of very bad earthen buildings , low , and coverd with thatch-like Cottages , that is , with Palm-leavs ; which are always to be understood when I speak of Cottages or Houses cover'd with thatch in India . 17. I Pietro Della Valle sitting between two of the King's Servants upon the side of the Porch , ( after having spoken the first time with the King ) entertaining me while the meat was preparing . The meat was not long in preparing , and being now in order , the King call'd for me again to enter into the room where it stood ready ; and one of the Brachmans who spoke Portugal , and was wont to accompany me , ask'd me , Whether it would not be more convenient for me to ungird my Sword , and put off my Cassack ? I answer'd , that my Cassack gave me no trouble , nor was there occasion to lay it off ; but my Sword might be laid aside , and therewith ungirding it , I gave it him to hold : which I did , the rather because all Princes being commonly suspicious , I imagin'd the King would not like my entring in with Arms ; and he that goes into another's House , to visit him and do him honour , is not to disgust , but to comply with him in all points . So I enter'd without a Sword , but yet with shoes and stockins on , though with them it be unusual ; for none should enter into that place but bare-foot , and the King himself is so there , according to their custum : Nor did I scruple their taxing me of uncleanliness , as undoubtedly they would have done in Turkie and Persia , if I had enter'd into their rooms with shoes or slippers on , because there all the rooms are cover'd with Carpets , but there was not any in these of the King , onely the pavement was gloss'd with Cow-dung . Wherefore as to have put off my shoes , ( besides that they are not so easily slip'd off as Pantofles , nor does it shew well ) would have been an exorbitant and unnecessary humility ; so to enter with them on , was to me convenient and decorous , without any lyableness to be accus'd of uncleanliness , being the floore was not cover'd ; if it had been so with Carpets or the like , as 't is usual in Turkie and Persia , then , ( to avoid seeming slovenly by soiling the place with my dirty shoes , and my self by sitting upon them , which indeed is not handsome ) I should have caus'd my shoes to be pull'd off ; for which purpose , I had accordingly caus'd a pair of slippers of our fashion to be brought along with me , in case there should have been need of them ; our kind of shoes being not so easie to be put off by shaking the foot alone without the help of the hand , as those which for this end are us'd by all the Eastern people . Entring in this manner , and saluting the King as I pass'd , I went to sit down at the upper end of the Chamber , ( as t is above describ'd ) where they had prepar'd a little square board of the bigness of an ordinary stool , which might serve for a single person , but rais'd no more then four fingers above the ground ; upon this I sat down , crossing my Legs , one over the other ; and that little elevation help'd me to keep them out from under me , with such decency as I desir'd . Right before the seat upon the bare floor , ( the Indians not using any Tables they had spread instead of a dish , ( as their custom is , especia●ly to us Christians , with whom they will not defile their own vessels ; it not being lawful for them ever to eat again in those wherein we have eaten ) a great Leaf of that Tree , which the Arabians and Persians call Mouz ; the Portugals in India , Fichi d' India , Indian Fig-trees ; and upon the said leaf they had lay'd a good quantity of Rice boyl'd after their manner , onely with water and salt ; but for sauce to it , there stood on one side a little vessel made of Palm-leavs , full of very good butter melted . There lay also upon another Leaf one of those Indian Figgs , clean and par'd ; and hard by it a quantity of a certain red herb , commonly eaten in India , and call'd by the Portugals Brèdo , ( which yet is the general appellation of all sort of herbs ) . In another place lay several fruits us'd by them , and , amongst the rest , seven of the Bambù , or great Indian Cane ; all of them preserv'd in no bad manner , which they call Acciaò ; besides one sort pickled with Vinegar , as our Olives are . Bread there was none , because they use none , but the Rice is instead of it ; which was no great defect to me , because I am now accustom'd to want it , and eat very little . The King very earnestly pray'd me to eat , excusing himself often that he gave me so small an entertainment on the sudden ; for if he had known my coming before-hand , he would have prepar'd many Carìl , and divers other more pleasing meats . Carìl is a name which in India they give to certain Broths made with Butter , the Pulp of Indian Nuts , ( instead of which , in our Countries Almond Milk may be us'd , being equally good , and of the same virtue ) and all sorts of Spices , particularly , Cardamoms and Ginger , ( which we use but little ) besides herbs , fruits , and a thousand other condiments . The Christians who eat every thing , add Flesh or Fish of all sorts , sometimes Eggs , which , without doubt , make it more savory , especially , Hens or Chickens cut in small pieces : With all which things , is made a kind of Broth , like our Guazzetti , or Pottages , and may be made many several ways ; this Broth with all the abovesaid ingredients , is afterwards poured in good quantity upon the boyled Rice , whereby is made a well-tasted mixture , of much substance and light digestion , as also of very little pains ; for it is presently boyled , and serves both for meat and bread together . I found it very good for me , and used it often , as also the Pilào else-where spoken of , and made of Rice boyled with butter and flesh fryed therein , besides a thousand other preparations of several sorts which are so common to every body in Asia ; and I account it one of the best and wholsomest meats that can be eaten in the world , without so many Artificial Inventions as our gutlings of Europe ( withall , procuring to themselves a thousand infirmities of Gouts , Catarrhs , and other Maladies , little known to the Orientals ) daily devise to the publick damage . But to return to my Relation , the King told me , he would have given me a better entertainment , but yet desired me to receive this small extemporary one , and eat without any respect or shiness of those that were present ; for thereby he should understand that I liked it . I answer'd , that the Favour and Courtesie which his Highness shew'd me , was sufficient : But as for eating , the time being now past , I did it onely to obey him ; and so , to comply with him , although I had little will to eat , I tasted lightly here and there of those fruits and herbs , where-with my Hand was but little soiled , which upon occasion I wiped with my handkerchief , being they use no other Table-linnen , nor had laid any for me . The King seeing that I touched not the Rice , spoke to me several times to eat of it , and to powre upon it some of that butter which stood by it prepared . I did not , because I would not grease my self , there being no spoon ; for the Indians eat every thing with the Hand alone , and so do the Portugals ; I know not , whether as having learnt so to do in India of the Indians ; or , whether it be their own natural custom ; but they too , for the most part eat with the Hand alone , using no spoon , and that very ill-favouredly ; for with the same Hand , if need be , they mingle together the Rice , the Butter , the Carìl , and all other things how greasie soever , daubing themselves up to the wrist , or rather washing their Hands in their meat before they eat it ; ( a fashion indeed sufficiently coarse for people of Europe ) : and thought at their Tables , which are handsome enough , there want not knives , spoons , and silver forks , and some few sometimes make use thereof ; yet the universal custom is such , that few use them , even when they lie before them . The truth is , they wash their Hands many times during one dinner , to wit , as often as they grease them , but they wipe them not first ; for neither do they make use of napkins , whether they have any before them ( as for the most part they have ) or not ; but b●sides the trouble of washing so often , in my judgment , there is but little neatnesse in washing their anointed Hand after that manner ; and , I know not , whether the washing cleanses or defiles more : I being inur'd to the neatness of Italy , could not conform to slovenliness : and , let them cover this barbarous custom with what pretence they please , either of military manners , or what else they think fit ; 't is little trouble for a civil Man to carry , even in the Warr and Travels , amongst other necessary things , a spoon , knife , and fork , where-with to eat handsomely : The Turks themselves , as barbarous as they are , yet are so much observers of this , that amongst them there is not the meanest Souldier , but who , if he hath not other better convenience , at least carries his spoon ty'd to the belt of his sword . In short , the King frequently urg'd me to eat of the Rice , and I as often deny'd with several excuses ; at last he was so importunate , that I was fain to tell him , I could not eat that meat in that manner , because I had not my Instruments . The King told me , I might eat after my own way , and take what Instruments I would , which should be fetch'd from my House . I reply'd divers times , that there was no need , and that my tasting of it was enough to testifie my Obedience : However , by all means he would have what was necessary fetch'd from my House . So I sent my Brachman and my Christian Servant with my key , and they , the King so enjoyning , went ; and return'd in a moment , for my House was directly over against the Palace . They brought me a spoon , a silver-fork and a clean and fine napkin , very handsomely folded in small plaits ; this I spread upon my knees which it cover'd down to my feet , and so I began to eat Rice , powring the butter upon it with a spoon ; and the other things with the fork , after a very cleanly manner , without greasing my self , or touching any thing with my Hands , as 't is my custom . The King and all the rest admir'd these exquisite , and to them unusual , modes ; crying out with wonder Deuru , Deuru , that I was a Deuru , that is , a great Man , a God , as they speak . I told the King , that to eating according to my custom , there needed much preparation of a table , linnen , plates , dishes , cups , and other things ; but I was now travelling through strange Countries , and treated my self , alla Soldatescae , after the Souldiers fashion , leading the life of a Gioghi , and consequently , had not with me such things as were necessary . The King answer'd , that it suffic'd him to see thus much , since thereby he easily imagin'd how all my other things would be ; and that , in brief , he had never seen any Europaean like me ; and that it was a great contentment to him to see me . He desir'd me several times to eat more , perceiving that I rather tasted of things to please him , than to satiate my self . He caus'd divers other Fruits pickled with Vinegar and Salt to be brought me , by a Woman who came from the inner rooms through the little Court ; as also for my drink , ( in a cup made likewise of Palm-leavs ) a kind of warm Milk , to which they are accustom'd , and which seem'd to me very good . Both before and after , and whilst I was eating , I had much discourse with the King , who entertain'd me sitting there above two long hours ; but not remembring it all , I shall onely set down some of the most remarkable particulars . He ask'd me concerning our Countries , all the Christian Princes , with the other Moors and Pagan-Princes whom I had seen ; concerning the power and Armies of each , and their Grandeur in comparison of others . On which occasion I told him , that amongst us Christians the prime Prince was the Pope my Lord , the Head of the Church , and the High-Priest , to whom all others gave Obedience ; the next , was the Emperour , in dignity the first of Souldiers , or secular Princes ; that the first Nation was France ; and that for Territory and Riches , Spain had most of all ; with many other circumstances too long to be rehearsed . Which discourse led me to tell him , as I did , that the King of Portugal , as they speak , that is , the King of Spain , so much esteem'd in India , pay'd Tribute to our Lord the Pope for the Kingdom of Naples , which he held of his Holiness in homage ; for which he had a great conceit of the Pope . Amongst the Moorish Princes , I said concerning the Moghòl , whom he much cryed up to me , that we held him indeed for the richest in treasure , but otherwise had greater esteem of the Turk and the Persian ▪ because though the Moghòl hath not an infinite number of people , and , without doubt , more then others , yet they were not people fit for war ; and that Sciàh , amongst the rest , did not value him at all , as manifestly appear'd in the late war. Of Sciàh Abbas , the King profess'd to account him a great Prince , a great Souldier , and a great Captain ; and I related to him , how I had been for a great while together very familiar with him , and that he had done me many favours , having me with him in divers notable occasions : whereto he answer'd , that he did not doubt it , and that , being such a person as I was , there was no Prince but would highly favour me . He ask'd me also concerning the commodities of our Countries , and of those which are brought from thence into these Oriental parts ; and ( being that in India they are accustom'd to the Portugals , who , how great Personages soever they be , are all Merchants , nor is it any disparagement amongst them ) he ask'd me , whether I had brought from my Country any thing to bargain with all , either Pearls or Jewels , for I knew very good ones came from thence ? I answer'd him , that in my Country the Nobles of my rank never practis'd Merchandize , but onely convers'd with Arms or Books , and that I addicted my self to the latter , and medled not with the former . He ask'd me , how I was supply'd with Money for my Travels , in so remote Countries ? I answer'd , that I had brought some along with me , and more was sent me from time to time by my Agents , either in Bills or in ready Money , according as was most expedient in reference to the diversity of places . He ask'd me , whether I had either a Father or a Mother , Brothers or Sisters , Wife or Children , remaining by that Wife , who , I said , was pass'd to a better life ? I answer'd , that I had not ; whereupon he said , it was no wonder then that I pleas'd my self in wandring thus about the World , being so alone and destitute of all Kinred . And indeed , the King did not ill inferr ; for had any of my dearest Relations been living , as they are not , perhaps , I should not have gone from home , nor ever seen Manèl or Olaza ; but since 't is God's Will to have it so , I must have patience . The King told me , that if I could procure a good Horse out of my Country , he would pay very well for it , for the Indians have none good of their own breed ; and the good they have , are brought to them either from Arabia or Persia , and the Portugals make a Trade of carrying them thither to sell , even the greatest Persons , as Governours of places , and Captains General , not disdaining to do the same . I standing upon the point of my Italian Nobility , which allows not such things , answer'd the King , that to sell Horses was the Office of Merchants , not my profession ; that I might present some good one to his Highness , there being in my Country very good ones , and would gladly do it , if it were possible . The King was much pleas'd with this Answer of mine , and said to his Men , that I spoke like a right Gentleman , plainly and truly ; and did not , like many , who promise and say they will do many things , which afterwards they perform not , nor are able to do . He ask'd me concerning Saffron , which is much esteemed among them ; they use it mix'd with Sanders to paint their fore-heads withall , as also for Perfumes , for Meats , and for a thousand other uses . I answer'd , that I might be able to serve his Highness , that it was a thing that might be transported ; and that in my Country , there was enough , and that , if it pleas'd God I arrived there alive , I would send him a Present of it , with other fine things of my Country , which perhaps , would be acceptable to him . And indeed , if I arrive in Italy , I intend to make many Complements , with this and divers other Princes , whom I know in these parts ; for by what I have seen , I may get my self a great deal of Honour amongst them with no great charge . Ever now and then , the King would talk with his Servants , and all was in commendation of me and my discreet speaking , and especially of my white complexion , which they much admired , although in Italy I was never counted one of the fair , and , after so many Travels , and so many sufferings both of Body and Mind , I am so changed that I can scarce acknowledge my self an Italian any longer . He prayed me once with much earnestnesse and courtesie , ( out of a juvenile curiosity ) to unbrace one of my sleeves a little and my breast , that he might see whether my body were correspondent to my face . I laughed , and , to please him , did so : When they saw that I was whiter under my clothes ( where the Air and Sun had not so much injured me ) than in the face , they all remained astonished , and began to cry out again that I was a Deurù , that I was a Heroe , a god , and that blessed was the hour when I entered into their House , ( I took my self to be Hercules , lodged in the Country of Evander ) and the King being much satisfied with my courtesie , said , that he knew me to be a Noble Man by my civil compliance with his demands ; that if I had been some coarser person , I would not have done so , but perhaps , have taken ill , and been offended with those their curious Questions . As for the Ceremonies of eating , I must not omit , that after he saw that I had done eating , notwithstanding his many instances to me to eat more , he was contented that I should make an end ; and because most of the meat remained untouch'd , and it was not lawful for them to touch it or keep it in the House , they caused my Christian Servant to come in and carry it all away ( that he might eat it ) ; which he did in the napkin which I had used before : for to fling it away , in regard of the discourtesie it would be to me , they judged not convenient . At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King , they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cow-dung , ( which they had got ready for the purpose ) upon the place where I had sat , which , according to their Religion , was to be purified . In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King , he caused to be presented to me , ( for they were ready prepared in the Chamber ) and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne , ( so they call in India , especially the Portugals , the Indian Nuts before they be ripe , when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet refreshing water , which is drunk for delight ; and if the Pulp , ( for of this water it is made ) be begun to be congealed , yet that little is very tender , and is eaten with much delight , and is accounted cooling ; whereas when it is hard and fully congealed , the Nut remaining without water within , and in the inner part somewhat empty , that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone , is , in my opinion ; hot , and not of so good taste , as before when it was more tender . ) Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me , besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl , or Indian Figs , which , though a small matter , are nevertheless the delights of this Country ; wherefore as such I received them , and thanking the King for them , ( who also thank'd me much for my visit , testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me ) at length taking my leave , I departed about an hour or little more before night . I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time , but I understood she was gone abroad , whilst I was with her Son , to the above-mention'd place of her Works . Wherefore being desirous to make but little stay in Manel , both that I might dispatch as soon as possible , and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her , not onely after her Son , but also on a different day , I resolv'd to go and find her where she was , although it were late ; being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat , and who sometimes waited upon the Queen ; and the rather , because they told me , she was little at home , but rising at break of day , went forth-with to her Works , and there stayed till dinner ; and as soon as dinner was done , return'd thither again , and remain'd there till night . By which action , I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Sciàh Abbas King of Persia , and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him , that is , active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs . Moreover , they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience , and doing Justice to her Subjects : so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men , then in the house . Accordingly I went , and , drawing near her saw her , standing in the field , with a few Servants about her , clad as the other time , and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches . When she saw us , she sent to know wherefore I came , whether it were about any business ? And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her , brought me word again that it was late and time to go home ; and therefore I should do so , and when she came home she would send for me . I did as she commanded , and return'd to my house , expecting to be call'd when she thought fit ; but she call'd not for me this night , the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home , as I understood she did . The same day , December the seventh , Being return'd home before noon , I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe . I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees ; he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary . His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′ . 34″ . which substracted from 35 degrees , ( the Altitude which I took , leave 12 degrees 29′ . 36″ . which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial , Southwards from the Zenith of Manèl , and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place . So that Manèl , where the Queen of Olaza now resides , lyes 12 degrees 29′ . 36″ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night , having waited all the day , and not hearing of the Queens sending for me , as she had promis'd , I thought not good to importune her further , but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me . Wherefore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day . Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me , certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me , gave sundry Reasons : Some said , the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present , as indeed I should , which would require a requital ; but , perhaps , she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places , or was loath to give : So that to avoid the shame , she thought best to decline the visit . Others said , there was no other decent place to give Audience in , but that where her Son was ; and for her to come thither , did not shew well ; as neither to send for me into some other unhandsome place , nor yet to give me Audience in the Street , when it was no unexpected meeting but design'd , for which reason she avoided speaking with me . The Brachman , not my Interpreter , but the other who held my Sword , had a more extravagant , and ( in my opinion ) impertinent conceit , to wit , that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence , fairness , and handsome manner of conversation , that the Queen would not speak with me , for fear she should become enamor'd of me , and be guilty of some unbecomming action , at which I heartily laugh'd . 'T was more probable , that she intended to avoid giving people occasion to talk of her , for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them . But let the Cause be what it will , I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit , and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided , which ( there being no other ) was not row'd with Oars , but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu , which serv'd well enough for that shallow River . The next day , December the eighth , A little before Noon , without having seen the Queen or any other , I departed from Manèl . In a place some-what lower , on the left bank of the River , where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by , ( which for the most part are onely Rice , which is carried out , and brought into her Country ) I stay'd a while to dine . Then continuing my way , I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr , where the Shops being shut up , and nothing to be got , I was fain to go supperless to bed . Occasion being offer'd for sending this Letter to Goa , whence the Fleet will depart next January , I would not omit it ; so that where-ever I may happen to reside , the Letter may at least arrive safe to you , whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection . LETTER VII . From Goa , January 31. 1624. IN this my excursion and absence from Goa , ( which was short , but the pleasantest three Moneths Travel that ever I had ) besides the Royal Seats of Ikkerì and Manèl , describ'd in my last to you , I had the fortune to go as far as Calecut , to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà , call'd by his proper Title , il Samorino , where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination towards the South . Now in my Return , before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses , following the Order of my Journeys , I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadirì , and visiting of Batniato , call'd King of the Gioghi , who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage , impoverish'd by Venk-tapà Naieka . December the tenth , Being yet in Mangalòr , I took the Altitude of the Sun , whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes . He was now in the 18 degree of Sagittary , and declin'd towards the South 22 degrees 55′ . 28″ . which , detracted from the 35 degrees 20′ . wherein I found him , there remain 12 degrees 24′ . 33″ . and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North , and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated . At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the moneth of June , or the end of August . December the eleventh , I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage , where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi , whom the Portugals ( usually liberal of the Royal Title ) style King of the Gioghi , perhaps because the Indians tearm him so in their Language ; and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land , wherein , besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people , and a few very small Villages subject to his Government . The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill , in this manner . On the edge of the Plain , where the ascent of the Hill begins , is a great Cistern or Lake , from which ascending a pair of stairs , with the face turn'd towards the North , you enter into a Gate , which hath a cover'd Porch , and is the first of the whole inclosure , which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being enter'd the said Gate , and going strait forward through a handsome broad Walk , bes●t on either side with sundry fruit-trees , you come to another Gate , where there are stairs and a Porch higher then the former . This opens into a square Piazza or great Court , in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness , and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles ; onely the Front looks towards the East , where the Hill riseth higher , and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple , on the side of the Court , is a kind of Shed or Pent-house with a Charriot in it , which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals . Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court , there are little square Chappels for other Idols . On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former , by which going out and ascending some few steps , you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form , built about with black stone , and stairs leading down to the surface of the water ; in one place next the wall 't is divided into many little Cisterns , and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in , and to perform their Ceremonies . The Gate of the Temple , as I said , looks Eastward , where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep . From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill , are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it , and there the place is afterwards plain . Where the stairs begin , stands a high , strait , and round brazen Pillar , ty'd about in several places with little fillets ; 't is about 60 Palms high , and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top , with little diminution . On this Pillar are plac'd about seventeen round brazen wheels , made with many spokes round about like stars : they are to support the lights in great Festivals , and are distant about three Palms one from another . The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches ; of which the middlemost is highest , the other four of equal height . The foot of the Pillar is square , and hath an Idol engraven on each side ; the whole Engine is , or at least seems , all of a piece . The Temple , to wit , the inner part where the Idol stands , is likewise all cover'd with brass : They told me , the walls of the whole Inclosure , which are now cover'd with leavs , were sometimes cover'd with large plates of brass ; but that Venk-tapà Naieka carry'd the same away , when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillag'd all these Countries ; which whether it be true or no , I know not . The walls of a less Inclosure ( wherein according to their custom the Temple stands ) are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top , distant one above another little more then an Architectical Palm ; these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions ; which must needs make a brave Shew , the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire . This Temple is dedicated to an Idol call'd Moginàto ; of what form it is I know not , because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it . Having view'd the Temple , I ascended the Hill by the stairs , and passing a good way forward on the top thereof , came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King ; the place is a Plain , and planted with many Trees , under which are rais'd many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground , for them to sit upon in the shadow . There are an infinite number of little square Chappels with several Idols in them , and some places cover'd over head , but open round about , for the Gioghi to entertain themselves in . And lastly , there is the King's House , which is very low built ; I saw nothing of it , ( and believe there is nothing more ) but a small Porch , with walls round about colour'd with red , and painted with Elephants and other Animals : Besides , in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed , somewhat rais'd from the ground , and cover'd with a Cloth like a Tent ; they told me it was the place where the King us'd to reside , and perhaps also to sleep . The King was not here now , but was gone to a Shed or Cottage in a great plain field , to see something , I know not what , done . The Soil is very good , and kept in tillage ; where it is not plain , by reason of the steepness of the Hill , 't is planted with high goodly Trees , most of which bear fruit : And indeed , for a Hermitage so ill kept by people that know not , or cannot make it delightful , it seem'd to me sufficiently handsome . I believe , it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourish'd , for it lyes in their Territory , and that the place and the Seignory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi ; who , as they have no Wives , so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land , goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession . I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here , as in our Covents , but I saw not above one or two ; and they told me , they resort not together , but remain dispers'd here and there as they list , abide in several places in Temples where they please , nor are subject to their King in point of Obedience , as ours are to their Superior , but onely do him Reverence and Honour ; and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here , to whom during their stay , the King supplies Victuals . In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth , who till these Lands , whereby he gets Provision . They told me , that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage , yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly , the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts , and the rest in diet , and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple , and his Idols ; and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him , but 't was feared he would hereafter . At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi , and found him employed in his business after a mean sort , like a Peasant or Villager . He was an old man with a long white beard , but strong and lusty ; in either ear hung two little beads , which seemed to be of Gold , I know not whether empty or full , about the bigness of a Musket-bullet ; the holes of his ears were large , and the tips much stretched by the weight ; on his head he had a little red bonnet , such as our Galley-slaves wear , which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit . From the girdle upwards he was naked , onely he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders ; he was not very low , and , for an Indian , of colour rather white then otherwise . He seemed a man of judgement , but upon tryal in sundry things , I found him not learned . He told me , that formerly he had Horses , Elephants , Palanchinoes , and a great equipage and power before , Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him , so that now he had very little left . That within twenty dayes after , there was to be a great Feast in that place , to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts ; that it would be worth my seeing , and that I should meet one that could speak Arabick and Persian , and was very learned , who could give me satisfaction of many things ; and extolling the qualities of this Giogho , he told me that he had a very great Head ( to signifie the greatness of which , he made a great circle with his arms ) to wit , of hair , ruffled and long , and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while . I asked him to give me his Name in writing , for my Memory ; since I was come to see him . He answer●d me , ( as the Orientals for the most part do to such curious demands ) To what purpose was it ? and , in fine , he would not give it me ; but I perceiv'd 't was through a vain and ignorant fear , that it might be of some mischief to him . Nevertheless at my going away , I was told by others that he is call'd Batniato ; and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is call'd Cadirà . Having ended my discourse with the King , I came away , and , at the foot of the Hill , without the first gate of the Hermitage , rested to dine , till the heat were over , in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants , ( there being a small Village there ) whose Wife set before us Rice , Caril , and Fish , which themselves also eat , being of a Race allow'd so to do . When the heat was past , I return'd fair and softly , as I went , to Mangalòr ; and arriv'd at home a good while before night . December the eighteenth , I prepar'd my self to go to Carnate to see that Queen ; whose Territory and City is , as I have said else-where , two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr , upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it , and over-flowes the Country round about , it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation ; but during the war of Mangalòr , Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries , sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him . The Queen , who , as I have heard , is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence ; being unwilling to render her self to Venk-tapà , summoned her Captains together , told them , that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had , and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power , if they would prepare thems●lves to defend the State : But these Ministers , either through Cowardize or Treachery , would not attempt a defence ▪ Whereupon the poor Queen , who as a Woman could do little by her self , ( her Son also being very young ) seeing her people disheartned , resolv'd by their advice to surrender her self to Venk-tapà Naieka ; and accordingly prepar'd to go to him with a good Guard of Souldiers . Which he hearing , sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants ; which she did , not voluntarily , but constrain'd thereto by her hard Fortune , and the little Faith of others . Venk-tapà receiv'd her honourably , and took her into his Friendship and Protection ; but withall he caus'd the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had , to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards , and left her , as before , the Government of the State , tying her onely to Obedience , the payment of a Tribute , and the professing of a noble Vassallage to him . When they dismantled the City , the Queen ( they say ) unable to endure the sight , retir'd into a solitary place a little distant , cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillanimity and Infidelity of her own people , no less then the unfortunateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders , to whom she had been always a faithful Friend . At this time she lives with her young Son , either in Carnate , or some other place thereabouts . Being mov'd by the Fame of this Queens Virtue , I was desirous to go and do her Reverence ; for which purpose I had gotten a Palanchino ready , and Men to carry me thither . But in the Morning of the above-said day , there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships , which they call l' armata del Canarà , because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà ; or else l' armata della Colletta , for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon , and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations . The General of this Fleet was Sig : Luis de Mendoza , a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo , ( as they speak ) young , but of very good parts . The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig : Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio , formerly my Friend at Goa , whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship. Whereupon hearing of his Arrival , I went to seek him , and finding him already landed , I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut , in order to carry thither two Men of Samorì King of Calecut , ( Samorì is a Title given to all those Kings , like our Emperour or Caesar ) which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet , in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts , to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace ; ( for he had been many years , if not at War , yet at enmity with the Portugals ) saying , that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace , he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity , and treat of Articles . Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer ; and , as Sig : Ayres said , the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night , yet would return very shortly , because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours , onely till he had landed these Men , and understood what Resolution the Samorì gave in Answer , without giving him more time to think thereupon . That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr , and all the other Ports of that Coast , to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice , ( which were now prepar'd , or a preparing ) and convoy them according to their custom to Goa , where , by reason of scarcity of provision , they were much desir'd . Hearing this News , I was loath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut , ( the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India , and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals ) and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig : Ayres the same day , putting off my Journey to Carnate , whither I had hopes to go at my return . Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino , and the Men that were to carry me , together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr , ( because he was not willing to go further with me ) , I went aboard alone without any Servant , assuring my self I could not want attendance , and what-ever else was needful in the Ship ; wherein I found Sig : Manoel Leyton , Son of Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leyton , embarqu'd as a Souldier ( which course of life he was now first enter'd upon ) , besides many other eminent Souldiers , who were afterwards very friendly to me , and with whom I spent many days in good conversation . December the nineteenth , We departed from Mangalòr , and went formost of all , because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard . This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land , call'd Monte Delì ; and the next day , ( December the twentieth ) by another , call'd Monte Fermoso . At night , we anchor'd under Cananòr , but enter'd not the Port , having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues . December the one and twentieth , Once in the Morning , and once in the Evening , we met with Paroes , which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers , of whom this Coast was full ; for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà , and that of Malabar begins : We made ready our Arms both times to fight them , but they fled from us , and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers , whereof that Coast is full , where by reason it was their own Territory , and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places , we could not pursue them to take them ; onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose , which were answer'd from that Land with the like ; we might easily have attempted , if not to take that which we saw in the Evening , yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon , if the General had not had regard to the Land they recover'd , which belong'd to the Samorì , to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation , he was willing to have respect . At night we came to Anchor under Calecut , which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr . December the two and twentieth , Early in the Morning the Samorì's two Men landed at Calecut , and with them a Portugal common Souldier , but well clad and attended , whom the General sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer , which was ; That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace , and would gladly conclude it ; but on condition that the Samorì made Peace too with the King of Cocin , the Portugals Confederate , whom it was not fit to leave out of the said Peace ; and the rather , because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samorì were touching the King of Cocin , whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend , and had alwayes , to the dammage of the Samorì , his perpetual Adversary , much supported ; That if the Samorì were contented to make Peace with both , he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions , and they should be receiv'd very well . Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet ; for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore , and the Samorì's Royal Palace is not far off : And together with the Portugal , the Samorì sent to the General a Portugal Boy , eight or ten years old , call'd Cicco , who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr , had been taken Prisoner , and was brought up in his Court ; he sent him well cloth'd , and accompany'd not onely with many persons , but also with Pipes and Drums , that he might visit the General in his Name , and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat , namely , Indian Figgs , Lagne , and other fruits . His Answer to the business was , that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals , and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration ; withall , desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers , and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet ; with other Reasons , which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time , and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace , till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd , left the Portugals should molest them at Sea ; than real intentions for a Peace , especially with the King of Cocin , with whom he hath long and intricate discords , not so easily to be terminated . The Portugals also demanded , that the Samorì would remove a Garrison which he had plac'd in certain Confines , where they for their own security , and the defence of the King of Cocin , were fain to keep a Fort continually , with a great Garrison and at much expence : And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto , it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices , to hold the Portugals in suspence ; wherefore the General sent him word , That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours , and so long he would stay : If within that time the Samorì took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions , he would carry his Ambassador with a good will ; otherwise , he intended to depart the next night , all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine . With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco , honor'd with some small Presents , and the other Men that came with him , without sending any of his Portugals on purpose , or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samorì , as he was by him invited ; the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far , because these Kings Samorì had never been very faithful towards the Portugals . Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded , so that many of them went ashore , some to walk up and down , some to buy things , and some to do other business ; as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats , partly , to sell things , and partly , out of curiosity to see the Portugals , who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samorì , seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut . The same day , ( December the two and twentieth ) whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut , I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe , and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes . The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary ; whence according to my Canon of Declination , which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini , he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes , which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination ; if it be not really so , the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours , if not more , that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe , according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated ; so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun , you substract the 23 degrees 28′ . which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South , the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ . and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place ; and consequently , the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner , I landed also with the Captain of my Ship , and some other Souldiers ; we went to see the Bazar , which is near the shore ; the Houses , or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's , being very low ; the Streets also are very narrow , but indifferently long ; the Market was full of all sorts of provision , and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people , conformable to their Custom ; for as for Clothing , they need little , both Men and Women going quite naked , saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees , and covering their shame ; the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew , or white strip'd with Azure , or Azure and some other colour ; a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them . Moreover , both Men and Women wear their hair long , and ty'd about the head ; the Women , with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough , as almost all Indian-Women do ; the dressing of whose head , is , in my opinion , the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation : The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head , sometimes a little inclin'd on one side ; some of them use a small colour'd head-band , but the Women use none at all . Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets , their ears of pendants , and their necks of jewels ; the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers , or other Arms in their hands , as I said of those of Balagate . The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut , and the In-land parts , especially the better sort , are all Gentiles , of the Race Nairi for the most part , by profession Souldiers , sufficiently swashing and brave : But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari , an adventitious people , though of long standing ; for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since , makes mention of them ; they live confusedly with the Pagans , and speak the same Language , but yet are Mahometans in Religion . From them , all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar , famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves ; whence in the Bazar of Calecut , besides the things above-mention'd , we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities , as Swords , Arms , Books , Clothes of Goa , and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea ; which things , because stollen , and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case , are not bought by our Christians . Having seen the Bazar , and stay'd there till it was late , we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City , and the out-side of the King's Palace ; for to see the King at that hour we had no intention , nor did we come prepar'd for it , but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship. Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace , for the City is great , and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees , amongst the boughs whereof , a great many of wild Monkies ; and within these close Groves , stand the Houses , for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets ; they appear but little , few of their outsides being seen , besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots , and dividing them from the Streets , which are much better than those of the Bazar , but without any ornament of Windows ; so that he that walks through the City , may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens , than of an inhabited City : Nevertheless it is well peopled , and hath many Inhabitants , whose being contented with narrow buildings , is the cause that it appears but small . As we walked in this manner , we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy ; and because he saw us many together , and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us , or because he knew our General , he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace ; and going before us as our guide , conducted us thither . He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming , and told us , we must by all means go to see him , because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us : Wherefore , not to appear discourteous , we were constrein'd to consent to his Request , notwithstanding the unexpectedness of , and our unpreparedness for , the visit . The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza , which is beset with certain very great Trees , affording a delightful shadow . I saw no Guard before it , it was great and open ; but before it , was a row of Balisters , about four or five foot from the ground , which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals , but also Men upon occasion . In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the Gate leading into it , and another within on the other side . Yet , I believe , both the Stairs and the Balisters are moveable , because 't is likely that when the King comes forth , the Gate is clearly open ; otherwise it would not be handsome , but this is onely my conjecture . We enter'd this Gate , ascending the Stairs upon the Rails , where we were met by the Messenger whom the above-said person had sent to the King , and who again invited us into the Palace by the Kings Order . Within the Gate we found a great Court , of a long form , without any just and proportionate figure of Architecture ; on the sides , were many lodgings in several places , and in the middle , were planted divers great Trees for shadow : The King 's chief apartment , and ( as I believe , by what I shall mention hereafter ) where his Women were , was at the end of the Court , opposite to the left side of the Entrance . The Edifice , in comparison of ours , was of little consideration ; but , according to their mode , both for greatness and appearance , capable of a Royal Family . It had a cover'd porch in that form , as all their structures have , and within that was a door of no great largeness leading into the House . Here we found Cicco the Portugal youth , become an Indian in Habit and Language , but , as himself told us , and as his Portugal Name , which he still retain'd among the Gentiles , demonstrated , no Renegado but a Christian ; which I rather believe , because indeed the Indian-Gentiles admit not , nor care to admit other strangers to their Religion , as I have elsewhere noted ; for conjoyning so inseparately , as they do , their Religion to the Descents or Races of Men , as a Man can never be of other Race then what he was born of ; so they also think that he neither can nor ought to be of any other Religion , although in Habit , Language , and Customes , he accommodate himself to the people with whom he lives . With the said Cicco we found many other of the King's Courtiers who waited for us , and here we convers'd with them a good while before the Gate , expecting a new Message from the King , who , they told us , was now bathing himself , according to their custom , after supper . Nor was it long before Order came from the King for us to enter , and accordingly we were introduc'd into that second Gate ; and passing by a close room like a chamber , ( in which I saw the Image of Brahmà upon his Peacock , and other Idolets ) we enter'd into a little open Court , surrounded with two rows of narrow and low Cloysters , to wit , one level with the ground , and the other somewhat higher . The pavement of the porch was also something rais'd above the plane of the Court , so much as might serve for a Man to sit after our manner . The King was not in this small Court , but they told us we must attend him here , and he would come presently : Whereupon we betook our selves to sit down upon that rais'd pavement of the porch , the Courtiers standing round about us ; amongst which , the Portugal Cicco , and another Indian Man , ( who , as they said , was a Christian , and being sometimes a slave to the Portugals , had fled hither for Liberty , and was entertain'd in the King's Guard ) serv'd us for Interpreters ; but not well , because the Man spoke not the Portugal Tongue so much as tolerably , and Cicco having been taken when he was very young , remembred but little of his own Language . No sooner were we seated in this place , but two Girls about twelve years old enter'd at the same Gate whereat we came in ; they were all naked , ( as , I said above , the Women generally go ) saving that they had a very small blew cloth wrap'd about their immodesties , and their Arms , Ears , and Necks , were full of ornaments of Gold and very rich Jewels . Their colour was somewhat swarthy , as all these Nations are , but in respect of others of the same Country , clear enough ; and their shape no less proportionable and comely , than their aspect was handsome and wel-favour'd . They were both the Daughters , as they told us , of the Queen , that is , not of the King but of his Sister , who is styl'd , and in effect is , Queen ; for these Gentiles using to derive the descent and inheritance by the line of the Women , though the Government is allow'd to Men , as more fit for it , and he that governes is call'd King ; yet the King's Sister , and , amongst them , ( if there be more then one ) she to whom , by reason of Age , or for other respects it belongs , is call'd , and properly is Queen , and not any Wife or Concubine of the King , who ha's many . So also when the King , ( who governes upon the account of being Son of the Queen-Mother ) happens to dye , his own Sons succeed him not , ( because they are not the Sons of the Queen ) but the Sons of his Sister ; or in defect of such , those of the nearest Kins-women by the same Female line : So that these two Girls , whom I call the Nieces of the Samorì , were right Princesses or Infantaes of the Kingdom of Calecut . Upon their entrance where we were , all the Courtiers present shew'd great Reverence to them ; and we , understanding who they were , arose from our seat , and having saluted them , stood all the time afterwards before them bare-headed . For want of Language we spoke not to them , because the above-said Indian-slave was retir'd at a distance upon their coming , giving place to other more noble Courtiers : And Cicco stood so demurely by us , that he durst not lift up his eyes to behold them , much less speak ; having already learnt the Court-fashions and good manners of the place . Nevertheless they talk'd much together concerning us , as they stood , and we also of them , and all smil'd without understanding one another . One of them being more forward could not contain , but approaching gently towards me , almost touch'd the Sleeve of my Coat with her hand , making a sign of wonder to her Sister , how we could go so wrap'd up and intangled in clothes as we seem'd to her to be : Such is the power of Custom , that their going naked seem'd no more strange to us , than our being cloth'd appear'd extravagant to them . After a short space the King came in at the same door , accompany'd with many others . He was a young Man of thirty or five and thirty years of Age , to my thinking ; of a large bulk of body , sufficiently fair for an Indian , and of a handsome presence . He is call'd ( as a principal Courtier , whom I afterwards ask'd , told me ) by the proper name of Vikirà . His Beard was somewhat long , and equally round about his Face ; he was naked , having onely a piece of fine changeable cotten cloth , blew and white , hanging from the girdle to the middle of the Leg. He had divers bracelets on his Arms , pendants at his Ears , and other ornaments with many Jewels and rubies of value . In his Hand he carry'd a painted staff , ( if it were not an Indian Cane ) like a Shep-herd's staff , upon which fix'd in the earth , just as Shep-herds are represented in our Comedies , he stood leaning for a while . When he was saluted by us , he receiv'd us smiling , and with much courtesie ; and whilst his two Neeces stood by him leaning against a high banck to sit upon , we stood orderly in the Court just before the King ; and the whole Court and the Porches being full of other Courtiers who came in , partly , with the King , and partly , by some other little entrances . I will not omit the manner how those that entred saluted the King ; for I saw more then one do it , and particularly , a Youth who enter'd a good while after the King by one of those little Gates ; to whom in particular the King spake much , and of whom he seemed to make great account . In his salutation he advanced his joyned Hands over his Head , then parting them a little , so extended and exalted , he smote them lightly together twice or thrice , to wit , the palm of one Hand with the four longest Fingers of the other joyned together ; which whole action he repeated twice or thrice . Such as had weapons , lifted up their joyned Hands above their Heads , with their Swords , Ponyards , Bucklers , or other Arms in them ; and instead of striking with their Fingers , as by reason of their Arms they could not , they bowed down their Hands so conjoyned , and made the points of their Swords touch the ground . No less full were the higher Cloysters round about of Women , who stood there to behold us ; amongst whom stood apart in the most eminent place the Queen , Sister to the King , a Woman of ripe Age , cloth'd in blew Cotton as to her lower parts , and abundantly adorned with Jewels . The King desiring to talk with us , caused the youth Cicco to draw near , and afterwards called for the Indian Slave above-mentioned ; because Cicco , either out of excessive Reverence , or for that he had forgotten the Portugal-Tongue , durst not undertake to interpret . He asked our Captain who he was , and how called ? The Captain would not confess himself Captain of a Ship , and so become known , but counterfeiting another Name , said , he was a private Souldier , and Companion to the rest of us ; which the King seemed not to believe . He enquired likewise concerning the other Souldiers present ; and above all , very particularly concerning me , pointing at the pendant which I wore in my Ear , almost like their Custom of India , and looking upon me for it with some wonder , as a thing which he knew not-usual among the Portugals ; whereupon I told him who I was , to wit , of what Country , and something I said briefly concerning the curiosity of my Travells ; that I had run through so many Countries onely to see the world , and was at length come to his Court , being no Portugal , but of Rome , a different and remote Nation from Portugal ; with all which he seem'd well pleas'd . He bid us several times put on our Hats ; but our Captain , whose example 't was fit for us to follow , being resolv'd not to make himself known , not onely would not do it , but refus'd it both by gestures and words , which I liked not well ; for shaking his Head and smiling , he answer'd that he would not , that they should not cause him to commit that false Latine , what ever else he did ; that indeed it was not a thing to be jeasted in , with other such gallantries ; he conceiving , as I believe , that herein consisted all the punctuality of this Audience on his part : So that none of the rest of us cover'd himself ; but it would not have been ill done , if the favour had been with better Answers then by saying , as the Captain did twice or thrice , ( with greater Courtship , as he thought ) that it was hot , and therefore he would not put on his Hat , which his smiling betray'd to be but an excuse ; though he conceiv'd he thereby shew'd himself an excellent Courtier , Then the King began to speak to our Captain , ( whom he well perceiv'd to be the Chief of the company ) concerning the Peace ; yet saying no more then what he had signifi'd to our General , and desiring him to perswade the General not to depart so soon from Calecut , but to stay till he had consulted better with his Ministers , and had time to give a better and more determinate Resolution . The Captain answer'd cuningly , that these matters did not belong to him , who was a private Souldier , and was come thither onely to see the City and the Palace , whither he had been unexpectedly invited by his Highness ; that as to the Peace , it was to be treated of with the General , who had already answered his Highness as far as he could , according to the Orders given him by the Vice-Roy ; nevertheless that in Obedience to his Highness , he would deliver this Message to him in the Evening . The King saw that a Souldier of ours had one of those Harquebuzes , which the Portugals call Baccamarti , which are very short , of a large bore , and with a Fire-lock after the English-fashion . He asked to have it brought to him to look upon ; whereupon a Courtier taking it out of the Souldier's Hand reach'd it to the King , not giving it into his Hand , ( for 't is not lawful for them to touch a thing at the same time with the King ) but ( because it would neither have been handsome to have lay'd it down on the ground for the King to take it up ) therefore he took this course ; He set the but-end of the Harquebuz upon the ground at a little distance from the King , and then giving the bore-end a gentle cast from himself , made it fall into the Hands of the King , who held them ready for that purpose . The King taking the Harquebuz in his Hand , presently shaked the powder out of the pan upon the ground , lest any disaster should befall him , ( for he perceived it was charged ) then lifting it up to his Eye , he looked through the sight , shewing thereby that he was a good markes-man , as they told us afterwards he was . He look'd much upon the Fire-lock as a thing unknown to them , for their Guns have onely match ; and being he seemed much taken with this piece , I told the Captain it would be handsome to present it to him , and indeed had it been mine , I should willingly have given it him . The Captain spoke to the Souldier , who , uncapable of such noble thoughts , answered that he would give it to the King if he might have forty Piasters for it , which was above twice the value . So that the King not offering to buy it , nor the Captain to lay out so much Money in order to present it to him , the pleasuring him therewith was waved ; nor was it otherwise offered to him , as in my opinion Civility required . Nevertheless the King never let it it go out of his Hand so long as we were with him . Afterwards he shewed us a little Parrot standing in an open Cage under the Cloyster , he endeavoured to cause it to speak in our presence ; and because our Interpreters were not very good , he sent to call an eminent Servant of his , who spoke the Portugal-Tongue better , to come and interpret in this Conversation . The Signori Portoghesi my Companions , little accustomed to Princes Courts , though otherwise well bred , gave me occasion to laugh within my self at two things . The first was , that it appearing to them unhandsome , that the King stood all the while he discoursed with us , as he did ; or at most , leaned onely on the wall or his staff ; they took upon them to speak to his Highness to sit down , and not put himself to such trouble . I disswaded the Captain from it by all means , because Kings are Kings , and sit or stand when they please , and do what they list , 't is their part to command ; nor are we to use those Complements with them which we do to our equals , but always leave them to their own will and pleasure , for this is the breeding of the Court : But my counsel prevailed little , for the Captain was resolved to speak and desire him to sit down , as he did , not once , but twice or thrice ; of which , nevertheless the King made little account , and answered onely with a smile . The second thing that made me laugh , was , that when the King enter'd into the little Court , the door whereat he and we had enter'd before , was immediately made fast with an Iron barr , people also standing continually to guard it ; and so likewise when any one came in , or was sent out by the King , it was presently shut with diligence . The Captain and the other Portugals did not like this shutting of the door , and began presently to mutter amongst themselves , and to suspect that the King intended to detain them prisoners there , or to put some trick upon them ; and what would the General and others say in Goa , for their coming to put themselves in a Cage thus , without the order and leave of their General , onely upon meer curiosity ? I advis'd them to be quiet , telling them that it was not befitting a King to do such an act , nor was there any occasion why the King should be so treacherous ; that we were not so many , nor so considerable that the doing thereof would be of any profit to him , or damage to the Portugal Nation . That it was fit the doors should be shut whilst the King was there in that manner giving Audience to so many strangers together , arm'd , and of so little confidence with him as we were : That on the contrary , he had done us much Honour in inviting and admitting us to his presence with all our weapons , there being no Ambassador , nor publick person , or so much as known amongst us . This partly quieted them , although they very ill indur'd to see themselves shut up . I told them further , that it belong'd to the King to dismiss us when he pleas'd , and that , should we be late , the General would excuse us for our delay , at least , if not for our too-great Curiosity , which yet was no high crime as the case stood , almost all the Souldiers being come a shore this day . Nevertheless they twice or thrice demanded of the King that he would let them go , alledging that it was already late to return aboard , as indeed it was ; but the King alwayes excus'd it , and would not dismiss them , saying , That we must stay till the Man he had sent for was come , because he was desirous to talk a little better with us , and that he would send us aboard in his own Boats , at any time when it should be needful ; for , there being no form'd Harbour at Calecut , but an open shoare , the Ships rode at a good distance from the Land. At length came the expected Interpreter , who was a prime Brachman , and a Man of great Authority with the King ; for I observed , that he alone of all that were present , leaned upon his staff as the King did , and , as himself said , he had sometimes treated of weighty affairs on his Kings behalf with the Portugals in the enterprize of Cognale , perhaps not in the dayes of this Samorì , but of his Predecessor : So that he said , he was very well known to the Vice-Roy , and the chief Captains of Goa vers'd in those parts . Upon the entrance of this Man , the King call'd our Captain to come up to him upon the raised pavement of the Porch ; he refused at first twice or thrice , but at length was prevailed with by the instances both of the King himself , and of this Brachman . Here the King fell largely to discourse with him , and with us about the Peace , about his desire to have the Fleet stay a while longer for establishing a firm Friendship with the Portugals , and about divers other things ; many of which were the same that he had spoken before . In short , the Audience lasted till night , the two little Ladies his Neeces , being present almost all the time , ( for they went and came now and then ) and the Queen in the upper Cloyster ; in beholding of whom , to speak truth , I was more attentive than in all hearing these discourses , which I well saw were of little importance , and therefore I cannot relate more punctually . At length it growing dark , upon our Captain 's importunity the King dismiss'd us , and the door being open'd , we were suffer'd to go forth ; but first he caus'd many branches of Indian Figs and Lagne , to be brought and presented to us ; the Courtiers giving them to our Captain and the other Souldiers , not by stretching forth the Hand , but by tossing them in the Air , as their custom is , I believe , to avoid being contaminated by our contact . The King did the like , when at our departure he restor'd the Harquebuz to its owner ; for he cast it after the same manner into the Hands of one of his Courtiers as it was cast to him , but gently , and with much care lest it should fall , bowing himself almost to the ground for that purpose , as it was necessary to do by reason of the shortness of the piece . These Ceremonies , of not being touch'd , and the like , of which in publick demonstration they are so rigorous , yet in secret and when they please , they do not so exactly observe . And 't was told us of this King , that he is a great drinker of Wine , though rigorously prohibited by his Religion , and that he hath sometimes eaten and drunk at the same Table with Portugals very familiarly ; and that he is a Man of very affable humour , and a great friend to a jovial life , as also his carriage towards us demonstrated . Besides the Lagne and Figs which he appointed some of his Servants to carry for us even to the Boats , he gave our Captain a wild Pig alive , which he caus'd to be brought from some inner rooms of the Court , and being ty'd with a rope to be carry'd likewise to the Sea-side , whither also he sent many , and some of the principal of his Courtiers , to accompany us . A little after us he sent again to the General , one of those two Men which had been at Goa , ( to wit , he who conducted us to the Palace , and was present at the whole Audience ) to visit the General in his Name , carry him new refreshments of Fruits , and desire him not to depart so soon . But before I proceed further , for the better understanding of what I have already written , I will here present to your view a rough and unmeasur'd Plat-form of the Samorì's Palace , and the place where he gave us Audience . 1. The little Piazza without the first Gate of the Palace . 2. The first Gate guarded with Balisters . 3. A great Court within the first Gate , which should be longer in proportion to the bredth , but is drawn thus in regard of the scantness of the paper , it hath lodgings about it in several places . 4. The King's House , and the Apartment of his Women . 5. The Porch of the said House . 6. The second Gate . 7 A dark Room lock'd up 8. A Door leading into the little Court. 9. Several Lodgings . 10. The little Court. 11. The place whence the wild Swine was brought . 12. The King denoted in several places , according as he mov'd whilst he was speaking . 13. The King 's two Neeces . 14. A great Man of the King 's , who serv'd for Interpreter . 15. The Queen in the higher Cloyster . 16. Our Company , with a greater number of Courtiers on each side of us , than the place allows to be here denoted . 17. Our Captain in the close of the Audience , and when he receiv'd the Lagne . Being dismiss'd by the Samorì , as is above-said , we return'd to the Sea-side to go aboard , it being now night ; but because there were but two or three very small boats , in each of which not above two or three could go at a time , in regard the Sea was some-what rough , and we were many , it came to be above one a clock in the night before we all got aboard . Our Captain was one of the first , and he went presently to give an account of what had pass'd this day between us and the Samorì to the General , who was minded to depart forth-with ; but understanding that the Souldiers were not yet all embarqued , and particularly , the Captain telling him that I was still on shore , he gave order to move but slowly in expectation of me . In the mean time the Samorì's Messenger went to him to desire him to stay a little longer ; whereupon the General , though he knew it would be of little importance in reference to the Treaty of Peace , yet not to appear discourteous , and perhaps also upon account of some expediency in order to our Navigation , he determined to stay all this night in the Port of Calecut . The Messenger returning ashoar with this answer , found me alone of all the Fleer , still there , where some of the principal Nairì kept me company all the while , and left me not till they saw me in the Boat , using much diligence , to dispatch all others as soon as possible ; and in the mean time that we waited , which was above an hour , holding me by the hand , and expressing many other caresses and demonstrations of kindness to me . Before I leave Calecut , I shall here observe one strange custom of the people of these parts . The Gentil Nairi have no peculiar Wives ; but all Women are common amongst them ; and when any man repairs to visit one of them , he leaves his weapons at the door , which sign sufficiently debars all others from entring in to disturb him ; nor does this course beget any disgust or jealousie . The Women are maintained by those men that have to do with them . The children neither seek nor many times know , who their Father is , but that descent by the Mother's side is alone considered , and according to that all inheritances are transferred . The same is observed among Princes and their Wives ; the Queens , who are the King's Sisters , use to marry other neighbouring Kings , and go into their States to have children , who are to succeed in the Kingdoms of their Uncles , and by this means are of Royal blood both by Father and Mother . These Princesses are held in great esteem by the Kings their Husbands ; yet if they are minded to try other men , they are not prohibited , but may and oftentimes do so , making use of whom they fancy for their pleasure , but especially of some Brachmans or other of their Husband 's principal Courtiers , who with their privity and consent are wont to converse and practise with them most intrinsecally in the Palace . The King , and all others , as I have said , commonly go naked ; only they have a cloth wherewith they are girded , reaching to the mid-leg . Yet when upon any occasion the King is minded to appear much in Majesty , he puts on only a white Vestment of very fine Cotton , never using either Cloth of Gold or Silk . Others also when they please may wear the like garment but not in the King's presence , in which 't is not lawful for any to appear otherwise then naked , saving the Cloth above-mentioned . The Arms which every one wears , must not be laid aside at any time , especially not before the King ; and , as I have elsewhere noted , every one keeps to one sort of Arms , which he first takes to , without ever changing . When two Kings happen to war together , each Army takes great heed not to kill the contrary King ; nor so much as to strike his Umbrella wherever it goes , which is amongst them the Ensign of Royalty ; because , besides that it would be a great sin to have a hand in Royal blood , the party or side which should kill or wound him , would expose themselves to great and irreparable mischiefs , in regard of the Obligation the whole Kingdom of the wounded or slain King hath to revenge him with the greatest destruction of their enemies , even with the certain loss of their own lives if it be needful . By how much such Kings are of greater dignity among them , so much longer this obligation of furious revenge endureth . So that if the Samorì should be killed or wounded by the Army of the King of Cocin , who is his enemy , but of greater dignity ; the people of the Samorì stand obliged to one day of revenge , ( others say three days ) during which , every one is obliged to act their utmost to the utter destruction of those of Cocin , even with the manifest hazard of their own . But if the King of Cocin , who hath a greater repute , for honour at least , if not for power , should happen to be slain or wounded , by the people of the Samorì ; the fury of revenge is to last in those of Cocin all the time of their lives , ( others say once a year ) which would cause a great destruction of both sides . They call this term of time , or manner of revenge , Amocò ; so that they say , the Amocò of the Samorì lasts one day ; the Amocò of the King of Cocin lasts all the life , and so of others . Of the Malabars who live mixt with the Nairi in the Maritime Parts , and are Moors in Religion and all other Customs ; I heard onely this Remarkable , That by a receiv'd and universal practise amongst the Women , they will never lie under the Men in the Act of Coition ; which , because a thing extraordinary , I would not omit to mention . December the twenty third , A good while after Sun-rise we departed from Calecut , but had the wind all day against us , and made but little way . At night we cast Anchor , because there is seldom wind enough for sailing in the night time ; and being we coasted along the shore , we might cast Anchor at any time we pleas'd . December the twenty fourth , We had the wind contrary again , making very little way ; so that we cast Anchor many times , and in the Evening , because it was Christmass-Eve , the Litanies were sung in all the Ships ; and afterwards we had Collations of Sweet-meats , and celebrated the Feast as well as the place afforded . In our Ship , some Souldiers , who were employ'd to make a sort of sweet fritters of Sugar , for sport put into many of them certain powders which caused giddiness ; so that almost all the Souldiers that ate of them , after the Collation seem'd drunk , and were constrain'd to betake themselves to sleep , which they did all night much more then that time and place requir'd ; for , had Enemies come , the greatest part of the Souldiers being in this manner , I know not how we should have done . December the twenty fifth , By break of day we arriv'd at Cananòr , where we presently landed to hear the divine Offices . Cananòr is a little place upon the shore , but near a Promontory , which makes a kind of Haven . The City is surrounded with walls , not very strong and well made , but in some places I know not by what negligence decay'd . It hath four Churches , to wit , La Sede , or the Cathedral ; La Misericordia , which is a Confraternity , and much like our Monte della Pieta , Santo Spirito , and other such ; it hath correspondence with an other : There are of them in all the Plantations of the Portugals , and they do many good works ; for almost all the pious works , which amongst us are done by divers Houses and Societies , this one place of La Misericordia do's amongst the Portugals ; as , keeping of things Deposited ; transmitting Bils of Exchange safe ; relieving the poor , the sick , and imprisoned ; maintaining expos'd Children ; marrying young Maids ; keeping Women of ill Lives when converted ; redeeming Slaves ; and , in short , all works of Mercy , whereof a City or Country can have need . A pious thing indeed , and of infinite benefit to the Publick ; the rather because they are in all Territories of the Portugals , and hold correspondence together , even those of India with those of Portugal ; so that they all seem but one body extending its members and influences incredibly profitable to several Countries . This pious Place is govern'd by Secular Confreres ; to which Confraternity none are admitted but worthy Persons , upon certain decent Conditions , and to a set number . So that the good Works which they do , and the great sums expended therein every year , accrew to the benefit not only of the Confreres , but of the Publick in general , with much Charity ; so that I do not account my time lost in making this little Digression . The third Church of Cananòr is San Francesco , where the Fryers of that Order reside ; and the fourth , if I remember right , is Santa Maria della Vittorià . Without Cananòr is an entrench'd Fort , contiguous to the walls of the City , and under the Portugals jurisdiction : But about a musket-shot distant , or more , is a great Village , which they call the Bazàr , where all sorts of Provisions and other Merchandizes are sold ; the Building is like that of Calecut , and perhaps better ; yet this is under the jurisdiction of the Gentiles , ( though the Inhabitants are in great part Malabar-Moors ) and by derivative Authority from a King of this Country whom they call the King of Cananòr , and who resides far from the Sea ; 't is govern'd by a famous Malabar-Moor , nam'd Agà Begel , whose House I saw , but not himself , having spent this whole day in walking up and down Cananòr , and the Bazar of the Gentiles ; for I dined with our Captain on shore in the House of a Portugal married there : At night having viewed all , and bought abundance of dried Indian Figgs , and many Vessels of Conserves of the Pulp of young Indian Cane or Bambù , ( which is very good to eat after this manner ) of green Pepper , Cittrons , and other Fruits wont to be pickled by them in Vineger , and vendible here , very good , and in great plenty , at length we returned a Ship-board . December the twenty sixth , We set sail from Cananòr ; but for three dayes together sailed but little by reason of the accustom'd contrary wind , and our casting Anchor frequently as well in the day time as the night . December the twenty ninth , We passed before Cagnarotto , whence some Men came in a Boat from the King of Banghel , ( who lives there in Sanctuary with the King of that place his Friend and Kinsman ) to visit and present our General in the Name of their Lord. December the thirtieth , About noon we entred the Port of Mangalòr . I had a desire to go to Carnate to see that Queen , and had already given Money for a Boat to carry me thither , being I might sooner and better go so then with a Palanchino ; but this journey was disappointed as well as my former , I know not by what unhappy destiny ; for I understood that the Fleet was by all means to depart from Mangalòr the next day , so that I could not have time to go and return ; and if I lost the opportunity of this Fleet , God knows when I should have another of passing to Goa , whither other considerations of my business required me to repair as soon as might be . So I deferr'd my going to Carnate , but with no small regret ; for being deprived of the knowledge of that Queen , who was reported to me for a Lady of great Worth and Valour . Whilest we stayed ashore , I went to the Church of San Francesco to visit those Fathers , where I found the General of our Fleet , Sig : Luis de Mendoza , whom I had never seen before . I found him a very compleat and gallant Cavalier , and , having been bred in the Court of Spain the Queens Page , a much better Courtier then other Portugal Cavaliers of India , who have not seen other Countries , are wont to be . December the one and thirtieth , I heard Mass in the fore-noon and dined a shore with the Brother of Signor Tomè de Barrios , my Friend in Goa , at the House of the Padre Vicario of Mangalòr , named — , and known to me likewise at Goa . In the Evening I went aboard , and when it was dark we went out of the mouth of the Port to put our selves before the whole Cafila , which here began to joyn with our Fleet , very numerous indeed , consisting of above a hundred and fifty Ships , laden with Rice , which were going to Goa , from whence all that Provision is dispersed abroad ; of which Cafila , our Ship being Captain of the Vant-guard , it behooved us to go first ; but being the Cafila was so great , we cast Anchor just without the mouth of the Port , there expecting the day , and a sign to be given us by the General with his Canon : For it was requisite for all to keep as close together as possible , to the end that so many Ships of Merchandize , ( disarmed and without Souldiers , saving the Convoy of the few Ships of our Fleet , some of which went before , some in the middle , and some alwayes behind ) might go secure from the assaults and surprizes of Pirates ; and indeed , to guard so many disarmed and laden Ships , that took up so much room at Sea , with so few armed Vessels , was no easie matter . But so it was , that we above all the rest were to take particular care that no Ship got before us , or separated from the Company , lest some disaster might befall them . On the first of January , 1624. We set sail from Mangalòr towards Goa , with the whole Cafila , which encreased hourly ; other Merchant Ships joyning with us at all the Ports by which we passed , we giving them a sign with our Canon , and many times waiting for them till they came out . This first day we sailed not above three Leagues , and anchored under Carnate , but not in such a place and time that I could go to see the Queen as I desired . January the second , We set forth again very early , but a contrary North-West wind arising caus'd us to anchor among the Rocks , which they call Scogli di Santa Maria ; whence some Men that went on shore , brought me some Jasmen , of a very goodly Scarlet-colour , of which sort I had never seen any Jasmen before , in any other place of the world ; but for smell , it had little or none at all . January the third , We set forth again at our usual hour , and the wind began to blow from the land , which in that place is on the East . We pass'd by Barselòr , and , a League beyond , anchored at the Rock of Camboli , where we waited for the Cafila of Barselòr ; we not entring there our selves , that it might dispatch the sooner . January the fifth , Whilst we stay'd at Cambolì expecting the coming forth of all the Cafila of Barselòr , in the Morning we discover'd twelve Ships coming towards us from the South ; and knowing that they were not Merchants but Men of War , and having no News of any Armado that was to come from Goa at this time , we judg'd them to be Paroes of Malabar-Pirats , as indeed they appear'd ; for the said Paroes are almost like the Ships of the Portugals , but somewhat lighter . And because we saw them make directly up to us , we prepar'd for fight , and sailed forwards to meet them ; assuring our selves , that if they were Paroes , they came to assault us ; since they could not but know that the Ships of our Armado , which alone were fit for fight , were fewer then theirs , and that the other Merchants Ships of the Cafila , whom we convoy'd , could serve for nothing else but either to fly away , if they were able , or to increase their booty in case our few arm'd Vessels should be beaten . The Ship wherein I was , being the Captain of the Vant-guard , was far before the rest , and alone towards that part whence the abovesaid Ships were coming . Having betaken our selves to our Arms , ( which yet was not done without some confusion , because the things in the Ship were out of order , and the Souldiers unprovided of Powder , which was to be fetch'd out of the place where it was kept and distributed thus hastily in small quantities , being our store was but small ) we consulted a while what to do , whether to wait for our other Ships which were behind , and so joyn all together in encountring the Enemy ; or else to begin the fight , as we were , alone , till the rest came up to us . The first course seem'd safest and most considerate ; the latter was more magnanimous , but with-all temerarious , because we were so distant from our company , that before they could come to succor us , our Ship might be wholly destroy'd ; as being but one it might very easily be by so many , especially in that extreme furious way of fighting practis'd here , wherein there is great use of fire-works . Yet our Captain and the rest of us thought it was no time to demurr longer and consult ; because the Enemy was so near , that to wait for our Company would have little advantag'd , but might much have prejudic'd us , giving them thereby presumptions of our weakness and fear : Wherefore we all cry'd out to go on ; that since we were come to this pinch , 't was better to incurr our loss alone with a valorous temerity by doing our duty , then to hazard the loss of the whole Armado and its Reputation , if the Enemy perceiving us timorous and weak should take heart against us from our imprudent fear : That as it was our duty to go forwards , so it was the duty of our Companions to follow us and succor us , and not let us perish alone ; that this care belong'd to them ; that if they did otherwise , the fault would lie upon them , not upon us ; that ( in fine ) let us give the onset , and leave Heaven to take can of the rest . Thus resolv'd , we desperately sail'd forward . Our Companions that were nearest would have done the like ; but the General , who was far behind in another place of the Cafila , shot off a Piece to command all to stay for him , reasonably conceiving it the best way to attaque the enemy altogether ; whereupon all the other Ships of the Fleet which were behind us , stood still awhile ; but we alone , seeing our selves so far engag'd and so near the Enemy , whatever the others did , would by no means stay but continu'd our course . Which Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of one of the nearest Ships , beholding , and misliking that we should charge thus alone , and he quietly look on at a little distance , he lost all patience , and began again to make up after us , though a far off ; the same did all the rest soon after , conceiving it the best way . We were now within Falcon-shot ( for greater Pieces then Falcons these Ships carry not ) but forbore to fire till a nearer approach might make the shot more certain ; which seem'd also to be the Enemie's design : when being come so neer as to speak and be heard , and standing ready to give fire both to the Ordnance and Musket , by the voices and cries on either side we found each other to be friends : for these Ships were an unexpected and extraordinary Fleet of Portugals sent to Cocìn to convey securely from thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia , and other Provisions . Hereupon the feud ceasing , the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations , with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets ; at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up , seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray . I have mentioned this passage at large , to the end the successes , inconveniences , counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known ; from all which , prudent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced ; and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts ; who indeed , had they but as much order , discipline , and good government as they have valour , Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented , but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters . But God gives not all things to all . It being now broad day , we set sail with the whole Cafila ; but by reason of contrary wind , sail'd no more then three leagues , and late in the evening came to anchor , in the place where we hapned to be ; the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous . January the sixth , We had the wind still contrary , and having saild three other leagues , at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà . On the seventh , the said wind blowing somewhat favourably , about noon we pass'd by Onòr , and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port , if any were there that would accompany us ; for greater diligence was not needful , because few come from thence . In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising , we came to an anchor , a little distant from Mirizeo . At the second watch of the night , a good stiff South-wind arose ; and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva , and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso . January the ninth , the wind was contrary , our way short ; and because we could not proceed forwards , we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale ; also the next day , for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda ( as they speak ) or Bay , call'd Mormogòn , in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South , but greater and divided from the same only by a River . This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns , and abundance of Houses . Above all , the Jesuits have the goodliest places , and 't is counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs ; for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them , they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs ; they have Churches everywhere , Lands and store of Goods ; and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority ; whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage ( upon the matter ) to the Jesuits then to the King himself . The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos , adjacent also to that of Goa , but more Northward , which is under the government of the Franciscans . Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals ; so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy-men . Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time , and knowing that we were not to depart the night following , our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea , which they told us was hard by : yet we found it not so near , but that we walk't about a league to get to it , because we knew not the right way , but mistook it , and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water , into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall , to the great laughter of the rest , besides many other inconveniences . We found the Church large , neat and well built , with a fair square Court or Yard before it , surrounded with handsom Stone-walls , and within with some great Trees , under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow . On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore , who hath the present superintendency thereof ; which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self . We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector , who told us sundry news from Goa , and invited us to Supper ; but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here , we wav'd the Courtesie , and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships ; and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way , yet we got not thither to imbarque till after two hours within night . January the eleventh , at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day , in which we were to arrive at Goa , the General , who was wont to go in the Rear-guard , being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada , commanded our Ship , ( hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard ) to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard : where great diligence was to to be us'd , both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of being surpriz'd by Rovers , or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa , and go to unlade in other places of Counterband . Wherefore having sail'd the little remainder of the way , and caus'd all the other Ships to enter , which were in number more then two hundred and fifty ; we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa , where we anchor'd under a Port hard by , without going further to the City ; it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy . Here we found the Ship , which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail ; as also some Galeons in readiness likewise , whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not . Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship , having got leave of the General , went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose ; and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship , Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompani'd him . We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night , because 't is three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City , almost directly from South to North ; so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa , and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed , every one went to his own home ; and I , who had no house ready for me , nor yet any servant , went alone , as I was , to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend , according as himself & Sig : Ruy Gomes his Brother had promis'd I should when I departed from Goa . As I was going thither I was unexpectedly met by the said two Brothers , who receiv'd me with their wonted courtesie . My Bed and Goods which I had in the Ship were soon after brought to the same place by the procurement of Sig. Ayres . I understood here that my quondam servant the honest Cacciatùr coming hither from Ikkerì to Goa after his false dealing with me , had attempted to put a trick upon Signora Maria also , but it did not succeed . He feign'd that I had sent him beforehand to take order for a house against my return , and was importunate for mony to prepare and provide things necessary . My letter he ventur'd not to present but pretended a misfortune at Sea , whereby it was lost , with other such inventions . Hereupon Signora Maria suspected him , and , without my Letters , gave no credit to him , as neither did Signora Maria da Cugna . So that seeing his devices to get mony from them , prov'd ineffectual , he came no more in sight ; and we believe is gone into the Territories of the Moors amongst the Mahometans , having heard no more news of him . January the twentieth , a Proclamation was put forth by the Vice-roy for all Portugal Soldiers ( they call all such as have not Wives , Soldati ) and also all Dispacciati , though marri'd , to prepare to go to Ormùr ; it being given out that the Vice-roy intended to pass thither in person with a great Armada and Galeons . Amongst the Portugals , those are call'd Dispacciati , who having ended their services , which every one is oblig'd to perform for eight years , only with that small pay and maintenance which is given to Servants ( which indeed is very slender ) , upon petition to the King in Spain and representation of the faithfulness of their services , according as the same are greater or less , are dismiss'd by the King with some honourable and profitable Charge , as Captain of a Fort , and the like ; to injoy the same for three years or some other determinate time . Which Charges they enter not upon as soon as the same are granted , but when it falls to them of course according to the time of their dismission : whereby it comes to pass that some never enjoy them as long as they live , nor yet their sons sometimes , unless very late , ( in case the favour extend to their sons too ) because all the said Charges or Offices go by seniority , every man ' time beginning from the day of their dismission ; and oftentimes it happens that forty or fifty are dismiss'd at the same time with him , all who must first enjoy the same Office or else dy to make way for him . In brief , 't is an invention of the Kings of Portugal , much for their own interest ; for not having much to give in recompence of services , they by this means pay the greatest part of those that serve them with hopes alone ; which also prove very well to them ; the men of this nation being of such an humor that they not only are contented with these bare hopes , and hold themselves well requited for many great and toilsom service , but make great account thereof ; for these Reversions , which are to fall God knows when , are the estate and support of many , the portions of many Daughters , and in brief , in respect of the little other estates they have in India , one of the best and most considerable advantages that they possess , besides their being of much reputation and honour . Now to all such as were in this manner dismiss'd was this Proclamation directed , obliging them to go to Ormùz with the Vice-roy under penalty of losing all their Reversions . But for all this , intelligent men did not believe that the Vice-roy would undertake this Expedition , both because they did not hold him a man likely to take up such a resolution , and because there were not such preparations made in Goa for his voyage , as was requisite . January the two and twentieth , a Galeot under the command of Sig. Manoel de Paiva , our friend , arriv'd at Goa from Sindi , in which were many persons that had come to Sindi with other Ships from Mascàt ; amongst the rest there was a considerable Soldier belonging to Ruy Freira , who brought certain news of his own knowledge , how the said Ruy Freira having held Ormùz closely besieg'd for a long time , and brought the Defendants to great distress for want of all things ; at length , no relief coming to him , no provisions wherewith to continue the Siege , ( his Victuals failing him ) was constrain'd to raise the Siege and return to Mascàt with all his Army ; yet with intention to make new provisions , and get new succours and ammunitions , and then to return again to besiege the place ; which in the mean time the Moors omitted not to supply with all sort of necessaries for a long time , to repair the fortifications and re-inforce it with fresh Soldiers . All which consider'd , I hold the retaking of Ormùz very difficult , both in regard of the courage the enemy hath resum'd by this action , and because the same scarcity of Victuals will happen frequently , and in a short time to the besiegers no less then to the besieged , being the Island affords nothing of it self , and our provisions must be fetcht from greater distance then those of the enemies : wherein not much diligence being us'd on our part , I doubt not but it will be very difficult for them to hold the Siege long ; and when they intermit the same never so little , as they have done now , that short time is sufficient to secure the place from famine ; because having the Continent so neer hand , and provisions there in much plenty , it may be in one day alone supply'd for many months . As for taking it by battery or otherwise ; the Portugals being so few and little skill'd in such Arts , and on the other side the enemies so numerous and indefatigable in undergoing toil and pains , I hold it very difficult . The Viceroy of Goa , who had been so cold in sending succours to Ruy Freira ; because he would not that he should take Ormùz , but only hold it streightned till himself went in person to reap the fruit of others labours ; that so he might with the glory of this victory cover the pass'd neglect he had committed in the shameful loss of the Ships in the Voyage when he came into India : now hearing this news , and how Ormùz , which he thought he had in his clutches , was by the retreat of Ruy Freira ( who would infallibly write into Spain of the wrong done him in not sending him any forces or succour during a year's time that he had been upon the attempt , and heinously charge the Viceroy for it ) escap'd out of his hands , and become very difficult to be taken , was infinitely troubled thereat ; and indeed I know not how he can excuse himself to his Master for so great negligences ; and some have heard him lament himself much , and say that it was his own fault . However it were , the talk of his going to Ormùz became very cold upon these news ; and if it was not believ'd at first , after this it was held wholly desperate ; although to encourage others to the expedition , he still kept up the report . The same Ship brought news , how Ruy Freira , whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships , sent two to the streight of Mecha , to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces ; another to Sindi to fetch provisions , and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia , otherwise he should take them ; yet neither those of Mecha , nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him ; neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschàt : so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters . Besides , during his being before Ormùz , he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù , living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostàn ; and that this enterprize succeeded well enough ▪ they having made great destruction , and taken much spoil : but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey , contrary to the order of Ruy Freira , and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest ( little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals , and causes infinite disorders ) design'd to set upon another place , whose Governour , who was an Arabian Sceich , at first attempted to make them forbear with good words , saying that he was their Vassal , &c. but when he saw , that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity , he got his men together , and made head against them ; so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order , he defeated them , killing many , and amongst those , divers Captains and Soldiers of valour ; which was no small loss . It was further related , that during the Siege of Ormùz , the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things , and which was most important , of water also , which within fail'd them and was corrupted ; yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison , which they call Trumbàk ; where , not through want of Soldiers , ( for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries ) but for want of money to pay and support them , he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd . They said lastly , that Ruy Freira was at Massàt soliciting for aid , and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful . By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl , which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran , and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahàn . He was a sagacious person , and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians , and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea , and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels ; and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War , but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran , because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes ; and before this pass was open , he had no profit at all . Yet this Jew could not tell me , whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian , was because the Prince , who raigned there , was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother , who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Sciàh , as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary ; or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together , and that he who raigned still , either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's , or through fear since the taking of Ormùz , or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents , had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian . January the twenty fifth , The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul , ( this day being the Feast of their Colledge ) began to make part of their Solemnities , which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier ; the Celebration of which was deferred till now , that more time might be allotted for preparation . They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners , one of which represented the Asiaticks , one the Africans , and another the Europaeans ; those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries . Before the Cavalcade , went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top , who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick , published the News of the said Canonization . Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade , the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church ; the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus , with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge ; both which Chariots , were also full of very good Musick and many people . Moreover , they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels , drawn by Men on foot , well cloth'd after the Indian fashion . Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits ; upon another , all the Doctors and Writers of Books ; upon another , figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits , where the said Order hath foundations , to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach : Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion ; and lastly , another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio , and San Francesco Sciavier . All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs , Statues , and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top ; so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City , they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places ; one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church ; one before the profess'd House of Giesù ; one before the Church of San Paolo , where at first they kept the Colledge ; but by reason of the badness of the Air , remov'd it from thence , yet the Church remaining to them , which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent , but at this day is but meanly provided for ; so that they are still in contest with the City about it , who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge . The last they left before the new Colledge , the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco , and by the other Name also ; but the Jesuts , resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place , notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers , who by long and intricate suits , use their utmost endeavor to hinder them fro● it , onely to the end not to have them Neighbours , under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air , and the prospect of the Sea : The Jesuits , I say , resolute to abide there , prevailing hitherto , both against the City , which re-calls them back to Sàn Paolo Vecchio , for greater convenience of the Students , and against the Augustines , and against the King himself , who hath many times ordained their removal and the destruction of their new Colledge ; nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabrick , which also they daily inlarge , and nominate San Paolo Nuovo ; for in India they will have all their Colledges dedicated to Saint Paul , the Doctor of the Gentiles . January the nine and twentieth , I went together with the Signori Baracci my entertainers and other friends , to see and spend a day at Guadalupe , which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa , distant from the City about two leagues , populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori , who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year , as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum . Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spatious Lake , which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice , so that the prospect is always very lovely ; because the Lake is either full of water , in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants ; or else 't is all green with Rice , which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return ; so that it makes a very pretty Shew , and the more because this Water being collected in great rain , is fed also by a small but constantly running River ; and though so kept there for many months , yet causes not any bad affection of the Air ; but through the goodness of the Climate the Air is always better here then any where else . Nor is the Sea far distant , to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City ; and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour , where sometimes even the greatest Portugal Ships ride , and in old time the City stood there , so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia , or old Goa . As we return'd , we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits , and many fair and well-kept Churches , as San Lorenzo , and others within a small distance ; so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa . January the thirtieth , Being in Guadalupe , in the Garden of the House where we were , which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend , and Kinsman to the Sigg : Baracci , I saw a Canella , or Cinamon Tree , of which some are found in Goa , but strangers . 'T is as big a Tree as any , not a shrub as I imagin'd ; some of the leaves , which have a taste of Cinamon , and are pleasant to be masticated , I keep among my baggage , to shew the same in Italy ; as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers , which blow every day and night , and fall at the approach of day , as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House . This Flower is very like the Jasmin of Catalonia , but the Canella — hath a yellow one , which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats , and upon other occasions . Moreover , I saw and observ'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers , one great , the other very small , both white , with something of yellow in the midst ; the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen , and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun : The greater Flower hath smooth , long , and strait leaves , and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large , and almost perfectly round , swimming on the surface of the water , totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd . Both these Flowers have a strange property ; in the night they are alwayes clos'd , in the day alwayes open , displaying themselves at the rising , and closing at the setting of the Sun ; besides , that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell . I could not keep any to shew , because they are so tender and so full of moisture , especially the lesser sort which is the fairest , that they fade presently upon being kept in papers , as the Custom is . The Indians call them — and tell a Fable of Brahmà's being born of one of these Flowers , and afterwards re-entring into one again , wherein he hath spent ten thousand years . You see what fine Stories we have here ; I leave them with you and kiss your Hands . LETTER VIII . From Goa Novemb. 4. 1624. MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from Goa to Portugal the first of February , and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year : On which Day the Bells rung at Goa , and many rejoycings were made , particularly , in the Churches of the Jesuits , the Augustines , the Dominicans , upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in Japan , amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders ; and particularly of Jesuits , were Martyred three Italians , to wit , F. Carlo Spinola , a Genouese of principal quality : F. Camillo Costanzo , a Calabrese , or rather a Neapolitan , of a Family whose Estate lyes in Calabria : And F. Pietro Paolo , a Neapolitan likewise , if I mistake not . February the eighth , A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz ; in which , I know not what was resolved , because some talked one thing , and some another ; but as for the Souldiers , it was determined that all should go , and he that refused was imprisoned , as some were to my knowledge . February the tenth , As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization , the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù . The night following , they caused a numerous Maskerade of young Students , not Collegians but Out-liers , to pass through the streets on Horse-back , cloth'd in several rich habits , and following a Standard whereon was pourtrayed the Effigies of the Saints . The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church , and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor , Andrea Palmuro , at which the Vice-Roy was present . In the Evening upon a very great Theatre , erected without the Church in the Piazza , for representing many dayes together the Life of San Francesco Sciavier ; they caused a Squadron of young men mask'd in the habits of Peasants , to dance many gallant Balls with Musick . On the twelfth of February , in the presence of the Vice-Roy and of all the Nobility and People of the City , ( for whose conveniency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women ) the first Act of the above-said Comedy or Tragedy , ( as they said ) of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented . Of which Tragedy , which was represented by about thirty persons , all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels ; the vast and no less extravagant Machin whereinto they entered to act the rare Musick , gallant Dances , and various contrivances of Charriots , Ships , Gallies , Pageants , Heavens , Hells , Mountains , and Clouds , I forbear to speak , because I have the printed Relation by me . On the eighteenth of February , The Vice-Roy being indispos'd , the proceedings were superseded . But in the three following dayes , by two Acts a day , the whole Tragedy was rehearsed . It comprehended not onely the whole Life , but also the Death of San Francesco Sciavier , the transportation of his Body to Goa , his ascension into Heaven ; and lastly , his Canonization . On the seventh of the same moneth , Mass was sung in the Colledge of San Paolo Nouvo , and a predication made by F. Flaminio Calò an Italian , upon the Beatification of the Blessed Luigi Gonzaga , who was also a Father of the Society . In the Evening , the Portugals of quality passed about the streets in a Maskerade , accompanyed with Chariots and Musick ; about twelve of us went out of the House of Sig : Antonio Baraccio , all clothed in the same Livery , which I took care to get made according to my Phansie , and I ordered it after the fashion of the ancient Roman Warriers , just as the ancient Emperours use to be pictur'd ; the colours were Carnation and White , with several Impresses on the breast , every one after his own Phansie ; it appear'd very well by night , and was the best and greatest Body of the whole Maskerade . I bore for my Impress a Blaze of Flames , with this Italian Word of Tasso , Men dolci sì , ma non men calde al core . Which Impress I have been wont to use frequently since the death of my Wife Sitti Maani ; the Work of my clothes was wholly together Flames , onely distinguished here and there with Tears which shewed my grief . February the eighteenth , In the Morning solemn Mass was sung , and a Sermon made upon the Canonization of the Saints in San Paolo Vecchio . In the Afternoon , Lists and a Ring being prepared before the Church of Giesù , many great Portugal Gentlemen richly clothed , came as to run Carreers both at the one and the other , giving Divertisement to the Ladies who stood beholding them on Balconies and Scaffolds . The like they did afterwards in the street of San Paolo Vecchio . February the nineteenth , A very solemn Procession was made from San Paolo Vecchio to Giesù , through the principal streets of the City ; which Procession exceeded all the rest , in number of Pageants , Chariots , and Ships , and other Engins filled with people who represented several things , and good Musick , accompanyed with several Dances on Foot , and many other brave devices : Of all which things I speak not , because I have a printed Relation thereof by me . In the end of the Procession , was carried by many of the Fathers in their Copes the Body of San Francesco Sciavier , inclos'd in a fair and rich Silver Coffin , with a Silver Canopie over it made very gallant , and the Effigies of the Saint behind : Then came a great Standard with the pourtraytures of the Saints , carry'd likewise by some of the Fathers ; and after that , all the Crosses of their Parishes of Salsette , and onely one company of the Fryers of Saint Francis. Of the other Religions that are in Goa , none appear'd here ; because they said they would not go in the Processions of the Jesuits , since the Jesuits went not in those of others . With this Procession , which ended about noon , ended also the solemnities for the abovesaid Canonizations . February the twenty fifth , Thi● day being the first Sunday of Lent this year , the Augustine Fathers , according to custom made a solemn Procession , which they call de i Passi , in reference to the steps which our Lord made in his Passion , being carry'd to several places . They carry'd in Procession a Christ with the Cross on his shoulders , and many went along disciplining themselves , being cloth'd with white sack-cloth , gallant and handsome , very gravely , according to the humor of the Nation . In several places of the City certain Altars were plac'd , where the Procession stood still ; and after some time spent in singing , the Christ turn'd backwards , representing that passage , Conversus ad Filias Jerusalem , dixit illis , Nolite flere super me , &c. At which turning of the sacred Image , the people who were very numerous , and fill'd the whole streets , lamented and utter'd very great cryes of Devotion . At length , the Procession being come to the Church , Della Gratia , where it ended ; after the Augustine Nunns ( whose Covent stands near that of the Fryers in the same Piazza ) had sung a while , an Image of del volto Santo , of our Lord's Countenance like that at Rome , was shown to the people gather'd together in the said Piazza , from a window of one of the Bell-turrets which are on either side the front of the said Church ; and so the Solemnity ended . But the above-mention'd Altars in the streets are every Fryday during Lent adorn'd in the same manner , and visited by the people every day , and also many hours of the night ; just as the Church of Saint Peter at Rome is visited every Fryday of March ; and they call this visiting , Corror os Passos , that is , going about and visiting the steps of our Lord ; which serves the people , during this time of Lent , no less for devotion then for pastime . March the first , There was also another Procession in Goa of the Disciplinanti , which I went not to see ; the like is made every Fryday during all Lent , and therefore I shall not stand to describe it . I believe there is no City in the world , where there are more Processions made then in Goa all the year long ; and the reason is , because the Religious are numerous , and much more then the City needs ▪ they are also of great authority and very rich , and the People being naturally idle , and addicted to Shews , neglecting other Cares of more weight , and perhaps more profitable to the Publick , readily imploy themselves in these matters ; which , however good , as sacred and parts of divine worship , yet in such a City as this which borders upon Enemies , and is the Me●ropolis of a Kingdom lying in the midst of Barbarians , and so alwayes at Warr , and where nothing else should be minded but Arms and Fleets , seem according to worldly Policy unprofitable and too frequent , as also so great a number of Religious and Ecclesiastical persons is burdensome to the State , and prejudicial to the Militia . In the Evening of every Fryday of Lent , there is a Sermon upon the Passion , in the Church of Giesù ; and so likewise in other Churches , but upon other dayes and hours . At the end of thes● Sermons certain Tabernacles are open'd , and divers figures , representing some passages of the Passion , ( according to the subject of the Sermon ) are with lighted Tapers shew'd to the People ; as one day that of the Ecce Homo ; another day , Our Lord with the Cross upon his shoulders ; and the last day , the Crucifix ; and so every day , one thing sutable to the purpose . Oftentimes they make these figures move and turn , as they made the Robe fall off from the Ecce Homo , and discover the wounded Body ; at which sight the devout People utter prodigious Cryes , and the Women force themselves to shreek out ; and the Signore , or Gentlewomen , are so zealous , that they not onely cry out themselves , but make their Maids do so too , and beat them even in the Church if they do not , and that very lowdly , whether they have a will to it or no. Strange devotion indeed ! Mar●● the third , Ten Ships of Warr were at length sent from Goa to the barr or mouth of the Sea , in order to depart ( as they did ) within two or three dayes towards Ormùz to Ruy Freira ; the General of which was Sig : Sancho de Toar , Brother to Veedor da Fazenda , who was Treasurer and Captain of one of the Ships . Our Friend Sig : Michel Pereira Boralho , who was sometimes Captain of the Galeons , went also ; his Brother Giovan Boralho , was kill'd under Ruy Freira , in the battle with the English at Giàsk last year , being Admiral of that Fleet , which next the General is the prime charge , having been many times before Capitan Maggiore , as they speak , or General , in the Streight of Ormùz ; I make particular mention of him upon account of his relation to Sig : Michel our Friend . But such a succour for Ormuz after so long a time ▪ is indeed a very inconsiderable matter . Yet , they say , other Ships are preparing to be sent after these . March the one and twentieth , I took the Altitude of the Sun at Goa with my Astrolabe , and found him decline at noon from the Zenith towards the South fourteen degrees , and forty minutes . He was this day in the thirtieth degree of Pisces , and consequently , in the Aequinoctial without any Declination ; so that without making any Substraction or Addition to this number , Goa , that is , the City , will lye just so many degrees ( 14. gr . 40′ . ) from the Aequinoctial towards the North , and also have the Northern Pole elevated as many . March the eight and twentieth , News was brought to Goa how the great Moghòl had caus'd all the English that were at his Court to be slain , and imprisoned all the rest that were at Suràt . As for those that were slain , some say it was by the Moghòl's Order in way of punishment , and that they were hang'd and otherwise executed ; Others say , it was by chance , as they endeavour'd to defend themselves by Arms , when he sent onely to arrest them prisoners , as he did those of Suràt ; and this seems most likely . Be it as it will , this Accident may easily disturb their Commere something in that Country . The occasion is reported thus . A few dayes , or moneths agoe , the English in Suràt apprehending themselves aggriev'd to a considerable summ by the Mogòl's Ministers , ( whether by exaction of Customs , or in Accounts , I know not ) to repair the loss by force , since otherwise they could not , made reprisal of some of the Moghol's ships , which were come abroad full laden ; and being the Mogòl's people were not able to deal with the English at Sea , they were constrain'd for recovering their surpris'd Vessels , to grant the English every thing demanded , and satisfie them so far as they pretended to be aggrieved . Which thing coming afterwards to the King's knowledge , he caus'd all of that Nation to be apprehended where-ever found in his Dominions , hereupon hapned the slaughter above-mention'd . For my part , I think the English have not manag'd their business discreetly in this case ; for how is it possible for a few strangers and inmates to contest with , and get the better of , a great King in his own Country ? And upon rising 〈◊〉 ●he like differences , I should account it the best course to accord them with good words , and amicably with the said King , by complaining of his Ministers , and procuring him to provide in such cases as well as may be ; and this course may succeed happily : Otherwise , if redress can be obtain'd , then , before a manifest feud , 't were best to get out of his power , and warr upon him securely , not in his own Country where there are so many people , and the King , undoubtedly , hath more power then any other . I believe , the English made this attempt , upon supposition that the Moghòl hath great need of the Sea , and that to the end his Ships might have free passage therein , without being molested by the English , he would suffer what they pleas'd . But herein , in my opinion , they are grosly mistaken ; because the Moghòl is a very great and wealthy King , whose Revenews arise from his own Lands , and not from the Sea ; and to whom that little which is to be had from the Sea , ( how great soever it may be ) is nothing , and nothing he accounts it ; because it accrues rather to some small Captain of his , as the Governour of Suràt , and the like , then to the King himself : So that , What is he concern'd for it ? But indeed he will be concern'd for such an injury done to him in his own jurisdiction , as the English have done by making reprisal of Ships , which Princes much inferior to the Moghòl would not have suffer'd from any admitted as Friends into their Countries . Besides , the grievances alledg'd by the English were but pretences , and the Moghòl's Ministers had their Reasons for them ; wherefore the case ought to have been heard before falling to violence ; and let the matter be how it will , 't was just for him to be Judge in his own Country , and that this respect should be shewn him , if the English would have taken this course ; if not , or if he would not do them Justice , they were alwayes at liberty to go out of his power , and so make Warr against him by Sea upon better terms . Concerning the Affairs of the Moghòl with his Son , they said that Sultàn Chorròm having been twice routed , was at last retreated with some few followers into the Dominions of Cutab-Sciàh ; and that his Father had given over pursuing him , and being retir'd to his own Court , left him there in quiet ; that Cutab-Sciàh did not assist him out of awe to the Father , nor yet drive him out of his Territories out of respect to himself , but let him enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to which he had retir'd . Concerning Persian affairs , we heard a while since , and it was verifi'd , that not only the English Ships were gone thither according to their custom for the Trade of Silk , but also those of the Hollanders which come to Suràt ; perhaps because the Hollanders are minded to set up a Traffick thither too , as I understood from a good hand last year at Suràt . In the mean time other Ships and Galeons are preparing at Goa to be sent to Ormùz . April the tenth , Three Galeons fraighted with Victual departed from Goa to Ruy Freira for the war of Ormùz , as two other Ships had done a few days before besides the above-mention'd ten ; and order was given for three other Galeons to go from Mozambique with people sufficient to arm all the six ; because the former three of Goa carri'd no Soldiers but only Sea-men . They carri'd also from Goa a Petard , wherewith they said they intended to attempt the little false Gate of Ormùz which stands towards the Sea ; and several other preparations of War. On the twenty ninth of the same month , being the day of S. Pietro Martire , who , they say , was the Founder of the Inquisition against Hereticks , the Inquisitors of Goa made a Solemnity before their House of the Inquisition which is in the Piazza of the Cathedral , and was sometimes the Palace of Sabaio Prince of Goa when the Portugals took it , whence it is still call'd la Piazza di Sabaio . After solemn Mass had been sung in the Church of San Dominico , as Vespers had been the day before , in presence of the Inquisitors , who coming to fetch the Fryers in Procession , repair'd thereunto in Pontificalibus ; in the evening many carreers were run on hors-back by the Portugal-Gentry , invited purposely by the Inquisitors ; and a day or two after ( for this Evening was not sufficient for so many things ) there was in the same Piazza a Hunting or Baiting of Bulls after the Spanish fashion ; but the Beasts being tame and spiritless afforded little sport ; so that I had not the curiosity to be present at it . This is a new Festival lately instituted by the present Inquisitors , who , I believe , will continue it yearly hereafter . May the tenth , a Packet-boat from Mascàt arriv'd at Goa with Letters dated April the twenty fourth , confirming what had some dayes before been rumor'd , that the King of Persia had taken Baghdàd , and the Persians were about to go against Bassorà by Sea , but were diverted from their design by the Portugal Fleet which they heard was preparing to succour that City ; besides some Ships of theirs which they continually keep there in favour of the Turks against the Persians to guard the Mouth of the River , which is Euphrates and Tigris joyn'd together . The same Boat brought news also that twelve Ships were already departed from Mascàt under the conduct of my friend Sig. Michele Pereira to begin a new Siege of Ormùz ; and that Ruy Freira waited for the Galeons that he might go thither too with the greater Fleet. If it be true , that Sciah-Abbas ha's taken Baghdàd , I am confident that at the long run Bassorà will fall into his hands too : if the Portugals may hinder him by sea , they cannot by land ; and 't is a clear case , that if he hath Baghdàd , he intends also to have the port of Bassorà , which is of great importance . That he ha's taken Baghdàd may very well be true , during the present ill State of the Turkish Affairs , after the late tumults in that Court , and the death of Sultàn Suleiman who was lately murder'd and his formerly depos'd Uncle Sultàn Mustafà restor'd to the Empire , as I was lately assur'd here , by an Armenian who told me that he was at Constantinople in the time of these Revolutions ; and that Sultàn Mustafà was very loth to re-assume the Government by reason of the ill deportment of the Ministers ; and that he would have no more Women or Concubines , but had married and dismiss'd all that were in the Seraglio ; that , if any woman came into his presence , he ran at her with his Ponyard , professing to lead a chast and religious life , not meaning to have other Successors then his Brother's two Sons , the elder of which is Sultàn Mahomad Son of Sultanà Kiosmè , who , I alwayes believ'd , would by his Mother's Arts one day come to rule , and now without doubt , whether she be living or not , ( if the abovesaid relations be true ) will at least reign after his Uncle Mustafà . Now forasmuch as in these violent mutations of Empires , the Government alwayes suffers deterioration , because without some evil disposition of the Government such violences in Royal Families cannot arise ; therefore , I say , perhaps this ill posture of affairs hath afforded the Sciàh occasions making himself Master of Baghdàd , especially if the Tyrant Bechir Subascì , who had in a manner usurp'd it to himself , have given it into his power ; ( which is an easie thing even in the good State of the Turkish Affairs ) being perhaps afraid of Sultan Mustafà , who , they say , is very prudent and wholly intent to reform the Disorders of the Empire without caring to attend forreign enterprises ; whence perhaps having an eye too upon the Disorders of Baghdàd , he was about to raise a strong Army for removing the said Tyrant , who by this means became necessitated to yield it to the Sciàh . Nevertheless in these matters I have some doubt , because the same Armenian told me , that Sultan Mustafa had made peace with the Persian for twenty years ; and if the taking of Baghdàd be true , it is a breaking of the peace ; which amongst the Moors , and considering the Customs of Sciàh Abbas is not impossible . At present I suspend my belief , and desire to have more certain and particular informations of these matters , of which in Goa there is little plenty . By the same Vessel came a Letter from Sig. Nicolao de Silva Veador da Jazenda , or Treasurer at Mascàt , to one of the Inquisitors , wherein he signifi'd to him that he understood by the Letters of the French Consul at Aleppo , that at Rome Gregory XV. was dead , and a new Pope already chosen , Card. Masseo Barberini , about fifty four years old , who had assumed the name of Vrban VIII . The same Letter further advertis'd that in Spain the Marriage between the Prince of England , and the Infanta was celebrated upon the day of our Ladie 's Nativity in September ; and that the Infante Don Carlo was to accompany her into England , and from thence pass to his Government of Flanders ; that in England the Catholicks had publick Churches open , and enjoy'd Liberty of Conscience : That in Italy the business of the Valtolin had been referr'd to his Holiness ; but Pope Gregory dy'd without determining it : That the King of Spain kept a great Army ready in Milan about it ; and that a League was made against him in Italy by other Princes ; that some said Don Carlo of Spain was to marry the Heiress of Lorrain ; and other like news , which being of things either uncertain or future , I make small account of , till I see the issue . May the seventeenth , By a Merchants Ship from Bassora , we had more certain intelligence by Luigi Medices , of Ramiro the Venetian Consul at Aleppo , that Pope Gregory XV. dy'd on the twenty ninth of July 1623. having been sick only five dayes . The Relation of the Conclave saith that the Pope dy'd on the eight of July , the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave on the nineteenth , and that on the sixth of August Vrban VIII . was created Pope . That Card. Montato dy'd a little before the Pope , and Card. Ludovisio was made Vice-Chancellor in his stead ; and the Chamberlainship , being vacant by the death of Aldobrandino , was conferr'd upon the young Cardinal of the same name . That the new Pope Vrban was sick for some dayes after his Election ; but afterwards recovering was crown'd upon the day of S. Michael the Archangel . That besides the Pope , almost all the Cardinals fell sick through the inconveniences of the Conclave in so hot a season ; and many of them dy'd , as Pignatelli , Serra , Sauli , Gozzadino , and Sacrati ; and the Card. Gherardi and Aldobrandino remaining still grievously sick ; and that of the Conclavists there dy'd about sixty ; which indeed was a great number , for a Conclave that lasted so short a while . That Tellì ( Tilly ) the Emperor's General , had given a great rout to Alberstat ; and the Emperor's Affairs in Germany pass'd very well . That 't was true , a confederacy was made against Spain about the business of the Valtolin between France , Venice , and Savoy , but that it will proceed no further , because Spain had deposited the Valtolin in the hands of the Pope . That the Prince of Vrbin was dead , and consequently that State would fall to the Church ; which is a thing of much importance . That at Venice the Doge Pruili was dead , and a new Doge already elected , one Contarini an eminent Person . That there was a great Plague , and that the King of France had subdu'd almost all the Garrisons of the Hereticks , except Rochel , which he also hop'd shortly to reduce to obedience . That the Espousals were pass'd between the Infanta of Spain and the King of England's Son , with hope that he is already a Catholick . That they have given her in dower the pretensions of Holland and Zealand , and money , on condition that Liberty of Conscience be granted in England and four Churches for Catholicks built in London , which was already executed , publick Writings thereof going about in print ; besides divers other Affairs of Europe of less consideration . May the nineteenth , One Ventura da Costa , a Native of Canara was married . He was a domestick servant to Sig : Alvaro da Costa , a Priest and our Friend , Lord of a Village near Goa ; for whose sake , who was willing to honour his servant's wedding in his own House , I and some other Friends went thither to accompany the Bride and the Bride-groom to the Church of San Blagio , a little distant in another Village , which was the Parish of the Bride , where the Ceremonies were perform'd in the Evening for coolness sake . The Company was very numerous , consisting of many Portugal Gentlemen , such , perhaps , as few other Canarini have had at their Marriages . The Spouses came under Umbrella's of Silk garnish'd with silver , & in other particulars the Ceremonies were according to the custom of the Portugals ; onely I observ'd , that according to the use of the Country , in the Company before the Married Persons , there march'd a party of fourteen or sixteen men odly cloth'd after the Indian fashion , to wit , naked from the girdle upward , and their Bodies painted in works with white Sanders , and adorn'd with bracelets and necklaces of Gold and Silver , and also with flowers and turbants upon their heads , in several gallant fashions and streamers of several colours hanging behind them : From the girdle downwards , over the hose which these Canarini use to wear short like ours , they had variously colour'd clothes girt about them with streamers , or flying laps , hanging down a little below the knee ; the rest of the leg was naked , saving that they had sandals on their feet . These fine fellows danc'd all the way both going and returning , accompanying their dances with chaunting many Verses in their own Language , and beating the little snappers which they carry'd in their hands , after the fashion of the Country , formerly taken notice of at Ikkerì . And indeed the dances of these Canarini are pleasant enough ; so that in the Festivities made at Goa for the Canonization of the Saints Ignatio and Sciavier , though in other things they were most solemn and sumptuous ; yet , in my conceit , there was nothing more worthy to be seen for delight , then the many pretty and jovial dances which interven'd in the Tragedy . The Marry'd Couple being return'd from Church to the Bride's House , we were entertain'd with a handsome Collation of Sweet-meats in the yard , which was wholly cover'd over with a Tent , and adorn'd with Trees and green boughs , the Company sitting round , and the Marry'd Couple on one side at the upper end upon a great Carpet under a Canopy . After which we all return'd home , and the Husband stay'd that night to sleep in his Wife's House . May the twentieth , A Galley of the Fleet expected from Mozambique arriv'd at Goa . It brought Sig : Don Nugro Alvares , ( sometimes General there , and Supream Governour of all that Coast of Cafuria , comprising under his Government the Rivers of Coama , Mombace , and as much of Africk as the Portugals have from Capo di Buono Esperanza , to the St●eight of Meka ) and with him a Jesuit that was a Bishop , one of those that were to go into Aethiopia . The Patriarch design'd thither , being also a Jesuit , remain'd behind in another Galeot , as likewise did the Ships of the last years Portugal Fleet , which came on by little and little . 〈◊〉 brought News of the miserable wrack of a Ship call'd San G●●●●nni , which two years before set forth from Goa for Portug●●●●ry ●●ry rich ; and meeting with the Dutch by the way , after a long fight being totally shatter'd , ran a ground upon the Coast of Cafuria ; so that , saving the people remaining after the fight , and the Jewels , all was lost : Which people , after this disaster , refusing both the offer of good entertainment made them by the Lord of the place , who was a Friend to the Portugals , all upon advice sent to Mozambique they might have passage thither ; and also his counsel to travel far within Land , where he said , they would have less trouble in passing many Rivers , which otherwise they would meet with , and find an unarmed , and more hospitable people ; but unadvisedly after the inconsiderate humor of the Portugals resolving to go by land to Mozambique , and travel always far from the Sea amongst barbarous inhospitable people who eat humane flesh ; and with-all , not ●ehaving thems●lves well with them in their passage , but out of a foolish temerity giving many occasions of disgusts , they were assaulted in many places by the said Cafiri , often spoyl'd and rob'd , and many of them kill'd ; so that of the Women that were with them , some were taken , others strip'd naked , till , after a thousand inconveniences and sufferings , and , as some say , about eight moneths travelling on foot , during which they were fain to wade through abundance of Rivers , at last no more of the company arriv'd at Mozambique but twenty seven persons ; all the rest being either slain by the way , or dead of hardships , excepting some few that were kept slaves by the Cafiri ; amongst which , was a Portugal Gentlewoman of quality , whom they kept to present to their King , without hope , I believe , of ever being deliver'd . A misery indeed worthy of compassion . The Jewels sent from Goa to be sold in Portugal , were almost all sav'd and deposited at Mozambique in the Misericordia ; some say to be restor'd to the owners , and others say , at the instance of the King's Officer , who pretends the King 's Right to them as shipwrackt goods ; yet most conclude , that the case will not be so judg'd , but that they will be restor'd to the owners , upon payment of some small matter to those that sav'd them . May the three and twentieth , I visited the above-mention'd Bishop now arriv'd in Goa , at the Colledge of San Paolo Novo . He was call'd Dom Joanno da Rocha , and nominated but not consecrated Bishop of Heliopoli . On the twenty sixth , I visited in the Covent of our Lady della Gratia , F. Fra : Manoel della Madre di Dio , formerly known to me in Persia , and now Prior of the Covent of Sphahan , who the day before arrived at Goa in a Shallop which had been long expected and judg'd lost , having been seven moneths in coming from Mascat . He said , he came about Affairs of his Order and the Covents of Persia , ( for besides that which I left at Sphahan , they have since made one at Sciraz , and another at Bassora , and daily multiply ) yet with-all it was rumored , that he was sent by the King of Persia , to treat with the Vice-Roy about According the matters of Ormuz ; and I believe it , although he spoke nothing of it himself ; otherwise , me-thinks 't is not likely they would have let him come out of Persia without the King 's express Licence , or that the King would have granted it in time of Warr , unless he had come about some particular business of his . He informed me that all my friends in Persia were well , and so did a Letter of F : Fra : Giovanni to his Provincial at Goa , wherein mention was made of me , giving me intelligence of the well-fare of all my Friends , and how Sitti Laali my Cousin , had brought forth a Son whom she had nam'd Avedik , from Chogia Avedik his Father's Uncle ; which News was stale , for I knew it before my coming out of Persia ; and indeed , all the Letters F. Manoel brought were of a very old date ; to me he brought none , because my Friends there conceiv'd I was gone out of India into Europe . May the seven and twentieth , A Ship of the Portugal Fleet that was coming from Mozambique , arrived in the Port of Mormogon ; it entred not into the River of Goa , because the mouth of the River , by reason of the lateness of the season was unsecure , and began to be stopped ; for every year all the mouths of the Rivers and Ports of this Coast are fill'd with sand during the time of Rain , wherein the West wind blows very tempestuously , and are open'd again in September when the Rain ends . The Port of Mormogon , as I have elswhere said , is in the same Island of Goa , in the other mouth of the more Southern River , where sometimes old Goa stood , by which goods are convey'd by Boat from the Ships to the City , but by a longer way , going behind round the Island . May the twenty eighth , In the Evening at the time of Ave Maria , the Bells of almost all the Churches of Goa , saving that of the Jesuits , were rung for the Beatification of two Fryers , of the Order of San Domenico , whereof this Ship had brought News . May the twenty ninth , Another Portugal Ship of the Fleet arrived , and within two or three dayes after , all the other Ships expected from Mozambique ; and in one of them , the Jesuit design'd Patriarch into Aethiopia , whither he with two Bishops , whereof one was dead by the way , and many other Jesuits , was sent at the instance of the King of the same Country , who , they say , is called Sultan Saghed , and professes himself a Roman-Catholick already , with great hopes of reducing all that Kingdom to the Church in short time . As for the progress which the Jesuits affirm daily to be made in those Countries , being I know nothing of them , but by the information of others , I refer you to their Annual Letters ; and it suffices me to have touched here what I saw concerning the same , to wit , the expedition of this Patriarch , Bishops , and many Fathers who were sent thither by several wayes , attempting to open a passage into those Countries , lest such Commerce might be hindred by the Turks who are Masters of some of those Passes ; So that the F. Visitor of the Jesuits told me , they had this year sent many people for Aethiopia , not onely by the Arabian Gulph , and the Territories of the Turks bordering upon it , but also by Cascem a Country of Arabia govern'd by Arabians themselves ; by Mozambique and Mombaza , Countries of the Portugals , in the Coast of Africk ; by Cafaria , Angola , and Congo ; that so by these several wayes they might send enough , being the King demanded at least two hundred of their Fathers . And 't is manifest , that if the Conversion goes forward , as they presuppose , the Country is so large that there will be work enough for a greater number of Fathers and Religious Catholicks . June the second , We accompany'd , with a solemn Cavalcade , Sig : Andrea de Quadro , from the House of his God-father Sig : Gasparo di Melo , Captain of the City , to the Jesuits Colledg ; where , by the hands of the same Fathers , was given him the degree of Master of Arts , that is , of Philosophy ; the said Fathers having by Apostolical Authority jurisdiction in India to confer the said degree , and that of Doctorate ; for which reason I here have taken notice of this action . June the seventh , I visited in the said Colledge the Patriarch of Aethiopia one of the society , nam'd Don Alfonso Luigi de Santi ; he told me much News from Rome , and of several of my Relations whom he knew ; but it was stale News . The Patriarch and his Fathers had been inform'd of me , both by the Fathers of Goa , and by a Portugal Souldier call'd Pero Lopez , whom I knew in Persia , and who went to Rome with my Letters , where he lodg'd many dayes in my House , from thence pass'd into Spain , and at length return'd into India ; and came from Mozambique to Goa , in the same Ship with the Patriarch . To gratifie whose desires of seeing me , upon their informations , I visited him ; he not onely shew'd me many courtesies , and offers of serving me , with like ceremonious words , but himself and all his Fathers enter'd into an intimate Friendship with me , condition'd to hold mutual correspondence of Letters from Aethipia to Rome , and where ever else I should happen to be . We discours'd of many things , and he inquir'd of me concerning his Voyage , and how Fathers might pass at any time into Aethiopia from other parts , particularly , from Aegypt . I inform'd him of the Aethiopick Language , and some good Books for learning it , &c. June the sixteenth , If I mistake not in Computation , for which I refer my self to better diligence ( which I shall use with their Ephemerides of this year , in case I can procure the same ) the Moors were to begin their Rasandhan or Fast of their 1633 year of the Hegira . June the twenty fourth , Being in a Window to see the careers of the Cavaliers who ran in the Street before the Vice-roy according to the yearly custom in Goa upon S. John's Day , I hapned to meet with Sig. Luis de Mendoza General of the Fleet wherewith I went to Calecut , and Sig. Bento or Benedetto , or Freites Mascarenhas , in a Portugal Habit , who a few years before was taken by Pirats of Algiers , and carried a slave to Barbary ; whence being redeemed and return'd into his own Country , he was favourably look't upon by his King , and sent again into India Captain of a Galeon . This Cavalier , besides the relation of his own misadventures told me how Qara Sultan ( who in my time was sent Embassador from the King of Persia into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa , and travailed in the same Ship , before it was taken by the Pirats ) died by the way , having first substituted another of his company to perform his charge ; which other Embassador was taken with the said Ship , and carried a slave into Argiers ; whereof notice being given to the Persian Embassador at Constantinople , order was expected from thence what to do with him ; which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was , but left him still a prisoner in Argiers . August the fifth , The Indians were to celebrate their solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva , and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve dayes sooner in our year then in the last , I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar ; or if it be Solar , as I think I have heard , it cannot be just or equal , but to be adjusted requires some great and extravagant intercalation . I went not to Narva to see the Feast , because the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors , who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals . Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither , for the same reason ; and if I was not mis-enformed , they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor , to go thither another day . August the ninth , Two hours and forty minutes before Noon ( if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Boro be true ) the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa , and began to decline towards the South . August the twenty fourth , On which day the Feast of St Bartholomew uses to be celebrated , certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superintendency of the Fields and Agriculture , offered to the Cathedral Church , and afterwards also to the Vice-roy , the first-fruits of the Fields , to wit , of Rice newly eared , which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa . I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw , which I know not whether they carry'd about with them or set up in some Piazza . This custom is practis'd annually upon the said day , because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen . August the twenty seventh , One Galeon ( of four that were coming from Mascat , whither they had been sent last April with Provisions ) arriv'd at Goa ; they came , by the Vice-roy's Order , to transport , if occasion requir'd , new succours to be sent to Ormuz . This Ship related , that the other three were possibly return'd back again to the streight of Ormuz , for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hover'd thereabouts ; but this being driven out to Sea , and having lost its company in the night , was forc'd to come directly forwards . It related further , that Ormuz had been again besieg'd a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira , to wit , first by Michel Pereira Boraglio our friend , and afterwards by another , whom he sent thither by turns , because thereby the task would be easier to the besiegers : but that , at the parting of these Galleys from Mascat , Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had , which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots , and many less Morisco Vessels call'd Ternata's : a small preparation indeed to take Ormuz withall . September the second , a little before day-light , The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa . It consisted of two Merchant's Ships , lesser and lighter then the Carracks which use to come other years ; one Galeon laden also with Merchandize , and order'd to return with the same Ships , in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war ; and five other Galeons equip'd for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good , to be imploy'd as occasion should require . The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho ; the Admiral Sig. Giovan Pereira Cortereal , to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed ; the like not having come to pass in many years , and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants : for before , without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General , every one endeavor'd to have his Ship arrive first and alone . But this Sig. Gio. Pereira Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King , his Majesty approv'd the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observ'd with all exactness ; and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage . This Fleet brought news , that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns , because the Parliament of England would not consent to it : which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case , and perhaps the like hath scarce hapned between Princes ; unless possibly there be some unknown mysterie in the business : That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caus'd a great inundation , which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea , and done much damage to the Country : That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India , being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk , were partly sunk and partly shatter'd , so that they could not come to India . That the Catholicks , in August last , upon the precise day whereon Vrban VIII . was created Pope , had obtain'd a signal victory in Germany against the Hereticks . That great Fleets were preparing in England , Spain , and France , for unknown designs . That the King of Spain was at Sevil , and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead ; but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira , present Vice-Roy here in India , had brought him forth a Son ; at which the Queen was much displeas'd with the King. And that in Portugal it was expected that the Arch-Duke Leopold should go to govern that Kingdom . September the fifth , the other three Galeons , which I said were to come from Mascat , arriv'd at Goa . The cause of their delay was , as was rightly conjectur'd , that they had discover'd an English Ship upon those Coasts , and spent some time in giving her chase , but in vain , through the fault perhaps of the Portugal Captain who was loth to fight her : for one of them made up to her , and fought a while with her Artillery , but perceiving her companions came not to do the like , gave over , and having given and receiv'd many shots , let her go without doing her hurt , and return'd to her company . The English Ship shew'd much bravery ; for seeing three Vessels coming against her , she waited to give them battle without flying . The above-said Galeons brought Letters which signifi'd that Mascat was molested with wars by the neighbouring Arabians ; which , I conceive , may be upon some confederacy with the King of Persia , thereby to divert the Portugals from the Siege of Ormuz . That Ormuz was well provided with Men and Victuals ; that nevertheless they hop'd it would be taken , if good succour were sent from Goa , particularly of Galeons to fight with the Dutch Ships which were expected to come to the Ports of Persia to assist Ormuz , and recruit it with fresh soldiers . Of the English there is no speech , because considering the late transactions in Spain , it is not known whether there will be War or Peace with them henceforward , though perhaps the Vice-roy may know something in private . September the twenty ninth , A Jesuit , whose name I know not , was consecrated here in their Church of Giesu , Arch-Bishop of Angamali , and as they speak in the Portugal Language , da Serra , that is , of the Mountain , where live the Christians whom they call di San Tome , of the Chaldean Rite , and sometimes subject to the Schismatical Patriarks of Babylonia , but now of late years ( by the diligence of the Portugals ) Catholicks , and obedient to Rome ; his residence is in Cranganor , five leagues from Cocin Northwards . October the one and twentieth , Proclamation was made by the Vice-Roy's Order for the Souldiers to come and receive Pay , in Order to their going to Ormuz . The Armado wherein they were to go , was very long in preparing through want of mony ; which the Vice-Roy was very diligent to raise , both from the Merchants , and also from the Gentiles , who consented to pay a certain Annual Summ , ( or else a greater once for all ) that Licence might be granted them to celebrate Marriages in Goa , according to their own Rite , which ordinarily was not allowed them . But all these courses were not sufficient to dispatch the Fleet with that diligence which was desired ; and in the mean time it was said , that many Dutch or English Ships infested the Ports of Ciaul , Bassaim , and Dabul , without controll ; by all which it appears to me , that matters in India go every day from bad to worse . October the one and thirtieth , News came to Goa that Melik Ambar , who a good while had succesfully warr'd against Adil-Sciah , at length in a victory had taken one Mulla Muhhamed , General of Adil-Sciah's Army , and much favor'd by him ; who by his ill ●●meanor towards the said Melik , ( even so far as to endeavor to g●● him poyson'd ) was the occasion of the present Warr , wherein Melik's chief intent was to revenge himself of the said Mulla Muhhamed : Whom being thus taken , they say , he beheaded and caus'd him in that manner to be carry'd about his Camp with this Proclamation ; That this Traytor Mulla Muhhamed , the cause of the Warr , and present discords between Adil-Sciah and Nizam-Sciah , ( to whom this Melik is Governour ) otherwise Friends and Allies , was thus in the Name of his Lord Adil-Sciah , as a Traytor and disturber of the publick Peace , put to death . By which act Melik meant to signifie that he had no evil intention against Adil-Sciah , but onely took up Arms for the mischiefs done him by Mulla Muhhamed , whom he desir'd to remove from the Government of Adil-Sciah and the world . Yet it was not known how Adil-Sciah receiv'd this action , and what end the business would have . In this Warr , they say , the Moghol favor'd Adil-Sciah against Melik , and supply'd him with 20000. Horse : but , be that how it will , Adil-Sciah hath hitherto always gone by the worst , and some-times been in great danger ; Melik , who is a brave Captain , having over-run all the State almost to the Gates of Vidhiapor , which is the Royal City of Adil-Sciah , where he hath sometimes been forc'd to shut himself up as 't were besieg'd . A few moneths before , Adil-Sciah put one of his principal Wives to death , for intelligence which she was said to hold with Melik , and for having been a party in promoting this Warr , out of design to remove Adil-Sciah from the Government , as one become odious to his own people , either through his covetousness or inability ( being infirm ) and place his Son in his room , who therefore was in danger too of being put to death by his Father , when the conspiracy was discover'd . Further news came that Adil-Sciah had deposed from the government , and imprison'd the Governour of the maritime Territories bordering upon Goa , who had lately given the Portugals so many disgusts ; which seem'd to signifie that he was minded to give them some satisfaction : that he had given the place to Chogia Riza or Rezeb a Persian , lately Governour of Dabul , who being in greater imployments at Court will send a Deputy , and from whom being prudent , and formerly a friend to the Portugals , they hope better dealings . November the first , The Confraternity della Misericordia made a solemn Procession in the evening ( as they use to do yearly upon this day ) going with two Biers from their own Church to the Church of our Lady de la Luz , to fetch the bones of all such as had been executed this year , and buried under the Gallows ; which they carry in Procession , first to this latter , and then to their own Church to bury , where also they make solemn Exequies for them . November the second , In the Evening the Dominicans made their solemn Procession del Rosario with much Solemnity , and so also the next morning , having deferr'd the same fr●● the first Week of October till now , because the rain 〈◊〉 disturb it in October . This day news came to Goa , that a Ship belonging to the Mogul's subjects , at her departing for Gidda from the Port of Diu , had there given security to return to the same Port to pay the usual Customs to the Portugals which would have amounted to above five thousand Scierifines ; but the Ministers of Diu contented with small security , which was no more then four thousand Scierifines : yet when the said Ship came back very rich , she would not touch at Diu , little caring to discharge the small security , but put in at a place upon that Coast belonging to the Mogul between Diu and Cambaia . The Portugals , understanding this , sent the Armada of Diu consisting of small Vessels with Oars , to fetch her in to Diu by force ; and the Ship refusing to obey , they fell to fighting . In the fight those of the Ship kill'd amongst others the chief Commander of the Portugal Armada ; yet the Armada so beset the Ship that they first forc't her to run on shore , and then burn't her . It was not true that the General was slain ; the Ship was taken indeed , but empty ; the Moors having had time to save most of their wealth upon Land , but however they suffer'd much dammage . By this accident it may be doubted whether some disgust be not likely to ensue between the Mogul and the Portugals ; and I know not whether it may not somewhat retard the Portugal Armada and Cafila which was ready to set sail for Cambaia . November the fourth , The Armada of Colletta departed from Goa to fetch provision ; it was to go to Cocin , and therefore the newly consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra , imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence ; so also did F. Andrea Palmiero , Visitor of the Jesuits , my friend , to visit that his Province ; and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian , with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there . The same day , an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat , and also a Ship from Bassora ; both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege , so that many Moor 's , soldiers , escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira ; after whose arrival , the Siege proceeded prosperously for us , with good order and much hope ; yet in case the succours were sent from Goa , which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd . At Bassora , they said , all was quiet . This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa , being ready to depart out of India ( if it please God ) within a few dayes , and desirous to return to my Country , where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Italy . However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures , to the end my Letters may forerun me , and be the harbingers of my arrival . I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore , and Signor . Colletta , and those other Gentlemen my friends , who , I am confident , accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival ; from whom wishing of you all happiness , I rest , &c. LETTER IX . From Mascat January 19. 1625. HAving determin'd to return to my Country , not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora , and from thence by land to Aleppo , which seem'd to me the best and shortest ; and having accordingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy , ( who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours ) which licence was necessary , because in Goa 't is rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky ; and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia , in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora , I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul , intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora . In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends , and at last got the Viceroy's licence , who was then at Pangi , and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King , which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome , that he might transmit the same to his Master ; on the fifteenth of November about evening , I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea , and there went aboard the Ship I had taken , whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain . In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin , Eugenia Cingala her servant , a Venetian Merchant , my Friend nam'd Marc ' Antonio Lanza , whom I took for my company , with his servant nam'd Giovanni , Michael a servant given me by Sig : Antonio Baracho , to accompany me to Rome , a trusty person , to whom he had therefore given liberty ; and another servant of his , nam'd Giovan Boracho , who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul , whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him . November the sixteenth , Before day we set sail , and met the Armada of Chebore , Diu Bossaria , and Ciaul , ( Countries on the North of Goa ) sailing to Goa ; at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks , call'd Los Ilheos quemados . Our course was alwayes Northwards , the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand . November the twentieth , We set sail about day-break , and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul , because the wind was contrary , in a Bay , where there is a Village call'd Pascet ; here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila , which lagg'd behind . On the four and twentieth at night , We enter'd the Port of Ciaul , which is within the jaws of a fair River . I sent my servant to look for a House , and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship , but the next day we landed with all our Goods . November the nine and twentieth , News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz , with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals ; it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia , to have a share of that place , and to inhabit it . Some said the Ships were four ; others , that seven more were preparing at Surat , with a Petache for the same design , either all Dutch , or Dutch and English together . Be it as it will , the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz , before the Portugal Armada , I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place ; for 't is difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it , which may be done in one day ; and being done , 't is sufficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year . And if it be true , that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz , but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India , I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence ; it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat , and to do great matters against the Portugals , which God forbid . December the second , I went to view a Town of the Moors , subject to Nizam-Sciah , and his Governour Melik Ambar , and because near Ciaul , call'd Ciaul di Riba , that is , Upper Ciaul . The way leading to it is fair and handsome , amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees , and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals . 'T is a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles , especially near the Bazar or Market-place , where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing , according to the fashion of the Country , as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts , with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts . Beyond the Bazar , the Houses stand not so close together , but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens , or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees , which are very thick , tall , and handsome , affording shadow to the streets all the way , which are broad , long , green , and very delightful . A little distant from the Bazar is a great Artificial Lake or Cistern , surrounded , as their custom is , with stone stairs ; they call it Tanle Nave Nagher . The Moors for the most part dwell near the Bazar towards the River , which passes not far off , and is navigable seven or eight leagues upwards : Here also the Mahometans have their Meschita's , hot Baths , ( which the Gentiles use not , because they wash themselves publickly in their Cisterns ) , and places of Sepulture ; a Dogana , or Custom-house ; and lastly , a Divan , or Court of Justice , and what-ever belongs to their Government . Most of the Gentiles , who are the greatest part , live in Houses remote from the Bazar , amongst Gardens and Trees , where in several places they have sundry Temples of their Idols , as one principal , which I saw , of Zagadanba a Goddess , who , they say , is the same with Leksemi , Wife of Visenu ; another good one dedicated to Amrut Suer , who , they say , is the same with Mahadeu , and is figur'd by a round stone like him of Cambaia . Other Temples I saw of Neraiena , and others of their Idols ; but the greatest and chiefest of all , both for esteem and devotion , stands remote from the Bazar upon the way to Ciaul of the Portugals , and is dedicated to Rami , or Ramisuer ; it adjoynes to a great Artificial Lake or Cistern , each side whereof is about 73 of my paces , environ'd after the usual fashion with banks and stairs of stone , leading down to the surface of the water ; there are also round about it very broad walks shadow'd with high , thick , and goodly Trees , which make the place opacous and very lovely . In the front of the Temple next the Cistern , under a Cupolet supported by four Pilasters , is the statue of an Ox or Bull sitting with all the four Legs gather'd under it , being the same that I saw in Canara , call'd Basuana , but here Nandi ; they told me , it was a Male , and different from Gaietry Vasca , which was the Wife of Rama . The head and breast of this figure looks towards the Gate of the Temple , the back and tayl towards the Cistern ; and the Gentiles who come to visit this Temple , first go down to wash their Face , Hands , and feet in the Cistern , and then come to kiss and touch with their Head in token of Reverence , ( or at least with their Hands reverently bow'd down after their manner ) the tayle of the said Nandi ; after which they put off their Pantofles , and so enter the Temple bare-foot to pray and worship after their manner ; of which I have else-where spoken . Some go round about the Temple before they enter , beginning from the right side , and coming about to the left , as I said before they did also at Canara in their Processions and Ceremonies . Others offer Fruits and other things to the Idols , or else strew grains of Rice before them in Oblation : The like they do to the Statue of the Ox Nandi , and also to a Sprig of Basil , planted there upon a square Pedestal of earth , on one side of the little Chappel of Nandi . There stand also upon the Lake , and other-where about the Temple , many other little Chappels inclos'd with walls , having several Idols in them . In one behind the Temple stands the Idol of the Scimione Haniment , in his usual and ridiculous Figure of an Ape , and sitting like a Man ; and indeed , 't is strange that these wretched people are not asham'd to worship such things . This Haniment was one of those Scimioni , or Apes which helped Rama to recover his Wife , for which service they merited Divine Honours ; and therefore 't was reason he should here have a place near the Temple of Rama , which resembles the subjoyned Plat-form . 1. The Street or High-way . 2. The Gate leading to the Cistern . 3. The place about the same . 4. Gardens and Groves about the said Street . 5. The Cistern or Artificial Lake . 6. Stairs about it . 7. Another Gate leading out of the Street or High-way to the Temple . 8. The open space where the Temple stands , enclos'd towards the Street with walls , and else-where with Gardens . 9. The Statue of Bue Nandi , under his Cupolet upon a pavement some-what rais'd from the ground . 10. A Pedestal with a sprig of Basil. 11. The Entrance of the Temple . 12. A little Porch of the same . 13. The Temple-Gate . 14. The Temple , empty within , saving that it hath a few wooden figures of Idolets , or other things . 15. A wall'd Inclosure or Penetral within the Temple , which I saw not , wherein is the Statue of Rama . 16. The little Chappel of the Idol Haniment . 17. Little Chappels of other Idols , to which certain Gioghi , who stand there to beg Alms , sometimes repair . 18. Other little Houses , perhaps , belonging to the Ministers of the Temple . 19. A great Tree with a round bank of Earth about it , where oftentimes some Gioghi sit reading and contemplating after their manner ; of which sort of Trees many are planted in this inclos'd space . I was one day at this Temple , ( whither I often went for Recreation ) and I saw many Men and Women come to worship , and wash themselves in the Lake ; some of the Women were young and handsome , yet shun'd not being seen by any one that pass'd by . There came also many Mainati , that is , Washers , both Men and Women to wash their clothes here , and , in brief , I took much pleasure , and sometimes dined and spent the whole day here , enjoying the shadow of the Trees , and the coolness of the Lake . It would be too long to speak here of the Idols of these Gentiles , how many , and what they are ; perhaps I shall one day communicate something to the world about the principal of them in another Language . December the seventh , My Friend Sig : Antonio Baracho arrived at Ciaul as I expected ; he came by the Vice-Roy's Order to make provision for the Galeoons which were sending to Ormuz , being seven well armed Ships , daily expected to arrive there . December the ninth , Sig : Antonio having dispatched his business at Ciaul , and taken Order for my imbarquing in the above mentiond Vessel that was going to Bassora , whereof one Antonio Giovanni was Captain ; and his much business which he had to do for the Armada at Bassaim , requiring haste in the Evening he departed in the same Almadia or Shallop wherein he came : Our separation was not without tears , and much regret on both sides ; but I was something comforted , by his promise of visiting me at Rome as soon as he could get leave to go to Portugal about his other Affairs . December the fifteenth , The Galeoons of the Armada of Goa arrived at Ciaul ; they were but six , and said that two more were coming after them , and that they had Orders , in case they understood the Ships of the Enemies were already departed from Surat to Ormuz , ( as indeed they were ) not to go after them , ( because it would be a vain thing to think of hindering the supplying of Ormuz with Victuals , since it might be done if they arrived there but one day before the Portugals ) but to go directly to Surat to try what dammage they could do there . But in case the Enemies Ship were not yet gone from Surat to Ormuz , then to go directly to Ormuz as speedily as they could , and get thither before them , and hinder the besieged place from being succoured ; which 't was impossible for Ruy Freira to do only with his small Vessels of Oars . Now according to these orders ( the Dutch Ships being already gone from Surat to Ormuz , as is abovesaid ) it was held fit at Ciaul that the Galeoons should without more ado go to Surat , and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies , then sail to Ormuz . December the sixteenth , The Ship wherein I was to imbarque , being to set sail the night following , I put my Goods aboard , and having taken leave of my Friends , I was accompanied to the Sea-side by Sig. Luigi Cabreira , from whom I separated with many embraces , and much regret on either side . As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor , intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind , although the Captain of Ciaul sent a publick Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night , the service of the King so requiring ; I believe it was , that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning , to the end we might go altogether more secure from the Malabars , the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports , about which they lie waiting , and near the Land where they ply up and down , more then in the main Sea. We had no wind in the night , and therefore went not out of the Port. December the seventeenth , In the morning we set out of the Port with a small gale , and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts . We had not sail'd far , but we descry'd some Vessels coming towards us , which we took for Pirats , and therefore prepar'd to fight them ; but at length we lost sight of them , and hois'd the great sail , directing our course almost Northwest ; having first rehears'd the Litanies of our Lady , and invok'd the Divine Assistance , and her's , propitious to our Voyage . December the twenty third , Having hitherto sail'd prosperously , we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half , under the Tropick of Cancer , leaving the Torrid Zone , under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months . Here the wind fail'd us , and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August . We began to find the Sky , which hitherto we had seen constantly clear , ( as it uses to be in India during these Months ) now interstinguish'd with clouds : and , in short , the mutation of the Climate was manifest . The Coast of Arabia , for which we were bound , could not be far off ; but we could not get to discover it for want of wind . December the twenty seventh , Having hitherto been becalm'd , without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water ; the Portugals , as their custom is , after reciting the Litanies , and praying to God , and Sant ' Antonio of Padua , ( to whom they bear great devotion ) to give us a good wind , intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carry'd in the Ship , as if to imprison it : for thus they use to do , when they would obtain any favour , as if they meant to force it , threatning not to loose it till he grant them what they demand . They intended , I say , to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind ; but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance , who pass'd his word for the Saint , telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated , he would do what they desir'd . This manner of demanding of favours of S. Antonio of Padua , is much in use amongst the Portugals , especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners ; though amongst us 't is a vain thing . A barbarous Superstition indeed ; but yet such as sometimes , through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it , uses to be heard . December the twenty eighth , We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous , yet not only not favourable but altogether contrary ; so that we could neither bear up against it , nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea , which growing rough and tempestuous , we were forc't to furl our sails , and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleas'd , which was Southwards , not without fear falling upon Mombaza , or some other remote Coast of Africk , and consequently suffering shipwrack , and a thousand other Dysasters . December the twenty ninth , The Captain , with the others of the Ship resolv'd at length to bind S. Anthony , and as chance would have it , it prov'd well ; for the wind chang'd , and we sail'd prosperously in our right course all day , and part of the night . A little before mid-night we discover'd the Coast of Arabia so neer that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows which are thereabouts . In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass , but rather stony in appearance and Desart , although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy . December the thirtieth , We began to move forward East South-East , having the Land on the left hand ; but a sudden contrary wind arising forc't us to cast anchor again in the place where we were , not without danger ; for in the furling of the sail , through the negligence of the Sea-men , it wrapt about the Mast , the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck ; so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided , or some of the Passengers less diligent to help , it had been overturn'd and sunk , like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwrack of Aeneas , which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty . At night , the contrary wind ceasing , we proceeded in our intended course . December the one and thirtieth , The wind failing , we cast anchor , but in an unsecure place , not without danger of being split upon the shore , whither in spight of our anchors the wind hurri'd us ; but tacking about , we got to a more secure place , near that from whence we had mov'd the day before . On the first of January , and of the year 1625 , We stood at anchor till night , and then made a little progress ; but all the next day we stood at anchor again , and took very good fish ; and at night a little wind blowing from the Land , we went forwards now and then , but very little . January the eighth , Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia , casting anchor every day , and weighing again at night ; ( during which , a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish , and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket , which we gave him ) at length having a good wind this day after noon , we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso , because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad , but is not it . At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad , that is , the Cape of the Confine , because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia , being , as they say , in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards , and distant from Mascat , whither we were going , forty leagues ; the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate . Having pass'd this Cape , we steer'd Northwest , still upon the coast of Arabia which lies all the way on the left hand , and enter'd the Persian Gulph , but saw not the opposite Continent of Persia , because for a good way inwards the Gulph is very broad . January the seventh , Having in the night foregoing had a good wind , by day-light we were got eighteen leagues beyond the Cape , near the place where the City of Calatat , which Albuquerque destroy'd , sometimes stood , upon a good River , at the foot of certain little Mountains , of which almost the whole coast consists . Here the wind fail'd us , and having labour'd with the oar all day , we got no further then Teive , a place inhabited by Arabians . At night we were troubled with rain , which passing through all covers , wetted us sufficiently , and kept us from sleeping . The next day we hois'd sail , and had scarce dry'd our Clothes , but more rain surpriz'd us ; and through want of wind all the day , we did not get so far as Curiat , which lyes eight Leagues forward , and twelve short of Mascat . On the eleventh of the same Moneth , having no wind , we made use of Oars , till we came to an Anchor a little beyond Curiat ; and the next day hoising sail , we pass'd by an Island call'd Scoglio di Curiat , sailing through a narrow arm of the Sea which divides it from the Continent , which is all stony and full of Cliffs , like the fair Mountain Posilippo near Naples in Italy . Before night we cast Anchor a little beyond ; for our Oars helpt the Ship but little ; being only serviceable to such heavy Vessels to surpass a Cape , or get into a Port , or the like , in case of need for a short way . At night we weigh'd Anchor , and soon afterwards cast it again , having made but little way . January the thirteenth , Having sail'd all day , and pass'd the Tropick of Cancer , we enter'd the Northern Temperate Region , and towards night arriv'd at the Port of Mascat , which is well clos'd and encompass'd about with little Mountains , but lyes open to the North-west , whereby it receives much dammage . The Town , whereof the least part are wall'd Houses , and the greatest onely sheds made of Palm-boughs , stands directly in the innermost recess of the Port , surrounded behind with Mountains ; amongst which , nevertheless , there want not wayes of access to it from the in-land parts ; so that , to secure their Houses from the incursions of the Arabians , they had in my time begun to raise an earthern wall , but plain and weak , with a few Bastions , very distant one from another ; which wall , drawn from Mountain to Mountain , incloses and secures their Houses on that side , as the Sea doth on the opposite and inaccessible little Mountains on the two other sides . On the top of one of these Mountains , on the right hand as you enter the Port , stands the Castle , difficult indeed to be taken by assault or otherwise then by Famine , if well defended ; for though the wall be not very strong , yet the natural situation secures it , and it hath a Plat-form levell'd to the Sea , whereby it defends the Port with Artillery , and is descended to from the Castle by a cover'd Ladder , which is very good . On the other side of the Port , upon another Mountain stands another Port of less consideration , having been anciently the Castle ; yet it hath Artillery , and may be of some advantage . The Town is small , but for its bigness sufficiently peopled , especially since the loss of Ormuz , from whence many repair hither . The people is mix'd of Portugals , Arabians , Indians , Gentiles , and Jews . It hath onely two Churches ; one which is the See of the Vicar , who is no Priest but an Augustine Fryer ; one of their Covent , alwayes coming to officiate there , and to discharge the place of Vicar and Parish-Priest : the other is of Augustine Fryers , where live about four of that Order , and both are dedicated to our Lady , with several Titles ; to wit , that of the Fryers Della Gratia ; and the other , Del Rosario . The Captain lives not always in the Castle by reason of the inconvenience of its situation , but onely during the hotter monthes of Summer for coolness ; for upon the lower ground the heat is insupportable , both because the Climate is of it self hot , and because the dwellings lie in a low and inclos'd place , encompassed , as I said , with Mountains , which keep off all wind , and reverberate the Sun more strongly ; besides that , the Soil is dry and saltish , which consequently increases the heat . The Captain whom I found there , was call'd Sig : Martino Alfonso de Melo . I also found dwelling here a Nephew , or Brother's Son of the Captive King of Ormuz , whose Father was also King of the same place before this Brother of his , who is at this day prisoner in Persia. This Nephew , they told me , was call'd after his Uncle's Name Muhhamed-Sciah ; and the Portugals make him be acknowledg'd Prince in Arabia by all the Arabians that were lately subject to the King of Ormuz , and are now exempt from the oppression of the Persians or Rebellion , as nearest Kinsman and lawfullest Heir ( of any now at liberty ) to the imprison'd King. At the same time of our Arrival , there was also at Mascat upon his journey Hhabese-Chan , Ambassador of the King of Dacan , Nizam-Sciah , who was returning to his Master from Persia , where he had been many years with Sciah-Abbas . It being night when we arriv'd at Mascat , we went not ashore ; onely the Captain of the Ship was sent for by the Governour to speak with him , and give him account of his purposes . January the fourteenth , Having procur'd a Lodging , about noon I landed with my people , and went to possess it . In the Evening I visited the Veador de Fazenda , or Treasurer , Sig : Nicolo da Silva my Friend , and known to me many years in Persia ; who at first not knowing me , was afterwards much pleas'd to see me here safe and sound . January the fifteenth , I visited the Captain or Governour of Mascat , in whose House I found lodg'd Sig : Don Francesco Contigno Covacio , my Friend , at Goa , who upon some disgusts between himself and the Vice-Roy , came in the same Armada that I did to Ciaul , and from thence hither , in Order to go to the siege of Ormuz . January the seventeenth , I was visited by the F. Provincial of the Augustines in Manil , whom I had seen , but not convers'd with at Goa , and who was going onely to Bassora . His conversation was very pleasing to me , because he was a person of much and various Erudition , both in Mathematicks and History ; besides that he was also an excellent Preacher . January the eighteenth , At noon I took the Altitude of the Sun , whom I found forty four degrees distant from the Zenith , being this day in the 27th degree of Capricorn , according to Origanus , and declining from the Aequinoctial towards the South 20 degrees 23′ . 53″ . which taken from 44 degrees , leave 23 degrees 36′ . 7″ . So that Mascat lyes 23 degrees 36′ . 7″ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North ; and consequently , hath the North-Pole so much elevated . The same day a Petache arriv'd from Ormuz , bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat , namely , six Europaean Men of War , and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people ; so that with those formerly arriv'd , there were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War , and the Portugal Armada not yet arriv'd . This Petache , they say , Ruy Freira sent to Mascat , to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies , being alone . He stay'd still there with his Vessels of Oars , yet with no hope of hindring Ormuz from being reliev'd both with Men , Ammunition , and Victual at their pleasure . January the nineteenth , I went to see a Village of the Arabians , a little distant from Mascat , and call'd Kelbuh ; it lyes without the Mountains that incompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar ; the way that leads to it , is a narrow passage , and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies , the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart , and some few pieces of Artillery . The Town is small , consisting onely of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs , and so low that one cannot stand upright in them , but onely sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors : yet for its bigness , it hath people enough ; because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly , but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place . LETTER X. From Bassora , May 20. 1625. OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora , and being to touch by the way about Ormuz , in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira , pertaining to the service of the Armada ; after all the rest that were to go were imbarqu'd , ( amongst which were Don Francesco Contigno Covacio , who intended for Ormuz ; two bare-footed Carmelites , who were for Bassora ; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands , who was passing into Europe ) I went aboard with my people at night , January the six and twentieth . Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day , and with no favourable wind we sail'd about six Leagues , casting Anchor at night not far from the shore . January the eight and twentieth , Having sail'd a while , a contrary wind forc'd us to Anchor again ; and indeed in this Persian Gulph , the wind is so inconstant , and with-all so strong , that if it happen to be contrary , there is little good to be done by contesting against it in this narrow Sea , but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor , or be driven backwards . We anchor'd so near land , and in so little water , under a place call'd Sibo , about seven Leagues from Mascat , that the contrary wind increasing , and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship , we were in great danger of being split upon the shore , to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too , the Coast being very craggy , and the Sea extremely rough . We were so near being lost , that the Ship almost toucht the ground ; but a small sail , hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern , and is call'd by the Portugal's Sabaco sav'd us ; which sail alone we could make use of , to keep off the shore ; though it being small , and the Vessel heavy , it suffic'd not to move it much . The Arabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty , and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split ; for in these troublesom times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat . But at length , as it pleas'd God , by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio ( who in many things supply'd the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship ) we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea , and being deliver'd from imminent danger , had time to hoise the Trinket to the wind , as before we could not , because it was on the other side of the Mast , which they call Under-the-wind , and could not be brought about without more time then our sudden and present danger permitted . After which , because the wind so requir'd , and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians , we determin'd to return to Mascat ; and having pass'd the Island della Vittoria , ( so call'd from a notable Victory obtain'd by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat ) about-evening we re-entred the port of Mascat ; where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that rode there at anchor , we became in a new danger of suffering shipwrack or at least , some considerable dammage . Many went ashore to sleep there all night ; but being our departure was to be speedily , I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment . January the thirtieth , The Ship having taken water , and all our company imbarqu'd , at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat , and about Ave-Mary-time repass'd the Island della Vittoria ( which lies only two leagues from Mascat ) sailing between it and the Continent : as we had done before . January the one and thirtieth , As we were sailing with a small wind , we descry'd a Sail a far off , which seeing us , discharg'd a Gun , as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us : whence we understood it to be one of Freira's Fleet ; for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus , and other Merchant-Ships are oblig'd to stay and obey ; if not , the War-ship may sink them . Accordingly we stay'd , and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us . Wherein I observ'd the little Military Discipline , and good order practis'd by the Portugals in India ; for there was all the reason in the world , that , if we stay'd the coming up of this Ship , according to the custom , yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was ; for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover , as there are many in these Seas , who being Portugals by Nation , and banish'd for some misdemeanors , betake themselves to carry Pepper , Arms , and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors . Wherefore to secure our selves from all deceit and dammage , which such a Ship feigning to be of Freira's Armada might have done us , we should have stay'd indeed , but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands , Falcons , Corchabuses , and Muskets loaden ; and , in short , in a posture of defence and fighting , as occasion requir'd . On the contrary , this good Discipline was observ'd neither on our part , nor by the Vessel which came to see who we were ; which imprudent confidence , though it succeeded well in this case , yet was undeniably a great and perillous error ; and had the event been ill , it could not have been excus'd otherwise then by saying , Non putaram , a word ) ( according to Cicero , very little besitting Prudent Men. This Vessel of the Armada demanded of us water and Mariners . Now amongst the Portugals , t is a custom for these War-ships to take from Merchants which they meet what they please , either by fair means or by foul ; although 't is but a disorderly thing , and many inconveniences happen by it . Of water we gave them two barrels , but no Mariners , because we had few enough for our selves , and they took them not by force , ( as they would perhaps have done from others ) out of respect to Sig : Coutigno , who was in the Ship with us ; and the rather because we told them , we were going to carry Provisions to Ruy Freira , who , they informed us , was retreated into the Island of Larek , and that the Armada of Goa was not yet arriv'd , and also that themselves were going to Mascat for Provisions . In the Evening , we met a Terrada , or Bark of Freira's Fleet , going likewise to Mascat , by which we understood the same News . February the first , The wind turning contrary , we cast anchor at distance from land for more security , the shore being all the way on our left hand . February the second , Though the wind became somewhat favourable , we weigh'd not anchor , because we were to land an Augustine Fryer at Sohar , of which place he was Curate ; and neither we nor the Pilot knowing whether we had pass'd Sohar , or not ; nor yet what Land it was where we were , therefore we sent our Boat ashore to inquire ; it brought word that Sohar lay a little more forward , and thereupon it was remitted to carry the said Fryer on shore , that so he might ride thither on a Camel by Land. This business took up all the day . At night we set sail , but with no favourable wind , so that we were constrain'd to anchor again a little further ; till about midnight , the wind ●●sing a little in our favour we set forwards . The land in this place is a low Plain , as the word Sohar signifies ; yet we saw abundance of hills at a great distance from the shore . Sohar is four and twenty leagues from Mascat . February the sixth , Having by the help of Oars with much difficulty come to Chursakan , which is twelve leagues beyond Sohar , in the morning we sail'd under Doba which lies three leagues further . The Portugals had not so much confidence in the people as to think fit to enter into the Port , but resolv'd to go three leagues onwards to a secure place of friendly Arabians call'd Lima. The coast of Doba is mountainous , and the Town stands behind a Promontory which runs far into the Sea. Here we first discern'd the opposite coast of the Persian Gulph , from whence rather rowing then sailing , by Sun-set we came to an anchor under Lima. Many of our Ships went ashore , some to fetch provisions , of which they found but little store , and others to refresh themselves . I was not in a condition to do the like , being in bed under deck by reason of an Ague ; as also was Mariam Tinatim ; so that neither of us could so much as look up to behold the Land. February the seventh , We pass'd by the Cape of Mosendom , at the point of which stand two or three Rocks one further then another into the Sea. That nearest the Cape is greatest , and the remotest is the least , which they call Baba Selam ; the Moorish Sea-men when they pass by it , salute it with many shouts of joy . Having pass'd by this Cape , ( which is , as I believe within ten or twelve leagues of Ormuz ) leaving Ormuz and Bender di Kombra on the right hand , ( because we presum'd the Dutch and English Ships to be there ) we directed our course towards Larek , hoping to find Ruy Freira there , as we had understood by the way ; but a little after , we descry'd two Ships of Freira's Armada ( as we suppos'd ) in two several places towards the Land ; each of which gave us a Gun ; whereby we apprehended that they intended either to receive or give us some necessary Advertisement . Wherefore quitting our course to Larek , we turn'd the Stern to the coast of Arabia , towards which one of the said Ships about Sun-set seem to be retir'd . We approach't near the Land about Evening , and passing amidst certain Rocks , went to cast anchor within a little bay which was there ; but in the narrow streight between a Rock and the Continent , a most impetuous current of the Sea hurri'd us away so furiously , that without giving us time to let down the sail , it had almost dash't us against the foot of certain high Rocks , where , if we had touch't , without doubt our Ship had been split in a thousand pieces , nor had any one of us escap't with life unless by miracle : nevertheless by plying our Oars stoutly , and at length letting down the sail , by God's mercy we were delivered from this imminent and manifest danger . Yet not so fully , but that we had like to have been cast upon another Rock , not so much through the violence of the Current , as the negligence of the Sea-men who did not govern the Sails and Helm well . But at length , being by the Divine Assistance freed from both dangers , we got to the place we design'd , and there found one of Freira's Ships which had given us a Warning-piece in the preceding day ; and also an armed Bark of that sort which they call Terrankim , and are almost such as our Caichi or Shallops ; which Bark Ruy Freira sent to the Rock Baba Selam there to wait for the Armada of Goa , and advertise him when it arriv'd . In the Ship was Sig. Sancho di Toar , who the last year had been sent from Goa General of certain Ships to assist Ruy Freira , and being weary of the war , now with his licence ( obtain'd , as may be thought , by importunity ) was returning to Mascat , and so to Goa , with seventy or eighty soldiers that accompani'd him . After we had cast anchor , although it was very dark , yet some of the said soldiers , and the Captain of the Terranquim came to our Ship to speak with Don Francesco Cavacio ; so also did the Captain of the Ship , the abovesaid di Toar , next morning . Don Francesco disswaded the soldiers from deserting the war in a time of so great need , and of so fair an occasion as would be at the coming of the Armada of Goa , which was approaching hourly ; telling them that at Goa it would be held an action little honourable , and that the Vice-Roy would severely punish whoever return'd thither abandoning Ruy Freira : In short , he said so much to them , that being assur'd of the coming of the Fleet of Goa , which before they disbeliev'd and accounted only a report to keep the soldiers in suspence ) almost all of them chang'd their purpose , and resolv'd to continue at the war , after they had been at Mascat only to provide themselves some necessaries . Of such moment to the publick good is the authority and prudent discourse of a worthy person amongst people . We had news from them , that Ruy Freira had quitted Larek , because the English at the instance of the Persians had gone thither with their Ships to drive him thence ; whereupon having first destroy'd certain Shops of Provision , which he had made there for convenience of the soldiers , and a weak Trench , he remov'd with his Armada of Oars to a desart station of Arabia a little beyond the place where we were , and there we should find him ; that if we had gone to Larek , we should have incurr'd the danger of falling into the enemies hands ; and therefore , as soon as they saw us , they shot off a Warning-piece to recall us from that bad way . They told us moreover , that before the Portugals were driven from Larek , Ruy Freira going one day with the greatest part of his Ships to make an appearance about Ormuz , a great Tempest arose , by which four Ships which he left at Larek , were driven upon the Rocks of the Island , and lost , with the death of many people ; and that it was a great mercy of God that Ruy Freira was not there with his other Ships , because they would have been all lost , although they wanted not a share of trouble too by the tempest in the place where they were . Hence I concluded that misfortunes every day increas'd upon'the Portugals in India , so that I know not what good judgment can be made of their affairs for the future . February the eighth , in the morning , We departed from the place where we were , and coasting along in less then an hour , we arriv'd at a little Island which they call delle Capre or delle Gazelle , near the Continent of Arabia , almost within a Bay which affords an ample and secure Port for small Vessels . This place lies almost directly over against Ormuz , so that Ormuz will come to be sixty leagues distant from Mascat , and consequently eighteen from Lima. Here we found Ruy Freira with part of his Ships , of which some were mending ; I say , Part , because he had sent some to the Cape of Giask to wait for the Armada of Goa , some to Mascat for Provision ( of which he had but small store ) and some to the Port of Guadel to scout , and some about other services . Assoon as we had cast anchor , Ruy Freira came in person to our Ship acompani'd by some of his Captains , and stay'd there between two and three hours receiving and distributing amongst them certain small provisions of Victual and Arms which were brought him ; reading the Viceroy's Letters and many other which came to him from Goa , and discoursing with Don Francesco Contigno Cavacio , and others , giving them account of all his successes , and inquiring concerning the Armada and other things which we knew . And because we assur'd him , the Armada could not be long before it arriv'd , since we came all together from Ciaul at the same time ; he sent forth another Ship to meet it , with order to inform them where he was , and presently to return and advertise him of his arrival , that he might go out and joyn with it . I could not be present at all the Conversation , because I had my Ague and was in bed . Yet upon his coming , I arose and dress'd my self to wait upon him , as I did so long as I was able ; but at length I was forc'd to retire , and only return'd to take leave of him when he departed . He made many complements to me , telling me that he had long since had knowledg of my person by fame , and should always be ready to serve me upon any occasion ; with other like Civilities . I offer'd him to shew him the Pass I had from the Viceroy , because I had heard him say in discourse how strictly the Viceroy had charg'd him not to let any one pass into the Territories of the Turks without his licence ; but he would not look upon it , and told me it needed not for me , re-iterating that he was ready to serve me ; to which civil language I answer'd in the best terms I could , signifying to him how great a while I had been desirous to see his person , and to serve him ; The fame of his actions testifi'd to me by the mouths of his very enemies , and how he was spoken of at Goa both by the Viceroy and all others ; all which he receiv'd as kindly as I did his obliging expressions . At length he return'd to his own Ship , taking with him Don Francesco Contigno Cavaccio , the F. Provincial of Maniglia , and divers others , to be entertain'd there with him all the day ; but I remain'd in bed with my Ague . February the ninth , Having taken a Persian Pilot which Ruy Freira gave us , ( because the Portugal Pilots are not very skilful in the Persian Gulph , by reason of the multitude of shelves , and the inconstancy of the winds , which make it needful to have a Pilot of the Country ) at night we put off from the abovesaid Island steering our course outwards . Almost at the same time Ruy Freira went with some of his Ships , leaving order for the rest to follow him as soon as they should be repair'd ; and by the inner way , to wit , by the channel between the Island and the Continent , went I know not where to take in water , intending afterwards to see how matters were at Ormuz , where there rode ten Ships of War , Dutch and English , partly under the Castle , and partly in Bender di Kombru , having already put what relief they pleas'd into the place . February the tenth at evening , We arriv'd at a Bay which they call de ' i Limoni , from the multitude of Lemons growing in a Village hard by . And on the fifteenth of the same Month , having pass'd the Island call'd Tombo , another call'd by the Portugals Piloro , that is , the Ball ; and lastly that which they call Cais , once famous for its competition with Ormuz , both in War , and the Traffick of India , but now altogether desolated by war , we wereby a contrary wind forc't to return somwhat backwards , and cast anchor under the said Island Cais , which is forty Leagues from Ormuz . Some of our people went ashore to refresh themselves , but found nothing except a few Herbs , and a fruit like Goos-berries ; which yet to us that were ill furnish'd with Provision were not unwelcome . I must not omit here , that when we pass'd by the Bay of Lemons , we left the Coast of Arabia , and crost over to sail along the opposite Coast of Persia , which is the better way from from thence forward . February the sixteenth , We departed from Cais , and at night certain Armenians who were in our Ship , were set a shore on the Persian side , in order to go to Nachilu , which was not far from thence , to meet certain companions of theirs who had gone before Mascat in another Ship with much common Merchandize . February the seventeenth , A contrary wind repell'd our course backwards , so that we anchor'd under an uninhabited Island call'd Andreve , where we stay'd till the twentieth of the same Moneth , when the above-said Armenians , not finding their companions at Nachilu , return'd to the Ship , and brought two Letters from the Governour of that place ; one to the Captain and all the rest in general , offering the Ship a free Port , and desiring us to sell our Merchandize there , because they had suffer'd much by war ; that they would shew all good usage to the Portugals as Merchants ; and in case we trusted him not so much as to go a shore , we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea , and they would send people and money to buy many things . The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship , some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan ; and therefore he promis'd them good and secure passage with all courtesie . But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing , nor the Religious think good to land in that place , for all those promises . February the two and twentieth , Being at Anchor in a certain place , at night we descry'd some Vessels afar off , which we knew not what they were ; and therefore weighing Anchor , and putting our selves in a posture for fight , we row'd up to them . When we came near , we found them to be of those Persian Vessels , which they call Terrats , ( a kind of great bark , frequent in these Seas ) laden with Dates and Victuals . Yet because they neither stay'd for us nor obey'd , we discharg'd some Falcons and many Muskets at them , without doing any hurt , because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought , but all was done with great confusion and disorder , as is usual amongst the Portugals , especially in our Ship , which was a Merchant and not a Man of War. So that the Persian Terrats went away untouch'd , and we not onely took them not , as we might easily have done , had our Ships been well arm'd and well-govern'd ; but it seem'd also , that , had those Vessels had armed people , and a mind to assault us , they might easily have taken us , considerng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip . February the seven and twentieth , The wind not being good , our Marriners , who were Indians , but of the Mahometan Religion , ty'd a bundle of clothes , which they said was the Old Man ( but I know not what Old Man they meant ) to one of the Ropes of the sails , and there fell to beat it vehemently , crying out to it , to give them a good wind ; in the mean time , other Mariners desir'd him that beat it , to desist , saying that it would give them a good wind . This superstitious Ceremony , not unlike that above-mention'd of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Padua , I was willing to insert for its strangeness ; although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves , who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so ; or because they would not tell us ; I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt , under the figure of a bundle of Clothes , or from whom they demanded a good wind . February the eight and twentieth , We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan ( a part of Persia ) , of which we had great need ; but the people of the place prohibited us , repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots . And being we had not Souldiers to land and take water by force , it behov'd us to have patience and depart without . March the first , We put out to Sea , to avoid certain shelves that were neer the Persian shore , which here we found low and flat , whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous ; at night , we came under Riscel , a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz , but no good one . March the second , A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charg , which lyes distant from Cais 24 Giam . ( A Giam is a measure us'd by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Persian Gulph , containing three leagues ; so that from Cais to Charg we had sayl'd 70 Leagues . ) From Charg to Bassora , they told us , there remain'd eight Giam , and as many from Charg to Bahhaerein : The part of the Continent nearest Charg , is Bender Rich , belonging , as I conceive , to the Country of Loristan , from which this Island is distant two Giam . We cast Anchor between Charg and another little Island which lyes to the North-west , and is call'd Chargia . Charg is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses , wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre ( venerated by the Moors ) of one Muhhammed Anefia , who , the people of the Island say , was one of the Descendents of Muhhammed . Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore ; but a Portugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bassora , put in at the same Island . March the fourth , We went on the other side of the Island to get water , of which we stood in great need ; and my Ague having left me , I landed with the rest upon the Island , where I saw little besides the above-said Sepulchre , and others less venerable , which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater ; there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone , which by some carv'd work of the Frontis-piece , and the form within , seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial , but now 't is used onely as a stall for Cattel . The Island it self is low and plain ; the Peasants sow it with Corn , Onyons , and a few other such things ; but 't is poor enough , the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take . They speak the Persian Language , and indeed are Vassals of Persia , though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians . They told me , that they are govern'd by a Chief , called , according the custom of the Arabians , Sceich , which dignity descends from Father to Son ; that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals , the former had intended to have built a Fort here , whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by ; but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty ; and by treating all parties alike friendly , they have escaped unmolested by any , and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty . They told me also , that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charg and Bassora , both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora , so that they were not molested by any party ; the ground of which I take to be , because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals , the greatest part being brought thither from these Lands of Persia ; and on the other side , the Portugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora , to assist the place against the Persians . At night we return'd aboard , having exchanged the Persian Pilot , which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charg , it being the custom so to do . It rained in the night , and the Sea grew high ; wherefore for more security , we put off from the land further to Sea. March the sixth , Very early in the Morning we departed from Charg , together with the other Ship of Ciaul , yet each taking its own way ; and we proceeded coasting along Persia , which lay on the right hand : The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor , so far from the Persian shore that it was out of sight ; yet we found no more water than about ten fathom ; and indeed , we were fain to sail when the wind arose , with plummet constantly in hand , by reason of the shallow which are hereabouts . March the eighth , We sailed still out of sight of land , yet had but four fathom of water ; and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together , the Persian Pilots call it Meidan , that is , the Plain . The next day we sailed a little , but most of the day lay at Anchor , because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora , although it seem'd to us to be very near ; and indeed , 't is no easie matter to find it , the shore being so low that it is not discerned , unless very near hand ; and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River , is not safe by reason of the shallows . March the eleventh , In seeking the mouth of the River , opinions were so various , and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion , that the rudder strook on ground , not without some danger ; but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship , and got into more water ( the Ship of Ciaul , which , as lighter , drew less water , going before us as guide , and entring into the River's mouth before we knew it . ) The River of Bassora ( which is Euphrates and Tygris joyned together ) is call'd by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab , that is , the Arabian River , and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other . The most Easterly , which is the biggest and securest , lyes on the side of Ormuz and Persia , whose name it borrows : The more Westerly , and less frequented by great Ships , lyes on the side of Buhhreim , or Cutifu of Arabia , from whence it assumes a name . And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora , I know not how many leagues from the Sea ; hence it forms a no small Trianguler Iland , called at this day Cheder ; which I hold to be the gift of the River ( like the Delta of Egypt ) and that it will increase every day by the sand brought down by the River , considering the many flats and shallows , which as I said above are found in these places . Now we being entred by the Eastern mouth , and having sailed a good way against the stream , at length came to the place of the division ; and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand , continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields , which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile . At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora , ( which lies on the west bank a good way from the River ) is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots , which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house , where a bridg of planks laid upon boats , and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike ; on the South-part of which bridg stands a Castle , and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage . The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea , and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridg ; yet Ships go no further then the bridg , where they ride as in a secure Haven . From this trench are derived some other little channels on either side to several places of the City ; and in some of them they make use of small Boats , which they call Done● , with great convenience to the houses ; besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot . The City of Bassora is large and populous , but ill built , and till of late without walls ; for by reason of these wars with the Persians they have almost inclosed it with an earthen Rampart ; within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths , and for linnen Cloth , and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an indifferent large Piazza , where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance , amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mascat when they infested the seas with their Galleys , which afterwards were destroy'd by the Portugals . Another Piazza there is before the Basha's House , which is always full of heaps of Corn , Rice , and other Fruits , which are to be sold here ; being kept night and day without other shops or inclosure then ordinary mats , without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exercis'd by the Turks in matter of Theft . The people are Arabians with some Turks intermix'd , so that the Arabian Language is most spoken , although the Turkish and Persian are not unfrequent . As for Religion , the Moors are partly Sonai's , and partly Scinai's , with Liberty of Conscience to both ; yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's , and also all publick Ceremonies are perform'd after the Rite of the Sonai's , which is that which the Great Turk , who is King of this Country , observes at Constantinople . There are also some Houses of Chaldean Christians , call'd Christians of S. John , or Sabeans ; though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians ; for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest , who was there in my time , and he a very Idiot ; nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service . They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh , but eat every day alike . Nor have they any Sacraments , except some shadow of them ; and 't is a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be , and not rather the Baptism of S. John then of Christ. And because in this , and many other things , they observe S. John Baptist more then any other , and have him in greatest Veneration , therefore they are call'd Christians of S. John , with no small suspition of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. John baptiz'd with the Baptism of Repentance , and who , without caring for any thing else , have continu'd in that Rite ever since . The Gospels , and other sacred Books , 't is not known ( at least ) in Bassora , that they have or use ; but they have a Book which they call Sidra , according whereunto they govern themselves in matters of Religion ; but who is the Author of it , I know not . They speak a harsh Chaldee , besides Arabick which is generally in use ; which Language of theirs they call Mendai , as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styl'd Mendai , besides the two other names of Christians of S. John and Sabeans , by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans , and by the latter to the Moors . What Mendai signifies , and whence it is deriv'd , I could not learn. They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian , both ancient and modern , wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books , but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest , who by an Arabick word is usually styl'd Sceich , that is , Old Man. I could not learn any thing more concerning them , because they are few and very Idiots ; only I think they may be those Sabean Heretick mention'd in Histories , and particularly in the Elenchus Alphabeticus Haereticorum of Gabriel Prateolus , who relates their Original and Rites . Besides these of Bassora , there are other at Hhaveiza , which is neer Bassora , at Durec , Sciuscter , and many other places of Persia ; amounting , as they say , to many thousand Families : yet in Hhaveiza there are more then in any place else , where they have a place inhabited only by themselves , call'd Kiumalava , or , as themselves pronounce it , Chiumalava , reading the Letter K with the sound of Ch. Here live certain of their chief Priests , Monks , and Bishops , whom they all Chanzaba , and by whom they are govern'd in Religion . I believe they have there some kind of Church , Sacrifice , and all other things better then at Bassora ; yet because I cannot speak either upon my own knowledg , or any sufficient & credible information , I shall not relate any thing more of them ; although I had once a servant of the same Nation , born in Kiumalava near Hhaveiza , who amongst them was call'd Roheh , but being afterwards re-baptiz'd by our Religious , was nam'd Giovanni Robeh . I shall only add concerning Bassora , that of late dayes the City hath been more frequented with the trade of the Portugals of India , ( to wit , since the loss of Ormuz ) five of whose Ships at my being there continually rode in the River to defend the place from the attempts of the common enemy the Persian . Upon the conflux of many Europaean Christians hither , the bare-footed Carmelite-Fathers of Persia first , and afterwards the Portugal Augustines of Goa have built two Churches , either Order one , wherein the Catholick and Roman Rite is publickly observ'd . That of the Carmelites , the Seat whereof was partly given them by the Basha , and partly bought by themselves , I found already finish't with a small Cloister , and some Cells for the Fathers that live there : of its Dedication which hapned in my time , I shall speak below . The Church of the Augustines had not its foundation yet fully laid , and they were in suspense whether to go on with the building or no , for fear lest the Persians should one day take Bassora in these wars which were on foot . So that in my time the said Fathers lived in an hired house , which the Basha paid for ; yet they had a Church , or rather an Oratory there , wherein Mass , and all Divine Offices were publickly celebrated . Of Augustines , there were two at Bassora ; one with the Title of Prior , was also Vicar to the Archbishop of Goa ; likewise an Augustine Fryer , who , for the sake of the Portugals that resort to the City of Arabia , pretends to a Jurisdiction , which he usurps not without some intrusion upon the Bare-footed Carmelites , notwithstanding the Briefs of most ample Authority which they have obtain'd of the Pope for that purpose ; insomuch that in my time the said Augustine-Vicar publish't an Excommunication against all such as should not confess at Easter in their Church , although they did it in that of the Carmelites ; and publish'd his Church to be the Parish-Church , and not the other , besides other like contentions between them ; not without some prejudice to the Affairs of Religion . The Basha , who for the assistance which he had of the Portugals in the war , us'd not only them , but all Europaeans that came thither , very well ; gave a Pension or Alms to either Church every Month sufficient for Provision ; and he also well paid the five Portugal Ships which lay at Bassora for his service in the War. Having entred the above-mention'd Dike , and cast anchor for fear of being carri'd back again by the violence of the ebbing water ; we met with two of the said Portugal Ships at anchor , in one of which was the General himself : the other three were abroad in the great River near the place where the Basha had pitch't his camp to make head against the Persian Army , which was upon the Confines , and was rumor'd to intend an attempt against Bassora . Marcch the twelfth , Early in the morning , before we stir'd , I was visited in the Ship by F. Basilio a Bare-footed Carmelite , and by F. Fra. Paolo di Giesu an Italian Franciscan whom I had known at Goa , and who was now in his passage to Italy , lodg'd at Bassora by the Carmelites . At night , upon the coming in of the Tide , we tow'd the Ship up to the City . On either side of the Dike , were abundance of Houses and Gardens , which render the passage very delightful . Having cast anchor within the City , near the Southern bank , which is most inhabited , I went ashore after dinner to seek a House ; but not finding one to my mind return'd back to rest all night in the Ship. March the thirteenth , Not finding a House to my content , upon further search , I got one to speak to Chogia Negem , the chiefest Christian of S. John then amongst them , being also Scibender of the Dogana ; who , as a Christian and a Person of much humanity , contracting an intimate friendship with me , did me a thousand courtesies whilst I staid at Bassora . In the morning his Wife in person went about seeking a House for us ; and at night I accompanied her to see one adjoyning to her own , which for that reason , and because it was somewhat better then the rest , although far from good , I made choice of , and she promis'd to get it prepar'd for me against the next day ; whereupon I return'd aboard this night also . This day Proclamation was made in Bassora for every house to send out a man with Arms to the camp to aid the Basha in the War against the Persians , who were said to approach . March the fourteenth , I took possession of the House prepar'd for me , and afterwards visited Sig. Consalvo Martino da Castelbranco , chief of the Portugals in Bassora , to deliver him a Letter which I had brought from the Viceroy of Goa , the effect whereof was only an earnest recommendation of me ; upon which and other letters of friends which inform'd him of me , he very courteously offer'd me all his service . He told me good news ( being one that might well know the same ) of the affairs of Bassora , Persia , and Hhaveiza ; namely , that Mansur , Brother to the deceased Mubarek , being some years ago sent by Sciah-Abbas to Hhaveiza as Prince thereof , after he was well possess'd of the State , became not well affected to the King of Persia , though his Benefactor , ( and indeed the Arabians cannot indure to be subject , but desire liberty above all things . ) Now in order to recovering his Liberty , he held much correspondence with the neighboring Basha of Bassora , the Turk's Vassal , and of a contrary faction to the Persian , who was then Efrasiab Basha , who from Aga of Segmeni , as he was at first in the same City his native place , had made himself Basha by force , and endeavour'd to establish the dominion of that State in his own House , being tolerated , and indeed favour'd by the Turk , although half a Rebel ; both because he carry'd himself well in the Government , and because he might not proceed to deny him that little obedience which he gave him in words : Nor was it easie to chastise him in these Confines of the Enemies at such a distance from Constantinople , or to make any other change in the City of Bassora , where he was so powerful . The Persian , understanding the friendship which Mansur held with him , contrary to the custom of the other Princes of Haveiza , who us'd to make war against Bassora , and that ( in short ) Mansur was not obsequious and devoted to him as he desir'd ; when he went upon the Expedition of Baghdad , he sent for him to come with his people to the Persian Camp to that war , and appointed Imamculi Chan Sciraz to march to Baghdad by Hhaveiza , and by all means to bring Mansur with him . The Chan perform'd the command of the Sciah , and coming near Hhaveiza , stay'd many dayes for Mansur , importuning him frequently to come forth and go along with him . Mansur put him off so long with words and promises , that at length the Chan thought good to go away without him ; yet arriv'd at Baghdad so late , that the Sciah had taken the City before ; but , in conclusion , Mansur stirr'd not . Thereupon the Sciah , after his return from the enterprize of Baghdad to Sphahan , sent several Messengers to Mansur to come to his Court ; to all which Mansur answer'd that he would go speedily , but never went : Wherefore the Sciah being incens'd against him , sent him word to come speedily by all means , otherwise he would send to take off his Head. To which Mansur answer'd , that if the Sciah were minded to cut off his Head , he might come in person to do it ; That he knew very well how to defend it with his sword ; That he was resolv'd not to go into Persia ; and , That if the Sciah was King in Persia , himself was King in Hhaveiza ; and that he did not value him . Hereupon the Sciah commanded the said Imamculi Chan to march into Hhaveiza with a great power , taking with him Mubhammed the Son of Mubarek , who had been educated in the Persian Court , and establishing him Prince there , either to bring away Mansur Prisoner , or else to kill him : Accordingly , a little before our arrival at Bassora , the Chan enter'd Hhaveiza with an Army , and the said Muhhammed . Mansur apprehending that most of the Grandees and the People would obey the Sciah , and accept of Muhhamed for their Prince , to avoid being taken or slain , fled with about 500 that were faithful to him to Bassora , where Ali Basha the Son of Efrasiab , ( who had succeeded his dead Father , or rather intruded into the Government by force before his Father expir'd ) receiv'd him courteously , and gave him a piece of Territory belonging to the jurisdiction of Bassora , in the Confines of Hhaveiza , where he might live with his followers . The people of Hhaveiza in the mean time agreed with the Chan , and receiv'd Muhhamed for their Prince , being ready to obey the Chan in this , and what-ever else he should command ; yet upon condition that no Qizilbasci should enter into Hhaveiza , whereunto the Chan assented . Concerning Occurrences since our arrival at Bassora , News came that the Chan , after he had established Muhhamed in Hhaveiza , was advanc'd forwards with his Army towards Bassora , and was already enter'd into the State by a place which they call Qarna ; intending , perhaps , to take certain Garrisons in those borders , and also to make further progress : Whereupon the Basha went out against him with all his Forces , and three of the five Portugal Ships , which , as I said , he kept in Pay ; the City of Bassora in the mean while being in great fear of the Persian Army . As for other things more particularly pertaining to the State of this City , he told me , that after the taking of Ormuz , the Sciah sent an Embassage to the then Basha of Bassora Efrasiab , to tell him , that he requir'd no more from Bassora but onely to have his Coyn stamp'd there , his Name us'd in the Acclamations of the People , and in the Prayers of the Meschita's , as King of the Country , instead of that of the Great Turk ; and that the People of Bassora should wear their Turbants after the Persian manner ; that as for the rest he should leave Efrasiab to rule in that State as absolute Lord , have the same confirm'd to his Issue , and be protected against the Turk or any other , without paying any Tribute , but remaining in perfect Liberty . Efrasiab , who was a prudent man , well knowing the wayes of the King of Persia , made no account of these offers , and thought not fit to adventure the safety of the State which he possess'd , upon uncertain hopes ; but trusting in the aid of the Portugals , whose Ships might be of great use to him in that place , which the Persians in order to offend Bassora must pass by force , namely , either the Sea , or at least the great River , ( the Persians having no Vessels fit to contest with such Ships ) he rejected the Proposition of the Sciah , and presently re-manded the Ambassador with a strict Order immediately to depart both the City and the State , lest he should secretly corrupt some of the Grandees , who might afterwards pervert the people , who are half Sciani's , of the sect of the Sciah ; telling him in brief , that he was the Great Turk's Vassal and so would die , and that he was prepar'd for War , is the Sciah pretended any thing from him . The Sciah finding he could do nothing upon Bassora by fair means , commanded the Chan of Sciraz , as his nearest Minister to that Country , and the most potent , to march thither with an Army , and attempt to take the same by force . Accordingly the Chan's Army came , ( in which I know not whether himself was in person , or some other General ) and by the way of Sciuscter , and other places belonging to the Sciah near Hhaveiza , enter'd into the State of Bassora ; which entrance was the year before my arrival there , to wit , 1624. Yet he did not besiege the City , ( as it was reported at Goa ) nor yet come near it , but only besieg'd a Garrison in the Frontiers call'd Qaban , which was in danger of being lost , to the great hazard of all the rest of the Country , and the fear of Bassora it self ; for the Persians fought valorously , and slew many of the Defendants ; but at length , by the help of the Portugals , who from the adjoyning River did great mischief with the Artillery of their Ships to the Persian Camp , the Qizilbasci were repuls'd with loss , or rather , of themselves , ( being wearied with the length of the attempt , or else re-call'd into Persia for other services ) they drew off and departed . Nor did they return again till the following year , as I have said , about the time of my arrival at Bassora , upon the occasion of displacing Mansur , and establishing Muhhamed the Son of Mubarek , Prince of Hhaveiza ; when I found the new Ali Basha abroad with his Army , and three Portugal Ships to with-stand them , and the City of Bassora not without fear , because the Persian Army much exceeded theirs , both in number and quality of Souldiers . March the sixteenth , News came to Bassora that the Armies were very near , and almost fac'd one another ; and Sig : Consalvo de Silveira , Chief Commander of the Portugal Squadron of Ships at Bassora , told me , that having heard that the Persians intended to bring seven pieces of Artillery by Sea to Durec , ( a neighboring Port of theirs to Bassora ) to be imploy'd in the War , he had sent forth two of his Ships , and one of those lighter Frigots which they call Sanguisei , to meet and intercept those Gunns , which would be a notable piece of service . March the seventeenth , Chogia Negem , ( who might well know things , as he that was imploy'd in much business by the Basha ) inform'd me that the Persian Army consisted of 30000 men , and that there were seven Chans in it ; which to me seem'd not probable , because if the Chan of Sciraz with his people was not sufficient , 't was possible his Brother Dand Chan , whose Government is near him , and the Chan of Locistan , might be come ; but that others more distant should be there for the sole war of Bassora , there was no necessity , and consequently , no ground ●o believe . He told me further , that now the waters were high there was no danger , nor could the Persians make much progress , by reason of the great River which they were to pass , and many over-flow'd Lands and Trenches full of water , wherewith Bassora was now fortified : But when the waters came to be low , as they would be within three moneths , then Bassora would be in danger : that as for defence by the Portugal Ships , the Persians might pass over the great River by a Bridge much higher and further from Bassora , either at Hhella , which is in their Hands , or at Baghdad it self , or some where else , without the Portugals being able to hinder them ; that if they came but with Provision for a few dayes , the Country on the West side of the River on which Bassora stands , was not so desart but they might have forrage enough for a great Army : If this be true , as it may be , then considering the power of the Persians , their manner of warring , the situation , strength , and forces of the City of Bassora , I am confident , that at the long run it will not scape the Persians Hands , so long as he holds Baghdad , although in case of need the Grand Emir of the Desart ( who is now Mudleg , surnamed as all his Predecessors were , Aburisc , that is , he of the Plume or Feather ) should come to assist the Basha ; who can now hope for no aid from the Turk , since the taking of Baghdad . He also related to me concerning Baghdad , that the place was betray'd to the Sciah by Bekir Subasci , call'd otherwise Dervise Mahhammed , whose Father ( who pretended to render himself Tyrant thereof ) the Sciah caused publickly to be slain upon his entrance into it , but kept the Traytor with him , and us'd him well : That besides Baghdad , he took Kierkuc and Mousul by his Captains , and march'd beyond Hhella into the Country of Emir Aburisc , even to Anna and Taiba , within a little way of Aleppo , which was thereupon in great fear ; and that he left a Garrison at Anna. But after the Sciah , and the main of his Army was retir'd into Persia , Emir Aburisc , who was alwayes confederate with the Turk , making an excursion with his People about the Desart , recover'd Taiba and Anna , killing seventy Qizilbasci whom he found there in Garrison ; after which he turn'd his arms against Emir Nasir ben Mahanna , Lord of Mesched Hussein , ( but not so great a Prince as himself ) and made great destruction of his People and Country . Finally , He added , that a potent Army of Turks had since fallen upon Persia and Baghdad , and had already recover'd Mousul and Kierkuc ; which last News I rather suspect to be dispers'd to animate the People of Bassora , then hold for true ; because , on the other side , it was reported for certain , that the Sciah was reposing his Forces at Ferhabad , which could not consist with the so near approach of the Turks against him . March the nineteenth , An eminent man of Bassora , nam'd Scaich Abdassalam , muster'd a great company of his kindred , friends , and followers , with whom he intended to go to the assistance of the Basha . Amongst them were muster'd about 200 Christians of S. John , arm'd with Arquebuzes , and other weapons like the rest ; but all , in my judgment , as much Moors as Christians , little Souldiers , and of no esteem in comparison of the Qizilbasci . March the two and twentieth , In the Piazza before the Basha's House , I saw a wild Ass , or little Onager , which was kept there for pleasure . It was of the shape of other Asses , but of a brighter colour , and had a ridge of white hair from the head to the tail , like the mane of a Horse ; in running and leaping , it seem'd much nimbler then the ordinary sort of Asses . March the three and twentieth , A Portugal came from the Basha's Camp to Bassora , bringing News that the Qizilbasci were return'd home to their own Countries , and that in such haste that they had left much Cattel , Goods , and Meat ready dress'd in the Camp where they had quarter'd : Which so unexpected departure of the Persian Army , could not happen through any disturbance given them by that of the Basha ; but , perhaps , they were re-call'd for some other war , or service of greater necessity , as that of Ormuz , or against the Turks , or against the Moghol at Candahar , which the Sciah had lately taken . March the four and twentieth , I took the height of the Sun in Bassora at noon , and found him decline 28 degrees 48 minutes from the Zenith . He was this day , according to the Ephemerides of David Origanus , in 4 degrees , 4 minutes , 57 seconds of Aries , and according to the Meridian of the said Ephemerides , declin'd from the Aequinoctial North-wards — degrees ; but according to our Meridian of Bassora , calculating by proportionall parts , 1 degree , 38 minutes , and 32 seconds , which , added to the 28 degrees 48 minutes of the Sun's Declination from the Zenith , amount to 30 degrees , 26 minutes , 32 seconds . So that the Zenith of Bassora is distant from the Aequinoctial 30 degrees , 26 minutes , 32 seconds , to which the Elevation of the North-Pole at the same is equal . March the one and thirtieth , Return'd the two Portugal Ships above-mention'd to have been sent abroad by the General to intercept the Persian Artillery ; of which design they fail'd , because the Persians having notice thereof , stirr'd them not of the Port. Yet they took three Persian Barques call'd Terrats , with much wealth in them ; and a rich Moor , who offer'd a thousand Patacches for his Ransome , but they would not accept it . All the other Moors in the Vessels they killed , with two young children , lest , as they said , if they should have carry'd them into a Country of Moors , the Basha would have releas'd them : However , in seem'd to me a great Cruelty , although it be no new thing among the Portugals , who upon all occasions commit the like and greater in India . April the seventh , The Basha return'd with all his Army to Bassora , the fear and danger of the war being now over by the departure of the Persians . He enter'd into the City betimes in the Morning with great pomp , and the salutations of the Artillery . April the thirteenth , F. Basilio di San Franceso , a Bare-footed Carmelite , having finish'd the building of the little Church and Covent of his Order which he had founded at Bassora , made a solemn Feast , adorning both the Church , and the whole Oratory of the Covent very sumptuously : and with a great concourse of Christians both Europeans and Orientals of several Nations , he celebrated the dedication of the said Church , intitling it Nostra Signora de ' i remedii : The evening before , he had caused many Bone-fires to be made , all the Portugal Soldiers contributing to the joy with many volleys of Arquebusses . Moreover , to honour the said Father , the Basha sent about five hundred Moorish Soldiers to the Covent to do the like , and caus'd many great Pieces to be shot off at the Castle ; so that the Feast was celebrated generally by the whole City , both Christians and Moors , with great concourse and applause . The next night , the Basha himself with all his Court went to see the Church and the Covent , where also at his departure he left an Alms ; the Father receiv'd him with all due honour , and gave him a sumptuous Banquet ; with which , both as to the manner and ceremonies according to the fashion of the Country , both the Basha and all the rest were much satisfi'd . The General of the Portugals , with all the Captains of Ships , and most principal Persons of the Fleet , and ( in short ) all the Europaeans then in Bassora , were present at this entertainment : only I , by reason of an indisposition , had the displeasure to be absent . Mass was sung by the F. Prior of the Augustines , who assisted all the day to honour the feast ; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia , who was a Passenger with us , preacht . The same day there came to Bassora , to the Basha a Capigi from the Serdar or Vezir of Constantinople newly created ( whose Predecessor was said to have been put to death by the Great Turk for having us'd little diligence in the affairs of Baghdad . ) The said Capigi brought the Basha a Robe or Vestment ( as their custom is ) as a Present from the Vezir , and news that the Turkish Army was already moving towards Baghdad , and was very near it , having re-taken Mousul and Kierkuc , which are open places , and expos'd to the force of any Attempter . But that this should happen so soon , to me seem'd very strange ; especially , if the new Serdar was sent from Constantinople the same year , as he could not be before May or April at the soonest ; and being of necessity to pass by Aleppo , and get together not only much provision , but also Soldiers from very remote Countries , and wait for them ( besides , providing grass and hay for the horses , as every year they are wont to do in May ) it was not possible that he should be so foward by this time . Considering too , that in all the Expeditions of late years , it hath been seen that the Turkish Army never arrives at the Confines of Persia the same year that it is dispatch't from Constantinople , but must always winter the first year either at Aleppo , or in Mesopotamia , or , at most , when it is nearest in Erzirna ; the second year it arrives at the confines of Persia to make War ; yea it oftentimes arrives there so late in the year , and so near Winter , that it scarce do's any thing . Now that this new Serdar was dispatcht from Constantinople the same year , and not the preceding , seem'd credible , because I never heard of his wintring at Aleppo , or any where else ; 't was likely that the new Serdar lately created at Constantinople ( as he uses to be in March , and sometimes sooner ) understanding the danger of Bassora , presently dispatch't the said Capigi to confirm the mind and courage of the Basha ; which Capigi travelling by the shortest ways , and with great speed , as the business requir'd , might well arrive at Bassora from Constantinople by the time above-mention'd . In brief , I suspected the credit of so near approach of the Turkish Army , waiting till effects should manifest the truth of the matter . April the twenty third , News came to Bassora , that the King of Persia had straitly charg'd the Chan , who governs Bagdad for him , and also his friend in the Desart Emir Nasir , by all means to intercept the Cafila which was preparing at Bassora to go to Aleppo , or at least to hinder its going . This intelligence so terrifi'd the Merchants who were upon the point to depart , that they deferr'd their journey , and in their own name dispatch't a Messenger to Emir Nasir , to know whether it was true , and whether he would permit them secure passage or no. That it was true , on one hand I conceiv'd not unlikely ; for it being of great importance to the Sciah to have the trade of India by Sea brought into his own Country , ( which , since the taking of Ormuz , he hath lost ) and the said trade being diverted to Bassora , where ( for want of Ships to contest with the Portugals ) he cannot hinder it ( which is the reason why he was so desirous to take Bassora , namely , that so the Portugals might be depriv'd of all ports and passes , and be necessitated to come with the traffick of India to some place of his Territories , without his rendring Ormuz to them ) I say , it seem'd likely that he should endeavour to hinder the traffick of Bassora to Aleppo by land , which would amount to the same thing : for the Merchandises of India cannot be all absum'd at Bassora , but remaining there little or nothing must be from thence dispers'd to Aleppo and elsewhere : Upon this account the Sciah rais'd a great War both against the Portugals and the people of Bassora , whose chiefest subsistence is from this trade . On the other side I conceiv'd it might not be true , because Emir Nasir draws great profit from the Cafila's which pass from Bassora to Aleppo ; and though at the taking of Bagdad he sided with the Sciah for some end of his own , yet I believe , that as an Arabian and a free Prince he is not so devoted to the Sciah as to serve him with the prejudice of his proper interests ; and the rather because at the same time he keeps some Agents and Ministers at Bassora to receive the said Imposts , and without the Emir's assistance the Sciah can do nothing in those Desarts . Moreover , this Emir Nasir hath lately been much mortifi'd by the losses he receiv'd from Emir Aburisc , and 't is likely would rather endeavour to re-ingratiate with Aburisc and the Turk ( from whom he may suffer much ) for avoiding a total ruine , than expose himself to new dangers for the Sciah , from whom he can hope little good or hurt so long as he is not Master of all as far as Aleppo ; which is not a thing to be brought to pass suddenly or easily . But of this also time will show the truth . May the ninth , Another Capigi arriv'd at Bassora from the Serdar , and was receiv'd with great solemnity and salutations of Artillery . He brought a Robe to the Basha , and intelligence that he had left the Serdar at Mardin , which lies within a few dayes journey of Baghdad , confirming the recovery of Mousul and Kierkuc ; ( whereof , supposing the Serdar at Mardin , I made no scruple ) and adding that the Serdar was then upon removing from Mardin , and by this time had march't much forwards . This is what was given out ; for more intrinsick and secret news I could not know , having no acquaintance with any considerable Turk from whom to learn the same : nor was any more then this signifi'd to the chief Commander of the Portugal Ships . Only I judg'd that the Turks well considering the danger wherein Bassora was of being lost , might possibly by these successive Messengers , and good tidings endeavour to confirm the minds of the Basha , and the people , as much as they could . May the eleventh , The Cafila design'd for Aleppo , which had many days waited some leagues , without the City , at length set forth and departed ; either because they had receiv'd a good answer from Emir Nasir , or rather , ( as I believe ) because they rely'd upon other fresh tidings , how that Emir Nasir was reconcil'd to Emir Aburisc , and return'd into the favour and devotion of the Great Turk , so that the Desart was all in peace ; and perhaps also they trusted to the common report of the nearness of the Turkish Army . I purposed to depart from Bassora the same way and upon the same day ( though alone , and not with the Cafila ) having hired Camels and certain Beduni Arabians to conduct me . But Ali Aga , the chief Captain of the Militia , gave notice to my Camelier that I must not depart within three days . Whereupon being desirous to go with all speed by reason that the hot weather came on , I got Sig. Consalvo Martins , a Portugal Father , to speak to the said Aga to know wherefore he detain'd us , and if there were no cause , to dispatch us and let us go . The Aga answer'd that I must by all means have patience for this week , that so the Cafila might have time to get a little more onwards ; and that he did this because he mistrusted my Camelier as a Beduin Arabian ( although he had a House and Wife at Bassora ) lest for some interest of his own , departing at the same time with the Cafila , he should out-go it , and by other ways of the Desart ( wherein he was well skil'd ) give notice thereof to Emir Nasir , or else to some other Beduin Arabians who might rob it , or perhaps also to the Qizilbasci themselves . Wherefore since my going so soon might prove to my own damage , he desir'd for my security , and the publick good of the Cafila , that I would stay those few days ; to the end that the Cafila advancing before out of all suspected places , my Camelier might not have time to do any villany either to it or to me . The truth is , I did not conceive my Camelier likely to do any such thing , having had good information and assurance of him from Chogia Negem , to whom he was well known , and who recommended him to me : Nevertheless , since he that govern'd would have it so , I had patience to wait as long as he desir'd . Yet from hence I gather'd that the above-mention'd news , now that the Persians and Emir Nasir conspir'd against the Cafila , was not altogether vain ; being Ali Aga , a man of so great place in Bassora , had such apprehensions about it . And it might consist well enough with the Cafila's departing ; for perhaps it went out upon a venture , the Merchants being unwilling to suffer longer delay , ( for it was above eight months since this Cafila began to unite ) I say , at a venture ; because the Desart is like the Sea , where ' t is a chance to meet or not meet enemies ; and as men forbear not to sail upon the Sea through fear of Pirats or Enemies , so neither do they cease to pass through the Desart . The F. Provincial of Maniglia with his Companion , ( a Castilian too but not a Fryer of his Order ) Marc ' Antonio Lanza a Venetian ( who came with me from Goa to Bassora ) and I know not how many other Europaeans , went along with the Cafila : I alone would not , but staid with my Servants to go by my self , and to travel more hazardously indeed , but yet with more speed , and undoubtedly with more convenience then they . May the thirteenth , Another Capigi sent from the Serdar to the Basha arriv'd at Bassora , bringing a Robe and a Scimiter as Presents , and the confirmation of the Government of Bassora in his person , which hitherto he had not had . As for news , 't was dispers'd amongst the people that the Turkish Army was very neer , and almost upon Baghdad ; yet Letters from our Aleppo Merchants to the Carmelites brought by a Moor of the company of the said Capigi , inform'd us for certain that according to my above-mention'd Prophecy the Serdar was not yet come to Aleppo . 'T is true , they writ that perhaps to make his voyage more compendious he would not come to Aleppo , but march directly to Mesopotamia and Baghdad by another way ; which yet was uncertain when the said Letters were written : whence 't is clear that one way or other he could not be further then Aleppo , and perhaps , according to my opinion , was scarce departed from Constantinople . So that it was not possible for Baghdad and Persia to have wars this current year 1625 ; since it would have been no small Summer's work to have march't to the Frontiers : yet that war will follow the next year , unless some other chance intervene , I no-wise doubt . The said Letters further told us news from Turkie , mamely that the Emir of Saida , anew rebelling against the Turk , had taken and sackt Tripoli , driving away the Basha that was there : but afterwards the Basha of Aleppo marching out with his people , had recover'd Tripoli , and restor'd the said expell'd Basha to the government . From Christendom , That Italy was all in wars about the Valtoline , which the French had surpriz'd out of the hands of the Pope's Officers , wherewith his Holiness was much offended . That the Prince of England was to marry a Sister of the King of France : That the Dutch had taken an important City from the Portugals in Brasile : That Marquiss Spinola had lay'd siege to another considerable one of the Dutch in Flanders ; that the Emperor's affairs in Germany proceeded very prosperously ; and other particulars of less moment , which for brevity I omit . May the twentieth , Upon the return of Emir Zambar , owner of the House where I liv'd , I resign'd the possession to him , and withdrew to the Covent of the Carmelites , till my departure , in which the Capigi intends to accompany me , we having provided us arms and resolutions not to fear meeting Arabian Thieves . I declin'd the Cafila , not only that I might go as I pleas'd , but also to avoid prolonging the voyage by the slowness of the Carriages in the Desart , which affords nothing but bare earth , void of water and grass . If it please God , I will write to you again at Aleppo , from whence you shall receive the next . LETTER XI . From Aleppo , August 5. 1625. HAving obtain'd licence of the Aga to depart , on the one and twentieth of May , in the Evening I caus'd my goods to be carri'd to a Field without the City , call'd Mascraqa , where the Camels were to take their burdens ; and having order'd a little Tent to be pitcht there , I repair'd thither with Marian Tinatim , and all my servants . May the twenty second , Having in the day dispatcht some small business which remain'd for me to do in order to my departure , and paid a Custom , usually demanded of such as go out of Bassora ; about midnight I departed the City , and travell'd all night ( having presently enter'd into the Desart , which is altogether level ) first in clayie and something dirty ways , and afterwards in dry with very little grass for Camels . May the twenty third , After we had travell'd about six leagues , we arriv'd at a Town of the Arabians call'd Cuvebeda , where an Arabian Sceich resides , who receives a Gabel of the Caravans and Burdens that pass that way ; at my time he was call'd Sceich Abdullah . Here we pitch't a tent in a field without the Town in expectation of our chief Camelier , who was to follow us with one of those Capigi's that had been sent from the Serdar to the Basha of Bassora . But on May the twenty fifth , because he came not , and it was tedious to me to abide longer in that place where the wind and the dust much molested us ; in the Evening I dispatcht my servant Michel to Bassora , with Letters to F. Fra : Basilio , Sig : Consalvo Martins de Castelbranco , Factor of the Portugals , and Chogia Negem , earnestly entreating them to procure that the chief Camelier might come away forth-with ; or , in case he must stay yet longer for the Capigi , that he would give order to his under-Cameliers to conduct us forwards , and I would go without him ; if not , I would return to Bassora . Two dayes after , my Servant return'd from Bassora with this account , That the Capigi would come away the next day without fail ; and that F. Fra : Gregorio Orsino , a Dominican , formerly known to me , and Vicar General at Constantinople ten years before , was arriv'd at Bassora from Armenia , ( where he had been Apostolical Visitor ) in order to go speedily into Italy ; and hearing of my being upon the way to Aleppo , intended to come along with the chief Camelier : Which last News was so welcome to me , that I accounted all the time of my pass'd , and yet future , waiting at Cuvebeda well spent ; for I imagin'd the Capigi would not come so soon as they said , because the Moors never speak truth . May the thirtieth , At dark night the above-said F. Fra : Gregorio Orsino arriv'd with the chief Camelier Hhaggi Ahhamed . I receiv'd him with such contentment as you may imagine ; and , though he civilly declin'd it , caus'd him to lodg with me in my Tent. The Capigi came not ; and though they said , he would come presently after , yet I conceiv'd we were to wait for him yet a good while , and , perhaps , till the New Moon ; it being the custom of the Moors almost ever to begin their journeys at the New Moon . June the third , Early in the Morning the Capigi arriv'd at the place where we waited for him ; whereupon , in order to our further progress , we discharg'd such duties of Gabels or Customs as were to be paid at this Town . You must know that in the whole way of this Desart , we were to pay four Tolls or Customs , ( if he that conducted us did not deceive us ) namely , to Sceich Abdullah , Lord of Cuvebeda , for every Camel's load of fine Merchandize , valu'd at the rate of Indian Cloth , five Piastres ; for every like load of any other Goods whatsoever , valu'd at the rate of Tobacco , a much lesser summ , but I know not how much . Another Gabel was to be paid to a Chieftain of the Arabians of the Desart , whom they call Ben Chaled ; he takes for every load , be it what it will , five Lari , which amount to one Piastre and a Sciahi besides , of which eight and a third part go for a Piastre at Bassora , but at Aleppo onely eight . The third Gabel was to be paid to another Head of the Arabians , sirnamed il Cieco , who takes for every load what soever , six Sciahi ; and lastly , six other Sciahi , were in like manner to be paid for every load to another Captain of Arabians , Cousin to the fore-said Cieco . Scich Abdullah , Lord of Cuvebeda , said , he would take nothing of me , in regard of two Letters which I brought him ; one from the Basha of Bassora , and the other from the Factor of the Portugals his Friend ; both of them having much recommended me to him . The other three were not themselves at Cuvebeda , but had their Agents or Officers there , to whom we paid what they said was due ; and they gave us an Acquittance for it , that it might not be demanded of us again by any other of their Officers in the Desart . June the fourth , Sceich Abdullah , it seems alter'd his mind concerning the Gabel which he had remitted , and requir'd the same of me , taking for my two Trunks ten Piastres ; which was a most rigorous rate . I mention this to give notice of the manner of proceeding , and little punctualness observ'd by these Barbarians . June the fifth , We departed very early from Cuvebeda , and before noon arriv'd at certain Wells or Pits , which they call Ganemiat , ( importing their use for Cattel ) where we found many Arabians lodg'd . At a distant view of them , we betook our selves to our Arms , against what-ever should happen ; but upon nearer approach , we perceiv'd them to be poor peaceable people ; whereupon we lodg'd all together in that place . Yet here we had News that a band of Arabian Thieves had way-lay'd us at another Pass a little further off , with intent to assault us . For discovering the truth whereof , our chief Camelier went to Cuvebeda , where the Spies of these Thieves use to reside ; and at night he brought us word that it was true , and that therefore it behov'd us to go back again . Whether it was true , or onely an Invention of his for some end of his own , I cannot affirm ; but the next day early we return'd to Cuvebeda , and lodg'd without the Town at some distance from the place where we had been before . Two dayes after , we were perswaded to lodg within the Town , for more security from the Thieves , and to deceive their Spies , by making shew as if we resolv'd not to go further , which might divert them from their design . The same did the two Capigi that were with us ; for , besides the former , whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga , there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga , who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora , Lahhsa , and divers other adjacent places , and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now . June the thirteenth , After a long contest with our chief Camelier , about hiring certain Arabian Guides , which he pretended necessary , ( to get money of us ) and I refus'd as superfluous ; since we knew the way without them , and they could do us no good against the Thieves : At length , the business resting half undecided , being , I said , if he would not go without those Guides , I would return back to Bassora , ( which he was loth to hear of , because of restoring my money ) without speaking a word more about it , he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda ; and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat . June the fourteenth , Three hours before noon , ( having travell'd till then ) we rested a while near certain Pits ; and setting forwards again in the Evening , travell'd till mid-night , and then we rested . The next day rising early , we travell'd till about noon ; till coming to a little bitter water , we stay'd there to repose . Here the great wind , which blows continually in the Desart , allaying the great heat of the Season , having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions , now broke them all in pieces , so that we could no more make use of them : Which indeed , was a great inconvenience ; but for the future , we had no other remedy but when we rested , to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths , fastned upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carry'd , though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons : Yet in the night , when there was no need of shadow , we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven . After noon , we proceeded further till an hour before night , and then took up our lodging near another water . June the sixteenth , Having travell'd from break of day till noon , and then rested two hours , we proceeded again till night , lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little . The next Morning early , we pass'd by a great dry Lake , ( which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year ) and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets , very troublesome both to Men and beasts . At the usual hour we set forwards again , and journey'd till night . June the eighteenth , Rising before day-break , we pass'd by , at a distance ( leaving it on the right hand ) , a place inhabited by Arabians , which they call Argia , govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo , a Fugitive from his own Country , and , by Alliance with the Arabians , become great amongst them . The Capigi Ibrahim Aga , had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar ; but being we could not go to Argia , by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water , and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us , we repos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were . Having pass'd Argia a good way , the Capigi got one to swim over the waters , and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him , and would have deliver'd himself , had the way been passable ; he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desart . In expectation of an Answer , we stay'd in this place all day , where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels , shining within , like Mother-of-Pearl , some whole , and some broken ; I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea. I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down , which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year : I have a piece of it by me to shew . Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's , that is , Vagrants or Vagabonds , ( so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles , sometimes in the Desarts , and sometimes in Cities , and are different from the Bedavi ; or Beduvi , that is , Deserticolae , who are the noblest amongst them , never residing in walled places , but wandring about the Fields with black Tents ; as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses , and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest , but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts ) for more security we remov'd a mile further , and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building , which we discover'd afar off , and I walkt on foot to behold near hand . In the revolutions of Baghdad , the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia , was visited by the Persians , the Sciah sending a Tag to him , as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be , or declare themselves of his Party : and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks ; insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him , but did not do it , perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose : wherefore to keep him still faithful , as I believe , since it was not possible to punish him , the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present . June the nineteenth , Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga , I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said ancient building . What it had been I could not understand ; but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks , most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient . I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick , not with lime , but with bitumen or pitch , which , as I said ▪ is generated in these Desarts : whence the Hill , upon which these ruins are , is call'd by the Arabians , Muqeijer , that is , Pitchy . In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga , to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions ; but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing . June the twenty first , We set forth by day-light , and journied till Noon , and after two hours rest , continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish with abundance of little canes , sometimes whitish with salt , and sometimes cover'd with thickets of Shrubs . June the twenty second , We travell'd again till Noon ; and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all cover'd with small dry grass , a little sparkle falling from some of the Cameliers , who , according to their custom , stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco , set this grass on fire , and the flame increas'd so suddenly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning ; but at length we extinguish't it by casting cloths and thick coverings upon it ; for water the place afforded none , and we had only enough for drink . Departing thence two or three hours before night , we quarter'd in another place call'd Ehathuer , where two or three men whom we met with their laden Camels , inform'd us that the great Cafila , which went so many days before us from Bassora , had incounter'd many difficulties , and was stopt by Emir Nasir , who , besides taking a great sum of money from them , also constrain'd many of the people to go to Mesched Hhussein to fight with the Qizilbasci , with whom he was now at enmity ; in which conflict , which prov'd little successful to the Arabians , the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain , his Son succeeding him in his Charge ; with other like news , which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francks who went along with that Cafila . June the twenty third ▪ the twenty fourth , and the twenty fifth , We travelled and rested at our usual hours , during which dayes , we had the Iland Geuazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand ; and on the last of them , we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants , which to me seemed to be Juniper . June the twenty sixth , We travelled from day-break till two hours before Noon , and then rested near certain Pits , where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali , the place where anciently stood the City of Kufa , and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain ; the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali , whom they hold a Martyr . And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being , yet , upon account of the said Sepulchre , venerated by Mahometans , and adorned with a noble Fabrick , the place is frequented and inhabited : when we passed by , it was in the power of the Qizilbasci , whereas it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad . From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night . June the twenty seventh , We set forth by day-light , and at Noon rested near a water , which rising out of the ground , runs under a thicket of Canes , where we stayed all day . The next day setting forth , and resting at our accustomed hours , we passed over many dry Lakes , which seem'd to have had water in them at some time of the year . June the nine and twentieth , Two or three hours before Noon , we rested by a water near the ruines of an ancient great Fabrick , perfectly square with thirteen Pillasters , or round Columns on each side without , and other compartiments of Arches ; within which were many Chambers , with a Court of no great bigness , and uncover'd . The Arabians call this Fabrick Casr Chaider . I could not conjecture whether it had been a Pallace , or Temple , or Castle ; but I incline to believe it a Palace rather then any thing else . In this place we had within half a dayes journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein , which signifies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein , and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Muhhammed's Daughter , was slain , and buried by his Emulators ; which place , in the Country call'd Kierbela , being inhabited and adorn'd with the said Sepulchre , which the Moors visit as Holy , ( a very sumptuous Fabrick after their mode ) was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci , into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad , which is but a little distant from thence . Here we stay'd to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasirben-Mahhanna , Lord of these Desarts , or rather , to Sceich Abitaleb his Son ; for Sceich Nasir being now old , and devoted to a Spiritual Life , ( as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka ) had resign'd the Government to his Son ; and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place , where we rested towards the North-East . June the thirtieth , In the Morning the two Capigi's that were in our company , went separately to carry their Letters and Presents from the Serdar to the Sceich ; namely , Ibrahim Aga to the present , and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar ; who , as they said , was poyson'd either by others , or by himself for fear of worse , because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad ; yet this his Capigi , having been sent to several other places , could not come hither sooner to the Sceich . After dinner , in the absence of the Capigi , the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel ; and after I had pay'd them as much as they requir'd , to wit , twelve Piastres , for onely two Chests , and two or three more Piastres of free-gift ; nevertheless they open'd all my Trunks , breaking some for haste , turning all things topsie-turvy , and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they lik'd , a rich Persian Turbant of Silk and Gold , a piece of fine checker'd Silk to make Cassocks withall , after the Persian Mode ; many dishes of rare Porcellane , beautifi'd with Gold and colours ; an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant ; much curious Paper of Japan and India ; besides , many other toyes which I remember not , telling me that they would buy them ; notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold , but onely such as I carry'd for my own use and service . Moreover , they made me by force ( that is , refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary , but saying , that the Sceich commanded so , though , in truth , I ought not ) pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend , alledging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda ; which Guide , I neither hir'd nor made use of ; and if I had , I ought to have pay'd onely half at most , the said Camelier having other Carriages besides mine , and all of Merchandize . But they were resolv'd to do a kindness to the Camelier , who was an Arabian , and a Thief like themselves , and gave not this money to any Guide , but kept it for his own use . Hereby the Readers may observe , how we Christians are us'd by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions . At length , they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword , and Changiar or Arabian Ponyard , the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt , and which belong'd sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife : Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolencies , I resolv'd to go to the Sceich my self , and present him a Letter from the Basha of Bassora , which he had writ to him in commendation of me . Accordingly leaping upon a Mule of Aga's , who was already return'd , and highly angry with the proceeding of the Arabians , both towards me , the rest , and himself ; I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich , and our cheating Camelier , ( who was partly the cause of this bad usage , although I dissembled my resentment thereof to him . ) By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispers'd in several places , and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb , a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir ; which Tents differ'd from the rest , neither in colour nor stuff , ( being all of coarse black Goats-hair ) but onely in bigness , which shew'd them to be the principal . We enter'd not into the Tent , because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof , upon certain colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground ; and the Sceich was not there . Yet he came presently after , and we all rising up at his coming , he went and sat down in the midst of the circle , and so also did we in our places round about him . Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him , he perform'd his Orisons according to their manner ; after which , sitting down again , he began to read and subscribe certain Letters , giving dispatch to several businesses ; and , amongst others , to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga , who was there , and waited for Licence to return . These things being over , I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter . He ask'd , whether I was the Frank , ( or Christian ) of the Cafila ? Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was , and declar'd to him the cause of my coming ; whereunto I added in Arabick what I thought fit . He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand , and caus'd it to be brought before him ; and being inform'd that I understood the Be●●in-Language , he told me , that I must excuse what his Officers had done , for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war ; that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him , but he would pay for them ; whereto I answer'd , that I did not value his payment , but would give him both the one and the other . Then he call'd for the Turbant , and having view'd and highly commended it , though I told him it had been us'd , ( as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia ) he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were , and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils , where-with to make Meal for Bread ; it being the custom amongst the Arabians , for even the noblest Women to do such services : By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head , whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery , saying to him , Mubarek , that is , Blessed , to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos . Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes , and we being all call'd about him , he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes , which were very sweet and good , and the first that I had eaten this year . This ended , we retir'd to our places , and after a short stay , I took leave and departed with Mahhm●d Aga to the Cafila ; one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order , who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them . July the first , The Camelier return'd with an Answer , that the Sceich would not take the Sword , and the Changier or Ponyard from me ; and for the Turbant and piece of Silk , he sent me 29 Piastres , whereof the Camelier said he had expended five ; to wit , two to the Officer that pay'd him , and three to I know not who else , so that he brought me but 24 ; which were not a third part of what the things were worth . However I took them , because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie . I have related this Adventure , that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known . July the second , We departed from this Station early in the Morning , continuing our journey , but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir , who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel. We arriv'd late to bait near a water , where we found many Arabian Tents , from which , and a neighbouring Village , we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk , and also of Grapes . Here we stay'd all day , and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam , and Eugenia my Indian Maid , at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts , yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind ; so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight . I had much adoe to recover her again , and was in great danger of losing her , in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian , who , undoubtedly , would have hid her ; and , perhaps , carry'd her afar off , and made her a slave for ever . I mention this , to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigor , which may redound to the prejudice of themselves , as well as of them . July the third , Setting sorth early , we baited before noon near a Lake of Water , streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields , about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres , some of which we took and eat . F. Gregorio Orsino , who was with me , bathing himself here , ( as he was wont often to do for the heat ) and being unskilful of swimming , was in great danger of being drowned ; hapning unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake then he imagin'd . We travell'd no further this day , but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's , who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water , to avoid the Gnats there , which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts . The two next dayes we travell'd but little , because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier , who went back to the Sceich about it . July the sixth , We travell'd this day over Lands full of a white and shining Mineral , which was either Talk , or Salt-petre , or some such thing . I brought a good quantity of it away with me . July the seventh , We travell'd from day-break till noon , passing over a clayie and slippery ground , where the Camels went with much difficulty . We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs , the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile , and of the shape of a heart ; the fruit was round and red , like small coral-beads , of taste sweet , mixt with a little sharpness , having little stones in them ; it was very pleasant to the taste , and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts . The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam , the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended . July the eighth , We came to several places of stagnant waters , and baited at one , two or three hours before noon ; but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted , as most of the rest were also , in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds . We departed not from this place at night , because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc , whose Territory here-abouts begins . Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta ; and this Prince , ( whose proper name is Mudleg ) succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad , who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before , having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg , who was very young at the time of his Father's decease . At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians , who finding us prepar'd with our Arms , betook themselves to their heels , and escap'd unhurt from us , though we pursu'd them a while . July the ninth , The Morning was spent in paying Gabels : I pay'd for my part for a load and half of portage , as they reckon'd it , fifteen Piastres , and two more towards the abovemention'd Gabel of the Camels to Nasir's Brother , besides other fees . They open'd my Trunks , and took away two Velvet Caps , much good Paper , and several other things ; and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority , they would also have broken open the Chest , wherein I carri'd the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife . Three hours before night , we put our selves upon the way , and travell'd till about an hour before night , when we came to a place of water . July the tenth , We travell'd till Noon , and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills , in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone , fashion'd at the Top like the bowl of a Fountain . After which , we proceeded till an hour after Sun-set , and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills . Here we staid to refresh our selves and our Camels till three hours before night ; the Capigi's , who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin , or elsewhere , departing before us : but we , who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna , for compendiousness of the way , and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there , left the way to Anna on the right hand , and took that within the Desart more Southward . We travell'd all the remainder of this day , and all the night , with part also of the next day , without staying ; to the end we might the sooner arrive at water , of which we had no less desire then need . July the twelfth , About three hours after Sun-rise we baited , being weary , at the foot of certain little Hills , without finding water ; so that we were fain to drink that little which remain'd in the Goat-skin borachoes which we carri'd with us . About three hours before Sun-set , we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day , when we arriv'd at water , to wit , the famous River Euphrates , lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to Aleppo , where I had formerly pass'd when I went from thence to Baghdad , and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow . Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers , sent by the Officers of Anna , ( whom the Capigi's had inform'd of our passage ) to demand those Tolls or Gabels which we had sought to avoid , although we pass'd not through that City . July the fourteenth , Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel . I paid for my part six Piasters , and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers ; besides which , I was oblig'd to pay twenty to the chief Camelier , whose money was all gone ; and in this manner I was constrain'd both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure . But for all this , they afterwards open'd the two greatest Trunks I had , and tumbled all my Goods about , treating me with all rigor and discourtesie . Only I took it well ( and upon that account willingly pardon'd them all the rest ) that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was , and understanding what it was ( for I was glad to tell them , lest they should have broken it open ) they not only gave me no trouble about it , as I thought they would , ( being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws ) but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carri'd her with me to bury her in my own Country , both pitying and commending me for it : which hapning beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour , and to her own effectual prayers , which undoubtedly helpt me therein . This being over , about three hours before night , We set forth and travell'd till night . Some of the above-mention'd Soldiers return'd to Anna , but others , who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg , accompani'd with us . In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again , ( namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day ) and putting all my Goods in disorder , took away many things , as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk , according to the mode of Assyria , a Ball of Amber , an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought , and consign'd to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho , to present in his name to Sig. Francesco del Drago at Rome ; many exquisite Porcellane Dishes miniated with Gold ; an Arabick Book , though of little importance ; a great watchet Cloke or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode ; much paper besides other such things . At night we staid to rest , but the Soldiers went onwards ; before their going , I redeem'd from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani , and Sig. Drago's Alabaster Vessel , giving them in exchange two Abe's , or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres ; the Amber and other things I could not recover , but they carri'd them away ; for they would neither restore them freely , nor take money for them , and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleas'd them . It was no small good luck that I sav'd the Sword and Ponyard of Sitti Maani , with many of her jewels , bracelets , & other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands ; hiding them under a trunk : for , if they had seen them , 't is ten to one but they would have taken them from me . I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us , who in ours very often , with ill-employ'd courtesie , are wont to be undeservedly caress'd and honour'd when they come thither . July the fifteenth , We travell'd from Day-break till Noon , and three hours after till night , when we took up our Station not far from the River , amongst many shrubs which to me seem'd to be Juniper , or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez . The next two days we travell'd and rested at our usual hours , and on the latter , we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil , all full of Talk , of which I brought away a parcel with me . In like manner we proceeded the two next days ; and on the twenty first , we pass'd by a ruinous Castle call'd Hheir , which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad . I took a better view of it now , and found it to be a great Building , all of good and large white Marble Stones ; the form of it is a long Square , with walls round about , here and there distinguish'd with small round Turrets ; within are many contrivances of Rooms , all likewise of white stone , but so ruinous that it cannot be known what they were . From hence we travell'd about three hours further , and at night arriv'd at Taiba , a Town which I had formerly seen , and lodg'd in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate . July the twenty second , This day was spent in paying the usual Gabels , which every day are enhaunc'd in these Countries , and are now become insupportable . Though I had nothing of Merchandise , but only goods for my own use ; yet I could not come off under twenty Piastres between Gabels and Donatives to the Officers , which they demanded as equally due . Here I found an Arabian nam'd Berekiet , who spoke a little Italian , and pass'd for Factor or Procurator of the Franks , saying , he had authority so to be from the Consuls of Aleppo . He presently offer'd himself to speak to the Officers in our behalf , gave us an Entertainment , and invited us to lodg in his House , and , if we had been so minded , would have conducted us thither ; but his services tended only to get some money of us , and by his speaking with the Officers to make us pay more then perhaps we should otherwise have done . July the twenty third , Two hours after Sun-rise , we departed from Taiba , whence the said Officer sent an Arabian with us , to conduct us first to Emir Mudleg ( who they said was at Hhamah , between Aleppo and Damascus ) and afterwards to Aleppo ; they having done the same to the great Cafila of Bassora which had pass'd by Taiba a little before us . This going to the Emir , was a troublesom thing , both in regard of the great diversion out of the way , and the inconveniences we imagin'd the Emir himself would put us to , after all the Tyrannies we had hitherto met with in the Desart . We travell'd till past Noon , and after a short rest till Sun-set , having a continu'd ridg of little Hills always on the left hand . July the twenty fourth , We travell'd again from day-light till past Noon , and two hours more in the Evening , taking up our Quarters an hour before Sun-set . July twenty fifth , We set forth an hour before Sun-rise , travelling till Noon , when the Arabian , assign'd to us by the Officers of Taiba to conduct us to the Emir , being so perswaded , as I believe , by the Cameliers , who alledg'd that the Camels were very weary ( as indeed they were , and ovet-laden , in regard that many of them dy'd by the way , so that they could travel but gently ) resolv'd to go alone before us by a neerer way over the mountains , and leave us to follow him leisurely , as the Cameliers said they would . I was glad of his going , and intended to take a different course from what the Cameliers imagin'd ; but because it was not yet seasonable , I held my peace . After two hours rest , we travell'd till an hour before night , when we took up our Station neer certain Pits , a little distant from the reliques of certain ancient Fabricks call'd Siria by me formerly seen and describ'd in my journey to Baghdad . July the twenty sixth , Setting forth by day-light , we came to rest after Noon near a water which springs up in a place full of small Canes , whence we remov'd not this night , partly , that ourt ir'd and over-laden Camels might recover themselves a little , and partly , because the Cameliers were minded to eat a Camel there conveniently , which falling lame of one leg they knockt on the head in the morning ; and indeed they had eaten all the others which fail'd by the way , either through Disease or otherwise . Of this , which was not infirm , I was willing to take a trial , and lik'd the roasted flesh well enough , only it was something hard . July the twenty seventh , Setting forth early , we wav'd the directest way to Aleppo , ( which was by the Town of Achila ) and took another more Southwards , and to the left hand , which led to the place where the Emir resided ; intending to leave the Camelier at a certain Town upon the way , from whence he was to go alone to the Emir , to carry him a Present , and excuse our going to him by alledging the death and weariness of our Camels . Hereby we endeavour'd to avoid ( if possible ) the troubles and disgusts which we were likely to meet with from the Emir and his Arabians , in case we should have gone to him our selves . At Noon , we came to the defign'd Village , call'd Haila ; they account it a Mezar , that is , a place to be visited , and of devotion , in regard of some persons buried there whom the Mahometans hold for Saints : yet it consisted only of four poor Cottages , and those un-inhabited and abandoned , as is credible , by reason of the Tyrannies which the Arabians of the Desart , especially the Soldiers , exercis'd in these troublesom times upon the poor Peasants . The Camelier , because he could not leave us here , by reason the Village was without people , purposed to carry us to the Emir ; doubting , lest if he did otherwise , it might turn to his prejudice . Whereupon , considering what disgusts and perhaps dangers too I might meet with there , both by reason of the women whom I carri'd with me , and of whom the Mahometans use to be very greedy ; and also by reason of the body of Sitti Maani , and upon other accounts ; I set my foot against the wall , and resolutely told the Camelier , that I would by no means go to Emir Mudleg , with whom I had nothing to do , now I had pay'd all his Gabels ; I would go directly to Aleppo ; whither if he would not carry me with his Camels , I would go on foot with my people , leaving all my Goods there on the ground to his care ; of which , if any were lost , he should be responsible to me for the same at Aleppo : And , indeed , had the Camelier been obstinate , I was resolv'd to do as I said , having little heart to trust to the mischievousness of the Emir , ( which was very infamous ) ; or to expose to so great danger , not onely the few goods I had , but also the body of Sitti Maani , our lives , and the Women's both Liberty and Souls ( which was a great consideration ) ; and little caring to present to the Emir the Letter which I had for him from the Basha of Bassora in my recommendation , because I had found by experience what little good the two former did me , which I had presented to Sceich Abdullah at Cuvebeda , and to Sceich Abitaleb the Son of Nasir in the Desart . The chief Camelier try'd a good while to prevail with me to go with him to the Emir ; but at length seeing me obstinate , and some other Cameliers of his companions of the same mind , he resolv'd at last to leave the Camels with me to carry my Goods directly to Aleppo , together with some few other companions of the journey , and to go himself alone with all his loads to the Emir , purposing also to tell him , that we by force , and against his will , had freed our selves from going to him ; with which I was very well contented . After he was gone his own way , we took ours directly to Aleppo , and after two hours travel , took up our station in a bare champian place , where night had over-taken us . July the eight and twentieth , From Sun-rise we travell'd almost till noon , but the Camels being few , weary , and over-laden , made no great progress . After three hours baiting , we journey'd again till almost night , and lodg'd by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shepherds who were there . July the nine and twentieth , Setting forth early , we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance , and finding the place a Plain inclos'd with Hills , and consequently , fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries , we suspected that they were Thieves , and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us . Wherefore we put our selves in order , and march'd a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend our selves by fight : But at length these suspitions vanish'd , and we met no body ; and , peradventure , they were people that were afraid of us , and fled . Such encounters we frequently had in the Desart , and many times betook our selves to our Arms ; some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers , who attempted to steal something clandestinely ; but , God be thanked , no mischief ever befell us , and the Thieves finding us upon our guard , went away always frustrated ; and sometimes too , either hurt or terrify'd by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit , ( now we are near the end of this journey ) , that the Desart between Bassora and Aleppo , is a great Plain with very few inequalities ; and some of the soil is dry , some saltish and full of other Minerals , little stony , and less moorish with Reeds ; but the greatest part was green with grass at the time of my passing through it , yet with grass most commonly thorney , and good onely for Camels to eat . The heat , even in these Summer-months , was alwayes supportable , and , provided a Man were shelter'd from the Sun , the wind was continually so great and constant that it caus'd coolness , though sometimes it molested us with the dust . The nights were always sufficiently cool , and , to avoid catching cold , it was requisite to be very well cover'd . But to return to my purpose , on the day above-said , a good while before noon we stay'd to rest in a little Village of Arabians , ( not subject to the Emir , but Vassals of Aleppo ) call'd Ludehi , lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water . From hence I dispatch'd my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo , which was about a League off ; and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig : Aluyse da Ca , the Venetian Consul in that City ; and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physitian , a Roman both by Birth and Education , ( upon which account I hop'd , that though I was unknown by sight , he would nevertheless be favourable to me ) giving them account of my coming , and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient residence for my self and the Women with me . The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City , without disturbance from the Turks or Custom-Officers ; which to me , in regard of the Coffin wherein I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani , was a great happiness ; for if it had been seen , I might have found much trouble from the Turks ; as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language , some about matters of Religion , which , ( as it had hapned to some others at Aleppo ) 't is likely would have been taken from me . After my Servant was gone , we follow'd him till within a mile of Aleppo , where we stay'd his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre , upon the way , of one Sceich Saadi , venerated for a Saint ; and because either the Consul's Servants miss'd of me and took another way , or else my Servant arriv'd there late ; therefore hearing of no Answer , we remain'd in this place all night . July the thirtieth , In the Morning I writ again to the Consul , and to Sig : Giovan Maria de Bona , his chief Interpreter , and my ancient Friend , to whom I had not written the day before , because I beliv'd him dead , as was falsely reported at Bassora ; but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well , I would not omit to write to him also . I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was , and desir'd of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation , as I had done the day before . As soon as my Letters arriv'd at Aleppo , the Consul sent several persons to fetch me , who the Evening before had sought me a good while , but in vain , and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi , whence I sent the first advice . There came from the Consul's House Sig : Andrea Buonanimi his Factor , some Janizaries , and other servants ; with whom came also some Officers of the Doganier , or Chief-Customer Abedik , an Armenian Christian ; the Consul intending by their means to render my entrance more facile , and less suspected . All of them conducted us to the Consul's House , where by all means he would have me lodg , having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter , which he had written the day before , and his Factor presented to me before my entrance , with many good Reasons now urging the same ; whereunto I knew not in civility how to gain-say . The Customers came to search my Goods , and to see whether we had any jewels conceal'd ; which they did civilly enough : As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani was , and the Books ; partly , by the authority of the Consul , and the good management of my Friend Sig : Giovan Maria de Bona his Interpreter ; and , partly , by a Present to the Doganier Abedick of fifty Piasters , and a vestment of Damask , worth thirty Piasters more to the Searcher , ( who onely open'd the outward Chest , wherein the Coffin lay under many Indian medicinal Herbs , and saw nothing else but them ) and above thirty Piasters to several other Officers , it was brought about that the Turks knew not what it was , and nothing was spoken of it . The Consul at first intended to receive my Women into his House ; but afterwards being told that it was not convenient by reason of the churlishness of the Turks , who were now become more exorbitant than ever , he thought to lodg them in another decent place ; but Sig : Giovan Maria de Bona , was pleas'd to take them to his House , where-with I was very well contented , because they could not go to a better place whilst separated from me : They were receiv'd there , and treated by the Women of Sig : Giovan Maria , with very great kindness . F. Orsino and I remain'd in the Consul's House , being entertain'd with the greatest Love and Courtesie imaginable : And indeed he hath been extreamly obliging to me , not onely in this particular , but in all other matters occurring about my departure from Aleppo ; which we have determin'd to be , shortly , in some of the Dutch or French Ships , which are now in the Port of Alexandretta , ready to set sail upon the next fair wind ; and , perhaps , together in consort : which , in regard of the many Pirates now infesting the Medeterranean , would be the securest way . LETTER XII . From a Ship-board in the Port of Della Saline of Cyprus , Sept. 6. 1625. DUring my stay at Aleppo , from whence I writ my last to you , on the seventh of August I took the Altitude of the Sun with an Astrolabe , and found him decline Southwards from the Zenith , 19 degrees , 20 minutes . He was that day , according to the Ephemerides of David Origano , which I much esteem but have now with me in the — deg . — August the twelfth , The great Caravan of Bassora arriv'd at Aleppo ; it set forth a considerable time before us , but had encounter'd so many difficulties in the Desart , that our sufferings were pleasures in respect of theirs . August the sixteenth , I was inform'd by Sig. Gio. Maria de Bona , of many passages of the Turkish affairs , which as appertaining to things before , or hereafter to be mention'd in these Letters , and to the full knowledg of the history of things in my time , I will not omit to relate in this place . He gave me certain intelligence how Sultan Mustafa , Brother of the deceased Sultan Ahmed , who reign'd in Constantinople at my being there , reign'd , and was depos'd for an Ideot ( as really he is ) twice ; namely once before , and once after Sultan Othman . How Othman , who was a Prince sufficiently odd humor'd , being ill-bent against the Christians , and very desirous to make an Expedition against Rome after the bad success befallen him in Poland , was slain by his own Grandees , who would not suffer his government , which was somewhat rigorous and violent : and that , as a sign of his being slain , he that slew him , carri'd one of his ears to Mustafa's Mother , who was yet living , and was likely to be well-pleas'd therewith . That it was not true that the said Othman in the beginning of his Reign had put to death Qizlagarasi of so great authority in the time of Sultan Ahmed his Father , because he had too much power , having been the man that depos'd Mustafa , and plac'd Othman himself in the Throne ; but indeed he banisht him from Constantinople , sending him into a kind of exile to live privately in Aegypt ; from whence he was afterwards recall'd by the present Emperor , and restor'd to his ancient favour , and at length dy'd of a disease at Constantinople . How the present Emperor was Sultan Murad , Son of Sultan Amed , and Sultana Chiose , of whom in the time of Amed I have elsewhere in these made long mention ; And that Murad was not the eldest Son of Chiose , who was seen at Constantinople in my time , and was of the same age with Othman ; but was a Son much younger , that elder having been put to death by Othman , when he design'd to go into Poland . How the said Sultana Chiose was still living , and of more authority then ever , her Son Murad now raigning since the death of Othman , ( wherein perhaps she had a hand , because he was not her Son but the Son of another Woman ) after the second deposition of Mustafa ; and indeed I fore-saw many years ago , that the said Chiose , having one day remov'd all other pretenders would at length by her wisdom and the power she had in Court bring the Scepter into the hand of one of her sons , as accordingly she hath done . How the Government of the Turks was very ill-manag'd in this nonage of the Emperor and all their affairs grew worse and worse ; because there being no head , there was likewise no obedience ; all the Ministers did what they pleas'd , every one more or less according as he had more or less power , without any regard of the Prince , whom as a child they not only esteem'd kept remote from the Goverment , but endeavour'd to keep always so by educating him only to delights and pleasures . Lastly , how the Serdar or Grand Vizier lately sent to the War of Persia , was Hhapidh . Mahhammed Basha ; that he was not sent from Constantinople , but created Serdar or Grand Vzier whilst he was at Amid or Diarbekir , as Basha or Governor ; from whence , without being seen to pass by Aleppo , or spending much time by the way , he hapned to be the same year in Mesopotamia ; which , I said above , that I much wondred at , and could not believe , in case he had come from Constantinople , as ordinarily it uses to be . He told me , that indeed he was still at Amid , and had not pass'd further , because he continually waited for the coming up of the Army , which was not yet gather'd together . Whereby it appears to be true what I had always affirm'd at Bassora ; namely , that nothing would be done this year in the War of Baghdad , because it would scarce suffice for the uniting of an Army , the expedition being begun , and the same year , and the Serdar who was to be General being newly created . Sig. Giovan Maria added to these relations concerning the Turks some news about the affairs of the European Tartars , pertaining also to the former ; namely , that the Tartarian Princes of Cafa were three Brothers ; Chan , who first reigned , a man of spirit and valour ; Chan who was a hostage at Constantinople ; and a third Chan , an enemy to the two others but a Vagabond from his own Country , and a fugitive at the Court of the Persian , on whom he depends , and where he was seen by me in the year 1618. when we marcht against the Turkish Army . Now of late years I know not upon what occasion the first Chan being sent for to Constantinople , was there detain'd Prisoner , and his Brother Chan their Hostage , a person of little valour and age establish'd in his stead ; under whom the affairs of his State proceeded very ill , and the forces were very feeble ; by which occasion the Chan that was in Persia being invited , by the help of the Persian , and many Tartars of the same Stare devoted to him , he enter'd with an Army into his paternal Territories , and driving his Brother from the Throne , made himself Lord thereof by force ; continuing also to possess himself of all that Country by the help of the Cossacks of Poland with whom he confederated in despight of the Turks ; a thing indeed of very prejudicial consequence to them . August the second , I saw at Aleppo a Mahometan of the Country , who writing in the right hand of a Child or Woman of any Age whatsoever , certain words and characters , ( which again he presently defaced by making a great blot of Ink in the palm of the hand , and pouring Oil over it ) caused by the power of inchantments and words which he spake fast and bravingly , that the said Child or Woman saw in the Oil in their hands whatever was desir'd ; yea certain Spirits spoke to them , and answered to questions , although the By-standers heard and saw nothing but only the Woman or Child related what he or she saw and heard . He also caused two persons to sit upon the ground one opposite to the other , and giving them four Arrows into their hands , which both of them held with the points downward , and , as it were , in two right lines united one to the other . Then a question being put to him about any business , he fell to murmur his inchantments , and thereby caused the said four Arrows of their own accord to unite their points together in the middest ( though he that held them stir●ed not his hand ) and according to the future event of the matter , those of the right side were placed over those of the left , or on the contrary . I know well that such things are not difficult to be done by the art of the Devil , nor yet to gain belief , the Devil being naturally a Lyar ; but because the severity in our Countries makes such pranks very rare , I therefore mention these here . August the ninteeenth , Being ready to depart from Aleppo to Alexandretta , there to go aboard a small French Ship which was ready to set sail ( the great Dutch Ships being already gone before I could be ready ) , though I hoped to find them in Cyprus , and perhaps to imbarque in a Flemmish Ship called the Neptune for more security with a Caravan of the same French. When I sent my Goods aboard , I hid the Coffin of Sitti Maani in a great Ball of Cotten Yarn ; and as such it passed at the Custom-house , being seal'd wit this mark P † V , N 6. the Letter denoting my Name , and the figure signifying the number of trunks and bundles that I carri'd with me , being set upon every one of them , after the Mercantile fashion . By this means the said Coffin was happily convey'd both in and out , without being understood what it was either by the Turks , or Mariners of the Ship , who otherwise would undoubtedly through their vain Auguries have scrupled to carry it . August the twenty second , I was visited in the Consul's House by Metran Iscivaiab or Isciva-jahab , Archbishop of Mufarquin , a Syrian Nestorian , who had been sometimes a great intimate to F. Fra. Tomaso de Novara , and joyn'd with him in the reduction of that Nation to the obedience of the Catholick Church . He told me , he was very desirous to go to Rome , and in a manner offer'd himself to accompany me , though I was to depart the next day : but because he said , he had not his Patriarch's Letters for that purpose , but expected them shortly , therefore ( according to the prudent judgment of other persons who had inform'd me of his affairs , namely , that there was little likelyhood of his having Letters of much importance from the Patriarch , and that his desire of going to Rome was chiefly upon hope to get something there ) I counsell'd him by no means to get to Rome , without his Patriarch's Letters , inasmuch as the same would render his reception undoubtedly more favourable . He came to be of my opinion , and said he would follow me as soon as his Letters arriv'd ; but in the mean time he desir'd me , that I would carry with me two men of his Nation , who were honest persons , and would serve me in the voyage . Whereunto I readily consented , both to do him a kindness , and because I wanted Servants , having but two ; and not knowing where to get others that were trusty and fit for my purpose . I offer'd him also my House at Rome , and my Person likewise in what-ever it might be useful to his service ; remembring the Obligation I had to his whole Nation for the sake of Sitti Maani Giocrida , my dear and esteem'd Wife , who was of it . With these and other the like Complements to him and the Priest Rezqallah who brought him , and who was Son of the Priest Joseph Elbani , a Maronite , ( who read Arabick to me when I was before at Aleppo ) he departed , giving me many benedictions after their manner , and leaving a great Frienship establish'd with me . August the third , In the Morning I went to see the Synagogue of the Jews at Aleppo , fam'd for fairness and antiquity . Their Street is enter'd into by a narrow Gate , and lyes so much lower then the rest , that it is descended to by a considerable number of steps . After I had gone through many of their narrow Lanes , which they contrive so , purposely to hide the goodness of the Building from the Turks , I came at length to the Synagogue ; which is a good large square uncover'd Court , with cover'd Walks or Cloysters round about , upheld by double Pillars dispos'd according to good Architecture . On the right hand of the entrance , is a kind of great Hall , which they make use of for their Service in the Winter , when it is cold or rains ; as they do of the Court in Summer and fair weather . In the middle of the Court four Pillasters support a Cupoletta , under which in a high and decent place , like our Altar , lyes the volume of the Law , and there also their Doctor and principal Rabbi stands reading in a kind of musical tone , to whom all the people alternatively answer . They stand in very great number dispers'd in the Court , Cloysters , and Hall , with their bonnets on their Heads , and promiscuously like us in our Churches , Men and Women together ( though I have sometimes seen it otherwise in Italy ) ; yet they are mixt in such order that those of one family Men and Women stand all together ; and , I believe too , they have their peculiar places and benches to sit upon . Moreover , the right side of the Synagogue was fill'd with Jews origiginaries of the Country from ancient time ; but the left with Europaean Jews , who although inhabitants , and marry'd at Aleppo , yet are originally adventitious ; and these are all Spaniards , and speak Spanish for their natural Language ; yea , many of them were born and bred up if not Spain or Portugal , at least in Italy , Germany , or other Countries of Christendome . I was carry'd to see this Synagogue by a Jew nam'd Baruch , or in our Language Blessed , whom I had known at my last being at Aleppo ; He was born and bred in Mantua , a man well qualifi'd , danc'd , play'd , and sung competently well ; and upon these accounts came to my familiarity . We sat together a good while in the Synagogue amongst his fellow-Jews , beholding their Ceremonies ; and , after I had seen enough , I went away and left Baruch at his devotions . As I went home I pass'd by the Carvanserai , ( or Market ) of Silk , as they call it , because in times past , Silk and other Persian Commodities were brought thither more then to other places , but now it is little frequented . Here buying some few things of certain Vzbeghi Tartars , newly come to Aleppo with a Caravan ; I enquir'd concerning their Countries , and they told me , that no Tartars are call'd Vzbeghi , but those of the Countries of Balch , Buchara , and Sarmacand , who , at this day , are divided under two Princes , Brethren ; one whereof hath his Seat at Balch , and is call'd Nedhir Muhhammed Chan , on whom depends an inferior Prince , nam'd Bahadar , ( which signifies Gallant or Stout ) and sirnam'd , Jelan Tusc , from his spoyling and killing his Enemies in war ; for in their Language Jelan signifies to Spoil , and Tusc to Kill . The other Brother nam'd Imanculi Chan , hath under him Buchera , Sarmacand , Tosc-Kiend , Endigian or Endigan , with other Territories , and both of them border upon those of the Persian Empire , and reign in the Countries , anciently call'd Sogdiana , Bactriana , and perhaps also Hircania ; but by the Moderns , Giagata , Maurenucher , and Turkistan . The same day after dinner I took leave of the Consul , with all my other Friends , and was by his Servants , and many others of the Italian Nation , accompany'd out of the City . Before we mounted our Camels , I was desirous to see , in the Suburbs of Aleppo , the Churches of the Oriental Christians , which stand in a Street call'd Giudeida , not from the Jews , as some who skill not of Languages erroneously imagine , but from the Arabick word Gedida , which signifies New ; perhaps , because this place of the Suburbs was built more lately then others . Here , a little out of the Street on the right hand , I found four Churches all together , led unto by one Gate onely from the Street , but ( the place being spacious enough within ) conveniently divided and separated about the Court or Yard : Two of them belong'd to the Armenians , the greater ( a fair one indeed ) call'd Santi Quaranta , or the forty Saints ; and the less , Della Madonna , or our Lady . One of the other two call'd San Nicolo , belong'd to the Greeks ; and the other , which is the least of all , to the Maronite Catholicks , call'd Sant ' Elia. In another place a good distant from this , I saw alone by it self another Church , hansome and large for the Country , built after our manner , with three Naves or Isles upon Pillars ; it belong'd to the Syrian Jacobites , and was call'd Sitaa Assedi , or Santa Maria. This Church hath adjoyning to it a good House , with a little Garden and other conveniences according to the use of the Country , wherein lives the Patriarch of the Jacobits , calld Heda , for whom I had brought from Bassora a Letter of F. Basilio di San Francesco , a discalciated Carmelite , wherein he invited him to a mutual friendship and correspondence , from which he might draw some benefit to the service of God , by reason of his skill in the Arabick , and his residence here in behalf of the Christians of the Country . This Letter I had gotten presented to the Patriarch , and transmitted his answer to F. Basilio , but had never visited him as the Father desir'd me in order to second his Letter , and settle a friendship between them ; because he liv'd far from the Venetian Consul's House where I resided ; and all the while I remain'd in Aleppo , I was lame of one foot by a hurt caus'd by walking in ill shoos that day when we were in danger of being assaulted by thievs ; so that I could not walk , and was not wholly cur'd when I departed . Nevertheless hapning to be so near his Church now , I would not omit to visit him . I found him a very compleat , civil , and courtly man according to the mode of the Country : he had not the fame of being learned , but yet was accounted wise and generous . He told me , he was glad of F. Basilio's Letter , and residing at Bassora , and building a Church there so peaceably , and with so much favour of the Turks , as he advertis'd him ; and that he would continue correspondence with him . He also shew'd me two fair Books of the Gospels written in large Parchment-sheets , with excellent Syrian Characters , one of them , ( as I remember ) written four hundred years ago ; the Letters whereof were all either of Gold or Silver ▪ and this Book , they say , was found by the Turks in Cyprus when they took the Island , and carri'd to Constantinople , from whence it was afterwards redeem'd with money , and brought hither . Indeed no Manuscript could be more goodly or rich with gold and miniature ; it had also a velvet Cover adorn'd with Silver gilt , but made by themselves ; the ancient Cover , which they said was set with jewels of great value , being taken away by the Turks . 'T is the custom of the Orientals to make great account of Books so fairly written and richly adorned , as likewise S. Jerom reports they us'd to do in his time ; though himself , being a Scholar , was better contented , as he saith , with his schedules of a less fair Character , but correct . The other Gospel which the Patriarch shew'd me , was more ancient , namely , four hundred and fifty years old , but written with ordinary ink and few miniated Figures ; this , he told me , they bought lately at Cyprus for two hundred Piastres . He added , that the Church of Aleppo was not his Patriarchal See , although under his jurisdiction ; but it was near the City of Mousul , which is in the place of the ancient Niniveh . After much more discourse , he caus'd very good Sherbets of Sugar with snow , to be given us to drink as the custom is ; and offer'd us a Collation of fruits , which we receiv'd not because it was already late and time to be gone . At last , at my taking leave , he pray'd me to do reverence to his Holiness in his name ; and so when he had given me many benedictions , as their manner is , I left him and departed . Being come to the place where the Camels with the Women waited for me , I took leave of all those friends that had accompani'd me thither , and chose not the direct way to Alexandretta , which the Caravans commonly use , but one somewhat longer hard by Antioch , out of a desire to see the remains of that ancient City , which I had not yet seen . After a short travel , we rested till the Moon arose , and then proceeded all the remainder of the night in bad and uneven ways . August the twenty fourth , We pass'd by some Villages and places cultivated with Olive-trees , which I was joyful to see , not having beheld any for many years . About Noon , we rested amongst certain ruins of Stone-buildings which had once been very magnificent , and seem'd to be the remains of some noble City in ancient times . Here the Archbishop Isciva-jahab's men , the one nam'd Abdisciva , and the other Hendi , overtook me with his Letter : I receiv'd them , and carri'd them with me as I had promis'd . The said place is call'd Hhalqa , which signifies a Circle , because 't is a great Plain almost surrounded with Hills . Three hours after Noon we set forth again ; we pass'd by another Village belonging to the Territory of Hhalqa , and at night took up our Quarters near a running Water under another Village call'd Harta . At midnight the Moon rising , we set forth again , and travell'd all the remainder of the night . August the twenty fifth , Continuing our journey we came into a great Plain , and travelling along the River Orontes according to the stream , ( which we had found at day-break ) we cross'd over the same upon a good Stone-bridge . Here the Plain is contracted , being streightned on the right hand with high , and on the left with lower mountains ; travelling in which Valley about Noon , we arriv'd at Antioch , which is fronted with high mountains almost on the North beyond the River Orontes , and back'd with lower toward the South , the walls of the City being extended over the same . We enter'd at the East-gate , and took up our Quarters near a great Cistern which is on the left hand of the Gate , divided only by a wall from the Street , and pav'd round with white Marble : it is fill'd by a running-water , and stands in a shady retir'd place , very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in . On the right side of the said Gate , in one of the Towers of the wall , was a large and fair room , as high as the wall , with few windows besides low and half-fill'd loop-holes for defence ; so that it was very cool , and would not be inconvenient in hot hours , were it in good repair ; but 't is now all ruinous without a pavement , being made only a Stall for Cattle . The walls of the City were still standing , all of Stone , magnificent , and built with Turrets after the ancient mode . At the Gate where we enter'd , began a Street not very broad but of great length , extended within the City , and pav'd all with white Marble . Antioch is now inhabited by few people , who live in little cottages patcht out of the ruins amongst Gardens , of which the City is all full ; for of the ancient houses and structures , saving the walls of the City , there is none standing . Near the place where we lodg'd , The Turks shew'd us I know not what , which they call'd Paulos de' Christiani , which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul ; but every thing was so destroy'd , that I neither saw nor understood it well . There being nothing else remarkable to be seen , we went away three hours before night , by the same Gate we had enter'd at ( perhaps because the way was better without then within ) going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entring afterwards at a breach of the Wall , we walkt a good way within the City , which I found full of Gardens and Orchards , with few dwellings , saving at the end . At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City , though not full West , where we pass'd over a fair Stone-bridg which lies upon the River Orontes , taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern banck ; for , they that go directly thither from Aleppo , never see this River , but leave it much South . We travell'd along its banks till night , contrary to its stream , and took up our lodging by the River-side , almost directly against the Eastern Gate , at which we enter'd , and which we beheld afar off on the other bank : Antioch is almost square , about a mile long , and hath many Gates ; on the South , it is terminated with Mountains , which , they said , were seven , like the seven Hills of Rome , but I could distinguish no more then five , that is , not five Mountains , ( for the Mountain appears but one continu'd ridg ) but five tops of it . These Mountains are very steep , and therefore I think could not be built upon ; but only , that part of them was included within the wall for strength , and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without , in case of War. That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains , is of small circumference ; so that the City appear'd to me much less then I imagin'd it . Within , as I said , there is not any Fabrick standing , but infinite ruins , and the earth is everywhere strow'd with great and goodly stones . Only the Walls are almost all sound and intire , with little decay . After midnight the Moon arising , we also got up ; and leaving this Station , proceeded on our way . A Platform of ANTIOCH . 1. The Eastern Gate , at which we enter'd . 2. The Cistern . 3. The Street pav'd with Stone and extending within the City . 4. A few Habitations in the end of the City . 5. A Bridg over Orontes without the City , and contiguous to the Gate . 6. The River Orontes . 7. A Turret with a room within it . August the twenty sixth , Continuing our Journey , at day-break we came to an end of the Plains , and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea ; and , if I am not mistaken , they are part of the Mountain Amano , which , because at a distance it appears black , is called by the Turks Cara Aman , that is , Black Aman ; whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain , ( and was , according to some , the ancient Cilicia ) Caramania . We refresht our weary Camels with two hours rest in a place amongst the Mountains , where , though there were no Houses , yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arriv'd to the highest part of the Mountain , and re-enter'd the common road from Aleppo , we discover'd the Mediterranean Sea afar off , which to me was a welcome sight , in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secur'd with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together ; and at length came to the Town of Beilan , from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan . A little beyond this Town , we repos'd in a by-place near a running-water , and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees ; for the Town it self and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land . August the twenty seventh , An hour before day we began to descend amongst the streights of these Mountains , where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships , and was going to Aleppo : After two or three hours travel we came to Alexandretta , call'd by us Europaeans Scanderoon , but more correctly in Turkish Eskander , that is , Alexandro Graeco , because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great . It was sometimes a noble City , but by reason of the bad air ( for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain , and inclos'd with Hills which keep off the wind ) it was never much inhabited ; and the year before my being there , it was al-wholly destroy'd by the Pirats of Barbary , who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion , nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself , though their Lord ; so that I found onely four small Houses , scarce re-edifi'd this year , wherein the Lieutenant of the place ( for the right Governour remains at Aleppo ) the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria , and a very few other people resided . Sig : Antonio Grandi , the Venetian Vice-Consul , having notice of my coming by a Messenger whom I sent to him from Beilan , receiv'd and lodg'd us in his own House with much Courtesie , upon the recommendation of his Consul , from whom I presented him a Letter . And when I had acquainted him with my desire to depart as soon as possible , and shewn him the Governor's Pass for my self , goods , and people , which I brought with me from Aleppo , together with other commendatory Letters to his Lieutenant and other Ministers ; the said Sig : Antonio went presently to present the same , and , by the authority he had here obtain'd , much more easily then I expected , that I might imbarque when I pleas'd ; yet upon promise , according to the custom of Turkie , of a small Present to the Governor , and also to a Jew his Minister ; which was afterwards given to them both . After dinner Captain Fort , Commander of the French Ship S. Anne , wherein I was to imbarque , came a shore , and I agreed with him to go aboard that night , though he puposed to stay two or three dayes longer , in expectation of more lading before he set sail . Accordingly after I had written to Aleppo , and supp'd in the House of Sig : Antonio Grandi , I was carry'd aboard by the said Captain with all my people , and onely those few goods which I had brought with me from Aleppo ; leaving all the rest to be first receiv'd by the said Sig : Antonio , and then convey'd to me by Sea more at leisure . Thus after many years I quitted the Continent of Asia , with a certain Resolution never to set foot upon it again unless arm'd , and began my Voyage towards my desired Italy ; there being with me of Women , Batoni Mariam Tinatin , a Giorgian Virgin , and faithful Companion of most of my Peregrinations ; Eugenia an Indian Maid of Scilan ; and of Men , F. Fra : Gregorio Orsino , Vicar General of Armenia ; and my Servants , Michel di Bengala , commended to me at Goa by Sig : Antonio Barraccio , Giovan Robehh , a Chaldean of Kiumalava , and the two Syrians recommended to me by that Arch-Bishop , namely , Abdisciva , and Hendi , Nestorians . August the nine and twentieth , All my other goods , together with the Coffin of Sitti Maani , ( conceal'd in a ball of Cotton yarn ) were imbarqu'd , ( thanks be to God ) without any disturbance . The next day I took the height of the Sun in the Port of Alexandretta , and found him decline at noon from the Zenith 28 degrees . He was that day in the — degree of Virgo . The same day , by the advice of Sig : Antonio Grandi , to prevent all further troubles which might arise from new searching of my goods , and payment of half Gabels , in case I should exchange the Ship wherein I was , for a Flemish Vessel call'd the Neptune , as I had formerly intended to do at Cyprus ; I determin'd to continue in the same Ship till I came either to Malta or Sicily , and the rather because the Captain was a Person to my liking , and all his people honest Catholicks , with whom I promis'd my self most satisfaction . Besides , though the Flemish Ship was greater , better arm'd , and accompany'd with two others , and consequently , as to danger of Pirats , more safe ; yet 't was known too that the Flemmings were at Truce with the Pirats , and sometimes will not fight with them , but being secure not to lose any thing of their own , use to submit to them , and let them take all the goods of other people that they have in their Ships without the least contest : So that I had some reason not to trust my self with them , ( although much perswaded thereunto by the Master of the Ship ) because , perhaps , in such case they would not have much car'd for securing me , whom they hated upon the account of Religion . On the other side , though the French Ship wherein I imbarqu'd was small and unprovided of Artillery , yet it was an excellent Sailer , and safe enough from being overtaken by any Pirate , provided it descry'd him first at a little distance , and had but the least advantage : For which purpose a Man was constantly plac'd upon the main-sail to make discoveries ; and as for being surpriz'd by the Pirats without fore-seeing them , as 't was possible we might be in a Morning at day-break , falling among them unawares ; so , we hop'd , God would preserve us from such misfortune . Of this change of my Resolution , I gave account in my Letters to Aleppo ; and I mention it here , to the end , that it may appear that my passing into Italy in so small and disarm'd a Ship , was not folly or rashness , ( as , perhaps , it may otherwise seem ) but a considerate determination prudently made upon weighty and important Reasons . Accordingly , after Sig : Antonio Grandi had presented us many refreshments for the Voyage , the same Evening a little before night we set sail . September the first , In the Evening we pass'd by Capo Chanzir , or , as 't is now commonly call'd , Capo Porco , lying thirty miles from Alexandretta , and the next Evening we discover'd the Island of Cyprus , where we were to touch and stay some dayes . September the third , In the Morning we doubled the Cape of S. Andrea , on the South of the said Island , being to put in at Porto della Saline , or the Port of the Salt-pits , which is now the principal and most frequented landing-place of Cyprus . September the fourth , We enter'd the said Port , which lyes on the South part of Cyprus in a large Bay , surrounded with Land , spacious and secure enough for all sort of Ships . It lyes two hundred miles from Alexandretta , and is the Port where the Turkish Army landed when they took the Island . As soon as we had enter'd , we were visited in the Ship by Sig : Dimitrio Todorini , a prime Greek Merchant , but not a Cypriot , who offer'd me his House ; and Sig : Giovan Francesco Parente , a Venetian , my ancient Friend and correspondent in Aleppo , ( from whence , upon certain discontents befallen him there , he had betaken himself hither ) who visited me not onely upon his own account , but also in the Name of Sig : Alessandro Goneme , the Venetian Consul in that Island , who excus'd his not coming in Person , for that he was just then call'd away by the Cadhi , upon a certain business . September the fifth , The said Venetian Consul with Sig : Parente , and some others of his House visited me in the Ship : And though I intended not to go ashore notwithstanding all his intreaties and invitations , yet he resolutely refus'd to depart till I went with him . Wherefore I obey'd him , and went onely with one servant , leaving F. Orsino , and the Women in the Ship. On the seaside I found some few dwellings , and magazines or storehouses , which are those that they properly call delle Saline , from the Salt-pits hard by ; where the Turks have a small square Castle , with a Plat-form , and Artillery to guard the Sea , but of little importance . Here taking Horse , we rode a little mile within Land , to another Village call'd Larnaca , where the Franks live for the most part , and there we alighted at the Consul's House . And because it was yet early , after a little repose , we went to the Franciscan's Church , call'd Santa Maria ; and there heard Mass , which was sung with the Office pro mortuis , for the Soul of Sig : Giovan Maria Parente , Brother to Sig : Francesco , who the day before pass'd to a better Life . In the Evening , I visited Sig : Dimitrio Todorini in his own House , and lodg'd in that of the Consul . I will not omit that the Venetians have alwayes a Consul at Cyprus , who is not of the Nobility , but of the Order of Eminent Citizens , whereof many Secretaries of the Republick use to be ; so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo , as Vice-Consuls are ; yet he of Aleppo , as noble , and a more principal Minister in these parts , hath something of superiority over this of Cyprus . September the sixth , This Morning I am return'd a Ship-board , where I conclude this Letter , and commit it to F. Fra : Giovanni di Segovia , a Spanish reform'd Franciscan , who came hither in the same Ship with us from Alexandretta , and is the same Person who , disguis'd in a secular and Souldier-like garb , for fear of being hindred in his passage by the Portugal Ministers , came ( in company of F. Fra : Roderigo di San Michele , a Discalceated Augustine , and Provincial of Manila ) in the same Ship with us from Mascat to Bassora , passing under the name of l' Alfiere , or Ensign , till he arriv'd safe at Aleppo , where laying off his disguise , he resum'd his proper name and Fryer's habit ; and because the Provincial of Manila , with whom he came into India , could not dispatch his affairs but stay'd behind at Aleppo ; therefore he being desirous to arrive speedily at Rome and Spain , in order to the affairs of his Religion , is just now departing , and hath promis'd me to deliver this to you , and to salute you in my name , as I do most heartily . LETTER . XIII . From Malta , November 4. 1625. WHen I was thinking of finishing the small remainder of my Travels , with the same Prosperity which God had hitherto afforded me ; and speedily arriving at those desired shores , I have been here arrested at Malta by a little kind of misadventure , sufficient to temper the course of so many good Fortunes . In regard of the formidable Pestilence still continuing in Constantinople , and other places of Turkie , we have not been able to get admittance to anchor , and land in this Island without undergoing a Quarantine . Wherefore finding my self at leisure enough here in a House assign'd me , as a favour , by the Lords of the Council , and separated from the little Island whither all the rest are sent , I have thought fit to pass my time in writing to you what Adventures have befallen me since my last , which was dated from a Ship-board at Cyprus , September the sixth . Be pleas'd therefore to know , that on September the seventh , I went ashore again to hear Mass ; after which , I return'd a visit to Sig : Rocco Andreani , a Venetian Merchant , in whose House I saw a live Camelion , which a Boy of the family , kept very tame , ty'd with a little string for his Recreation . They are frequent in India , and are seen leaping amongst the Trees ; but I never saw any but at distance , and so did not well observe them . Here therefore holding it in my hand , ( for 't is a gentle and pleasing Animal ) I observ'd it to be as big as a Lizard , and almost of the same shape , but more unhandsom to behold , having an ill shapen head , divided feet , and two paws , in the middle whereof the leg ariseth ; each of which paws , is divided into two toes or nails , yet so as the fissu●● is very small . It s colour was grey , but with some variety , like a dapple . They told me , that it sometimes chang'd colour , ( not , as is vulgarly reported , according to that which is lay'd before it , but ) according as it hath more heat or cold , takes pains or reposes , with other like Accidents : Which event I saw not , though I try'd several wayes to procure it . September the eighth , The Consul carry'd me to another Village about two leagues , or six miles distant from Larnaca , and call'd to this day , Kiti and Citium , anciently a City and Bishoprick , but is now all destroy'd saving a few Cottages . We went , particularly , to visit a Greek Doctor , nam'd Sig : Aluise Cucci , who liv'd there , and had the same of much knowledg , and spoke Italian well ; as also to see his Garden , which , though half ruin'd , ( as all things are in the Island , since it fell into the Turk's hands ) is yet one of the goodliest places in those parts . Here dy'd Cimon the most valorous and vertuous Athenian Captain , Son of the no less famous Captain Miltiades . You may see Aemilius Probus in the Life of the said Cimon , where he saith , In Oppido Citio est mortuus , after he had conquer'd most part of the Island Cyprus . Two or three hours before noon , we pass'd by the place where the Salt-work is , which , though through the negligence of the Turks , who do not cleanse and empty it well , it decayes and fills up every day ; yet in my time it yielded yearly about 10000 Piasters , and almost all Ships make ballast of Salt ; particularly , those of Venice are all oblig'd to take as much as will serve for that purpose ; and many times they take more , which at Venice is a good commodity , and a Trade reserv'd to the Prince . Then we pass'd through a Village call'd Bromolaxaia , and at length arriving at Kiti , which lyes a little distant from the Sea , ( the Coast of the Island running West-ward from the Saline ) we visited Sig : Aluise Cucci , whom ( indeed like a Philosopher , as he professes to be ) we found living in a House , which had sometimes been great and fair , but was now half ruin●d ; the Garden had a small Brook , with structures of Fountains and such like things , but all out of order , and reserving no other beauty besides a great number of Orange-Trees , planted regularly , and of equal height , and making a goodly and delicious Grove . I discours'd with the said Sig : Aluise , and he seem'd an intelligent Person ; but because he was sick , or at least recovering , and so weak that he could scarce speak , I could not benefit by him as I desir'd . I ask'd him concerning Cadmia and its species , and other Minerals , which you writ me word that you desir'd from Cyprus , and I accordingly sent to Nicosia , ( the chief City of the Island , and the place of the Basha's residence ) ; as also concerning the Book of Galen . He told me , there was some at this day , but 't was hard to meet with any that knew it , or could tell where to find it , the people being very Ideots , and the Mines intermitted heretofore by the Christians , for fear of alluring the Turks thereby to invade the Island , as also since by the Turks through ignorance . After this and such other Discourse , we return'd to Larnaca by a different road , about the midst whereof we found another Village , call'd Menego ; but all these Villages in former times well peopled , are now almost wholly destroy'd and uninhabited . September the ninth , Being return'd to the Ship , the next day I took the height of the Sun with my Astrolabe in the Port della Saline of Cyprus , and found him decline Southward from the Zenith 29 degrees , 29 minutes , 50 seconds . On which day he was in — degrees of — . September the thirteenth , I went ashore in the Morning to Larnaca again , from whence , upon the Consuls instance , I was accompany'd by Sig : Gio Francesco Parente , two other Venetians , a Greek nam'd Meser Manoli , my servant Michel , and a Janizary for our guard , to a delicious place of Devotion , call'd by the Greeks , Agia Nappa , that is , Holy , about eight leagues from Larnaca , upon the Eastern Sea-coast near Capo della Greca , where there is a Church built in a Grotto , wherein a miraculous Image of our Lady was found . Having rid all day almost continually by the Sea-side , we lodg'd at the Village Ormidia , and the next day early , passing through the Village Xylofago , and the Cape di San Georgio , where many Ships , especially Pyrats , use to put in for water at a River which falls into the Sea on the East of the said Cape , we arriv'd at the Village Agia Nappa . We found it like all the rest that I saw in Cyprus , almost wholly destroy'd ; partly , by the ordinary tyrannies of the Turks , partly , by the Pestilence which a few years before had swept away most of the people . The Church being built almost like a little square Castle , ( perhaps for fear of the Pyrats ) is still standing ; and being under ground , is descended into by many stairs . A Papas , or Greek Priest , who officiates there , hath charge of it , together with certain Calogrie , or Nunns , who having renounc'd the world , have addicted themselves to God's Service , and are modestly cloth'd in black , though they be not Recluses . In the middle of a great Court or Yard , stands a marble Fountain not ill built , over which they have lately built a great Cupola , upon four Pilasters with seats round about , where we not onely entertain'd our selves all day , but slept at night ; the murmur of the water rendring the place sufficiently pleasant . The next Morning , Mass was sung in the Church after the Greek Rite , and I was present at it till the end of the Gospel . On one side of the Church in a place apart , is an Altar , where our Latine Priests say Mass when any comes thither . In summ , the Church is an indifferent large Grotto , the Image ancient , and the Altar adorn'd after the Greek manner , without any thing else remarkable . Here we eat a great quantity of Becca-fichi , or Fig-snappers , ( a sort of Birds call'd by the Greeks Sicalidia ) which are so plentiful in Cyprus , that abundance of them are sent sows'd in Vinegar to Venice and else-where ; but those at Agia Nappa sometimes are not good , by reason of their having eaten Scammony , which is not known to be found there-abouts , but probably , they feed upon it in some other place . September the sixteenth , We departed from Agia Nappa to return to Larnaca , and passing through the Village Xylofago , we alighted there to see the Church of San Giorgio , wherein amongst other Saints , I saw one painted whom they call Agios Mapeas , that is , San Mama , much venerated by the Greeks ; who say , He was a Martyr , and bury'd in Cyprus ; but I know not according to what History , they paint him between a Horse and a Lyon. September 17th Returning a Ship-board , by the way I visited a Church of the Greeks , ( but heretofore of the Armenians ) call'd , S. Lazaro , some of the stones whereof I observ'd engraven with Armenian Letters : 'T is a very ancient stone-structure of an extravagant form , though us'd by the Greeks in sundry places , namely , consisting of 3 Nave's or Isles , supported onely by 4 Pilasters , with three Cupola's on a row in the middle Nave ; the place within amongst the Pillasters serving for men , and that round about for women by themselves . Behind the Altar they shew a Subterranean Sepulchre , like a little Grotto , and enter'd into by a square hole like that of a Tomb ; they say it was the Sepulchre of Lazarus rais'd by Christ , and that he built the Church whilst he was Bishop here , and at last dy'd here ; from whence his Body was afterwards transported first to Constantinople , and then to Marseilles : The truth whereof , they affirm , is prov'd by the Miracles done every day in the said Sepulchre , as healing the sick , and the like ; but this is repugnant to the History we have in the Breviary , Martyrologie , &c. September the twentieth , The Consul gave me a piece of Ladano-Vergine , that is , pure , without any other mixture , as it comes naturally ; whereof there is plenty in Cyprus : and some intelligent persons of the Country whom I consulted purposely , told me , 't is generated of the Dew which falls from Heaven , just as Manna is , and that 't is gather'd off the leavs of a plant no higher then a span and half , or two spans ; which matter they boyle , and being viscid like wax , form into rolls like little Candles , which they wrap afterwards round together . The said Ladanum is black , hath a good quick Aromatical Smell ; and , in our Countries , mixt with other things , makes a good Perfume ; and , perhaps , serves for Medicinal Uses , as you know very well . September the one and twentieth , Sig : Cicach gave me some of the stone Amiantus , a sort of stone that may be spun , of which the Ancients made the Cloth which , they say , was incombustible , and the fire onely cleans'd it , as water doth other Linnen ; in which Cloth they burnt dead bodies , and so preserv'd the ashes thereof from being mingled with those of the wood . At this day none knows how to make the Cloth , or to spin the matter ; although a whitish matter like Cotton is clearly seen to issue out of the stone , not uncapable of being spun . The colour of the Stone , when intire , is greenish , inclining to black , but shining enough , almost like Talk ; yet when 't is broken or spun , the matter that issues out of it is white . I remember I once saw some of this Stone , and the Cloth woven thereof , in the Study of Ferrante Imperato at Naples , amongst other Curiosities . September the twenty fourth , The Consul invited us to dinner in the Venetian Ship Cacciadiavoli , where we stay'd not onely to dine , but also to sleep all-night , being entertain'd with Musick , and the good conversation of Sig : Parente , Flatro , & Rocco Andreani , who were there . The next day , we return'd to our own Ship , and the Evening following I went ashore again . A new man was expected to come to govern the Island , the old being already departed upon the arrival of an Officer of the new , who , as their custom is , was come with the Title of Musselem , to prepare the place for his Master : But before this New Elect arriv'd at his Residence in Nicosia , News came that by a fresh command of the Grand Signior at Constantinople , the new Basha was recall'd , and depriv'd of his Office before he possess'd it , unto which the old was restor'd ; besides the changing of the Defecodar , and other Officers . These sudden and unexpected changes of Ministers , have many years ago begun to be practis'd in the Court of Constantinople , occasion'd chiefly by the ill Government , and the selling of those Offices , without any limitation of time , to who-ever gives most ; which disorders are more prevalent now then ever : Which I mention , that it may be known in what an ill State the Common-wealth of the Turks is at this day , which indeed seems to be tending of its accord to manifest ruine . September the eight and twentieth , After another treatment given us by the Consul in the Ship of Viaro , he accompany'd us in the Evening to our Caravel , which was to set sail forth-with , and there , with many Complements and expressions of Courtesie , we took leave one of another ; the Consul returning ashore , and we remaining in the Ship. About three hours after Sun-set , we hois'd sails towards Limiso , another Port of the Southern Coast of Cyprus , but more Westerly , where we hop'd to find , and joyn company with the Dutch Ships . We had but little wind in the night , and the next day no good one ; so that it was but a while before mid-night when we arriv'd at Limiso , where we anchor'd at a good distance from Land , because for so short a time as our Ship was to stay there , it would not be subject to pay Anchorage . September the thirtieth , Sig : Gio : Francesco Parente , who arriv'd at Limiso the night before by Land , came in the Morning to invite me ashore in the Name of Sig : Pietro Savioni a Venetian , who hath a House at Limiso , and is Vice-Consul in Cyprus for the Dutch ; he receiv'd me with very much Courtesie . And being it was yet early , I walk'd about the Town , which is of indifferent bigness , where I saw a great Meschita of the Turks standing in a goodly street near the shore , where I saw great plenty of Carrubes , or Capers , where-with whole Ships are laden from hence for Venice and other parts . More within the Town , I saw the Castle which is small , of a round form , representing rather a low thick Tower or Turret then a Fortress ; yet it hath some small pieces of Artillery , and is built of stone . Then I came to the Church of the Bishoprick ; for Limiso hath a Greek Bishop , who commands four Eparchats , ( as they speak ) to wit , this of Limiso , that of della Saline , and two others ; the whole Island being divided onely into four Bishopricks , each of which hath several Eparchats under them . This Cathedral Church is small , and dedicated to our Lady S. Mary ; of Building , like the rest of the Country ; and because 't is the Cathedral , they call it , according to custom , La Catholica , i. e. Vniversal . Here I found one Didascalo Matteo a Greek Monk , who spoke Italian well , as he that had liv'd many years at Venice , and profess'd skill in Minerals , Chymical matters , and the like . To him , whilst he was at Nicosia , I had gotten a friend to write from Larnaca , to desire him to procure me the Cadmia and other Minerals which you desir'd . But the Letter found him not in Nicosia , for he was departed from thence to go to Mount - Sinay . Finding him here , and asking him about the business , he told me , There was to his knowledg abundance of those Minerals , particularly ▪ Sori , Mysi , Melanteria , and Cadmia , to be had in some places of Cyprus , and that he would have procur'd me some , had he known my desire in time ; but now he could not by reason of his present departure , and the place where to have them was very remote . He gave me certain little pieces of Silver and Gold found in Cyprus , and promis'd me to use exquisite diligence for the rest at his return from Monte Sinay , which would be within three Months ; whereupon , I writ to the Consul of Larnaca , that at his going to Nicosia , where he was shortly to salute the new Basha ( for by vertue of a third command from Constantinople , the new Basha was once again confirm'd , and the old again depriv'd , with more strange inconstancy of government then ever ) he would consult by the way with a renegado German , who practis'd Physick there , and , as Didascalo Matteo told me , knew where to find the said Minerals for me . Whilest I was discoursing thus in the Church-yard with Didascalo , the Bishop an ancient man with a white beard pass'd by , together with another Monk , who was going to Church to rehearse his hours . I , understanding who he was , saluted him , and pass'd many complements with him in the Greek Tongue ; for he understood not Italian . October the first , The Hollanders invited me a Ship-board to see their Ships which were in the Port : whereupon , after dinner , I went accompani'd with Sig. Parente aboard of two , the Neptune , and the S. Peter , in both which we were oblig'd to drink several healths , particularly , that of their Prince Henry-Frederick of Nassau ; every Cup we drank being solemniz'd with a Great Gun , and also at our departing from the Ships , they discharg'd three Pieces , which were answered by those of all the rest . October the second , By Letters from Constantinople to certain Greek Monks , the news I had heard at Aleppo , concerning the progress of the Tartar of Cafa , united with the Cossacks of Poland against the Turks , was confirm'd , and that about seven hundred of their Ships sailing to the Confines of Constantinople , had done inestimable dammage , and put the City it self in fear . They said also that a violent Pestilence rag'd at Constantinople , and that the Grand Signor had been grievously sick , having had in his own person seventy Plague-sores , of all which notwithstanding he was cur'd : which indeed is a strange thing , and happens but rarely . October the third , The Dutch entertain'd us at a dinner in their greatest Ship which was bound for Venice , and call'd Il-Naranciero , or the Orange , where many healths were drunk to the Doge of Venice , and the Prince of Nassan ; each Cup , as also our departure out of the Ship , being honor'd with many Guns . Which ended , I would not go ashore any more , being our Ship was to depart the night following , but repair'd to it ; the Dutch continuing their drinking and shooting all night in augury of a happy voyage . An hour after midnight we all set sail , five Ships together , namely four Dutch , the Orange , S. Peter , the Neptune , and the Vnicorn ; and our French Caraval , S. Ann , wherein I was imbarq'd . I will not omit , that being our French Ship did not pay anchorage at Limiso , though person alone were suffer'd to go ashore , yet they were not permitted to buy any thing there to carry aboard ; for had it been known that we had shipt the least thing , even but a little Water , or a single Lemon , they would have demanded the whole Anchorage-money ; wherefore I was fain to get a few fruits and refreshments convey'd into the Dutch Ships , without being known that they were for us . October the fourth , We continu'd sailing Westwards along the South coast of Cyprus , our Caraval which was swifter than the rest , having but half the sails display'd , whilst they spread all . October the ninth , Having hitherto hover'd about the shores of Cyprus , and advanc'd little , a more favourable wind now carri'd us out of sight of the Island , and we sail'd directly on our voyage with various winds till the thirteenth day , when we discover'd the gulph of Settaglia . The next night , some rain laid the contrary wind and rough Sea ; but we remain'd almost in a calm , with great trouble of the Ship , which by the weight of the sails was made to rock to and fro continually like a cradle . On the fifteenth day at night , we were surrounded with thick clouds , and amongst them with many spouts of water , call'd in Latine ( if I mistake not ) Typhones Vortices , but we pass'd through them without any hurt or dammage . October the twenty first , After many days of contrary wind which driv us in vain about the gulph of Settaglia , at length it becoming favourable , the Pilot , and other Mariners said they descry'd land afar off , which some took to be Candia , others Rhodes ; but , whatever it was , we soon lost sight of it again , and the same night the wind growing strong , we were separated from the other Ships which were in our company . Nevertheless we continu'd our Voyage alone , and at evening descry'd land on the North-west , which the Mariners said was the Island Scarpanti subject to the Venetians , and that , the good wind continuing , we should soon discover Candia : but about midnight the wind fell , and we remain'd becalm'd . October the twenry third , The Wind turning favourable , we discover'd land , which they said was Candia , at the prow of the Ship : but at night , lest the increasing South-wind should drive us too much to Land , we put forth to Sea Southwards , and left Candia on the right hand Northwards , so far that we could not see it . The next day , the Sky being very cloudy , we discover'd Malta whilst we were at dinner , very near-hand , ( the thick Air having intercepted it before ) and , a good while before night , we cast anchor just without the Port of the said Island , soon after which a Guard-boat came to see who we were , and whence we came ( in order to inform the Grand Master thereof : ) the Officer demanded our Bill of Health , which we had from Cyprus , but would not touch it till it had been first dipt in Vinegar , in regard of the great suspitions there were here of the Plague , which rag'd much at Constantinople , and other parts of Turkie . But he not returning that night to us again with an answer , we remain'd all aboard , being suffer'd only to send for water without the City . October the twenty ninth , Early in the Morning , the same Officer , nam'd Sig. Desiderio Montemagni , return'd and told us , that the Knights made a little difficulty concerning my Bill of Health made at Cyprus by the Venetian Consul , which was not so plain as that of the Ship which was made at Cyprus also the same day by the French Consul ; wherefore he made an excuse to me in their name for the delay of expediting me so suddenly . I took all well , commended the diligence of the Knight , thankt them for their courtesie , and profess'd my self obedient to their commands . After which , I deliver'd the Messenger a Letter for Monsig . Visconti , Inquisitor Apostolical there ; wherein I gave him account of my rrrival , and desir'd him to favour me in order to a speedy exepetion . F. Orsino writ another to him , both which bath'd likewise in Vinegar Sig. Desiderio promis'd to present with his own hand . The same day after dinner , the Sig. Commendator Fra. Marcantorio Erancaccio , a prime Neapolitan Cavalier , my ancient friend at Naples , and Sig : Fra : Mandosio Mandosii , a Roman Cavalier , both of the Religion of Malta , came to visit me in a Boat , which yet stay'd a little distance from our Ship ( as the Guard-boat also did ) and they offer'd me their persons to serve me with much courtesie . I received much news of them concerning some of my friends at Naples and elsewhere ; after which they departed , giving me hope , that in a Councel to be held that day about other weighty affairs of the Religion , my Expedition should be taken into consideration . In the Evening , Monsig : Visconti sent me a Present of some refreshments , and signifi'd to me that he had earnestly mov'd the Grand Master concerning the business of my expedition ; and when the Councel broke up , I should hear the result thereof by his Secretary . A while after , the Secretary brought me word that the Councel held very long , having determin'd a difference between two Spanish Knights , who pretended to the Priorate of Navarre , by giving it to one of them ; and also created a new General of the Galleys , which charge was also pretended to by divers , but fell to the Prior della Roccella , Son of the Prince della Roccella , who had a new instituted that Priorate in his Father's dominion ; insomuch that by reason of so many and long businesses , ehiter the Grand Master had forgot or forborn to propose any thing else , to wit , our Expedition : but that he having spoken to him as he came out of the Council , the Grand Master told him that within two days another Council should be held purposely for our business , because it could not be done without a Council ; and that in the mean time he gave order that our Ship should not depart from the Port , to the end I might have the convenience of waiting the resolution concerning Landing , without being carri'd away to my inconvenience to Marseilles , whither those of our Ship intended directly to go ; and therefore we must have a little patience in the interim . I return'd my thanks to Mons. Visconti , and sent him word , that I should have patience , being secure of receiving all favour from his great courtesie . Soon after which Sig : Desiderio came to signifie the order to our Ship that it should not depart out of the Port. October the thirty first , Besides a Present of refreshments sent me this day from the Sig. Commendator Brancaccio , and frequent visits of Sig : ●esiderio , ane also of divers others , partly known , and partly unknown to me ; a little before night , the Commissarii della Sanita ( Commissioners of Health ) came to see me , and to enquire what goods I carri'd with me ; they told me , the next day a Council would be held for dispatch of my business ; but hearing of the goods I brought , particularly of the Ball of Cotten-yarn ( though they were not told what was within it ; for then without doubt the difficulty would have been greater ) they told me that by reason of the said goods I must have a little more patience ; for they should give me the Quarantine a little longer then if we had had nothing besides our persons . November the first , After dinner , the Captain of the Port brought us licence to go ashore , to wit , for me and my company , the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour ; yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto , whither all others are sent , but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig : Don Francesco Ciantar neer his Church of S. Saviour ; which house the Inquisitor procur'd for me , and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience . They prefix'd no time of the Quarantine , but reserv'd it at their own arbitrement ; however I resolv'd it should not be very long . The Caravel S. Ann , which brought me , desir'd to undergo the Quarantine also , that they might afterwards have Prattick , and sell their commodities perhaps more advantagiously at Malta ; but it would not be granted , but the next day the Vessel was dismiss'd away for France . The reason whereof I suppose was , either because the Isoletto where Ships pass the Quarantine was already full of other people , or because the Island was scarce of provision , and therefore they would not admit other new Passengers to consume it . However we , according to our licence , landed all our goods at the abovesaid place ; and we were no sooner got ashore , but My Lord , the Inquisitor came in a Boat to visit me at the Sea-side . We discours'd together above half an hour ; he in his Boat , and I upon the bank . He inquir'd of me several things concerning the affairs of the East , and inform'd me of many of Europe ; and at last offering me his favour in all things , particularly , in getting the Quarantine shortned , which he intimated would last forty days or more , ( including those which had pass'd by the way from Cyprus hither ) departed , and I repair'd to the house , which the owner of it , and the Captain of the Port , Desiderio , came to assign to me ; where all our Goods were spread abroad to be air'd in a large open room belonging to the said house ; which indeed I found very handsom , and well provided with convenience of water , and other things , having a delicate prospect upon the Port , the Sea , the Country , the Town , the new City ; and , in short , being the best , most convenient and delightful that we could have had for that purpose . By the Council's order a man was assign'd to guard the House , and a Boat both to guard us , and to supply us with provisions ; both at our charge , as the custom is . Nor doth the Captain of the Port omit to visit us frequently , and to discourse with us at a distance . God be thanked , we are all well , and free from all contagious suspition ; so that I hope to surmount this difficulty happily , which I acknowledg to proceed from the Divine Providence , to which I heartily commend you . LETTER . XIV . From Syracuse , Decemb. 4. 1625. AFter two and twenty days confinement upon suspition , behold me , my dear Sig : Mario , now at liberty and in health , ready to come to kiss your hands , having no other impediment to detain me . What things I have noted in the mean time , and what befel me at Malta , and how I am safely arriv'd at Syracuse , I shall now give you an account , in continuation of the Narrative of my Travels . November the seventh , Early in the Morning four Galleys belonging to the Religion of Malta , arriv'd in the Port from Sicily ; the new ones , which they were providing instead of two lost a few Months before , not being yet finish'd . They were colour'd all black in token of sadness for the death of their General , who dy'd of a Disease a few days before at Naples . November the eleventh , The Commissioners of Health came to visit us , and enter'd into the House to see our Goods , whether we had us'd such diligence as was requisite in opening them to the Sun and Wind , that they might give account thereof to the Council . November the thirteenth , My Lord the Inquisitor came to visit me , and discours'd with me about an hour without the Gate ; for seeing we had no Licence of Prattick , it was not lawfull for me to give him so much as a Chair out of my House . He promis'd me to speak to the Grand Master the same day , and to procure our expedition . November the sixteenth , In the Morning before day , three of the said Gallies set sail from Malta towards Licata , or Alicata in Sicily , to fetch Corn , whereof there was great penury . The fourth Galley was so old that it could go no more to Sea , and the new which were preparing at Malta , Palermo , and Naples , instead of those that had been lost , were not yet finish'd . After dinner , the Commissioners of Health return'd again to see my Goods , bringing with them a Physitian to view and make relation of the Coffin wherein they understood I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani ; but because the ball of Cotton yarn wherein it was wrapt , was not quite loosned for fear of spoyling , though I had open'd and air'd it , they not onely refus'd to give me Prattick , but would not suffer the Physitian to touch or view the said Coffin , and told me , I must first loosen and air the Cotton yarn well , and then they would return to us another day to resolve about Prattick . After which they made many excuses to me for this strange treatment , alledging that the subsistence of Malta depending upon other parts abroad , they were forc'd to use the most rigorous courses in case of suspition of Infection ; to the end Sicily and the other Countries , on which their subsistence depended , might not deprive them of Prattick , as they would easily do , were it known that they proceeded otherwise , and were too easie in admitting suspected things which came from the Levant . Whereupon I knowing that they had reason for what they said , caus'd the Cotton Ball to be wholly unwound , as they desir'd , though I did not so at first , to avoid spoyling it , and the hazard of not making it up again so well as before . November the twentieth , The Grand Spedaliere , ( or Master of the Hospital ) and two other Great Crosses came accompany'd with many people to give us another visit ; and after many preambles , with majestick words in praise of their Order , and concerning the observance and respect justly due to it from all , upon the account of Malta's being the Bulwark of the Territories of the Catholick King and of all Christendome , he fell to blame me , ( though civilly ) in the Name of the Grand Master , that I had not at first declar'd my having my Wife's Body with me , ( a very jealous thing , as they said , in times of suspition ) and ask'd me the reason of it . I answer'd , that whil'st I was yet a Ship-board , I was ask'd onely in general , What Goods I had ? And I truly answer'd , that I had one Ball , five Trunks , and some other bundles of goods for my use ; and being not more particularly question'd , I did not specifie what was within the Trunks and the Ball , conceiving it not necessary ; and the rather , because I being yet uncertain , whether I should stay at Malta , or depart in the same Ship , I did not think fit to speak of the said Body in the presence of the Mariners , lest I should be troubled with the vain Auguries they are wont to conceive about carrying such things , in case I had been to go with them : That after I was landed , upon the first more precise demand concerning my goods , I forth-with declar'd it plainly , and afterwards us'd all diligence in opening the Cotton to the Wind and Sun , as those that had frequently visited me could testifie . The Knights remain'd satisfi'd with my Answer , and also with my proceeding , which was not so bad as at first they apprehended . Then they view'd the Coffin , and caus'd the Physitian to consider it , asking me Questions concerning all the particulars relating to it ; which done , they consulted apart amongst themselves what to do , and the result was : That if I meant to have a clear and full Bill of Health , I must be contented to let the Coffin be open'd and air'd , not onely outwardly , ( as had been already done ) but also what was within it ; otherwise , they would let the Coffin alone as it was , but could not give me a full Bill of Health ; whence , perhaps , I might meet with more trouble in other places . Wherefore they desir'd me to consider of the business , for they left me to my choice : I remain'd in some suspence , and took time to think of it , as they courteously offer'd me ; and so they departed without giving me Prattick , or resolving upon any thing . On one side I was unwilling to open the Coffin , because it was secure and could not be open'd without spoyling both it , and , perhaps , what was within it ; and having brought it so far with me with so much diligence , onely to keep it intire and sound , I was very loath to lose my pass'd pains . On the other side , to go from Malta without a good Bill of Health , and so incur a greater trouble else-where , was no safe course : Wherefore I recurr'd to the wonted favour of my Lord the Inquisitor , giving him account in a Letter how the case stood , and earnestly entreating him to find some little shift how the Knights might be contented , without opening or spoyling the Coffin , to make me a good Bill which might serve me else-where ; for which purpose I urg'd him with many good Reasons . The Inquisitor , according to his accustom'd courtesie , undertook the business , and I remain'd in the same House without Prattick expecting the issue . November the two and twentieth , Early in the Morning we saw the Gallies of Malta already in the Port , being return'd the Night preceding with some provision of Corn , but not much . The Council required of me a punctual Relation of the time , place , and manner of my Wife's Death ; which I accordingly sent them in writing , attested by the Journal of my Travels , my Book of Expences , and a Latine Treatise of the Countries subject to the modern Empire of Persia ; from which Books , wherein mention is made thereof , I extracted the said Relation . It was read in the Council , and they being satisfi'd with it , at length sent in the evening to give me Prattick ; causing us first to swear that we knew not of any dead of the Pestilence in any place where we had been , nor yet in our Ship. Which truth we swore to ; whereupon they granted us Prattick , and promis'd us a good Bill of Health at our departure . November the three and twentieth , In the Morning my Lord the Inquisitor sent to congratulate with me for my Prattick , and to invite me to dine with him . After dinner , I went with his Secretary to the new City , call'd , La Valletta , and there in the Palace I did Reverence to the most Serene Grand Master , call'd , Frat ' Antonio de Paula , a French-man , who receiv'd me with much courtesie , and offer'd me his utmost favour , both in order to my departure , or any other occasion . After which I accompany'd his Highness to Vespers in the Church of S. John , together with all the other Knights , and back again to the Palace ; and after much conversation with the Commendator Brancaccio , at night I return'd to my own House , waving the favor of my Lord the Inquisitor who invited me to lodg in his ; because I would not leave my own people alone . November the four and twentieth , I din'd with my Lord the Inquisitor according to his invitation , and in the Evening accompany'd the Grand Master to the Church of S. Catherine , where because the said Saint is their Patroness , and her Church is us'd for the Italian Tongue , the Knights of Italy solemniz'd a Festival . November the five and twentieth , I went to hear Mass in the new City at the said Church , where I saw the Relique of the said Saint's Ring , wherewith she was marry'd by our Saviour ; 't is a Gold Ring , of very plain , antique , and coarse work , having a green stone , which , probably , is an Emerald , ( a stone in those times much in request ) but , whether it be ill pollish'd , or be decay'd by time , 't is a great Table for a Ring , but appears no very fair Jewel of it self . December the second , Two Gallies of Malta , being ready to depart from Messina , I would not lose so good an opportunity of passing the channel securely ; but having gotten my Bill of Health ready , ( wherein though they mention'd my wife's Body which I carry'd , yet they made it to my satisfaction , and full enough to prevent trouble else-where ) and dispatcht all things that needed ; in the Evening I put all my goods aboard the Galley Santa Maria , whereof Sig : Gio. Francesco Geronimo Salvago , a Genouese was Captain . But because it departed not this night , I repair'd to lodg at the House of my Lord the Inquisitor , and left the Women in that of Sig : Don Francesco Ciantar , our Friend and Patron of the Benefice and House del Salvadore . December the third , In the Evening we all went aboard the above-said Galley , after we had taken leave of the Inquisitor and all other Friends , with many Complements and demonstrations of true kindness ; a little before mid-night we set sail , being accommodated with the other Galley , call'd , S. John , and four Ships of the Order laden with Flax ; all which went under the mand of our Captain . December the fourth , This Morning we found that we had already pass'd the channel , and were come to Capo Passaro , which is the ancient Promontory Pachinum . Before dinner , we enter'd the Port of Syracuse , where Sig : Fra : Marcantonio Pericontato , Receiver of the Order of Malta , came presently to our Galley to visit the Captain , and take his Letters and Orders of business . By this Knight , without making my self known to him , I understood that my great Friend , Monsignor Paolo Faraone , Bishop of Syracuse , being lately return'd from a visitation was now in the City ; of which I was very joyful , through the great desire I had to see him . Wherefore after dinner I went ashore as all others did , and with Sig : Frate Antonietto Costa a Roman , presently repair'd to his Palace to visit him : But understanding he was saying the Office , and would not be disturb'd , I stay'd in the Anti-chamber till he had done , being entertain'd in the mean time by Sig : Paolo Faraone his Nephew , whom I had seen at Messina , in the year 1611 , then a very Youth , but now grown a compleat young man ; yet I did not discover my self to him . When the Bishop had ended the Office , we enter'd to kiss his hands ; At first view , he said , he thought he knew me , but remember'd not who I was ; and , indeed , he knew me not by my voice after I had spoken to him ; although I knew both his voice and person , he seeming to me little or nothing chang'd from what I left him at Rome about twelve years ago when he was an Abbot . But when I discover'd my self to him , he seem'd amaz'd , and with much joy , for seeing me here at a time when he thought I was far enough off ; and , perhaps , ( as he said ) not in this world , ( for 't was four years since he had heard any News of me ) he receiv'd me with extream kindness and gladness . After we had given one another account of many things , and I had been complemented by Sig : Paolo his Nephew , and others that were with him , I told him that I had in the Galley Batoni Mariam Tinatin , my spiritual Daughter , and should be glad that before we departed , ( as I thought to do with the same Gallies for Messina ) that she saw the Church and something of Syracuse . The Bishop presently sent Signora Maria ( his Brother's Wife , and Mother of Sig : Paolo ) with two of her Daughters to fetch my Women from the Galley in a Coach ; and Sig : Paolo , the Receiver of Malta and my self , went in another Coach to fetch them on Land. After these Gentlewomen had receiv'd them with many Complements , we all went together to the Nunns Church of S. Lucie , where we stay'd till evening ; the Nunns being much delighted to behold the strange habits of my Women , and to discourse with them by Interpreters . In the mean time many people flock'd into the Church to see them , and several Cavaliers came to complement me , and make themselves known to me . It being late , we were accompani'd by many Gentry and people to the Palace , where my Women were receiv'd by the Bishop with much Courtesie . And being the Galleys were to depart for Messina this very night , I desir'd leave of the Bishop to return aboard again , but he would by no means grant it ; saying that since I was come to see him , it was not fit that I should embitter his joy with so sudden a departure , much less when S. Lucy's day was so near at hand , for which those that are remote use to go to Syracuse ; and that I was the more oblig'd to stay , because I had once promis'd him by a Letter , ( as indeed I had ) to come to Syracuse , and spend a S. Lucy's day with him ; so that since chance had brought it thus to pass , I must needs make my word good . I answer'd many things , and did all I could to get away , but to no purpose ; for the Bishop sen the Receiver to get all my goods out of the Galley , for which end was necessary for the gate of the City to be kept open a good part of the night contrary to custom : and besides , having caus'd a very noble Apartment to be got ready for me in the new building of his Palace , he would by all means have us all lodge there . Wherefore , seeing his pleasure was such , I thought fit to obey him , and accept the favour . The Gentlemen and Gentlewomen after some discourse departed , and we were conducted to our apartment , where , because the Bishop eats not at night , he left us to sup and rest . The two Galleys which brought us , depart this night for Messina , and with them F. Orisno my late Fellow-traveller , who will deliver you this Letter which I conclude this Evening , not omitting to acquaint you with my tarrying here for some days , to the end you may understand my deliverance , and the good issue of my health ; and so praying God for the like to you , I very heartily kiss your hands . LETTER XV. From Messina , January 24. 1626. IN continuation of my last to you concerning the favours I receiv'd from my Lord the Bishop of Syracuse , I must tell you in the first place , that on the fifth of December we were conducted by a great company of Gentry of both Sexes out of the City to several reliques of ancient Syracuse . We saw the Artificial Echo reported to have been made by Dionysius in a Prison where he kept many slaves , to hear what they talkt within ; and , if I mistake not , Archimedes seems to have been the contriver of the Fabrick . 'T is indeed one of the goodliest pieces of Art that I ever saw in the world , and perhaps was ever invented , imitating nature so exactly that the Echo returns words , sentences , sounds , and songs most intire and perfect ; as was prov'd in our presence with sundry Instruments . If a man strike a thick extended cloth with a wand , it renders a sound like the shot of Artillery : which to be done so well in a Grotto form'd not by Nature , but by Art , is indeed a strange thing , and shews a prodigious wit in the Contriver . I must not omit , that the roof of this grotto is hollow'd in the form of a man's ear , from which probably the Artificer borrow'd the Invention ; since just as the voice striking the ears which are so shap'd renders the sound audible ; so 't is seen by experience , that this great artificial Ear cut by hand in hard stone , being struck in like manner produces the same effect of augmenting a sound ; although we know not but other Natural Echoes in Caves are fram'd after the same manner . Near the place of the Echo , we saw the subterranean Cavities wherein the slaves were imprison'd , and over them the place of Dionysius's Palace , in a very goodly situation , with a Prospect extending far both on Land and Sea. And near the Palace we beheld many remainders of his great Theater , which was not built up like other Structures , but cut and hollow'd out of the hard stone , all of a piece , very large and of excellent Architecture . As we return'd home , we saw contiguous to the City on one side the Port which they call'd Marmoreo , or the Marble Port , from its being built all of Stone , and differing from the other great one which lies under the City on the other side ; for at this day the City stands wholly in the Peninsula Ortygia , which is almost surrounded by the Sea , saving where it joyns to the Land by a narrow Euripus . December 8th , I accompani'd the B p to the Church of S. Francis , whither because it was the Feast of the Conception he went to hear Mass , being attended by the Senate , and all the Nobility of the City . After which , I went with divers Gentlemen my Friends to see the Church of S. Lucy without the City in the place where she was martyr'd ; which Church , though sometimes it belong'd to Priests , yet is now possess'd by reform'd Franciscan Fryers . Under the Church we saw certain grottoes extending to a great distance every way under ground and made I know not whether for Sepulchres of the Ancients , or for places of Refuge in times of danger . December 9th , Two Galleys of Malta , which came from Messina with Provisions for the Iland , enter'd the Port , in one of which was their present General Sig : Don Francesco Caraffa Prior della Roccella , and Son of the Prince della Roccella , who had lately founded this Priorate della Roccella at his own charge , always to remain in his own Family ; though after his death , if I am rightly inform'd , it shall be no longer a Priorate or Grand Cross , but only a Commendum . December the tenth , Accompani'd by Sig. Paolo Faraone , I visited the said Prior della Roccella in his own Galley ; having seen him several times , and contracted Friendship with him whilst I was at Malta , in which time he was created General of the Gallies upon the vacancy of the charge by the death of the former General . December the twelfth , Being S. Lucie's Eve , Solemn Vespers were sung in her Church , whither the Bishop with the Senate and all the Nobility repair'd . At night bone-fires were made , and a Cavalcade of many Cavaliers rode about with Torches , but cloth'd in their ordinary habits ; after whom follow'd the Senate likewise on Horse-back . December the thirteenth , Being the day of S. Lucie the Patroness of Syracuse , a solemn Procession was made , wherein the Images of the Saint in Silver , as big or bigger then the life , were carry'd through the chief streets upon a goodly Pedestal of silver , all the Clergy and Nobility accompanying the same . The Procession set forth from the Cathedral , and as the H. Image came out of the Church-Gate , a certain man plac'd purposely on the top of the Steeple , came flying down ( as they speak ) upon a rope and fell in the midst of the Piazza , which was throng'd with people assembled to see the Shew . The Procession ended at the Church of S. Lucie without the City , where a solemn Mass was sung ; after which in a little Chappel hard by , call'd Sant ' Agata , I saw under ground the Sepulchre of S. Lucie , where She was buried first ; for now her Body is not here , but was translated to some other place long agoe . December the fourteenth , Many Races were run both by Footmen , Mules , ordinary Horses , and Barb or Ginets as they call them in Syracuse , with the usual circumstances of throngs of people , Ladies at the windows , Gentlemen on Horse-back , and in Coaches about the streets . December the fifteenth , A Mascherade of twelve Cavaliers on Horse-back , cloth'd by couples after several fashions , went about the City . In the Piazza before the Bishops Palace they ran al Saraceno , ( i. e. at a wooden stock made like a Man ; we call it a Turk ) and at the Ring , making many Caracols ( or quick Turns ) at the end . Which divertisement continu'd till night ; when the Maskers were entertain'd with a sumptuous Supper by the Bishop , together with the Senate and other Cavaliers . December the sixteenth , In the Morning I went to view the Fountain Arethusa , which I had seen imperfectly many years before at my first being in Sicily . 'T is in a Grove within the walls of the City , where issuing out of a cavern of a Hill , it descends to the Sea-side , forming an indifferent Pool before its going out of the walls , where the Syracusian Women use to go to wash their Clothes . In the afternoon going out of the City , to see many courses at the Ring in the field of S. Lucie , we went to hear an excellent natural Echo between the Sea and the Walls , which returned the sound of a Trumpet once or twice very pleasantly . December the eighteenth , The General of the Maltese-Gallies set sail for Malta , and the next Morning two other Gallies of Malta arriv'd from Messina in the Port of Syracuse . This day we went to see the Capuchins Covent without the City , in whose Gardens are seen extream deep cavities and precipices ; for the Soil being all stony , was in ancient times dig'd in that manner for stones ; and one may see where goodly Pillars have been cut out all of a piece , as others might still be : nevertheless in those dark vallies and cavities there are Gardens and Trees planted , which bring forth goodly fruit ; at which I wonder'd the more , because some of them are never seen by the Sun , the Soil is so low and closely surrounded with high Rocks . These are Lapidicinae , or Stone-Quarries , where the Athenian Prisoners were put , who after the loss of many battels both by Land and Sea , at last yielded at Syracuse , as Thucydides relates . December the twentieth , The Bishop made an Ordination according the custom of Four times of the year , and this Morning ordain'd above two hundred persons of several Orders ; for this Diocess is sufficiently populous ; and many , to avoid the numerous grievances impos'd upon the King's people , willingly put themselves into the Church . December the one twentieth , Another Procession like the former was made in the Evening , wherein the sacred Image of S. Lucie was carry'd from her own Church , where it had been till now , to the Cathedral , in which it is usually kept in a little Chappel well guarded , and lock'd with many keyes . When the Image was come thither , and the Bishop standing at the Altar , first shew'd the Magistrate , and then the People the Reliques of the Saint , ( to wit , a dark blew Mantle , and a Slipper like that of the Pope ) holding the same to them to kiss , and distributing Cotton to them which the said Reliques had touch'd . After which the Bishop entertain'd the Senate with a Supper . December the two and twentieth , The two Maltese-Gallies departed for Malta , and the next Evening the General of Malta return'd to Syracuse for more provision ; the Island of Malta being in great want thereof . December the four and twentieth , The said General ship'd all the Corn he could possibly , as well by stealth as openly , ( because he had not Licence for so much ) and in the Evening set sail for Malta . He inform'd us that the Prior of the Church was coming Ambassador extraordinary to the Pope , in order to pacifie his Holiness who was much offended at certain things which they had lately done ill at Malta : Whereof I shall give you this brief account . A while since two or three Commendams of Malta becoming void by the death of a Commendator , who held them all together , the Pope joyn'd them into a new Priorate , and gave the same to Sig ▪ Don Antonio Barberino his Nephew . Hereupon the Order took distast that the Pope should give these Commendams to his Nephew , in prejudice of the Ancients who pretended to them , and making a great stir ( as if the Pope were not Patron of their goods , as well as those of all other Orders ) they tumultuously resolv'd to send Ambassadors to the Emperor , and to the Kings of France and Spain to complain thereof , and to intreat the said Princes to undertake their Protection that the Pope might not do them such Prejudices . This coming ro the Pope's Ears , he commanded Monsig : Visconti his Inquisitor at Malta , to endeavor the hindring of those Embassies ; and , in case of obstinacy , to prohibit them by a Publick Act in the Name of his Holiness , admonishing the Order that they had no other Superior besides the Pope , and ought not to recurr to any about their affairs but to him . The Inquisitor us'd his utmost diligence , but seeing it prevail'd not , he caus'd the Pope's Prohibition to be signifi'd to the Ambassador's Elect , by a fit Minister . One or two of them made no stir , but another fell into such a rage that he drew a Ponyard to assault the Inquisitor's Officer that gave him the Intimation : After which all the Knights banded together , and went tumultuously to the Grand Master , who was then in the Church at Vespers , and by furious menaces of a notable sedition , caus'd him to send some Grand Crosses to desire the Inquisitor to revoke the said Prohibition , otherwise a very great tumult and the ruine of the Order would ensue . The Inquisitor , mov'd with this and other effectual Instances which they made to him not without tumult , said ; He had no Authority re-call a Prohibition made by the Pope ; but , to prevent further mischiefs , he condescended to revoke the said Order , so far as his own Authority ( which he judg'd none at all in this matter ) could extend : Whereupon the Ambassadors presently departed . The Pope understanding this sequel , gave the Maltese-Ambassador residing at Rome a great check , and testifi'd so great displeasure with the Order , that the Ambassador himself , who , perhaps , had been the first cause of these Tumults at Malta , by writing to the Knights there to defend their causes resolutely ; that he now writ after a different manner , and so represented both to the Grand Master and the Order , the Pope's displeasure , and what mischief he might do them ; That being terrify'd there-with they sent Posts after their Ambassadors to return , without negotiating at all with the said Princes . Some of them , who were not yet arriv'd at the places whither they were sent , upon this Order return'd back without doing any thing ; others , who were arriv'd at the Courts of the design'd Princes , obtain'd their Letters of recommendation to the Pope , which were of little moment ; but ever since this business , the Pope hath had but little good will towards the Order , and hath frequently declar'd a purpose to reform it in sundry things : As , that no Women should live in the new City , call'd il Convento , their Simoniacal Elections of Grand Masters , and other things , of which the Knights were much afraid . To these old disgusts , another hath lately been added : Upon the loss of their Gallies taken by the Turks a while agoe , with the slaughter of many Knights , the Order , for repairing the same , thought , ( and , I believe , had already resolv'd ) to lay a Gabel , ( whether perpetual or temporal , I know not ) upon the Commendams and Possessions of the Order ; which , without the Pope's leave , could not be done . The Pope extreamly dislik'd this course , conceiving no necessity of attempting it for that loss ; since they had lost nothing but two pieces of wood ; and as for the Knights , they might be recruited by the income of moneys which are paid upon the admittance of others to take the Cross ; besides that as to interest , they had rather gain'd then lost , having by the death of so many Knights , gotten spoyls enough to pay the charge pretended , without burdening the possessions of the Order with any imposition . All which Reasons consider'd , the Pope hearing that they were resolv'd to impose the said Gabel without addressing to him , became extreamly displeas'd with the Knights , threatning them with Excomunications and other punishments : Whereupon the Order dispatch'd this Prior of the Church , ( who is also a Grand Cross and a Priest ) Ambassador extraordinary to his Holiness , to pacifie him . December the twenty sixth , We had news at Syracuse , that an English Fleet had landed some Forces at Cadiz upon the Coast of Spain , which were valorously repuls'd by the Spaniards . They are great amplifiers of their own Exploits , and writ word that the said Fleet consisted of eighty Ships , and landed twelve thousand men . December the twenty ninth , Being desirous to visit some Cavaliers of the Family of la Valle in the City of Catania , where there lives many , by all circumstances , deriv'd from the same Root with us of Rome ; I set forth thither this Morning in the Bishop's Coach , accompani'd by Sig : Paolo Satalia a Syracusian . We travell'd not far from the Sea-side , leaving on the right hand a little fruitful Island , near the Continent of Sicily , now call'd Manghesi , but by Virgil with good reason Tapsumque jacentem ; for it is all plain and very low . A little further we left on the right hand also towards the Sea , the City Augusta , sometimes call'd Megara ; whence Virgil , making mention of it , saith Megarosque Sinus . In the Evening , we pass'd through Carlo Lentini , built upon high clifts , and so call'd as if it were Lentini di Carlo , because Charles the Fifth , Emperor , built it , with intent perhaps to transfer the City of Lentini ( which lies hard by ) thither for better air . At length having travell'd twenty four miles from Syracuse , we took up our Lodging in Lentini at the house of Sig : Flaminio Mollica Baron of Bagnara , who a few days before had sent to visit me in Syracuse , and receiv'd me here with extraordinary civility . December the thirtieth , Having heard Mass in Santa Maria di Giesu a little without the City , we went to the Church of the Saints Alfio , Philadelfo , and Cirino , three French Brethren , Martyrs and Protectors of Lentini ; which City is styl'd Faecundissima Lentinorum Vrbs , and gives for its Arms a Lion Rampant , the ancient badg of the Leontines , as appears by their ancient Medals , and I observ'd by the Bill of Health which they gave us ; for by reason of the Contagion at Palermo , without taking a Bill of Health at every place , &c. After dinner we departed , and not far from Lentini , pass'd over a little River which they call il fiume di Lentini , and probably is the Pantagia of Virgil. Before night , we arriv'd at Catania , which lies but eighteen miles from Lentini , and lodg'd in the house of Sig : Don Angelo Campochiano di Calatagironi , who was then Vicar-General ro the Bishop of Catania , and upon the recommendation of the Bishop of Syracuse , receiv'd and treated us here with much respect , being also something alli'd to the Sig : della Valle of Catania . December the thirty first , I was visited by all the Sig : della Valle , and many other Eminent Gentlemen of several Families , their Alliances . They were so many that I shall not particularly name them ; only I shall intimate that at this day there are in Catania five Chiefs of the Family of la Valle , all deriv'd from the same stock ; namely , first Sig : Don Franc. della Valle Baron of Miraglia , who being newly come from abroad , was put upon his Quarantine in a Church without the City ; secondly , Sig : Don Gutteres della Valle , Brother of the above-said Baron , who was absent at Palermo ; thirdly , Sig : Don Diego della Valle , whom I knew many years ago at Messina ; fourthly , Sig : Don Vincenzo della Valle , Baron of Schisi , which they hold to be the ancient Naxus ; and fifthly , Don Franc. della Valle who was in an Ecclesiastical Habit : with many of these Gentlemen , who did me the honour to accompany me , I went this morning to see the Mother-Church , where in a close Chappel the body of S. Agatha is kept . After which I was conducted to see the Benedictine's Monastery of S. Nicolas , ( which is a handsom building , ) and the Reliques kept there in the Sacristie ; amongst which was shewn me a Nail of our Saviour's Cross , an Arrow of S. Sebastian's , a piece of S. George's Coat of Mail , some of S. Peter the Apostle's beard , and some of the beard of S. Zaccharias Father of S. John Baptist. I saw also the ruins of the Amphitheater and the Cirque , the Fountains without the Walls of the City by the Sea-side , which being so many Spouts on a row , make a pretty sight , near the place where S. Agatha was put into the fire . January the first , 1626. Accompani'd by the same Gentlemen , who did me that honour at all hours , I went to see the prison of S. Agatha under ground , and her Sepulchre , where there is also another Church , and in that the place where S. Lucy appear'd to her ; and a little further a little Chappel apart where her breasts were cut off . After which , I spent the day in visiting such Gentlemen as had visited me , as also such Gentlewomen of the Family of la Valle as had sent to visit me . The next day I went to S. Francis's Church to see the Chappel and Tombs of the Family of la Valle , in whose arms I found some difference from my own as to the colours , ( which was only the Error of the Painter ) they giving the Lions and Stars , Or , in a field gules ; but we at Rome , the Lions azure , and Stars , gules in a field Or. And being Arms are commonly taken from old Stone-monuments which have no colours , 't was no hard matter for some Modern Painter to mistake , and put one for another . In the Evening , I was visited by the Magistrates of Catania , whom they call Guirati ( Jurats ) ; and news came that a Proclamation was publish'd at Palermo , whereby as many as were oblig'd either by Tenure , or otherwise to military service in Sicily in in times of need , were commanded to appear forthwith in the field , in order to a General Muster , and then be distributed into several places , for fear of an invasion by the English Fleet , which they said was enter'd into the Mediterranean upon designs of mischief . January the third , I return'd the Visit to the Magistrates in the City-Palace , being receiv'd by them with much honour , and at my departure accompani'd almost to the Gate . After dinner , having visited Sig : Don Francesco della Valle , Baron of Miraglia , who was upon his Quarantine in the Church of the Infirm without the City , I took leave of all my honourable Friends , and departed from Catania towards Syracuse , arriving at Lentini two hours after Sun-set , where I lodg'd in the House of the Baron of Bagnara . January the fourth , Having heard Mass in the Church of the Saints Alfio and his Brethren , and din'd early , we departed from Lentini , and at night arriv'd at S. Cosmano , a place twelve miles from Syracuse , famous for making Sugar . It being late , we took up our Quarters in a House , where we saw the Machins , Furnaces , and other contrivances for that Work. January the fifth , About Noon , we arriv'd at Syracuse , being met without the Gate in a Coach by Sig : Paolo Faraone , Sig : Don Diego Landolnia his Couzen , Sig : Don Gasparo Diamante , and others of the Bishop's House . January 10th , We went abroad a shooting in a boat upon the famous River Alfeo , which falls into the Port of Syracuse , just opposite to the walls of the City , passing first under a bridge of one arch , exactly according to the printed figure of the Pastoral of Cavalier Guarini call'd il Pastor fido , wherein the River Alfeo speaks the Prologue . January the eleventh , I saw the subterraneous Grottoes of S. John's Church without the City ; they are many , great , and handsom , contriv'd almost like a Labyrinth , and appear to have been intended for Sepulchres ; in some places the light is admitted a little by Cupola's , which probably serv'd for the people to assemble in , either to the Obsequies or Funeral-suppers . Yet certain Figures of ancient Saints , and other Tokens argue them to have been us'd by Christians ; 't is a goodly Fabrick for a work under-ground , being all cut out of the natural stone by hand . January the thirteenth , Four Maltese-Galleys arriv'd at Syracuse ; and because they intended for Messina , and one of them for Naples , and perhaps further , to carry the Prior of the Church , who , as I said , was going extraordinary Ambassador to Rome , and was here imbarqu'd ; I desir'd to take the opportunity of these Galleys to Messina : and accordingly went to speak with the General , who was gone a hunting with the Prior of the Church near the River Alfeo . The General courteously granted me passage in his own Ship to Messina : but as for going to Naples in the Galley with the said Prior , I could not obtain this favour from him : and though his excuse was , that but one Galley went thither , and that with many Passengers , and my people and goods were not few ; yet I perceiv'd that the Prior , on whom the courtesie depended ( although he had been my Friend at Malta , and shew'd himself such here also ) was unwilling to grant me the same , because I lodg'd in the house of the Bishop , with whom the Prior was displeas'd , because the Bishop had neither visited him , nor yet the General of the Galleys , as they pretended he ought to have done : but the Bishop pretended the contrary , namely , that they ought to have visited him first ; so that between the punctilio's of both sides , I was fain to suffer an inconvenience , as it commonly happens in such cases . However I resolv'd not to decline the General 's offer of passing to Messina in these Galleys , and accordingly taking leave of the Bishop , and all other Friends after supper , I went aboard of the General 's Galley with my people , and at the second watch we set sail . The winds being contrary we could not pass further then Augusta , where we anchor'd a little without the Port ; but because we did not salute the City , ( in regard we stood off from it , and were upon departing ) a great Gun was discharg'd from thence against us with a bullet . Which though the General was offended at , yet because there was nothing else to be done , he sent a Spanish Gentleman of his Order to make excuse to the Governor for not having saluted him , ( as not being the custom in such occasions ) and to complain of his shooting with a bullet in that manner . The Governor answer'd courteously , yet ( like a Spaniard ) held his point , and advis'd the Galleys to have patience ; thereby implying , that if they would ride in that Port , they must salute the Royal Standards , otherwise they should be sunk . January the fourteenth , The weather proving foul , our Galleys made into the Port of Augusta , where we saluted the Block-houses , and receiv'd the like salutations from them again . There are three Block-houses or Forts at Augusta , one within the City upon a high situation , another upon the mouth of the Port which is very large within , and another also within the Port divided into two , and standing upon two little rocks . Divers of our people went ashore the same day , but I did not , till the next : when after I had heard Mass said by the F. Provincial of the Jesuits in Sicily , in a Church call'd Our Lady delle Gratie , I went to see the Capuchins Church , the Streets of the City , the Castle , and whatever was remarkable , which was very little . January the sixteenth , The weather continuing foul with snow , the Captains upon consultation resolv'd to return back to Syracuse , because the Galleys had not provision enough for a longer stay . Wherefore after dinner , we set sail back again , and arriv'd before night at Syracuse ; whereof the Bishop being advertis'd , sent Sig : Paolo Faraone to fetch me , and Sig : Maria to conduct my women to his House . January the nineteenth , The weather becoming good , the General sent us sudden notice that he would depart immediately , as accordingly we did , and at night enter'd the Port of Augusta , because it was again become somewhat tempestuous . The next Evening we departed from Augusta , and sail'd all night with a bad wind , which forc't us to make use of our Oars . January the twenty first , At day-break we came before Capo grosso , about twenty miles from Messina , and continuing our course , arriv'd at Messina before Noon . At the mouth of the Port we were question'd by the Commissioners of Health , who were very rigorous here , and indeed were to be commended for it ; since , had it not been for the exact diligence of Messina in this matter , the present Pestilence of Sicily might easily have infected all Italy : for Card. Dona and others that govern'd at Palermo , to avoid damnifying that City by loss of Trade , have hazarded the safery not only of the whole Kingdom ( as is manifestly seen ) but also of all Italy by concealing the Plague of Palermo as much as they could , instead of remedying the Infection by such severe and rigorous courses as was fit , namely , by burning infected Goods and the like ; yea , they rather maintain'd that the Plague was not there when it was there , and requir'd prattick to be given them everywhere , procuring Orders from Spain for that purpose : by which means many other places of Sicily , are become infected , and the Plague , which , had fit means been us'd , perhaps would soon have been extinguisht , hath continu'd above two years , and continues still ; the Orders of the Viceroy and the Court of Spain , promoting the spreading thereof in despight of all . Only the City of Messina hath the glory of withstanding so great mischief for the publick safety . Whilst we were under examination , expecting Bills for Prattick against night , I advertis'd Sig : Francesco Faraone , and Sig : Don Palmieri di Giovanni , my ancient Friends , of my coming , who , in the Evening when Prattick was granted us , came with other Gentlemen and Gentlewomen in Coaches to the shore-side to receive me , and Sig : Maria. After I had taken leave of the General , and all the Knights of the Gallies , I went ashore and was accompany'd by the said Gentlemen to the House of Sig : Francesco Faraone , where taking up my Residence , I have been visited by most Persons of quality in the City , as also Sig : Maria hath been by many Ladies ; we also returning visits to all to whom we owed them . January the five and twentieth , Sig : Don Giov. Bisogni , a Cavalier of Messina , Cousin to the Bishop of Syracuse , and Husband of Donna Margarita Faraone , ( whom I left at Catania with three of her Sons ) dying at Messina , his Son Don Francesco , ( who alone was here at his Father's death ) according to the custom of this City , as soon as his Father expir'd , went out of the House , leaving it and the Body yet unburi'd , to the care of other kinred , and retyr'd to the House of Sig : Franc. Faraone ( wherein I lodg ) as his nearest Kinsman ; and here he receives condoling visits , and remaines till his Father's Body be buri'd , and the House purifi'd and fitted with mourning ; which I mention as a custom not practis'd by us at Rome . We have been to see the Bodies of San Placido , and other Saints , with all the other Reliques of Messina , which were shewn us near the High Altar , where they are kept very conveniently . I have also heard one of the Moral Lectures of Sig : Antonio Mazzapinta , a Famous Philosopher , and Publick Reader in Messina : Which Lecture , as also many others , he read in his Extraordinary House for his own pleasure , and that of the Curious . Here I arrest my Pen , this Letter being the last of my Oriental Voyages . If it please God , I shall shortly entertain you viva voce ; in the mean time I commit you to his Providence , and kiss your Hands . An account of my Arrival and Residence at Naples , in the House of Sig : Maria Schipano . JAnuary the thirtieth , Having hir'd two Felluca's for Naples , and embarqu'd all our goods with good Bills of Health , ( which in regard of Maani's Body which I carry'd with me , were more then necessary , and my Friends at Messina had procur'd to my satisfaction ) in the Morning we set sail from Messina with a good wind , being accompany'd to the boat by many Persons of quality of both Sexes , from whom we separated with much tenderness . We pass'd the Pharo between Caribdis and Scilla , the Sea being sufficiently rough , though the wind favorable . On the left hand , at a good distance we left the Island of Strongile , Vulcano , and other places ; at night arriving at Trupia , where , because they refus'd to give us Prattick , alledging that this was no Landing-place in these infectious times , and that certain Landing-places were appointed for Passage-Vessels upon the Coast of Calabria , where alone Prattick was to be had ; we kept out at Sea all night , and pass'd il Pizzo . January the one and thirtieth , We pass'd by Mantea and other places , at noon arriving at Paola where I went ashore . A little without the City , amongst the little Hills we saw the Church of S. Francis of Paola , which is delicately seated amongst goodly Trees and Brooks which run between the Hills . We saw the Reliques , the Chappel of the Marquis , Lord of the place , and his Sepulchres ; the Lime-kiln where S. Francis did a miracle ; the Fountain and the Grotto wherein he lived , with all other things remarkable ; after which we lodg'd in an Hostery or Inn upon the shore . February the first , Having heard Mass in a little Church there , we left Paola , and passing by Scoglio del Marchese and other Islands ; in the Evening we supp'd at Sea under Belvedere , and sailing all night , the next day we din'd on Land at Camerota ; from whence we sail'd and came to an Anchor in the Port of Palinuro ; which place I beheld with pleasure , through the delightfull remembrance of Virgil's Verses , which relate the misfortune of the Pilot Palniurus , and with-all , give immortal fame to the place . February the fourth , We departed from Palinuro , and lodg'd on shore at Acciaruolo , where Passengers are notoriously abus'd , by being constrain'd to lodg in a lewd Inn there , and pay the Host what he pleases to demand , who is also to pay the Lord of the place what Rent he desires . The next day we pass'd the Gulph of Salerno , and bocche di Capri , arriving late in the Port of Napples , under the Dogana of Corn ; but because it was so late that we could not get Prattick , we slept all night in the Felluca's . February the sixth , Sig : Andrea Pulice my Comrade , being by me advertis'd of my coming , brought Sig : Mario Schipano , and many other Friends to visit me in my Felluca ; which interview , after so many years , was as pleasant as can be imagin'd . As soon as the Officers negotiated for Prattick they obtain'd it ; but , for less trouble , and because I intended to stay little at Naples , I dispatch'd one of my Felluca's wherein was the Body of Sitti Maani , and other goods , immediately to Rome . Upon Sig : Schipano's invitation , I lodg'd in his House , together with all my people . At Naples I receiv'd the first Letters from Rome after above four years , wherein I had not receiv'd any , nor heard any certain tidings of my Relations . These advertis'd me of the death of Sig : Vallerio della Valle , which hapned four years before , and also of that of Sig : Tomasso della Valle , my Uncle , which fell out about a year before my arrival . At whose deaths I also being no longer accounted living , certain Pious Places seis'd upon part of my goods and revenues , and would have gotten all the rest with the writings , ( as they attempted to do ) had not my kinred , and , particularly , Sig ra Laura Gaetana stoutly with-stood them , making it apparent that I was alive , by shewing some of my Letters which she had lately receiv'd ; whereto nevertheless they would by no means give credit . I found entertainment for many dayes in reading abundance of Letters from Rome , which almost all my kindred and friends writ to me , and in answering the same ; as also in receiving and returning the visits of many Neapolitan Cavaliers and Titolado's ; and , indeed , I am much oblig'd to all the Nobility of that City for the Civilities they shew'd me in this my Return . February the tenth , I sent to Rome authentical Certificates of my survivance , attested by many Persons of Naples , who acknowledg'd me for what I was twelve years before when I departed thence ; as also Letters of Attorney and other writings , to the end my Relations might make use thereof to my benefit against who-ever at Rome attempted to molest my Estate . February the three and twentieth , A brave Tournement was publickly made at Naples with great splendor in the Piazza of the Palace , for the Birth of the Princess of Spain , the King 's first-born Daughter ; to behold which , there interven'd with the Duke of Alva , the Vice-Roy , the Duke of Alcala , newly arriv'd from Rome , where he had been extraordinary Ambassador about the troubles of Italy . The Tourneyment was gallant , consisting of abundance of Squadrons and Cavaliers , but without any Inventions , and nothing near so brave as that which I saw here in the year 1612. upon the Marriage of France and Spain . February the four and twentieth , Which was the day of Carnival , a Mascherade was made in Naples , and Balls in the Palace for an entertainment to the Duke of Alcala ; as also the next day , ( although it was Lent ) another Mascherade was made on Horse-back with a Tilting , and at night Balls in the Palace . March the ninth , About seven a clock at night , a very great Earth-quake hapned in Naples , which shook the strongest walls as if they had been but of paper ; but it lasted little , and was very short , so that ( God be prais'd ) it did no considerable hurt , although for the small time it continu'd , it was sufficiently dreadful . March the tenth , The Abbess and other Nunns of San Marcellino , and , particularly , Donna Feliciana , and Donna Beatrice d' Avalos , ( to whom I have always had great respect ) did me the favor to cause a Mass to be sung in their Church , whilst I was present , in thanks to God for my safe return into Italy ; where twelve years before I had begun and took the Ensignes of my Peregrination . March the thirteenth , The fit time for my departure by Sea to Rome , being come , I took leave of Sig : Mario Schipano , who had entertain'd us nobly all the time of my stay at Naples , ( during which , we frequently review'd our Letters and Travels with much Curiosity and Pleasure ) and also of all other Friends , and after due thanks to Sig : Angelo Crescentio , and Sig : Andrea Pulice who accompani'd us to the Scoglio di Euplea , vulgarly call'd Gaiola , I went aboard and departed . LETTER XVI . From Rome , April 4. 1626. AT length I am come to Rome , the place of my Nativity ; but though I walk upon the banks of Tyber and the seven Hills , yet my mind runs wandring through Turkie and Persia , hoises sail again to the wind , and roams as far as the Indian shores , reviewing Ikkeri , Manel , and Calecut . Whence embarquing again in the great Dolphin , it reconducts me over Seas and Lands , to my recent and late Peregrinations , and even to the Rock of Euplea , whither now I return both with my Thought and Pen. Being divided there , from Sig : Angelo , Sig : Andrea , and the rest with expressions of much affection , whilst they in another boat return'd towards Naples , I with my Felluca's set sail , and , Post varios casus , post tot discrimina rerum Tendimus in Latium . In a few hours I came to Procida , where I was entertain'd by Sig : Antonio d' Antonii in his Garden ; and not onely din'd there , but in expectation of a fit hour to depart , ( because I would not touch at Gaeta , but intended to go directly to Terracina ) I also lodg'd there all night . The Judge of Procida being inform'd , whether by the Mariners or others I know not , of the Coffin of Sitti Maani which I had , according to the cheating tricks us'd in the Kingdom of Naples , thought to get something from me upon this occasion ; and to make the case more heinous , he waited till mid-night when we were all asleep , ( notwithstanding he might have done it in the day-time when I walkt up and down the whole Island with the Women ) and at that unseasonable time came with many armed people to disquiet us in the House where I was , saying , that he would see my goods , and stop the Coffin ; with other such Language . I , who was prepard for such encounters , shew'd him the good Bills which I had brought from Naples , and , in short , made him take as a favor a small pittance , which I gave him out of respect to the Master of the House where I lodg'd . March the fourteenth , I left Procida before day , and putting to Sea arriv'd with a pretty rough Sea at Terracina , where Horatio Pagni , Steward of my House , to whom I had written from Naples to wait for me here , had been some dayes expecting me , with another man-servant to Sig ra Faustina Alberina my Aunt . As soon as he saw our Felluca's afar off , and conjectur'd who we were , because the Tide was so boisterous that we could not easily get to shore , he caus'd certain men to wade into the Sea naked , who with ropes presently drew both the Boats to Land in safety , where Horatio and his Companion receiv'd us with much gladness and many tears , and conducted us to a Lodging already provided for us in one of the Inns upon the Sea-side . Sig : Paolo Heltori , Governour of Terracina , sent to invite me to his House , and to excuse himself for not coming in Person to fetch me , for that he was taken up with the Prince of Venosa Ludovisio , who lodg'd with him in his passage to Naples , whether almost all the Roman Barons , Vassals of Spain , were summon'd by the Vice-Roy , ( as 't was believ'd ) about some disgusts which he had with them about matters of Titles , and the like Complements ; and the Prince of Venosa was now at Terracina upon the Way . I thank'd the Governour , but declin'd the favor ; partly , to avoid giving him more trouble at such a busie time ; and , partly , because I intended to depart forth-with . March the fifteenth , A Captain came from Sezze , to invite me in the name of Sig : Francesco della Valle Governour there , ( whom I knew already by fame of his Books of Poetry , and desir'd much to know personally ) that I would lodg with him in my passage to Rome , adding , that he would wait for me at Case Nuove , an Inn upon the way , subject to his jurisdiction . Whereupon , after I had heard Mass in a Church near the shore , I imbarqu'd with all my people and Goods , and , at night , arriv'd at Case Nuove , where I found the said Sig : Francesco della Valle , who entertain'd us nobly , and , upon the like desire which he had of knowing me , we establish'd a great and perpetual friendship . March the sixteenth , I dispatcht Horatio with part of my servants and carriage to Rome , particularly , with the Coffin of Sitti Maani , ordering him to get it into Rome secretly before the day of my arrival , for preventing all difficulties that might arise either from the guards of the Gate , or the Toll-house , or otherwise : to which purpose I also writ Letters to Sig ra Laura , with orders what was to be done . I , with the Women , and only two Servants , leaving the rest of my Goods in charge with the Host , because there wanted Mules to carry them , went with Sig : Francesco to Sezza , there to wait for a Coach , which I had writ for to Rome . In the Evening , the Prince of Rassano Aldobrandino pass'd by Case Nuove towards Naples , whither he was summon'd with the rest . March the twenty second , The Prince of Salmona Borghese , who was going likewise to Naples , enter'd Sezza with a solemn Cavalcade , being met at the foot of the Hills by the Governor , all the Militia of horse and foot , the Bishop , and a company of all the Gentlemen of the Town . Which honour I believe was done him by the procurement of Sig : Girolamo Muti , a Servant to the Card. Borghese , who was ally'd by marriage to many in Sezze , and accompani'd him hither . I visited the said Prince as soon as he was alighted , and he express'd much civility to me , and satisfaction with my Visit. March the twenty third , In the Morning before I was up , the Prince of Sulmona sent Sig : Baldassar Pignatello , Gentleman of his Chamber , to visit me , and to bid me Adieu , being he was just ready to depart . I dress'd my self in haste , and went to wait upon him before he took horse , as he did presently after . In the Evening , Horatio return'd to Sezze , but without a Coach , for at Sermoneta , the people being advertis'd of the Coffin which he carri'd with him , refus'd to let it pass without particular licence , but ( which was worse ) would have it carri'd about the Town . Horatio would not put it into the hands of the Priests , as they importun'd him , but left it in a handsom chamber in the Inn , under the care of one of my servants , and went directly to Rome , where he stay'd till he had got Licences both from Sermoneta , Velletri , and Rome , for the free carrying of it . And because he knew I wisht this business done before I enter'd into Rome my self , he brought no Coach , as he might have done , but came with these dispatches to see what I intended to do . When I saw the Bills were good , and proof against all difficulty , I dispatcht a footman purposely to Rome for a Coach to carry me thither . March the twenty fifth , A Messenger whom I sent to carry the Coffin from Sermoneta to Rome , arriv'd there , and without being seen or stay'd by any person , consign'd the same to Sig : Laura , who plac'd it in my chamber , as I had appointed . March the twenty sixth , In the Evening the Coach which was to carry me to Rome , arriv'd at Sezze , from whence , bidding adieu to Sig : Francesco della Valle , I departed the next day , and by night got to Velletri . March the twenty eighth , Departing from Velletri , in the Morning we pass'd by Genzano in sight of its Lake , which was sometimes the famous Lacus Triviae ; afterwards by Riccia , where the Sig : Savelli have a goodly Palace . We stay'd to dine at Albano , beholding Castel Candolfo afar off , and the place where Alba longa sometimes stood . In the Evening we arriv'd at Rome as privately as could be , because being a Widower , I was unwilling to admit of the congratulatory meeting which divers intended to me ; and going to the Holy Stairs , I there , according to my appointment , enter'd into another Coach , which carri'd us leisurely through the longest Street of Santa Maria Maggiore , and about other Streets also , till it was more late and dark . At length we enter'd my House by the back-gate , and I presently caus'd all the doors to be lock'd , to the end the news of my arrival might not bring any to disturb me before I had spoken a little with Sig : Laura , as I desir'd . I was no sooner enter'd , but I found Sig : Francesco Maria della Riccia , who waited for me , and with Sig : Laura his Mother , did me the favour to dwell in the house , as also Sig : Gaspara Salviano my Friend . Sig : Laura , scarce recover'd of a great sickness , which had indanger'd her life whilst I was at Naples , yet walkt down into the Court as well as she could with a staff to receive me there ; and accordingly I was receiv'd with a joy sutable to the great desire they had of us , and to the long absence of so many years . We ascended all together , and after some conversation amongst us , and a long discourse between me and Sig : Laura , who inform'd me of sundry things , it being about three hours within night , I sent to to advertise Sig : Faustina Alberina my Aunt , and also the Sig : Crescentii , of my arrival ; excusing my self that I went not in person to see them , because it was too late . Sig : Faustina came immediatly to me , and with her my Daughter Silvia , who was so grown that I did not know her ; as also Sig : Antonia Ruggieri , Mother of Sig : Tiberio Alberii , whom likewise I did not know at first . We supt all together very joyfully , and after a long conversation , Sig : Faustina with her company retir'd home . Sig : Gaspare remain'd with me that night ; and , before I went to bed , I caus'd the Coffin of my Sitti Maani to be deliver'd to me . Hitherto I have been continually visited by almost all the Nobility of Rome , and also by many Ladies , Kinred , and Friends , who after so many years absence see me again , and receive me a stranger and pilgrim in my own Country with exceeding pleasure . This is an account of what hath occurr'd within the few days since my departure from Naples , and arrival at Rome . At present , I am preparing to repay Visits , and to kiss the feet of our Lord Pope Vrban VIII , whereof , and all other occurrences , I shall advertise you . I kiss your hands , and humbly salute all my Friends . From Rome , April 4. 1626. LETTER XVII . From Rome , July 11. 1626. HAving begun to go abroad , and to perform the respects I ow to all , on the eighth of April , I first kiss'd the feet of our Lord Pope Vrban VIII , who receiv'd and honor'd me with extraordinary courtesie , holding me in discourse with himself almost an hour about several things . I was introduc'd by the Privy Stairs by Card. Magalotti , who menages almost all the affairs of his Holiness , and discours'd with me a long time exceeding courteously . April the eleventh being my Birth-day , I dated therewith the Dedicatory Epistle of my Treatise , De Regionibus subjectis recentiori Persarum imperio , which I intended to publish ; and on the nineteenth of the same Moneth I presented to the Pope , The Information of Georgia written in our own language , to the end to perswade him to send a Mission of Priests thither in order to reduce those people to the union of the Roman Church . The Pope was mightily well pleas'd with it , and upon this occasion I spoke to him , and inform'd him of many other businesses . April the twentieth , Card. di sant ' Onofrio , the Pope's Brother , sent for me to the Palace , and there told me that his Holiness had made me his Chamberlain of honour ; which was a thing I never sought , nor thought of . I thank'd him , and profess'd my self ready to serve his Holiness in this and every thing else he should command me . May the fourth , The Pope having upon my informations spoken of the business of the Georgians in the Congregation de propaganda Fide , a Decree was made in the said Congregation for sending thither a Mission of Theatine Fathers under the care of F. Don Pietro Avitabile of Messina , who had offer'd himself for that purpose , and was propos'd by me , which Fathers were injoyn'd to receive instruction from me concerning what was fit to be done ; in regard his Holiness had made a great encomium of me in the Congregation , and ordain'd that nothing should be done , either as to this Mission of the Georgians , or any affairs of the East , without consulting of me first . Of this Decree , a Copy was sent me subscrib'd by Sig : Francesco Ingoli , Secretary of the Congregation , which I keep by me : and accordingly I have prepar'd Instructions for the said Fathers . June the fifth , The Ensign-bearer Caterina d' Arcuso , a Biscainer , being arriv'd at Rome the day before from Spain , came to my house . She was a Lass between thirty five and forty years old , and had in her Childhood been bred up in a Monastery of Biscay her own Country , and , I believe , wore a Nuns Habit when she was grown up . But repenting of this life before she made profession , she went away ; and fancying to live like a Man , fled disguis'd from her Father's House , and went to the Court of Spain , where for some time she serv'd in the Habit of a Page . Afterwards she was minded to go to Sevil , and from thence to the West - Indies , where at first she serv'd as a man-servant to certain Merchants ; but within a little time upon occasion of a quarrel which befell her , she was fain to fly , and betook her self to the life of a Soldier , being naturally much inclin'd to arms and martial affairs . This course she follow'd a great while in those parts , being ingag'd in several Actions , wherein she always gave good account of her self as a soldier ; as also in sundry civil quarrels ; so that she got the repute of a gallant man ; but because she wanted a beard , they believ'd and call'd her Eunuch . Among other battels , she was in a dangerous one , wherein her Company being routed , and the Ensign left to the enemies , she effected by her valour , that she stay'd her companions flight , re-encourag'd them against the enemies , and leading them on valorously , recover'd the lost Ensign with her own hand , killing him that had taken it ; for which service she remain'd Ensign-bearer of that Company . At length , suspitions arising that she was a woman , the matter came to be discover'd in a great quarrel which she had , wherein after many proofs of her courage , she was mortally wounded , and to save her self from the Court of justice which persecuted her , she was constrain'd to put her self into the Bishop's hands , to whom she confess'd the former passages of her life , saying that she was a Woman , and what she had done was not out of any evil end , but only through an inclination which she had to a military life : and for proof hereof she desir'd the Bishop , he would cause her to be searcht . Which was accordingly done , and the Matrons and Midwives found her a Woman . The Bishop put her into a Monastery ; and because 't was known that she had been a Nun ▪ but doubtful whether she was profess'd or not , he kept her there till certainty came from her own Country that she was not : Wherefore being set at liberty , and unwilling to become a Nun , but rather inclin'd to a military life , she return'd into Spain , where petitioning the King for a reward of her military service , ( her case being examin'd , as the custom is , in the Councel , and by the way of justice ) she obtai'd of the King eight hundred Crowns of yearly Revenue , there in the Indies , being styl'd in the Patents L● Alfiere , or Ensign-bearer , and having liberty given her to live as a man , and to serve in the Wars in any of the King's Dominions without molestation . Hereupon she came into Italp , running several adventures by the way , to beseech the Pope for some favours in reference to her course of life , which by the mediation of many principal Persons she hath obtain'd . I had heard of her in the East - Indies , whither her fame was arriv'd , and many times desir'd further information concerning her . Wherefore my friend F. Roderiga di San Michele , a Discalceated Carmelite , being now arriv'd at Rome by the way of Venice , many days before me , and acquainted with my desire , brought her to my house ; where she hath related to me many strange accidents befallen her in the course of her life , of which I here mention only the most important and certain , as of an extraordinary person in our times . I have since brought her into the company of several Ladies and Cavaliers , whose conversation she loves much more then that of women . Sig : Francesco Crescentio , who is well skill'd in painting , hath drawn her picture with his own hand . She is of a large and portly stature for a Woman , and cannot thereby be known for other then a man. Her breast is but like a young Girl 's , and she told me she had us'd I know not what kind of Remedy to dry it , and make it almost plain , which Remedy was a Plaister given her by an Italian , which at first put her to much pain , but afterwards without doing her other hurt , or corroding the flesh , produc'd the effect sufficiently well . Her Visage is not deform'd though not fair , but some-what worn with age ; and her black short hair , cut after the fashion of Men with a little lock , as the mode also is at this day , represents rather an Eunuch then a Woman . She wears Clothes , and a Sword after the Spanish manner ; and is well truss'd at the waste , onely she carries her Head somewhat low , and is a little thick shoulder'd : In brief , she rather resembles a weather-beaten Souldier than a fine Amorous Courtier . Nothing but her Hand discovers her a Woman ; for it is some-what plump and fleshie , although strong and robust , and she moves it after a womanish manner . June the eleventh , After dinner F. Don Pietro Avitabile came to visit me , and to receive instruction from me , according to the command of the Congregation , in order to his sudden Voyage . June the fourteenth , I visited the said Father in the Church of S. Silvester at Montecavallo , and gave him the said Instruction in writing , of which I also deliver'd another Copy to the Congregation De Propaganda Fide , to the end they might supply the Father with many things which I judg'd necessary , particularly , with Briefs from the Pope to those Princes , and with Letters of Recommendation to such Ambassadors of Catholick Princes as were at Constantinople , through which he was to pass , and to others who might help him upon the way . June the five and twentieth , F. Avitabile began his Voyage for Georgia , together with one of his Companions , nam'd F. Don Francesco Aprile , intending to take F. Don Giacomo di Stefano , and others , at Messina ; five or six Fathers being design'd for this Mission : but , by my advice , they divided into two Companies , because I thought it best for the others , either to follow these first , after they should be advertis'd by them from Constantinople of the easiness of the passage , or else take another way . Those that went first carri'd his Holiness's Briefs to the four present Georgian Princes , namely , of Imeriti or Basciaive , of Dadian or Odisci , which is Mengrelia , of Guriel , and of Kacheti . They also carry'd Letters from the Congregation to two Metroplitans , to whom because it was not evident that they were Catholicks , but rather suspected Schismaticks , it was not convenient for the Pope to write . Sundry fine things they carry'd likewise to present to the Princes and Metropolitans , and to who-ever else it should be needful . Their allowance from the Congregation was five hundred Crowns , as much more being reserv'd for the other company of Fathers who were to follow ; besides that , they were to collect many Alms for this purpose , both of money and things , to present at Rome , Naples , Messina , and all the way they pass'd . I took leave of them in the Evening at their own Church , with many embraces , and an appointment that they would continually communicate all Occurrences to me by Letters . June the eight and twentieth , The Pontifical Vespers being ended at S. Peter's , the Pope in his Cope and Mitre was carry'd from the Church in his Chair to the Palace ; but before he came out of the Church-Gate , the Spanish Ambassador , Count d' Ognate , ( who was arriv'd a few dayes before , in place of the Duke of Pastrana ) presented himself according to the custom ( for of late years this Ceremony ha's been perform'd on S. Peter's Eve , and not on the Feast day it self , as formerly ) to give his Holiness a Gennet for the accustom'd Tribute of the Kingdom of Naples . But before the Ambassador came to the Pope , ( near whose Chair I stood , and saw all very well ) the Treasurer of the Chamber came running to his Holiness , and told him , that the Ambassador brought not a Bill of so many thousand Crowns as use yearly to be presented , together with the Gennet . I know not whether they said , it could not be made timely enough , but should be done afterwards ; or whether it was made but not subscrib'd , with those Cautions that were requisite ; but , in summ , the money was not ready . And although they alledg'd that this hapned through negligence , by reason of the new arrival of the Ambassador , who was not well inform'd , yet 't was believ'd , that they design'd onely to try whether the Pope would let the business pass thus , that so by degrees they might introduce a custom of paying no more money hereafter . The Pope , as I conceive , apprehending their drift , presently answer'd , that without a good Bill he would not accept of the Gennet , nor do that prejudice to the Apostolical Chamber ; wherefore if the Bill were not in order , they should return back with the Gennet , and bring both together the next Morning . The Ambassador made suit to have the Gennet receiv'd presently , promising that the Bill should be ready speedily . The Pope reply'd , that if Sig : Marcello Sacchetti , Brother of Card : Sachetti , who kept the publick accounts of the Exchequer , and was then near the Pope , would take security from the Ambassador , he would be contented ; but he neither commanded the said Sig : Marcello to take it , nor would have him take it for his sake ; but he might do it , if he pleas'd at the Ambassadors request . The Spaniards , perceiving there was no other way , presently desir'd Sig : Marcello to make the security , which he very readily and courteously condescended to ; and thereupon , by the Pope's Order , made a publick writing in good form , and his Holiness was contented to receive the Gennet , which the Ambassador presented to him with the usual Ceremonies . I was willing to relate this passage as a thing extraordinary , which hapned in my time and presence . So I humbly kiss your Hands . From Rome , July 11. 1626. LETTER XVIII . From Rome , August 1. 1626. ON Saint James's day , the twenty fifth of July last past , Intending to bury the Body of Sitti Maani Gioerida my Wife ( which I had brought with me so many Voyages ) in our Chappel of S. Paul , belonging to the Church of Ara Coeli in the Capitol ; ( a place , which besides being the ancient Sepulchre of my Ancestors , is , undoubtedly , the Noblest , and one of the Holiest in the world ) before I inclos'd it in a Coffin of Lead which I had prepar'd , I resolv'd to open the innermost wooden Coffin , that I might see how it was after so many years . Accordingly I open'd the same in the presence of Sig ra Laura Gaetana my Cousin , Silvia my Daughter , Sig ra Maria , and all the women of the House . I found that the flesh of the Head , which I could perceive at a rent of the Linnen which cover'd it , was wholly consum'd , nothing remaining but the bone ; at which I wonder'd not , because the brain not being taken out of the skull at first , thence proceeded the cause of this consumption . The rest of the Body seem'd better preserv'd ; but because the Face was no longer to be seen , I would not unfold the Linnen to see further . That dry Herb where-with I had first fill'd the vacuities of the Coffin was still intire ; and so also was the Amba , or Manga-wood of the Coffin , and the pieces of Linnen-Cloth glu'd upon the Commissures thereof . Having nail'd up this innermost Coffin of Amba as it was at first , instead of putting the same into the other outward wooden Coffin in which it came from Malta to Rome , I inclos'd it in a leaden one which I caus'd to be well soder'd , and upon a large Plate fastned near the feet , I caus'd this Epitaph to be engraven at the foot of a great erected Cross , MAANI GIOERIDAE HEROINAE PRAESTANTISSIMAE PETRI DE VALLE PERINI VXORIS MORTALES EXVVIAE . Having thus prepar'd all things , late in the Evening , I caus'd it to be carry'd secretly to Ara Coeli , having first obtain'd leave of Card. Melino , the Pope's Vicar for that purpose ; and it was accompany'd thither by Sig : Gasparo Albertino my Friend , Horatio the Steward of my House , and others of my familiar acquaintance ; whilst I , with Sig ra Maria , and my Daughter Silvia , waited in the Church . When it was come , I lay'd it in the Vault on the left hand of the Altar as you enter into the Chappel , where lye also my Father , my Mother , my Uncles , and almost all my Relations . I descended my self into the Tomb , together with Sig ra Maria who was willing likewise to pay this last Office , and with help of the Fryers and Sextons plac'd it there with my own hands . After which , causing the Vault to be clos'd up , I took leave of the Fryers , giving them some Alms of Money and Torches . Besides the persons above-mention'd , there were present at this action , Madonna Guilia Vogli a Bolonnese , servant to Sig : Laura , Eugenia the Indian Maid , Michel an Indian man , Ibrahim Abdisciva a Syrian , Gio : Robeh a Chaldean , with others of my servants and familiars ; besides the F. Guardian . This last Office of Piety which remain'd , I have pay'd to the mortal reliques of my dear Consort Sitti Maani ; yet it is not the last that I perform to her better and immortal part , which I accompany with suffrages ; neither have I abandon'd those in the Tomb , but deposited them , intending ( when it shall please God ) to leave my own ashes lay'd in the same place , and to rise again with her . Now from this meditation of death , let us pass ( Sig : Mario ) to a Remarkable , which occurrs to me of a very long life . July the seven and twentieth , Being the Feast of S. Pantaleo , in the Church of the Fathers Della Scuole Pie , I went to see F. Gaspare Dragonetti , who hath liv'd in the said Schools ever since the year 1600 , and although now a hundred and fifteen years old and more , ( as appears by the Dimissory , Letters at his Ordination , and the writings of a Canonship which he hath had ever since the same was conferr'd upon him , which was in the year 1530 or 1531 , and were seen when he entred into the pious Schools ) nevertheless is sound and lusty , and not onely sees without Spectacles , and hath his Teeth good , but labors daily in teaching Children the Grammar in those Schools ; which profession he told he , he hath exercis'd publickly above sixty years , and before the Jesuits began the same in Rome ; who , he saith , when they came first to Rome , he remembers liv'd in a very mean and small House , and sent their novices to learn Grammar in his School . Before he read Grammar at Rome , he had read it many years in Sicily in the City of Lenoni , where he was born ; his Father being of Calabria , and having retir'd thither I know not upon what occasion . In Sicily , he told me , he remember'd Giovanni de Vega , who was the first Vice-Roy under Charles V ; and he very well remember'd the first time that the Turks upon the sollicitation of Francis the French King came to infest those Coasts : Moreover , he remember'd when Tripoli was lost , long before the loss of Goletta and Tunis ; with several other things sufficiently ancient for the age of one man. The Grammar which he had alwayes read , and still reads to his Scholars , is that of Nebrissensis , which he approves for the best of all ; and by his Discourse with me about Grammatical Points , he seems to me exactly skill'd therein . He told me , he had many Writings and Grammatical Lectures of his own , curious , and , I believe , very profitable , as proceeding from a Person so much experienc'd ; but hitherto he hath not printed any thing . Emanuel Alvarez , and many other Modern Grammarians acknowledg themselves his Scholars : He is a Man of a good and reverend Aspect , cheerful , and of a good Complexion ; his Beard is white and large , and his Stature is of the middle sort . It being a rare thing in our dayes to see a Man of so long and healthy an Age , I thought it not amiss to give you this Relation . And so wishing you the years of this new Sicilian Nestor , I heartily kiss your Hands . From Rome , August the first , 1626. FINIS . A VOYAGE TO East-India . WITH A Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great MOGOL . APologies do more question than strengthen Truth , which Truth hath such power in prevailing , that she doth not know , and much less needs , the use of Preface or words of Perswasion to get her credit ; for though she appear simple and naked unto open view , yet dares she encunnter with armed falshood , and is sure at last to overcome ; which Truth being the best ornament of this ensuing Discourse , looks to be credited , in what is here faithfully related . So to make a re-entry upon a long-since finished Voyage ; The third of February 1615. our Fleet consisting of six good Ships , three great , viz. the Charles , Admiral of that Company , then a New-built goodly Ship of a Thousand Tuns , ( in which I sayled ; ) the Vnicorn a new Ship likewise , and almost of as great a burden ; the James , a great Ship too ; Three lesser , viz. the Globe , the Swan , the Rose , ( all under the Command of Captain Benjamin Joseph ) fell down from Graves-end into Tilbury-Hope , where we continued till the eighth day following , when we weighed Anchor , and by a Slow , that we might have the safer passage , the twelfth came into the Downs , where an adverse wind forced our abode till the ninth of March , on which day it pleased God to send us , what we had much desired , a North-East wind , which made us leave that weary Road , and set sail for East-India ; and the eleventh about night , we were in the height of the Lizard in Cornwall , and , that day , for that time , took our last sight of our Country . This wind was favourable to us till the sixteenth day at night , at which time a most fearful storm met us , we being then in the Bay of Portugal , whose violence continued five whole days and nights ; and that Tempest was the most lively and real Comment , that ever I observed , on that place recorded in Psalm 107.23 . The twenty eighth day , We had sight of the Grand Canaries , and of that Mountain in the Island of Teneriffa , commonly called the Peak . This over-grown rise of Earth , is in shape like to a Pyramis or Sugar-loaf , circled , and wrapt about with many wreaths of clouds , which encompass it by several distances ; as first earth , then clouds , above which the earth appears again , then clouds again , then earth ; the top of it being of such an immense height , that it may be as truly said of this , as Virgil. Eclog. 5. writes of Olympus . Candidus insuetum miratur limen Olympi , Sub pedibusque videt nubes , & sidera — So beautiful , it Heavens unwonted spires , And Clouds , and Stars under its feet admires . This Peak of Teneriffa , in a clear day , may be seen ( if the Mariners report truth ) more than forty leagues at Sea. These Islands lie twenty eight Degrees of North-Latitude . The one and thirtieth , being Easter-day , We passed under the Tropick of Cancer . And the seventh of April , the Sun was in its Zenith or Vertical , at Noon-day directly over our heads , which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife , or long Needle , set upright , which did cast no shadow . The Sun in this course like the Equinoctial , divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equal parts ; and in this Motion ariseth so directly or upright , that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning ; for 't is dark immediatly before the Sun then appears ; and so 't is in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere . Here we were becalmed fourteen days , enduring extream heat . April the sixteenth we met with winds , ( we being then against , and not far from the Coasts of Africa ) which the Mariners call the Turnadoes ; very strange Gusts indeed , like those in Aeschylus , on the shore Aesc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : ( ad finem . ) Those self-opposing blasts we there had , were so variable and uncertain , that sometimes within the space of one hour , all the thirty two several winds , ( which are observed in so many points of the Compass ) will blow , so that if there be many Ships in company , you may observe them all to sail so many several ways , and every one of them seem to go directly before the wind . Now that it should be so here , and not known so to be in any part of the world beside I ever heard of ( if not in those winds , which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland-Witches ) I can give no reason for it , unless Satan ( who is most Tyrannical where he is most obeyed ) that Prince of the Air seems to rule more here , than he doth in other parts . And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main , the poor , ignorant , and most miserable Negroes , born for sale , slavery , and slaughter . These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Lightning , and with extream rain , so noisom , that it made their clothes who stir'd much in it , presently to stink upon their backs ; the water likewise of those slimy , unwholsom , hot , and unsavoury showrs , wheresoever it stood , would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures . These Turnadoes met with us , when we were about twelve Degrees of North-Latitude , and kept us company ere they quitted us two Degrees Southward of the Equinoctial , under which we passed the twenty eighth of April . The nineteenth of May being Whitsunday , We passed the Tropick of Capricorn , so that we were seven weeks compleat under the Torrid Zone . Between the Tropicks we saw ( almost every day ) different kinds of fishes , in greater abundance than else-where , as the great Leviathan , whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea ; Granpisces , or lesser Whales ; Sharks , Turtles or Tortoises , Dolphins , Bonitoes , Albicores , Porpisces , Flying fishes , with many others . Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatness , who in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water , where they appear like unto great Rocks , in their rise spouting up into the Air with noise , a great quantity of water , which falls down again about them like a showre . The Whale may well challenge the Principality of the Sea , yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion ; for instance , a little long Fish called a Thresher , often encounters with him ; who by his agility vexeth him as much in the Sea , as a little Bee in Summer , doth a great Beast on the shore . The Shark hath not this name for nothing ; for he will make a morsel of any thing he can catch , master , and devour . These Sharks are most ravenous fishes ; for I have many times observed , that when they have been swimming about our Ships ( as oftentimes they do ) and we have cast over-board an iron hook made strong for this purpose , fastned to a rope strong like it , baited with a piece of beef of five pounds weight , this bait hath been presently taken by one of them ; and if by chance the weight of the fish , thus taken , in haling him up , hath broken out the hook's hold , not well fastned ( as sometimes it did ) so that he fell again into the Sea , he would presently bite at another Bait , and so bite till he was taken . This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eating , as he is in quality , a very moist watery fish , yet eaten at Sea ( because any fresh thing will there down ) but no good food . This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey ; by which he gives warning to many other little fishes , who ever swim about him , to avoid his swollow . Those Fishes that thus keep him company , are called by the Mariners , Pilot-fishes , who always shape their course the same way the Shark takes , and by consequence ( nature having made them so wary ) he becomes their guard , not his food . And there are other fishes too they call Sucking-fish , that stick as close to the body of the Shark , as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast , and so receive their nourishment from him : and he must be contented ; for , while he is swimming up and down , he cannot possibly free himself of them . Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness ; they have a broad round head , in which are three rows of teeth very strong and sharp , by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one bite , as some have found by woful experience , while they have been carelesly swimming in these hot Seas , where these Sharks most use ; and certainly , were they as nimble as they are mischievous , would do very much hurt . The Turtle or Tortoise , is one of those creatures we call Amphibia , that lives sometimes in the Sea , and sometimes on the Shore ; he is marvellously fortified by Nature , dwelling ( as it were ) continually under a strong roof , which moves with him , and covers ( when he will ) his whole body ; therefore Testudo , which signifies a Tortoise , signifies also the roof or vault of an house , which covers all within it . Those concave backs ( like bucklers , but of an Oval shape ) that cover these creatures , are many of them so exceeding strong , that they will bear off the weight of a Cart-wheel . These Tortoises increase by eggs ( as I have been often told ) are very good to eat , the substance within them ( whether you will call it flesh or fish ) first boyled , and after minced with butter , tastes like buttered Veal . Their shell makes ( as is very commonly known ) excellent good Combs , Cups , or Boxes , and further it is used by them in East-India , to make or adorn little or great Cabinets . The Dolphin is a fish called , for his swiftness , The Arrow of the Sea , differing in this one particular , from all other fishes I ever observed , in that he hath many little teeth upon the top of his tongue ; He is very pleasing to the eye , smell , and taste ; of a changeable colour , finn'd like a Roach , covered with many small scales , having a fresh delightsom scent above other fishes , and in taste as good as any ; these Dolphins are wont often to follow our ships , not so much I think for the love they bear unto man , ( as some write , ) as to feed themselves with what they find cast over-board : whence it comes to pass , that many times they feed us ; for when they swim close to our ships , we often strike them with a broad instrument , full of barbs , called an Harping-iron , fastned to a rope , by which we hale them in ; This Dolphin may be a fit Emblem of an ill race of people , who under sweet countenances , carry sharp tongues . Bonitoes and Albicores , are in colour , shape , and taste , much like unto Mackrels , and as good fish as they , but they grow to be very exceeding large . The Porpisces or Hogfish , are like the former , very large and great , but better to look upon than to taste ; they usually appear at Sea in very great sholes or companies , and are ( as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine , that ran violently into the Sea ) very swift in their motion , and like a company marching in rank and file ; They leap or mount very nimbly over the waves , and so down and up again , making a melancholy noise , when they are above the water . These are usually , when they thus appear , certain presagers of very foul weather . The Flying fishes have skinny wings like unto Bats , but larger ; they are stiffned and strengthned with many little bones , such as are in the back-fins of Pearches , by which they fly but a little way at a time ; they have small bodies like unto Pilchers , and appear when they fly , in marvellous great companies , and some of them often fly into our ships , by which we have tasted that they are excellent good fish . Of all other , these flying Fishes live the most miserable lives : for being in the water , the Dolphins , Bonitoes , Albicores , and Porpisces , chase , persecute , and take them , and when they would escape by their flight , are oftentimes caught by ravenous Fowls , somewhat like our Kites , which hover over the water . These flying Fishes are like men professing two Trades , and thrive at neither . The twelfth of June early in the morning , We espied our long wished for Harbour the Bay of Souldania , about twelve leagues short of the Cape of good Hope , where we came happily to an Anchor that fore-noon . In which Bay we found a Dutch-ship bound for Bantam , which had taken in her course , and brought thither , a small Portugal bound to Angola , a Colony belonging to the Portugals , lying in the skirts of Africa , about ten degrees South of the Line ; in which small Ship amongst many rich Commodities ( as we heard ) to the value of five or six thousand pounds sterling , there were ten Portugal Virgins ( as they call'd themselves ) sent to that Colony , I suppose for Husbands . The young women were well-favoured , and well clad in silks ; but such were the courtesies of these Dutch men towards them , as that they took not only away all the goods , Artillery , and good provisions of their Ship , but they rob'd these poor captive Maidens of all their apparel , ( which they most sadly complained of ) to one poor suit ( and I suppose of their honour too , if they brought it with them ) then giving them water for their wine , and a very scant proportion of all other provisions , turn'd them with their unarm'd , leakie , and ill-man'd ship , to the mercy of the Seas , the twentieth day following . This Bay of Souldania lyeth in 34 degrees and half of South Latitude in a sweet Climate , full of fragrant Herbs ( which the soyl produceth of its self ) pleasing to the sense , where our ships companies , when they have often-times there arrived with very weak and feeble bodies , usually by that Sea-disease the Scurvy ; in which disease ( I shall observe by the way ) if any that have it be not too much over-gone with it , assoon as he comes to enjoy the fresh ayr on any shore , with fresh water , and fresh food , he will presently recover ; but if this disease have over-much prevailed on him , immediately after he sets his foot on shore he usually dyes . I say our people when they have come hither with very crazie bodies , have often found here much good refreshing ; for besides a most delectable brook of pure good water , arising hard by out of a mighty Hill , ( call'd , for its form , The Table , close by which there is another Hill , which ariseth exceeding high like a Pyramis , and called by Passengers the Sugar-loaf ) there are good store of Cattell , as little Beeves , called by the barbarous Inhabitants , Boos ; and Sheep which they call Baas , who bear a short coarse hairy wool , and , I conceive , are never shorn . These Boos and Baas , ( as they call them ) were formerly bought in great plenty , for small quantities of Kettle-brass , and Iron-Hoops , taken off our Empty Casks ; ( which are all for this long Voyage hoop'd with Iron . ) These Salvages had their Cattell which we bought of them , at a very great Command : for with a call they would presently run to them , and when they had sold any one of their Bullocks to us , for a little inconsiderate piece of brass , if we did not presently knock him down , they would by the same call , make the poor creature break from us , and run unto them again ; and then there was no getting them out of their hands but by giving them more brass : and by this trick , now and then , they sold the same beast unto us , two or three times ; and if they had thus sold him more often , he had been a good penny-worth ; how ever in this we might observe , the covetousness and deceit of this brutish people . Here ye must know , that this people of all metals seem to love Brass , I think ( as you may ghess afterward ) for the rankness of its smell ; with which they make great Rings to wear about their Wrists ; yea , so taken are they with this base metal , that if a man lay down before them a piece of Gold worth two pounds sterling ▪ and a piece of brass worth two pence , they will leave the Gold and take the brass . On this shore there likewise are found excellent good , though small Roots for Salads , which the soyl brings forth without husbanding . And in the head of the Bay , may be taken with nets great store of fair fat Mullets , of which we took abundance . This remotest part of Africa is very mountainous , over-run with wild beasts , as Lions , Tygers , Wolves , and many other beasts of prey , which in the silent night discover themselves by their noyse and roaring . To the Teeth and Jaws of which cruel Beasts , the Natives here expose their old people ; if death prevent it not , when once they grow very old and troublesom , laying them forth in some open place in the dark night , When the wild beasts ( as David observs , Psal. 104.20 , 21. ) do creep forth , and the young lions roar after their prey . One miserable poor old wretch was thus exposed when we there , who by his pitiful cries , was discovered by our Court of Guard , there on shore , and not far off from him and by them relieved and delivered for that present time , out of the jaws of Death ; And we asking Cooree one of the Natives ( whose Story you shall have by and by ) why they did so , he told us , It was their custom , when their people had lived so long , that they knew not what to do with them , thus to be rid of them . We saw in this Bay of Souldania many Whales , and about the shore divers party-coloured Fowls ; And here are Ostriches to be seen . For the soil about the Bay ; it seems to be very good , but the Sun shines not upon a people in the whole world , more barbarous than those which possess it ; Beasts in the skins of men , rather than men in the skins of beasts , as may appear by their ignorance , habit , language , diet , with othet things , which make them most brutish . First for God , the great God of Heaven and Earth , whom generally all the people in the World , Heathen as well as Christians do confess , they ( as this Cooree told us ) acknowledg none . For their speech , it seemed to us an inarticulate noise rather than Language , like the clucking of Hens , or gabling of Turkies ; and thus making a very strange confused noise , when they walk here or there : if there be two , or three , or five , or ten , or twenty , or very many more in company , it is their manner to walk in rank one after the other , in small paths they have made by their thus walking ; as Kine in Summer many times do , when they come home to the Pail ; or as Wild-geese who fly in ranks , and as they fly make a noise ; so these walking together thus gabble from the first to the last in company , as if all spake , but none answered . Their Habits are their sheeps-skins undrest , thonged together , which cover their bodies to the middle , with a little flap of the same skin tied before them , being naked downward ; and when 't is cold , keep the woolly , when hotter weather , the fleshy side of those skins next to their bodies . Their Ornaments and Jewels , Bullocks , or Sheeps-guts full of excrement , about their necks ; and therefore when we bought their Cattel , they would take ( and we were content they should ) their skins , guts , and garbage , which plentifully furnished them with that rich attire , and gay ornaments ; and when they were hungry , they would sit down upon some hillock , first shaking out some of that filthy pudding out of the guts they wore about their necks , then bowing and bringing their mouths to their hands , almost as low as their knees ▪ like hungry dogs would gnaw , and eat the raw guts , when you may conceive their mouths full of sweet green sauce . The women as the men are thus adorned , thus habited , and thus dieted , only they wear more about their lower parts than the men . And ( by the way ) these carry their sucking Infants under their skins upon their backs , and their breasts hanging down like Bag-pipes , they put up with their hands to their children , that they may suck them over their shoulders . Both Sexes make coverings for their heads like to skull-caps , with Cow-dung , and such-like filth , mingled with a little stinking grease , with which they likewise besmear their faces , which makes their company unsufferable , if they get the wind of you . I observ'd , that some of the rest of their dyet was agreeable to the former ; for they would eat any reffuse thing , as rotten and mouldy Biskets , which we have given them , fit indeed for nothing but to be cast away ; yea , they will eat that which a ravenous Dog in England will refuse . I once took notice of a Couple of them , who had found on the neighbouring shore a large piece of a dead fish the Sea had cast up , which did most sufficiently stink ; they presently made a little fire with dry Cowdung , and with this they warm'd it , and then they eat it , with as much seeming appetite , as an hungry man with us would feed upon a very choice and savoury dish , which makes me almost to believe , that those wretched creatures have but three senses , wanting the benefit both of Smelling and Tasting . They lodge upon the earth in Hovels , so ill-covered that they keep not out the weather , made like to those we call Summer-houses , with boughs and sticks . These Brutes devote themselves to idleness ; for they neither dig nor spin . For their stature and making , they are very streight , and well limb'd , though not very tall , but in their faces very ill-favoured , for the noses of most of them are flat . They have little or no beard ; the hair on their heads short , black , and curled ; their skins very tawny ; swift they are of foot , and will throw Darts , and shoot Arrows , which are their weapons , very dangerously . But I shall here insert a short Story : About three years before I went to India , it happened , that one of the Company-ships returning thence , and arriving at this Harbour , after a little stay , when she was ready to set sail for England , and having then two of these Salvages aboard , her Commander resolv'd to bring them both home with him , thinking that when they had got some English here , they might discover something of their Country which we could not know before . These poor wretches being thus brought away , very much against both their minds , one of them ( meerly out of extream sullenness , though he was very well used ) died shortly after they put to Sea , the other , who call'd himself Cooree ( whom I mentioned before ) lived , and was brought to London , and there kept , for the space of six months , in Sir Smith's house ( then Governour of the East-India Company ) where he had good diet , good clothes , good lodging , with all other fitting accommodations ; now one would think that this wretch might have conceived his present , compared with his former condition , an Heaven upon earth ; but he did not so , though he had to his good entertainment made for him a Chain of bright Brass , an Armour , Breast , Back , and Head-piece , with a Buckler all of Brass , his beloved Metal ; yet all this contented him not ; for never any seemed to be more weary of ill usage , than he was of Courtesies ; none ever more desirous to return home to his Countrey than he : For when he had learned a little of our Language , he would daily lie upon the ground , and cry very often thus in broken English , Cooree home go , Souldania go , home go ; And not long after , when he had his desire , and was returned home , he had no sooner set footing on his own shore , but presently he threw away his Clothes , his Linnen , with all other Covering , and got his sheeps skins upon his back , guts about his neck , and such a perfum'd Cap ( as before we named ) upon his head ; by whom that Proverb mentioned , 2 Pet 2.22 . was literally fulfill'd , Canis ad vomitum ; The dog is return'd to his vomit , and the swine to his wallowing in the mire . After this fellow was returned , it made the Natives most shie of us when we arrived there ; for though they would come about us in great Companies when we were new come thither , yet three or four days before they conceiv'd we would depart thence , there was not one of them to be seen , fearing belike we would have dealt with some more of them , as formerly we had done with Cooree . But it had been well if he had not seen England ; for as he discovered nothing to us , so certainly when he came home , he told his Country-men ( having doubtless observed so much here ) that Brass was but a base and cheap commodity in England , and happily we had so well stored them with that mettal before , that we had never after such a free Exchange of our Brass and Iron for their Cattel . It was here that I asked Cooree who was their God ? he lifting up his hands answered thus , in his bad English , England God , great God ; Souldania no God. In the year 1614. Ten English men having received the sentence of death for their several crimes at the Sessions house in the Old-Baily at London , had their Execution respited by the intreaty of the East-India Merchants , upon condition that they should be all banished to this place , to the end ( if they could find any peaceable abode there ) they might discover something advantagious to their Trade ; And this was accordingly done . But two of them when they came thither were taken thence , and carried on the Voyage . One whose sirname was Duffield , by Sir Thomas Row , that year sent Embassadour to the Great Mogol ; that fellow thus redeemed from a most sad Banishment , was afterward brought back again into England by that noble Gentleman , and here being intrusted by him , stole some of his Plate , and ran away : Another was carried on the Voyage likewise , but what became of him afterward , I know not . So that there remained eight which were there left with some Ammunition , and Victual , with a small Boat to carry them to and from a very little uninhabited Island lying in the very mouth of that Bay , a place for their retreat and safety from the Natives on the Main . The Island called Pen-guin Island , probably so named at first by some Welsh-man , in whose Language Pen-guin signifies a white head ; and there are many great lazy fowls upon , and about , this Island , with great cole-black bodies , and very white heads , called Penguins . The chief man of the eight there left , was sirnamed Cross , who took the Name upon him of Captain Cross ; He was formerly Yeoman of the Guard unto King James ; but having had his Hand in Blood twice or thrice , by men slain by him in several Duels , and now being condemned to die with the rest , upon very great sute made for him , he was hither banished with them : whither the Justice of Almighty God was dispatched after him , as it were in a Whirlwind , and followed him close at the very heels , and overtook him , and left him not till he had pay'd dear for that blood he had formerly spilt . This Cross was a very stout , and a very resolute man , who quarrelling with , and abusing the Natives , and engaging himself far amongst them , immediately after himself with the rest were left in that place , many of these Salvages being got together , fell upon him , and with their darts thrown , and arrows shot at him , stuck his body so full of them , as if he had been larded with darts and arrows , making him look like the figure of the man in the Almanack , that seems to be wounded in every part ; or like that man described by Lucan , Totum pro vulnere corpus , who was All-wound , where blood touched blood . The retaliations of the Lord are sure and just ; He that is Mercy it self , abhorrs Cruelty above all other sins ; He cannot endure that one man should devour another , as the Beasts of the Field , Birds of the Air , Fishes of the Sea do ; and therefore usually shews , exemplary , signal revenges for that sin of Blood , selling it at a dear rate unto them that shead it . Every sin hath a tongue , but that of Blood , out-cryes and drowns the rest ; Blood being a clamorous and a restless suter , whose mouth will not be stopt till it receive an Answer , as it did here . The other seven , the rest of these miserable Banditi , who were there with Cross , recovered their Boat , and got off the shore , without any great hurt ; and so rowing to their Island , the waves running high , they split their boat at their landing , which engaged them to keep in that place , they having now no possible means left to stir thence . And , which made their condition while they were in it most extremely miserable , it is a place wherein grows never a Tree , , neither for sustenance or shelter , or shade , nor any thing beside ( I ever heard of ) to help sustein Nature ; a place that hath never a drop of fresh water in it , but what the showrs leave in the holes of the rocks . And besides all this , there are very great number of Snakes in that Island ( as I have been told by many that have been upon it ) so many of those venemous worms , that a man cannot tread safely in the long grass which grows in it , for fear of them ; And all these put together must needs make that place beyond measure uncomfortable to these most wretched men . To this may be added their want of provision , having nothing but dry Bisket , and no great quantity of that ; so that they lived with hungry bellies , without any place fit for repose , without any quiet rest , for they could not choose but sleep in fear continually ; And what outward condition could make men more miserable than this ? Yet notwithstanding all they suffered , these seven vile wretches all liv'd to be made examples afterward of Divine Justice . For after they had continued in , and endured this sad place , for the space of five or six moneths , and they were grown all even almost mad , by reason of their several pressing wants and extremities ; it pleased God by providence , to bring an English Ship into that road , returning for England ; four of these seven men being impatient of any more hours stay there , immediately after that Ship was come in , made a Float with the ruins of their split boat , which they had saved together , and with other wood which they had gotten thither , and with ravel'd and untwisted boat-ropes , fastned as well as they could all together ( for there are no such sudden Teachers and Instructers as Extremities are . ) These four got upon the Float , which they had thus prepared , and poizing it as well they could by their several weight , hoped by the benefit of their Oars , and strength of the Tyde ( that then ran quick toward the Ship newly arrived ) they might recover it ; but this their expectation failed them : for it being late in the day when they made this attempt , and they not discovered by the Ship , which then road a good way up in the Bay , before they could come up near unto her , the Tyde return'd , and so carry'd them back into the main Sea , where they all perished miserably . The day following , the Ship sent a boat to the Island , which took those three yet surviving into her , as the other four might have been , if they could but have exercised their patience for one night longer . These survivers came aboard the Ship , related all that had befallen to their fellows ; but these three , notwithstanding all their former miseries , when they were taken into the Ship , behaved themselves so lewdly as they returned home-wards , that they were very often put into the Bilbowes , or Ship-stocks , in the way returning ; and otherwise many times punished for their great and several misdemeanors : At last the Ship being safely returned into the Downs , she had not been there at an Anchor above 3. hours , but these three Villains got on shore , and they had not been ashore above three hours , but they took a Purse , and a very few hours after were apprehended and all taken for that Fact , and suddenly after that , their very foul story being related to the Lord Chief Justice , and they looked upon as men altogether incorrigible , and uncapable of amendment by lesser corrections , by his special Warrant were executed upon their former Condemnation ( for which they were banished not to return hither again , but never pardoned ) near Sandwich in Kent , where they committed the Robbery . From whose example we may learn , that it is not in the power of any affliction , how heavy soever it light , and how long soever it lie , if it be not sanctified , to do any man good . That when the rod is upon a man , if he be not taught as well as chastned , all the stripes bestowed on him are cast away . A man might have hoped that these wretched fellows had been long enough in the fire to have purged away their dross . But afflictions , like fire , harden as well as soften ; and Experience teaches us , that the winds and waves though they beat with their greatest violence upon the Rocks , yet leave them as they found them unmoveable ; It being a most tryed Truth recorded by Solomon , Prov. 27.22 . that , Bray or beat a fool in a morter , he will not leave his foolishness ; But as he was put in , so will he come out a fool . The year following we carried three more condemned persons to be left in this place , but they hearing of the ill success of their Predecessors , and that it was very unlikely for them to find any safe footing here , when we were ready to depart thence , and to leave them on the shore , they all came and presented themselves on their knees , with many tears in their Eyes unto our chief Commander Captain Joseph , most humbly beseeching him , that he would give Order that they might be hanged before he departed , in that place , which they much rather chose , than to be there left ; we thought it was a very sad sight to behold three men in such a condition , that made them esteem hanging to be mercy . Our Commander told them , that he had no Commission to execute them , but to leave them there , and so he must do . And so he believed he had done ; but our fifth Ship the Swan staying in this place after us a day or two , took these poor men into her , and then took her course for Bantam whither she was bound . And the Rose our last Ship , whose sight and company we lost in that most violent storm ( before mention'd ) at the beginning of our Voyage , was safely preserved , and happily afterward found her way to Bantam likewise . We made our abode in this Harbour till the twenty eighth following , on which day we being well watered and refreshed , departed . And the twenty ninth we doubled the Cape of good Hope , whose Latitude is thirty five degrees South . Off this Cape there setteth continually a most violent Current Westward , whence it comes to pass , that when a strong contrary wind meets it ( as often-times it doth ) their impetuous opposition makes the Sea so to rage , as that some Ships have been swallowed , but many more very much endangered amongst those huge Mountains of water , and very few Ships pass that way without a storm . We kept on in a circular course , to gain a South-west wind ; for ye must know , that the wind in those parts , and so in East-India , blows ( and but with a very little variation ) half the year South-west , and the other half North-east ; we sailed here Southerly , till we had raised the South-Pole almost forty degrees above the Horizon . This Pole is a Constellation of four starrs , the Mariners call the Crosiers ; these stars appear near one another like a Cross , and almost equidistant . And while we had the view of this Pole , the Sun ( as it must needs be ) was North at Noon unto us . The two and twentieth of July we discover'd the great Island Madagascar , commonly called Saint Lawrence , we being then betwixt it and the African shore , which Island lies almost every part of it under , or within the Southern Tropick : We touched not at it , but this I dare say from the Credit of others who have been upon it , that as it is an exceeding great Island ( if not the greatest in the known world ) so it is stored with abundance of very excellent good Provisions , though inhabited by a barbarous and heathenish people , but stout and war-like , and very numerous . Over against this Island , on the main Continent of Africa , are Zefala and Mozambique , whereon the Portugals have got some footing ; the places ( as may be strongly supposed ) whither Solomon sent his Navy of Ships , built at Eziongebar , which stood on the banks of the Red-Sea in Arabia the Happy ; the Country of that famous Queen of the South , who hearing of his wisdom and renown , took her journey thence to visit the Court of King Solomon , who had understanding like a flood . From that place forenamed , Solomon sent his Ships for Gold and Silver and Ivory , &c. 1 Kings 10.22 . they coasting all along the shore of Africa ; for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known , and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land alwayes in their sights , as without question those Ships did , and to those fore-mention'd places , stored ( as is related ) above other parts of Africa , with those richest Commodities . I might have taken notice before ( but yet it will not be unseasonable ) of many sudden , strong , and violent Gusts of wind , frequently to be observed in those South-west Seas , which surprize a Ship so suddenly , that if she have many sails abroad , and the Mariners be not very watchful and nimble to strike them , their strength is such that they will endanger her overturning . And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they call Spouts , which appear like a Funnel or water-tankard , very large and big at the one end , but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length ; They contain a great Quantity of water , wrapt together by a whirl-wind , that falls within a very narrow Compass , the abundance whereof by its great weight , if it fall directly ( as sometimes it doth ) upon the body of a small Ship , it will much endanger it ; and would do much more harm , but that these Spouts when they are seen may be easily avoided . From the Island of Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course ; and the fifth of August following , approached near the little Islands of Mohilia , Gazadia , St. John de Castro , with some others , whose Name I know not , called in general the Islands of Comora , lying about twelve Degrees South of the Equator . The day following being the sixth of August , Early in the Morning our Men looking out for Land espied a Sail which stood directly in our Course but far before us ; at first sight she appeared as if there had been some great Hill interposed betwixt us : For first , we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop ; after this , of her Masts and Sails , and then of her Hull ; after which manner , Ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another , which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas , have a Convex , or Globous and round body , placed by Almighty God , as it were in Hills , or Heaps ; and being being above the earth , and higher than it , they have set Limits , and commanded they are to their Bounds , contrary to their Nature , which they may not pass , for so saith the Psalmist , Psalm 104.9 . Thou hast set a bound which they may not pass over , that they return not again to cover the earth . But this is known to all that have been at Sea , therefore we proceed . Upon the first sight of that Ship , we were all glad of the object , improving all endeavours we could to overtake her , with-all preparing our great Ordnance , that if she were a Friend we might salute her , if an Enemy be in readiness for her . So eagerly pursuing this unlooked for Ship with the wings of the wind , after that we had given her Chase about five hours , her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa , lying in the skirts of East-India , and principally inhabited by Portugals , the City of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain , her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces , a brave Resolute Man , as the sequent will demonstrate . About noon , the Globe our least Ship ( by reason of her nimbleness sailing better then her fellows ) came up with her on her broad side to wind-ward , and according to the Custom of the Sea , hayl'd her , asking whence she was ; she answer'd indirectly , Of the Sea , calling our Men Rogues , Thieves , Hereticks , Devils ; and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was , in loud Cannon Language , discharging seven great Pieces of Artillery at our Globe , ( though she had very little reason so to do , we having four Ships in Company , and she alone ) whereof six pierced her through the Hull , maiming some of her Men , but killing none ; our Globe replyed in the same voice , and after that fell off . About three of the Clock in the Afternoon , the Charles our Admiral came up with her so near , that we were within pistol shot : our Commander Captain Joseph proceeded religiously , in offering them a Treaty , before he proceeded to Revenge ; so we saluted her with our Trumpets , she us with her wind - Instruments ; then we shewed our Men on both sides aloft ; this done , our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard , to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us ; they answered , They had never a Boat ; our Commander replyed , that he would send them one , and immediately caused his Barge to be man'd , and sent off to them , which brought back one of their Officers , and two others of inferior rank , with this message from their Captain , how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship , and therefore forc'd he might be , but never would be Commanded out of her . Captain Joseph received the Message , and used those that brought it Civilly , and then ordered , that they should be shewed ( in a broad side of great Guns , that lay all ready prim'd to be fir'd against them ) how we were prepar'd to vindicate our selves , which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling , and upon it desir'd our Commander to write a few words to theirs , that happily with their perswasion might make him come . Captain Joseph , willing to preserve his Honour , & to prevent blood , consented , and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrote unto him . That Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our Ship that sail'd peaceably by him , he will'd him to come presently and give a reason for that wrong , or else at his perill . So he discharged those Portugals , sending one of our Masters Mates back with them with those few words , and this further message , that if he refused to come , he would sink by his side , but that he would force him before he left him ; Morientium verba sunt prophetica , his words came to pass ; for he himself suddenly after fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side . The Commander of the Caraque , notwithstanding the Message and Menace sent to him , was still peremptory in his first answer . So our Men returning , Captain Joseph himself , made the three first Shot at them , all which , the mark being so fair and near , hit them ; this done , the Bullets began to flie on both sides , our Captain cheering his Company , immediately ascended the half - Deck , the place where Commanders use to keep in those Encounters , to shew their own Gallantry , and to encourage the Company under their Command , where he had not been the Eighth part of an hour ere a great Shot from the Caraques quarter , deprived him of Life in the twinkling of an Eye . For this Captain Joseph ; he was certainly one who had very much of a Man in him , for years ancient , who had commanded before in Sea-fights , which he met withall within the Streights in the Midland Sea ; and near death many times in them , which took others round about him , while himself went off untouched . After Captain Joseph was slain , the Master of our Ship continued the fight about half an hour , then ( knowing there was another to be admitted into that prime place of Command ) the night approaching , for that time gave over ; putting out a flag of Counsel to call the Captain of the Vice Admiral ( Captain Henry Pepwell ) who was to succeed , and the other Commanders aboard to consult about the prosecution of this encounter . The night being come , we now proceeded no further . The Caraque stood still on her Course , putting forth a light at her Poop for us to follow her , and about mid-night came to an Anchor under the Island of Mohilia ; which when we perceiv'd , we let fall our Anchors too . The Morning comn , we found the Caraque so close to the Shore , and the nearest of our Ships at least a League off , that we held our Hands for that day , expecting when she would weigh her Anchors , and stand off to Sea , a fitter place to deal with her . And that after-noon , we chested our late slain Commander , putting some great shot with him into it that he might presently sink , and without any Ceremony of Guns , &c. usual upon such occasions , because our Enemy should take no notice , put him overboard against the Island of Mohilia , where he made his own Grave , as all dead Bodies do , buried not in dust but water , which shall one day as well as the earth give up its dead , Rev. 20.13 . when all the Bodies of Men since the world began , that have tasted Death in their several Generations , however after Death they have been bestowed , wheresoever laid up , shall be raised again . And though all would not , yet all must . A little before night that present day , the Caraque departed again to Sea ; we all loosed our Anchors , opened our Sailes , and followed . The day now left us , and our proud Adversary unwilling as it should seem to escape , put forth a light ( as before ) for us to follow him , ( as afterward we did to purpose ) . The night well-nigh spent , we commended again our selves and cause to God , when I observed more seeming devotion in our Sea-men that Morning , than at any time before , or after while I kept them company ; who , for the generality are such a kind of People that nothing will bow them or bring them on their knees , but extream Hazards . When this exercise was ended , the day began to appear in a red mantle , which prov'd bloody unto many that beheld it . And now we entred upon a second encounter , our four Ships resolving to take their turns one after the other , that we might compel this proud Portugal either to bend or break . And now Reader thou mayest suppose us speaking again to our Adversary , and he to us , in the harshest and lowdest of all Dialects ; no Arguments being so strong as those that proceed from the mouths of Guns , and points of Swords . Our Charles the Admiral played her part first , and ere she had been at defiance with her Enemy half an hower , there came another great shot from him , which hitting against one of our Iron Pieces , mounted on our half Deck , brake into many little parts , which most dangerously wounded our New Commander , and the Master of our Ship , with three others beside , who received several hurts by it . Captain Pepwells left Eye , by a glance of a Piece of that broken Bullet , was so Torn that it lay like Raggs upon his Cheek ; another hurt by a piece of the same Bullet he received on his Jaw-bone ; and by another , on his Head ; and a fourth hurt , he received in his Leg , a ragged piece of that broken shot sticking fast betwixt the two bones thereof , grating there upon an Artery , which seemed by his complayning to afflict him so much , that it made him take very little notice of all the rest of his Hurts , it being most true of bodily pains , that the extremity of a greater pain will not suffer a Man much to feel and complain of that which is less ; as that tormenting pain of the Tooth-ach , makes a man insensible of the aking of his Head ; and when the Gout and Stone surprize the Body at once together , the torture by the Gout is as it were lost in the extremity of the Stone . And thus was our New Commander welcomed to his Authority ; we all thought that his wounds would very suddenly have made an end of him , but he lived till about fourteen moneths after , and then dyed as he was returning for England . I told you before , that this man suffered not alone by the scattered pieces of that broken shot ; for the Master of the Ship had a great piece of the Brawn of his Arm strook off by it , which made him likewise unserviceable for a time , and three other of the common sailers received several and dangerous hurts by it likewise . The Captain and Master both thus disabled , deputed their Authority to the chief Master's mate , who behaved himself resolutely and wisely ; so we continued Alternis vicibus one after the other , shooting at our Adversary as at a But , and by three of the Clock in the Afternoon had shot down her Main-mast by the board , her Mizen-Mast , her Fore-top-Mast : And moreover , had made such breaches in her thick sides , that her case seemed so desperate that she must either yield or perish . Her Captain thus distressed stood in for the shore , being not far from the Island of Gaziaia ; we pursued as far as we durst without hazard of Shipwrack , then we sent off a Boat with a flag of Truce to speak with him . He waved us with another , upon which Mr Connick our chief Merchant imployed in that service came up to them , and being invited , entred their Ship , where he was civilly used ; and there he delivered this Message to the chief Commander , and his Company , that he had brought them Life and Peace , if they would accept it ; withall telling them , that they had deserved so well by their undaunted valour , that they would put themselves into our hands , they should be entertain'd with all Honour and Respect . How the ordinary sort in the Caraque were taken with this proffer , I know not ; yet all this would not work upon that high-resolv'd Commander , who like Fabricius in Tully could not be turn'd , in the least measure , from his former and first Resolution . So he contemning the Misery he could not prevent ; or like a prun'd hedge which grows stronger by cutting ; answered our Messenger thus ; That no infelicity should make alter his first Resolution , and therefore must not be talk't out of the Ship ; That he would stand off to Sea , if possibly he could , and fight us again ; and then if fire or sword forc'd him , he might unhappily be taken , but he would never yield ; and if we took him alive , he hoped to find the respect of a Gentleman , and till then we had our answer . So our Messenger was discharged ; and shortly after , this distressed Ship wanting her wings was forc'd by the wind and waves upon the adjacent Iland of Gazidia , where she stuck fast between two Rocks ; those that were alive in her , by their boats got upon the shore , which when they had all recovered , willing ( as it should seem ) to destroy what they could not keep , they set her on fire to make her a Coal , rather than we should make her a Prize . She was a Ship of an Exceeding great value in Coyn and Bullion , besides many other rich commodities , ( if report afterward abused us not ) but we got nothing from her but blows , for which she was repayed by us with Ruin. The poor distressed Portugals after they had left their Ship , were most inhumanly used by the barbarous Islanders , who spoyled them of all they brought on shore for their succour , some of them finding Death in the place they chose to escape it ; and doubtless they had made havock of them all , had they not presently been relieved by two Arabian Junks ( for so their small ill-built Ships are called ) there in Trade ; which , in hope I suppose of some great reward , took them in , and conveyed them safely to their own City Goa . In this Sea-fight we lost , out of our four Ships , but five men ; three out of our Admiral , and two out of the James , besides we had about twenty in our whole Fleet hurt . But of seven hundred which sailed in the Carraque , ( for she was a Ship of an exceeding great bulk and burthen ; our Charles , though a Ship of a thousand Tuns , looking but like a Pinace when she was beside her ) there came not near half her Company to Goa , as afterward we were informed . Our Charles in this opposition made at her adversary , for her part , three hundred seventy and five great Shot ( as our Gunners reported ) to these we had one Hundred Musquetiers that plyed them with small shot all that while ; neither was our Enemy Idle , for our Ship received from him at least one hundred great shot , and many of them dangerous ones through the Hull . Our fore-mast was pierced through the middle , our Main-mast hurt , our Main stay almost spoyled , and many of our Main-shrouds cut asunder . And now , Reader , if thou shalt be pleased to accompany me further , I shall carry thee from this sad discourse , where we may be both refreshed upon a near , rich , and pleasant Iland ; And to make way for our entertainment there , take further notice , that after we saw the Carraque in a flame ( which was about midnight ) we stood off and on till morning , to see if any thing might be found in her Ashes ; of which when we despaired , we sought about to succour and comfort our wounded and sick men on the shore . The Land there was very high , against which the Sea is always deep ; so that it was the tenth day of that month , ere we could be possessed of a good Harbour ; which enjoyed , we found the Iland called Mohilia , very pleasant , full of Trees , and exceeding fruitful , abounding in Beeves , Kids , Poultrey of divers kinds , Rice , Sugar-Canes , Plantens ( of which Fruit more shall be spoken hereafter ) Oranges , Coquer-nuts , as with many other wholsom things ; of all which we had sufficient to relieve our whole Company , for little quantities of White Paper , Glass-beads , low-prized Looking-Glasses , and cheap Knives . For instance , we bought as many good Oranges as would fill an Hat for one quarter of a sheet of white Writing - Paper , and so in proportion all other Provisions . Here we had the best Oranges that ever I tasted , which were little round ones , exceeding sweet and juicy , having but a little spongie skin within them , and the rind on them almost as thin as the paring of an Apple : We eat all together , Rind and Juice , and found them a Fruit that was extraordinary well-pleasing to the Tast. Much of their Fruits the Ilanders brought unto us in their little Canoos ( which are long narrow boats , but like troughs out of firm trees ) but their Cattel we bought on the shore ; Where I observed the people to be streight , well limb'd , stout , able men , their colour very tawny ; most of the men , but all the women I saw uncloathed , having nothing about them but a Covering for their shame . Such as were cloathed had long Garments like unto the Arabians , whose Language they speak , and of whose Religion they are , Mahumetans , very strict ( as it should seem ) for they would not endure us to come near their Churches . They have good convenient Houses for their Living , and fair Sepulchres for their Dead . They seemed to live strictly under the Obedience of a King , whose place of residence was some miles up in the Countrey ; His leave by Messengers they first crav'd , before they would sell unto us any of their better Provisions . Their King hearing of our arrival , bad us welcome by a Present of Beeves , and Goats , and Poultrey , and the chief and choice Fruits of his Countrey , and was highly recompenced as he thought again , by a Quire or two of white Paper , a pair of low-prized Looking-Glasses , some strings of Glass - Beads , some cheap Knives , and with some other English toys . We saw some Spanish Money amongst them , of which they seemed to make so little reckoning , that some of our men had from them many Royals of Eight , in exchange for a little of those very low and very cheap Commodities which before I named . The Coquer-nut-tree ( of which this Iland hath abundance ) of all other Trees may challenge the preheminence : for , meerly with these Trees , without the least help of any other Timber , or any other thing ( unless a little Iron-work ) a man may build , and furnish , and fit , and victual a small Ship to Sea. For the Heart of this Tree ( being very tough , firm and fast wood ) growing up streight and high , will make Timber , and Planks , and Pins , and Masts , and Yards ; a strong Gum that issues out of it , with the Rind that grows about it , will serve to calk the Ship ; and that spongy Rind ( that looks like our Hemp when it is a little bruised ) will make Cordage and Sails , and the very large Nuts that grow upon it ( of which are made many excellent drinking Cups ) when it is newly gathered , hath a milky , white substance that is tender ( tasting like an Almond ) round about of a good substance within it ; and within that a very pleasant Liquor , that is wholsom , as well as savoury , which may for a need serve those which sail in this Ship for meat and drink . Now well stored with these Nuts and other good Provisions , after six days abode there , the breaches our Ship had lately received in fight being repaired , and our men well-refreshed , we put again to Sea the sixteenth day , and a prosperous gale following us , were carried happily a second time under the Aequinoctial , without the least heat to offend us , the twenty day fourth of the same Month. Our Course was for the Iland of Zocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea , from whence comes our Aloes Zocotrina ; but an adverse gale from the Arabian shore kept us so off that we could by no means recover it . We passed by it the first of September . Missing that Fort , we proceeded on our Voyage , and the fourth of September made a solemn Funeral in memory of our late slain Commander , when after Sermon the small Shot and great Ordnance made a large Peal to his Remembrance . On the sixth of September at night , to our admiration and fear the Water of the Sea seemed to us as white as milk , which did not appear only so in the body of the Sea , but it looked so likewise in Buckets of water which we did then draw out of the Sea. Others of our Nation passing on that Course have observed the like : but I am yet to learn what should be the true reason thereof , it being there very far from any shore , and the Sea so deep as that we could fetch no ground . The twenty first , We discovered the main Continent of Asia the Great , in which East-India takes up a large part . The twenty second , we had sight of Deu and Damon , places that lye in the skirts of India , principally inhabited and well-fortified by Portugals ; and the twenty fifth of September we came happily to an Anchor in Swally-Road within the Bay of Cambaia , the Harbour for our Fleet while they make their stay in these remote Parts . Then after a long , and troublesom , and dangerous passage , we came at last to our desired Port. And immediately after my arrival there , I was sent for by Sir Thomas Row , Lord Embassadour , then residing at the Mogol's Court ( which was very many miles up in the Countrey ) to supply the room of Mr John Hall his Chaplain ( Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxford ) whom he had not long before buried . And I lived with that most Noble Gentleman at that Court more than two years , after which I returned home to England with him . During which space of my abode there , I had very good advantage to take notice of very many places , and persons , and things , travelling with the Embassadour much in Progress with that King up and down his very large Territories . And now , Reader , I would have thee to suppose me setting my foot upon the East-Indian shore , at Swally before-named . On the banks whereof amongst many more English that lie there interred , is laid up the body of Mr Thomas Coryat , a man in his time Notus nimis omnibus , very sufficiently known . He lived there , and there died , while I was in those parts ; and was for some Months then with my Lord Embassadour , during which time , he was either my Chamber-fellow or Tent-mate , which gave me a full acquaintance of him . That Greek-travelling-Thomas ( they which know his story know why I call him so ) formerly wrote a Book entituled Coryats Crudities , Printed in the beginning of the year 1611. and then ushered into the World by very many Copies of excellent Verses made by the Wits of those Times , which did very much advantage and improve , if not enforce the sale thereof ( doing themselves much more honour than him whom they undertook to commend in their several Encomiasticks . ) And if he had lived , he would have written his last Travels to , and in , and out of , East-India ; for he resolved ( if God had spared him life ) to have rambled up and down the world world ( as sometimes Vlysses did ) and though not so long as he , yet ten full years at least before his return home , in which time he purposed to see Tartaria in the vast parts thereof , with as much as he could of China , and those other large Places and Provinces interposed betwixt East-India and China , whose true Names we might have had from him , but yet have not . He had a purpose after this to have visited the Court of Prester John in Aethiopia , who is there called by his own people , Ho Biot , The King ; and after this , it was in his thoughts to have cast his eyes upon many other places ; which if he had done , and lived to write those Relations , seeing , as he did , or should , such variety of Countries , Cities , Nations , Things , and been as particular in them as he was in his Venetial Journal , they must needs have swoln into so many huge Volums , as would have prevented the perishing of Paper . But undoubtedly , if he had been continued in life to have written them , there might have been made very good Use of his Observations ; for , as he was a very Particular , so was he without question a very Faithful Relator of things he saw ; he ever disclaiming that bold liberty which divers Travellers have , and do take , by speaking and writing any thing they please of remote parts , when they cannot easily be contradicted , taking a Pride in their feigned Relations , to over-speak things ; being resolved in this case Not only things to do , but or'-do ; Speaking , writing all , and more too . I , therefore for my part , believing this Relator to be none of those , have taken some things from his trust and credit in this my following Discourse ; And because he could not live to give an account unto the world of his own Travels , I shall here by the way make some litle discovery of his footsteps and flittings up and down , to and fro , with something besides of him , in his long peregrinations , to satisfie very many yet living , who , if they shall please to read this Discourse , may recall that man once more into their remembrance , who while he lived was like a perpetual motion , and therefore now dead should not be quite forgotten . In the year 1612. he shipt himself from London for Constantinople , now called by the Turks Stombole , where he took special notice of all things there most observable . In which place he found very great respect and encouragement from Sir Paul Pinder ▪ then and there Embassadour , to whose House he had free and welcom access whensoever he pleased . Being there for some time , he took his opportunities to view divers parts in Grecia ; and in the Hellespont , took special notice of those two Castles directly opposed to each other , called Sestos and Abydos , which stand on the several banks that bound that very narrow Sea ; which Places Musaeus makes famous in his very antient Poem of Hero and Leander . He desired much to see where those seven Churches sometimes famous in Asia the Less stood ; but since their sin so darkned their light , and God removed their Candlesticks from them ( as before he threatned ) those Places lie so in the dark , that it cannot be well discovered where they once were : Only Smyrna is famous at this present day for Trade , but not Religion ; and Ephesus and some others of them keep their names still , though they left and lost their Faith and profession of Truth with the rest . He saw what yet remains of the Ruins of sometimes great Troy , but Jam Seges est ubi Troja fuit — That place which was once so populous as if it had been sow'n with People , — And seeded thus , had after born Millions of men , now 's sow'n with Corn. And — O jam periere Ruinae , the very Ruins of that place are almost all gone to Ruine : The most observable thing there yet remaining , is part of an exceeding great House , which is continued by Tradition to have been sometimes a part of the famous Palace of great King Priamus . From Smyrna he found a Passage to Alexandria in Aegypt ; Aegypt , that is called by some , in regard of the Plenty it produceth , the Granary or Store-house of the World. And in Egypt near Gran-Cairo ( antiently called Memphis ) he observed what remains of the once fam'd Pyramids . Returning thence back to Alexandria with one Englishman more , they found a pass by Sea to Jatta , antiently called Joppa , and there they met some others going to Jerusalem , which is about twenty English miles distant from Joppa , whence they departed together towards Jerusalem , and found it a very solitary , rocky , uncomfortable way , full of danger , by reason of the wild Arabes , who keep about those Passages to make poor Travellers their prey and spoyl . But they came safe to Jerusalem , now inhabited by Turks , and that place called by them Cutts ; where he told me , that himself and his Companion were courteously received by the Father Guardian of the Convent of Franciscan Friars that keep their residence in Jerusalem , and by some of them were met at the Gate of the City , where they were compelled by the Turkish Souldiers who keep those Gates ( as all others that bear the name of Christians are ) at their first coming thither to redeem their heads by paying each of them the value of five shillings , before they could have admittance into that place ; which they had no sooner entred , but they were presently carried by those Franciscans which met them to their Convent ; and then the first thing they did to or for them , they washed their feet , then set some comfortable refection before them , and after went in Procession about a little Cloyster they had , praising God that he had brought in safety those two Votaries ( as they called them ) to visit that Holy Place . A day or two after they accompanied them to Bethlehem , the place of our Blessed Saviour's Birth , about five English miles distant from Jerusalem ; and in the way betwixt those two places shewed them a Rock , on which ( as they said ) the Blessed Virgin sate down , as she went on a time betwixt Jerusalem and Bethlehem , to give her Babe suck ; and that the Rock might not feel hard under her , it yielded ( as they told them ) to her body like a Cushion , and that impression made by her so sitting remaineth unto this day , and is most devoutly kissed by Votaries as they pass up and down . After this they returning back , shewed them all that was to be seen in and about Jerusalem . Many particulars they told them ( stories which are there kept by Tradition ) concerning our Blessed Saviour and his Mother : Then they had a sight of as much of Mount Calvary ( where our Blessed Saviour suffered ) as could be shewed them , that Hill being now enclos'd within the walls of Jerusalem . They undertook to shew them afterwards the place wherein our blessed Saviour was buried ; and after that upon Mount Olivet , the very place whence he after Ascended , where , upon a Rock there was an impression of the former part of two feet , such as is seen in soft earth , when a man lifts up his body to leap thence ; and these Franciscans confidently affirmed , and seemed undoubtedly to believe , that it was so as they shewed and told them . Many other things they affirmed , which being but Circumstantials , ( though appertaining to the best of all Stories ) were enough for these Pilgrims to believe , and enough to make doubt of . At Jerusalem , this our Traveller had made upon the Wrists of his left Arm the Arms of Jerusalem , a Cross Crossed , or Crosslets ; and on the Wrist of his right , a single Cross made like that of our Blessed Saviour suffered on ; and on the sides the Stem or Tree of that Cross these words written , Via , Veritas , Vita , some of the Letters being put on the one side of that Stem or Tree , and some of them on the other ; and at the foot of that Cross three Nails , to signifie those which fasted our Saviour unto it : All these impressions were made by sharp Needles bound together that pierced onely the skin , and then a black Powder put into the Places so pierced , which became presently indelible Characters , to continue with him so long as his flesh should be covered with skin : And they were done upon his Arms so artificially , as if they had been drawn by some accurate Pencil upon Parchment . This poor man would pride himself very much in the beholding of those Characters ; and seeing them , would often speak those words of Saint Paul written to the Galatians , Gal. 6.17 . ( though far besides the Apostles meaning ) I bear in my Body the marks of the Lord Jesus . Now after that himself and Camrade had seen what they desired in and about Jerusalem , they took their leave of those Franciscans , leaving with them money to recompence the courtesie they had received from them ; the Fryers being very poor , and consequently , unable to entertain them freely without requitals . From hence they took their way to take a view of the Dead Sea , ( so called , either because the water therein is still , and moves not ; or because no living Creature is in it , and nothing thrives on the banks thereof ) the place where Sodom and Gomorrah , and Admah and Zeboim once stood , those Cities which Almighty God overthrew in anger , and repented not , Jer. 20.16 . Hence they went to have a sight of the River Jordan , which dischargeth it self into that most uncomfortable lake ; and from hence they journeyed North-East through those ten tribes , ( which for the sin of Solomon were rent from his Son Rehoboam ) till they came to Mount Libanus . Thence back to Sidon , which retaineth that Name still . And here he told me , as his last observation made in that Land of Canaan , sometimes ( like the Garden of the Lord ) flowing with milk and honey , being then enriched with a very great variety , and abundance of Gods good Creatures ; and in the dayes of David so populous , that there were numbred in it at one time thirteen hundred thousand fighting men , 2 Sam. 24.9 . besides Women and Children , and others unfit to draw swords ; which was a most wonderful thing to consider that such a spot of ground in comparison , not above one hundred and sixty miles in length , from Dan to Bersheba , and not above sixty miles in breadth , from Joppa to Jordan , should be able to bear and feed such a numerous people ; and now the very self same tract of earth , either for want of manuring , or ( which is rather to be conceived ) for the want of the blessing of Almighty God which once shined upon it , but is now long since with-drawn from it , ( For a fruitful Land the Lord makes barren for the wickedness of them that dwell therein , Psal. 107.34 . ) is now become unable to sustain one in an hundred of such a number . From Sidon they got a passage by Sea unto Alexandretta , now called Scanderoon ( in the extreamest bottom of the Mediterranean Sea ) which is one of the unwholsomest places in the world ; where I have often heard that no stranger ( that was born far from it ) comes to continue there for the space of one moneth , but is sure to meet with a sickness , which very often proves mortal . At this place his English Companion left him , and turned his face towards England , and he presently took his way towards Aleppo in Syria , about seventy miles or more distant from Scanderoon , which is as much renowned for wholsomness , as the place before-named for being unwholsome ; and therefore it is called , sweet-air'd Aleppo . Here he being kindly received by the English Consul , stayed a time to gain the company of a Caravan , which consists of a great mixt multitude of people from divers parts , which get and keep together travelling those parts , for fear of the incursions and violences by Thieves and Murtherers , which they would undoubtedly meet withal ▪ if they travelled single , or but few together . With these he after set forwards towards , and to that City anciently called Niniveh in Assyria , which we find in the Prophesie of Jonah was sometimes a great and excellent City of three dayes journey , Jonah 3.3 . but now so exceedingly lessen'd and lodg'd in obscurity , that passengers cannot say of it , This was Niniveh ; which now hath its old name changed , and is called Mozel . From hence they journied to Babylon in Chaldea , situated upon the River Euphrates , once likewise so great that Aristotle called it a Country , not a City , but now it is very much contracted , and 't is called Bagdat . From this place they proceeded through both the Armeniaes , and either did , or else our Traveller was made to believe , that he saw the very Mountain Ararat , whereon the Ark of Noah rested after the Flood , Gen. 8. And from hence they went forward towards the Kingdom of Persia , and there to Vzspahan , the usual place of Residence for that great King , then called Sha Abbas , or King Abbas . And after they went to Seras , anciently called Shushan , where the great King Ahasuerus kept his Royal and most Magnificent Court , Esth. 1. From hence they journied afterwards to Candahor , the first Province North East under the subjection of the Great Moghol , and so to Lahore , the chiefest City but one belonging to that great Empire ; a place , as I have been often told by Tom : Coryat and others , of very great trade , wealth , and delight , lying more temperately out of the Parching Sun than any other of his great Cities do : And to this City he wanted not Company ; nor afterwards to Agra , the Moghol's Metropolis or chief City . And here it is very observable that from Lahore to Agra it is four hundred English miles , and that the Country betwixt both these great Cities is rich , even pleasant and flat , a Campania ; and the rode-way on both sides all this long distance planted with great Trees which are all the year cloathed with leaves , exceeding beneficial unto Travellers for the shade they afford them in those hot Climes . This very much extended length of way 'twixt these two places , is called by Travellers the Long Walk , very full of Villages and Towns for Passengers every where to find Provision . At Agra our Traveller made an halt , being there lovingly received in the English Factory , where he stayd till he had gotten , to his Turkish and Morisco or Arabian Languages , some good knowledge in the Persian and Indostan Tongues , in which study he was alwayes very apt , and in little time shewed much proficiency . The first of those two , the Persian , is the more quaint ; the other , the Indian , the vulgar Language spoken in East-India : In both these he suddenly got such a knowledge and mastery , that it did exceedingly afterwards advantage him in his Travels up and down the Mogol's Territory ; he wearing alwayes the Habit of that Nation , and speaking their Language . In the first of these , the Persian Tongue , he made afterwards an Oration to the Great Mogol , bringing in that Story of the Queen of Sheba , 1 Kings 10. ( in which parts of that Sacred History the Mahumetans have some knowledge ) and he told him , that as the Queen of Sheba having heard of the Fame of King Solomon , came from far to visit him , which when she had done ; she confessed that though she had heard very much of him , and many things beyond her belief , yet now seeing what she did , acknowledged that she had not heard half of that which she now saw concerning the Wisdom , and Greatness , and Retinue , and Riches of Solomon : So our Orator told the Mogol , that he had heard very much of him before he had the Honour to see him ( when he was very far off in his own Country ) but now what he beheld did exceedingly surmount all those former Reports of him which came to his Ears at such a distance from him : Then larding his short speech with some other pieces of Flattery , which the Mogol liked well , concluded : And when he had done , the Mogol gave him one hundred Roopus , which amounts to the value of twelve pounds and ten shillings of our English Money ; looking upon him as a Derveese , Votary or Pilgrim , ( for so he called him ) and such as bear that name in that Country seem not much to care for money ; and that was the reason ( I conceive ) that he gave him not a more plentiful Reward . After this he having got a great mastery likewise in the Indostan , or more vulgar Language , there was a Woman , a Landress , belonging to my Lord Embassadors House , who had such a freedom and liberty of Speech , that she would sometimes scould , brawl , and rail from the Sun-rising to Sun-set . One day he undertook her in her own Language , and by eight of the Clock in the Morning so silenced her , that she had not one word more to speak . I shall have occasion to say more of this man in some passages of this following Discourse , and therefore I shall not wrap all I have to speak of him in this , although it be a very long digression : Yet because I must now shortly bring you to his journies end , I shall take the freedom to enlarge my self a little further concerning him here in this place , before I leave him for the present ; and to give thee , Reader , a piece of his Character , it speaks thus : That he was a man of a very coveting Eye , that could never be satisfied with seeing , as Solomon speaks , Eccles. 1.8 . though he had seen very much ; and I am perswaded that he took as much content in seeing , as many others in the enjoying of Great and Rare things . He was a man that had got the mastery of many hard Languages , ( as before I observed ) to the Latine and Greek he brought forth of England with him : in which , if he had obtained wisdom to husband and manage them , as he had skill to speak them , he had deserved more Fame in his Generation . But his knowledge and high attainments in several Languages made him not a little ignorant of himself ; he being so covetous , so ambitious of praise , that he would hear and endure more of it than he could in any measure deserve ; being like a Ship that hath too much Sail , and too little Ballast : Yet if he had not faln into the smart hands of the Wits of those Times , he might have passed better . That itch of Fame which engaged this man to the undertakings of those very hard and long , and dangerous Travels , hath put thousands more ( and therefore he was not alone in this ) into strange attempts onely to be talked of . Upon a time one Mr Richard Steel a Merchant , and servant to the East-India Company , came unto us from Surat to Mandoa , the place then of the Mogol's Residence ( of which place somewhat more hereafter ) at which time Mr Coryat was there with us : This Merchant had not long before travelled over-land from East-India through Persia , and so to Constantinople , and so for England ; who in his Travel home-ward had met with Tom : Coryat , as he was journeying towards East-India . Mr Steel then told him , that when he was in England , King James ( then living ) enquired after him , and when he had certified the King of his meeting him on the way , the King replyed , Is that Fool yet living ? which when our Pilgrim heard , it seemed to trouble him very much , because the King spake no more nor no better of him , saying , that Kings would speak of poor men what they pleased . At another time when he was ready to depart from us , my Lord Embassador gave him a Letter , and in that a Bill to receive ten pounds at Aleppo when he should return thither : The Letter was directed unto Mr Libbaeus Chapman , there Consul at that time , in which that which concerned our Traveller was thus : Mr Chapman , when you shall hand these Letters , I desire you to receive the Bearer of them , Master Thomas Coryat with Courtesie , for you shall find him a very honest poor Wretch ; and further , I must entreat you to furnish him with ten pounds , which shall be repayed , &c. Our Pilgrim lik'd the gift well , but the Language by which he should have received it , did not at all content him , telling me , That my Lord had even spoyled his Courtesie in the carriage thereof ; so that if he had been a very Fool indeed , he could have said very little less of him than he did , Honest poor Wretch ! And to say no more of him , was to say as much as nothing . And furthermore he then told me , that when he was formerly undertaking his journey to Venice , a Person of Honour wrote thus in his behalf unto Sir Henry Wotton , then and there Embassador : My Lord , Good Wine needs no Bush , neither a worthy man Letters Commendatory , because whithersoever he comes he is his own Epistle , &c. There ( said he ) was some Language on my behalf ; but now for my Lord to write nothing of me by way of Commendation , but Honest poor Wretch , is rather to trouble me than to please me with his favour . And therefore afterwards his Letter was phras'd up to his mind , but he never liv'd to receive the money . By which his old acquaintance may see how tender this poor man was to be touched in any thing that might in the least measure disparage him . O what pains this poor man took to make himself a Subject for pre●●nt and after Discourse ! being troubled at nothing for the present , unless with the fear of not living to reap that fruit he was so ambitious of in all his undertakings . And certainly he was surprized with some such thoughts and fears ( for so he told us afterwards ) when upon a time he being at Mandoa with us , and there standing in a room against a stone Pillar , where the Embassador was , and my self present with them , upon a sudden he fell into such a swoon , that we had very much ado to recover him out of it ; but at last , comn to himself , he told us that some sad thoughts had immediately before presented themselves to his Fancy , which as he conceived put him into that distemper ; like Fannius in Martial — Ne moriare mori , to prevent death by dying : For he told us that there was great Expectations in England of the large Accounts he should give of his Travels after his return home ; and that he was now shortly to leave us ; and he being at present not very well , if he should die in the way toward Surat , whither he was now intended to go , ( which place he had not yet seen ) he might be buryed in Obscurity , and none of his Friends ever know what became of him ; he travelling now , as he usually did , alone . Upon which my Lord willed him to stay longer with us , but he thankfully refused that offer , and turned his face presently after towards Surat , which was then about three hundred miles distant from us , and he lived to come safely thither : but there , being over-kindly used by some of the English who gave him Sack , which they had brought from England , he calling for it as soon as he first heard of it , and crying , Sack , Sack ! Is there such a thing as Sack ? I pray you give me some Sack. And drinking of it , though I conceive , moderately , ( for he was a very temperate man ) it increased his Flux which he had then upon him ; and this caused him within a few dayes after his very tedious and troublesome Travels ( for he went most on foot ) at this place to come to his journeies end ; for here he overtook Death Decemb. 1617. and was buried ( as aforesaid ) under a little Monument , like one of those usually made in our Church-yards . I now proceed to our former Discourse of the Description of the Great Mogol's Territories : Which I shall digest into several Sections . SECTION I. Of the several Provinces , the chief Cities , the Principal Rivers , the extent of this vast Empire . THe most spacious Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol , divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Provinces , which anciently were particular Kingdoms , whose true Names ( which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records ) with their Principal Cities and Rivers , their Situation and Borders , their Extent in length and breath . I shall first set down very briefly , beginning at the North-West . Yet as I name these several Provinces , I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most Remarkable . 1. Candahore , the chief City so called ; it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-West ; it confines with the King of Persia , and was anciently a Province belonging to him . 2. Cabut , the chief City so called , the extreamest part North of this Emperours Dominions ; it confineth with Tartaria ; the River Nilob hath its beginning in it , whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus . 3. Multan , the chief City so called ; it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore , and to the West joynes with Persia. This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bows and Arrows made in it : The Bows made of Horn , excellently glued and put together ; the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds , both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish : They which are made here are neat and good than in any part of East-India besides . 4. Haiacan , the Province of the Baloches , who are a very stout and war-like people that dare fight . I insert this , because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Territories who appear as likely as these , but so low-spirited ( as I shall after observe ) that they dare not fight . This Province hath no renowned City . The famous River Indus ( call'd by the Inhabitants Skind ) borders it on the East ; and Lar , a Province belonging to the King of Persia , meets it on the West . 5. Buckor , the chief City called Buckor-Succor ; that famous River Indus makes its way through it , and gently enricheth it . 6. Tatta , the chief City so called ; the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant , the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sindee , a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts . 7. Soret , the chief City is called Janagar ; it is but a little Province yet very rich ; it lyes upon Guzarat ; it hath the Ocean to the South . 8. Jesselmure , the chief City so called ; it joyneth with Soret ; but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof . 9. Attack , the chief City so called ; it lyeth on the East side of Indus , which parts it from Haiacan . 10. Peniab , which signifieth five Waters , for that it is seated amongst five Rivers , all Tributaries to Indus ; which , somewhat South of Labore , make but one Current : It is a large Province , and most fruitful . Lahore is the chief City thereof , built very large , and abounds both in people and riches one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India . 11. Chishmeere , the chief City called Siranakar ; the River Bhat finds a way through it , though it be very mountainous , and so creeps to the Sea. 12. Banchish , the chief City is called Bishur ; it lyeth East , somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere , from which it is divided by the River Indus . 13. Jangapore , the chief City so called ; it lyeth upon the River Kaul , one of those five Rivers which water Peniab . 14. Jenba , the chief City so called ; it lyeth East of Peniab . 15. Dellee ( which signifies an Heart , and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories ) the chief City so called ; it lyeth between Jenba and Agra , the River Jemni ( which runneth through Agra , and after falleth into Ganges ) begins in it . This Dellee is both an ancient and a great City , the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors , where most of them lye interred . It was once the City and Seat of King Porus , who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great ; and here he encountring with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Hoast of Men , said , as Curtius reports , Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum , That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind . I was told by Tom : Coryat ( who took special notice of this place ) that he being in the City of Delle , observed a very great Pillar of Marble , with a Greek inscription upon it , which time hath almost quite worn out , erected ( as he supposed ) there , and then , by Great Alexander , to preserve the memory of that famous Victory . 16. Bando , the chief City so called ; it confineth Agra to the West . 17. Malway , a very fruitful Province ; Rantipore is its chief City . 18. Chitor , an ancient great Kingdom , the chief City so called , which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top , walled about at the least ten English miles . There appear to this day above an hundred ruined Churches , and divers fair Palaces , which are lodged in like manner among their Ruines , besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone ; and the Ruines likewise at the least of an hundred thousand Stone-Houses , as many English by their observation have ghessed . There is but one ascent unto it , cut out of a firm Rock , to which a man must pass through four ( sometimes very magnificent ) Gates . It s chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim , Birds and Wild Beasts ; but the stately Ruines thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride . It was won from Ranas , an ancient Indian Prince , who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Province , and his Posterity to live there ever since . Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha ( the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts ) after a very long siege , which famished the besieged , without which it could never have been gotten . 19. Guzarat , a very goodly , and large , and an exceeding rich Province ; it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya ; its chief City is Amadavaz ; besides , it hath in it Cambaya , Brodera , Baroch , and Surat , fair Cities ; but the first of those I named , more spacious , and populous , and rich , then any of the other . It is watered with many goodly Rivers , as that of Cambaya , ( falsly supposed to be Indus ) with the River Narbodah , ( passing by Baroch , and so to the Sea ) with the River Taplee , which watereth Surat . The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea , to Achin , and to divers other places . 20. Chandis , the chief City called Brampore , which is very great , and rich , and full of people . Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince , called Partapsha , tributary to the Mogol ; and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories . 21. Berar , the chief City is called Shapore , the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire . 22. Narvar , the chief City is called Gehud ; it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it , and dischargeth it self into Ganges . 23. Gwalier , the chief City so called , where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City , within an exceeding strong Castle , wherein the Kings Prisoners are likewise kept . The Castle is continually guarded by a very strong Company of Armed Souldiers . 24. Agra , a principal and very rich Province , the chief City so called , this great Emperours Metropolis ; in North Latitude about twenty eight degrees and a half . It is very well watered by the River Jemni . This and Lahore are the two principal and chosce Cities of this Empire , betwixt whom is that Long Walk ( I made mention of before ) of four hundred miles in length , shaded by great Trees on both sides : This is looked upon by Travellers , who have found the comfort of that cool shade , as one of the rarest and most beneficial Works in the whole World. 25. Sanbat , the chief City so called ; the River Jemni parts it from Narvar , and after at the City Hellabass falls into that most famous River Ganges , which is called by the Inhabitants of East-India , Ganga . 26. Bakar , the chief City called Bikaneer ; it lyeth on the West side of the River Ganges . 27. Nagracot , the chief City so called , in which there is a Chappel most richly set forth , being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Silver , most curiously imbossed over head in sevetal figures , which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it ; and all this Cost those poor seduced Indians are at , to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chappel . What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be content to bear for their gross Idolatry ! Nothing is too rich , too pretious , or too dear for it . This Idol thus kept in that so richly adorned Chappel , they call Matta , and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels , who , out of the officiousness of their Devotion , cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice ; which ( they say ) grow out again as before : But in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular . In this Province likewise , there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place called Jallamakee ; where out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks , are daily to be seen continued Eruptions of Fire , before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship . Both these places were seen , and strictly observed by Master Coryat . 28. Siba , the chief City is called Hardware , where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks , makes presently after a pretty full Current : but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus , from whence they both first issue . That principal Rock , through which this River Ganges there makes a Current , is indeed , or ( if not ) according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians , like a Cow's Head , which of all sensible Creatures they love best ( of which more hereafter ) thither they assemble themselves daily in Troops to wash their bodies , ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters , but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges . And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place . 29. Kakares , the principal Cities are called Dekalee and Purhola ; it is a large Province , but exceeding mountainous ; divided it is from Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus ; it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's subjection . 30. Gor , the chief City so called ; it is full of Mountains ; the River Sersily , a tributary unto Ganges , hath its beginning in it . 31. Pitan , the chief City so called ; the River Canda waters it , and fals into Ganges in the Confines thereof . 32. Kanduana , the chief City is called Karhakatenka ; the River Sersily parts it from Pitan : This and Gor are the North-east-bounds of this Monarchy . 33. Patna , the chief City so called ; the River Ganges bounds it on the West , Sersily on the East ; it is a very fertile Province . 34. Jesuat , the chief City is called Raiapore ; it lieth East of Patna . 35. Mevat , the chief City is called Narnol ; it is very mountainous . 36. Vdessa , the chief City called Jekanat ; it is the most remote part East of this Empire . 37. Bengala , a most spacious and fruitful Province , but more properly to be called a Kingdom , which hath two very large Provinces within it , Purb and Patan ; the one lying on the East , the other on the West-side of the River Ganges : It is limited by the Golph of the same name , whereinto the River Ganges ( which at last comes to be divided into four great Currents ) dischargeth it self , after it hath found a way through the Mogol's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length . The chief Cities in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka . It hath many Havens and Ports belonging unto it , which are places of very great trade . Now these are the several Provinces belonging to the Great Mogol , and all of them under his subjection , which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map , first made by the especial observation and direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman , Sir Thomas Row , here contracted into a less compass ; yet large enough to demonstrate , that this great Empire is bounded on the East , with the Kingdom of Maug ; West , with Persia ; and with the Main Ocean , Southerly ; North , with the Mountain Caucasus and Tartaria ; South , with Decan and the Gulph of Bengala . Decan , lying in the skirts of Asia , is divided betwixt three Mahumetan Princes , and some other Indian Rhaiaes , which are Princes likewise . The length of these Provinces is Northwest to South-west more than two thousand English miles ; North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles ; the Southermost part lying in twenty , and the Northermost in forty and three degrees of North-Latitude . The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles . And here a great errour in Geographers must not escape my notice , who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neighbours , when as many large Countries are interposed betwixt them ; which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian-Merchants , who are usually ( they going and returning all the way by Land ) in their journey , and return , and some stay there , two full years from Agra to China . Now , to give an exact account of all those fore-named Provinces , were more than I am able to undertake ; yet out of that which I have observed in some of them ( by travelling many miles up into that Countrey , and then up and down with my Lord-Embassador unto many places there in progress with that King ) I shall adventure to ghess at all , and I think for my particular , that the Great Mogol , considering his most large Territories , his full and great Treasures , with the many rich Commodities his Provinces afford , is the greatest and richest known King of the East , if not of the whole World. I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good : Where SECTION II. Of the Soyl there , what it is , and what it produceth , &c. THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy ( called by the Inhabitants Indostan ) so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man , to feed , and cloath , and enrich him , as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self , without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation . Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most , Food , which this Empire brings forth in abundance ; as , singular good Wheat , Rice , Barley , with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread ( the staff of life ) and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds , very good and exceeding cheap . For their Wheat , it is more full and more white than ours , of which the Inhabitants make such pure , well-relished Bread , that I may say of it , as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Liege , it is Panis Pane melior , Bread better than Bread. The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain , but both toothsom , and wholsom , and hearty ; they make it up in broad Cakes , thick like our Oaten-cakes ; and then bake it upon small round iron hearths , which they carry with them when they journey from place to place , making use of them in their Tents . It should seem to be an ancient Custom in the East , as may appear by that Precedent of Sarah when she entertained the Angels , who found her in her Tent , She took fine meal , and did knead it , and made Cakes thereof upon the hearth , Gen. 18.6 . To their Bread they have great abundance of all other good Provision , as of Butter ( beating their Cream into a substance like unto a thick Oyl , for in that hot Climate they can never make it hard ) which though soft , yet it is very sweet and good . They have Cheese likewise in plenty , by reason of their great number of Kine , and Sheep , and Goats . Besides , they have a Beast very large , having a smooth thick skin without hair , called a Buffelo , which gives good milk ; the flesh of them is like Beef , but neither so toothsom nor wholsom . These Buffeloes are much employed in carrying large skins of water ( for they are very strong Beasts ) which hang on both sides of them , unto Families that want it : their Hides make the most firm and excellent Buff. They have no want of Venison of divers kinds , as Red-Deer , Fallow-Deer , Elks ( which are very large , and strong , and fierce Creatures ) Antilops , Kids , &c. but their Deer are no where imparked , the whole Empire being ( as it were ) a Forrest for them ; for a man can travel no way but he shall here and there see of them . But because they are every man's Game that will make them so , they do not multiply to do them much hurt , either in their Corn , or other places . To these they have great store of Hares , and they have plenty of Fowls wild and tame , as abundance of Hens , Geese , Ducks , Pigeons , Turtle-Doves ▪ Partridges , Peacocks , Quails , and many other singular good Fowl. They have variety of Fish ; all which , by reason of their Plenty , and because many of the Natives eat no kind of Flesh at all , nor of any thing that hath or may have life ; and those that feed on such things , eat not freely of any of those living Creatures , they are all bought there at such easie rates , as if they were not worth the valuing . They do not cut their Chickens when they be little to make Capons , and therefore they have no Creatures of that name , but men , their Eunuchs , called there Cogees or Capons in their Language : so made , when they be very young , and then deprived of all that might after provoke jealousie ; and therefore they are put to be attendants on their women , the great men of that Nation keeping many of them , a soft , tender people , tener Spado , as Juvenal cals one of them , that never come to have any Hair on their Faces . But to return again to their Provisions , the Beeves of that Countrey differ from ours , in that they are none of them very large ; and those they have , have each of them a great bu●●● of grisly flesh which grows upon the meeting of their shoulders . The flesh of their Beeves is much whiter than the flesh of ours , and very sweet , tender and good . Their Sheep differ from ours by their great fleshy Bob-tails , which , severed from their bodies , are very ponderous . Their Wool is generally coarse , but their flesh is not so . Now to season all their good Provisions , there is great store of Salt ; and to sweeten all , abundance of Sugar growing in that Countrey ; which after it is well refined , may be there had at a very low rate ; out of which they make very pure white Sugar-Candy , which may be had there at a small easie Price likewise . Their Fruits are every way answerable to the rest , the Countrey abounding in Musk-Melons ( very much better , because they are better digested there by the heat of the Sun , than these with us . ) They have many Water-Melons , a very choice good Fruit , and some of them as big as our ordinary Pompions , and in shape like them ; the substance within this Fruit is spongy , but exceeding tender and well-tasted , of a colour within equally mixed with red and white , and within that an excellent cooling and pleasing liquor . Here are likewise store of Pome-granats , Pome-citrons ; here are Limons and Oranges , but I never found any there so good as I have seen elswhere . Here are Dates , Figs , Grapes , Prunelloes , Almonds , Coquer-nuts ( of which I observed something before ) and here they have those most excellent Plums called Mirabolans , the stone of which Fruit differs very much from others in its shape , whereon Nature hath curiously quartered several strakes equally divided , very pretty to behold ; many of which choice Plums ( they write ) are very cordial ; and therefore worth the prizing , are there well-preserved , and sent for England . They have to these another Fruit we English there call a Planten , of which many of them grow in Clusters together ; long they are in shape , made like unto slender Cucumbers , and very yellow when they are Ripe , and then taste like unto a Norwich Pear , but much better . Another most excellent Fruit they have , called a Manggo , growing upon Trees as big as our Walnut-trees ; and as these here , so those Trees there , will be very full of that most excellent Fruit , in shape and colour like unto our Apricocks , but much bigger ; which taken and rolled in a man's hands when they are through ripe , the substance within them becomes like the pap of a roasted Apple , which then suck'd out from about a large stone they have within them , is delicately pleasing unto every Palat that tasts it . And to conclude with the best of all other their choice Fruits , the Amana's , like unto our Pine-Apples , which seems to the Taster to be a most pleasing Compound made of Straw-berries , Claret-wine , Rose-water and Sugar , well tempered together . In the Northermost p●●ts of this Empire they have variety of Pears and Apples , every where good Roots , as Carrets , Potatoes , and others like them . They have Onions and Garlick , and some Herbs and small Roots for Salads ; and in the Southernmost parts , Ginger growing almost in every place : the large races whereof , are there very excellently well preserved , as we may know by our tasting them in England . And all these things I have last named may be there likewise bought at very low rates . And lastly , some one kind or other of their very good and choice Fruits may be there had at every time or season of the Year . And here I cannot chuse but take notice of a very pleasant and clear liquor , called Toddie , issuing from a Spongie Tree , that grows strait and tall without Boughs to the Top , and there spreads out in tender branches , very like unto those that grow from the Roots of our rank and rich Artichokes , but much bigger and longer . This Toddie-tree is not so big , but that it may be very easily embraced , and the nimble people of that Countrey will climb up as fast to the top thereof ( the stem of the Tree being rough and crusty ) as if they had the advantage of Ladders to help them up . In the top-tender branches of those Trees they make incisions , which they open and stop again as they please , under which they hang Pots made of large and light Gourds , to preserve the influence which issues out of them in a large quantity in the night-season , they stopping up those vents in the heat of the day . That which thus distils forth in the night , if it be taken very early in the morning , is as pleasing to the taste as any new White-wine , and much clearer than it . It is a very piercing , and medicinable , and inoffensive Drink , if taken betimes in the day , only it is a little windy : but if it be kept till the heat of the day , the Sun alters it so , as if it made it another kind of liquor , for it becomes then very heady , not so well relished , and unwholsom ; and when it is so , not a few of our drunken Sea-men chuse to drink it ; and I think they so do , because it will then presently turn their brains ; for there are too too many of the common sort of those men who use the Sea , who love those brutish distempers too much , which turn a man out of himself , and leave a Beast in the skin of a man. But for that drink , if it be taken in its best , and most proper season , I conceive it to be of it self very wholsom , because it provokes urine exceedingly ; the further benefit whereof some there have found by happy experience , thereby eased from their torture inflicted by that shame of Physicians , and Tyrant of all Maladies , the Stone . And so cheap too is this most pleasing Wine , that a man may there have more than enough for a very little money . At Surat , and so to Agra , and beyond , it seldom or never rains , but one season of the year ; but yet there is a refreshing Dew during all that times the Heavens there are thus shut up , which every night falls , and cools , and comforts , and refresheth the face of the earth . Those general rains begin near the time that the Sun comes to the Northern Tropick , and so continue till his return back to the Line . These showers , at their beginning most extremely violent , are usher'd in , and usually take their leave , with most fearful Tempests of Thunder & Lightning , more terrible than I can express , yet seldom do harm ; the reason in Nature may be the subtilty of the Air in those parts wherein there are fewer Thunder-stones made , than in such Climates where the Air is thick , gross , and cloudy . During those three months it rains usually every day more or less , sometimes one whole quarter of the Moon together , scarce without any intermission ; which abundance of moisture , with the heat of the Sun , doth so enrich their Land , which they never force ( if I observed right ) by Soyling of it , as that , like Aegypt , by the inundation of Nilus , it makes it fruitful all the year after . When the time of this Rain is passed over , the face of the Sky there is presently so serene and clear , as that scarcely one Cloud appears in their Hemisphere the nine months after . And here a strong Argument that may further , and most infallibly shew the goodness of their Soil , shall not escape my Pen , most apparent in this , That when the Ground there hath been destitute of Rain nine months together , and looks all of it like the barren Sands in the Desarts of Arabia , where there is not one spire of green Grass to be found ; within a few days after those fat enriching showers begin to fall , the face of the Earth there ( as it were by a new Resurrection ) is so revived , and throughout so renewed , as that it is presently covered all over with a pure green Mantle . And moreover , to confirm that which before I observed concerning the goodness of that Soil , amongst many hundred Acres of Corn of divers kinds I have there beheld , I never saw any but what was very rich and good , standing as thick on the Ground as the Land could well bear it . They till their Ground with Oxen and Foot-Ploughs , their Seed-time is May , and the beginning of June , they taking their time to dispatch all that work before that long Rainy season comes ; and though the Ground then hath been all the time we named before without any sufficient moysture by showers , or otherwise , to supple and make it more fit for Tillage , yet the Soil there is such a brittle fat mould ( which they sow year after year ) as that they can very easily till it . Their Harvest is in November and December , the most temperate months of all that year . Their Ground is not enclosed , unless some small quantity near Towns and Villages , which stand scattered up and down this vast Empire very thick , though , for want of the true names , not inserted in the Map. They mow not their Grass ( as we ) to make Hay , but cut it off the ground , either green , or withered , as they have occasion to use it . They sow Tobacco in abundance , and they take it too , very much ; but after a strange way much different from us : for first , they have little Earthen Pots , shaped like our small Flower-pots , having a narrow neck , and an open round top , out of the belly of which comes a small spout , to the lower part of which spout they fill the Pot with water ; then putting their Tobacco loose in the top , and a burning coal upon it , they , having first fastned a very small strait hollow Cane or Reed ( not bigger than a small Arrow ) within that spout , a yard or ell long , the Pot standing on the ground , draw that smoak into their mouths which first falls upon the Superficies of the water , and much discolours it . And this way of taking their Tobacco , they believe , makes it much more cool and wholsom . The Tobacco , which grows there , is doubtless in the Plant as good as in any other place of the world , but they know not how to cure and order it , like those in the West-Indies , to make it so rich and strong . The Countrey is beautified with many Woods and Groves of Trees , in which those winged Choristers make sweet Musick . In those Woods some excellent Hawks make their nests ; and there are very often to be seen great flocks of Parakeetoes , or little Parrats , who have their breeding and lodging amongst those Melancholy Shades . And ( in the number of many other Creatures covered with Feathers ) there are some very little Birds less than our Wrens , who are exceeding pretty , for their neat shape , and their covering , with most curious parti-colour'd Feathers , full of variety of little spots . I have seen there many of those rare Creatures kept together in large Cages , who please the Eye with their curious Colours , and the Ear with their variety of pleasant Notes . The Woods and Groves in the Southermost parts of Indostan , have great store of wild Apes , and Monkeys , and Baboons in them ; some of which I have seen as high as our tallest Greyhounds , which live among the Trees , and climb them at pleasure . Those Apes , &c. are very terrible to those little Birds , which make their Nests in those Woods ; and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtilty ( to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them ) to build their Nests in the twigs , and the utmost boughs of those Trees , where some of them hang like little Purse-nets , to which those Apes and Monkeys , be they never so little and light , cannot come to hurt them . Besides their Woods , they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single , but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords . They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building and other uses ; but much of their brush , or small wood , I observed to be very sappy ; so that when we brake a twig of it , there would come a substance out of some of it , like unto Milk , and the sappiness of that underwood may ( as I apprehend it ) be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soil . Some of their Trees have leavs upon them as broad as Bucklers , others are parted small like our Fern or Brakes , as the Tamerine Tree , which bears Cods somewhat like our Beans , in which when the Fruit is ripe , there is a very well tasted pulp , though it be sowr , most wholsom to open the body , and to cool and cleanse the blood . There is one very great and fair Tree growing in that Soil , of special observation , out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root ( as they will certainly do if they be let alone ) and taking Root , at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them . Whence it comes to pass , that those Trees in time ( their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported ) grow to a very great height , and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth , they growing round every way , as that hundreds of men may shade themselves under one of them at any time ; the rather , because these , as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India ( as particularly I observed before ) still keep on their green Coats . For their Flowers , they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds , which , though their colour be excellent , they rather delight the eye than affect the smell ; for not many of them , except Roses , and some few kinds more , are any whit fragrant : Amongst them that are , there is one white Flower , like to Spanish Jessamin ( if it be not the same ) which is exceedingly well sented , of which they make a most excellent pure sweet Oil , with which they anoint their heads , and other parts of their bodies ; which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet . This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers ( as they are expressed in the Map ) the two principal are Indus and Ganges ; where this thing is very observable ( for they say there , that it is very true ) that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy . And therefore ( they say ) that the Mogol , wheresoever he is , hath water brought him from that River , that he may drink thereof , by some appointed for that service , who are continually either going to it , or coming from it : The water is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars , excellently well tin'd on the inside , and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water-bearers for the King's use ; two of which Jars every one carries , hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders . Besides their Rivers , they have store of Wells fed with Springs ; and to these , they have many Ponds , which they call Tanques , some of them exceeding large , fill'd with water when that abundance of Rain falls ( of which more hereafter . ) That most ancient and innocent Drink of the World , Water , is the common drink of East-India ; it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water ; and must needs be so , because in all hot Countries it is more rarified , better digested , and freed from its rawness by the heat of the Sun , and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither , though they never made it their drink before , than any other liquor , and agreeth better with mens bodies . Sometimes they boyl the water there with some wholsom Seeds , and after drink it cold , and then it is , by much , more cold after an heat . ( Like unto some men , who have shewed formerly much zeal and heat for good , and afterward become more chil and cold than ever they were before . ) Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Limons and Sugar , which makes an exceeding pleasant drink , which we call there Sherbet . Some small quantity of Wine , but not common , is made amongst them ; they call it Raak , distilled from Sugar , and a spicy rinde of a Tree called Jagra ; it is very wholsom , if taken very moderately . Many of the people there , who are strict in their Religion , drink no Wine at all ; but they use a Liquor more wholsom than pleasant , they call Coffee ; made by a black Seed boyld in water , which turnes it almost into the same colour , but doth very little alter the taste of the water ; notwithstanding it is very good to help Digestion , to quicken the Spirits , and to cleanse the Blood. There is yet another help for those that forbear Wine , by an Herb they have , called Beetle , or Paune , in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf , but more tender ; they chew it with an hard Nut , somewhat like a Nutmeg , ( but not in taste like that ) and a very little pure white lime amongst the leaves , and when they have sucked down the juice , put forth the rest . It hath ( as they say , and I believe very much of it ) many rare qualities ; for it preserves the Teeth , strengthens the Stomack , comforts the Brain , and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath . This I am sure of , that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle , being chewing in a close room , that the breath of him so chewing it fills it with a very pleasing savour . This Empire further affords very excellent good Horse , curiously made , high metl'd , and well managed by the Natives . Besides their own , they have many of the Persian , Tartarian , and Arabian breed , which have the name to be the choise ones of the World. But of these more when I come to speak of the Inhabitants . Here are a great number of Camels , Dromedaries , Mules and Asses , imployed for the carriage of burthens , or the carrying of the people , to which use also they employ many of their Oxen , and their Buffeloes likewise , ( which before I spake of . ) The Camels , as I oft observed there , have one strange quality , who cry and make a very piteous noyse at night , when they take off their burthens ; but in the morning when they are laid on , the poor Creatures are very still and quiet , making no noyse at all . The Dromedary is called by the Prophet Jeremy , Jer. 2.23 . the swift Dromedary ; the reason may be , because these , like the Camels , have very long legs ; and consequently make long steps , and so travelling rid ground apace ; or because at a pinch , or time of need , they will carry a man exceeding far without rest , and but with a very little food . They have some Rhinocerots , but they are not common , which are very large square Beasts , bigger than the largest Oxen England affords ; their skins without hair , lye in great wrinkles upon their necks , breasts and backs , which doth not make them seem lovely unto the beholders . They have very strong , but short Horns , growing upon very firm bones , that lye over their Nostrils ; they grow upwards , towards the top of their head , every one of these Creatures being fortified with one of them ; and that enough to make them so terrible , that they are shunn'd by other , though very large Creatures . With these Horns ( from which those Creatures have their Names ) are made very excellent Cups , which ( as is conceived ) give some virtue unto the liquor put into them , if it stand any whit long in those Cups . And now to conclude with the largest and the most intelligent ( as we shall hereafter shew ) of all the sensible Creatures the Earth produceth , the Elephant , of which this vast Monarchy hath abundance ; and of them , the Mogol is Master of many thousands ; and his Nobles , and all men of quality besides , in those large Territories , have more or less of them . But of these much shall be spoken in my sixt Section . I observed before , that the Inhabitants of this Empire did carry most of their burthens upon the backs of their Beasts ; and in a special manner this people employ their Camels and Dromedaries for this use , to carry their Merchandizes from place to place : and therefore I shall let my Reader see SECTION III. What the chief Merchandizes , and most Staple , and other Commodities are , which are brought into this Empire . THe most Staple Commodities of this Empire are Indico and Cotton Wool ; of that Wool they make divers sorts of Callico , which had that name ( as I suppose ) from Callicut , not far from Goa , where that kind of Cloth was first bought by the Portugals . For the Spices brought hither by the East-India Fleet , they are had more Southerly , from the Islands of Sumatra , from Java major and minor , from the Moluccoes , and from other places thereabouts : In which , as in the Molucco Islands , and those other parts too from whence the richest Spices come , the Low-Country Merchants have got such footing , and such a particular interest , that our English Factors there ( for the present ) buy those Commodities ; as we sometimes do buy Provisions and Commodities here at home , out of the engrossing Hucksters hands : So that our English in those parts have a free Trade for no kind of Spice , but for that , which is one of the lowest prized , namely , Pepper , which they fetch from Bantam . Which more general Trade of the Dutch , they have formerly gained at a very vast expence , by fortifying themselves there , in the places where-ever they settle ; and then standing , upon their Guard , put a kind of force upon the Natives to sell them their Commodities . What the carriage of that people hath formerly been in those parts towards our English , ( where their Swords hath been longest ) is sufficiently made known by other Pens : This I may conclude from their example ( and I would they were singular and alone in it ) that when a people will not be ordered by that Royal Law , which commands us , Matth. 7.12 . To do nothing , but what we would be content to suffer ; as to do nothing unto others , but what we would be well content to suffer from others : But on the contrary , when they measure things , not by the strait and even Rule of Equity , but by the crooked and oblique Line of Power , arming their Injustice to do what they please , because they can do what they will : This causeth many to make very bold with God in cases that seem to give advantage unto their high thoughts and Commodities : For what evil cannot Ambition and Covetousness do , when they are backt with an Arbitrary and unlimitted Power here below , if they be not checkt by a stronger Arm from above ? Whence we see it often come to pass , that when the Laws of Nature and Nations , yea of God himself , lye in the way of their profit , or earthly advantages ( what-ever their sufferings or loss be afterward ) they either spurn them thence , or else tread and trample upon them at pleasure , to compass their ends for the present . This I can say of the Dutch ( something from my own knowledge , but more from the report of others ) that when I lived in those parts , and we English there were more for number than they , and consequently could receive no hurt from them , we there used them as Neighbours and Brethren ; but in other places , where they had the like advantage of us , they dealt with us neither like Christians nor Men. But I will not here any longer digress , but return to speak further of the Commodities to be had in East-India . The Indico we bring thence , is a good , and a rich Commodity . It is there made of little leaves , not bigger than those on our Goos-berry bushes , and the shrubs that bear those leaves are about their bigness . These leaves they slip off from the small branches of those bushes , which grow with round and full heads without pricks . The leaves thus stripp'd off , are laid in great heaps together certain dayes , till they have been in a hot sweat ; then are they removed , and put into very great and deep Vessels fill'd with a sufficient quantity of water to steep them in , where they leave their blew tincture with their substance ; this done , the water is drain'd out into other exceeding broad , but very shallow Vessels , or Vats , made of Plaister ( like to that we call Plaister of Paris ) which will keep in all the Liquor till the hot Sun in short time extracts the moisture from it ; and then what mains in the bottome , is a Cream about one quarter of an inch thick , which suddenly becomes hard and dry , and that is our Indico , the best sort whereof comes from Biana , near unto Agra , and a coarser sort is made at Cirkeese , not far from Amadamaz ; about which two places , are a very great number of those shrubs planted , which bear those leaves . For their Cotton-wooll , they sow seed , and very large quantities of Ground in East-India are thus seeded . It grows up like small Rose-bushes , and then puts forth many yellow blossoms ; those afterward falling off , there remain little Cods , about the bigness of a Man's Thumb , in which the substance at first is moist and yellow ; but as they ripen , they swell bigger , till they break their Covering , and after , in short time , that within them becomes Wool , as white as Snow , and then they gather it . Amongst that Wool they find seeds to sow again as they have occasion ; but those shrubs bear that Wool three or four years e're they supplant them . Of this Cotton-wool they make divers sorts of white Cloth ( as before I observed ) some broad , some narrow , some coarse , some fine , and very fine indeed ; for some that I have seen there I believe was as fine as our purest Lawn . Much of the coarser sort of that Cloth they dye into Colours , or else stain in it variety of well-shaped and well-coloured Flowers or Figures , which are so fixed in the Cloth , that no water can wash them out . That pretty Art of staining , or printing fixing those variety of Colours in that white Cloth , the People of Asia have engrossed to themselves , where the most curious Pintadaes are made ; whither neighbouring , as well as more remote Nations , bring their Monies to fetch them thence . In Decan , which bounds upon the Mogol's Territories South , ( the Princes whereof are Tributaries unto him ) there are many Diamond-Rocks , in which are found those most pretious of all other Stones ; and they are to be sold in this Empire , and consequently to be had by those who have skill to buy them , and Money to pay for them . But as all the Stones in East-India are not pretious , so those that are , the Natives know very well how to value . But further , for the Merchandizing Commodities the Mogol's Provinces afford , there is Musk ( by reason of their abundance of Musk-Cats ) to be had in good quantity ; and there are Bezar stones : which are not so called from any Beast of that name , but they grow in the maws of Goats , which when they observe to grow exceeding lean , they kill them , and find those stones in them ; and if they did not so , that stone in them would make an end of them . By which we may observe , how that pretious Bezar stone , that proves many times such a Cordial , and Preservative to the Life of Man , is destructive and mortal unto the poor Creature from whence it is taken : Like that pretious Word of God , that may proceed from the Lips of him that hath a lean Soul , and may do others good , but himself nothing but mischief . The greatest number of those Goats , from whence those Bezars are taken , feed on the Mountains of Lar in the Persians Territories , the Western-Bound ( as before ) of the Mogol's great Empire . They have some store of Silk here ; but the greatest quantity of that rich Commodity , that any place in the whole World affords , comes out of Georgia , a Province belonging unto the King of Persia. Those Georgians and Armenians , ( both under the Command of the Persian King ) are by profession Christians , like those of the Greek Church . And the Abissins , under the Command of Prester John , are in profession Christians likewise , but these Abissins circumcise their Males before they baptize them . Alass poor People ! who for want of better instruction cannot know what they should , and therefore know not what they do . All those Armenians , Georgians , and Abissins , ( as I have it from others , but can relate something of it out of my own knowledge ) even all of them see Christ but in the dark , and by reason of the general ignorance that is in them , cannot know God as they ought in Jesus Christ. These are the different cases of many which profess Christ in the World ; some cannot know him , some care not to know him , and some will not know him ; Amongst the first of these , they all may be ranked whom I but now named , as many others of the Greek , and those that profess Christianity in Russian Churches , with many-many others of the Romish , who have the Truths of God sealed up in an unknown Tongue , to keep , and to continue them in ignorance ; who instead of the two Breasts of the Church , the Law and the Gospel , are fed with mouldy and finnowed Traditions ; and their case being so , our Charity towards them may lead us thus far , to believe that they would do better , if they knew better ; and this may speak much in their excuse . But what Plea can be made for us of this Nation , that Do not what we Know ; or if we be ignorant , it is because we will be so ; not because we cannot know , but because we care not for knowledge , and will not know ? But to return to the place where I began my last digression ; I told you that the People here have some store of Silk , of which they make Velvets , Sattins , Taffataes , either plain , or mingled , or strip'd in party-colours ; but the best of them for richness and goodness come not near those which are made in the parts of Italy . Many curious Boxes , Trunks , Standishes , Carpets , with other excellent Manufactures , may be there had . They have medicinal Drugs , and amongst them very much Cassia growing there in Canes . They have Gums well sented , and much Lignum Aloes , which burnt , yields a perfume better than any one thing in the world that I ever smelled . They have great store of Gum-lac , of which they make their hard Wax ; and that Gum likewise they there imploy for many other neat uses . The Earth there yields good Minerals of Lead , Iron , Copper , Brass , and ( they say ) they have Silver-Mines too ; which ( if true ) they need not open , being so enriched from other Nations of Europe , and other parts , who yearly bring thither great quantities of Silver to purchase their Commodities . Which I collect from our English Trade there ; for , though we vent some quantity of our Wollen Cloth , with some other things we carry thither , yet the greatest part by far of Commodities brought thence , are caught by the Silver hook . And this is the way to make any Nation of the world rich , to bring , and leave Silver in it , and to take away Commodities . And , as all Rivers run into the Sea , so many Silver Streams run into this Monarchy , and there stay ; the People of any Nation being there very welcome that bring in their Bullion , and carry away the others Merchandizes ; but it is look'd on as a Crime that is not easily answered , to transport any quantity of Silver thence . The Coyn , or Bullion , brought thither from any place , is presently melted and refined , and the Mogol's Stamp ( which is his Name , and Titles , in Persian Characters ) put upon it . The Coyn there is more pure than in any other part of the world , being ( as they report ) made of pure Silver , without any Allay ; so that in the Spanish Money , the purest of all Europe , there is some dross . They call their pieces of Money , Roopees ; of which there are some of divers values , the meanest worth two shillings and three pence , and the best two shillings and nine pence sterling . By these they count their Estates and Payments . They have another Coyn of inferiour value in Guzarat , called Mamoodies , about twelve pence sterling ; both the former , and these , are made in halfs , and some few in quarters ; so that three pence is the least piece of silver current in those Countries , and very few of them to be seen . That which passeth up and down for exchange under this rate , is Brass or Copper Money , which they call Pices , whereof three , or thereabouts , countervail a Penny , Those Pices are made so massie and thick , as that the baser metal of which they are made , put to other uses , is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at . Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square , but so thick , as that it never breaks nor wears out . They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise , some pieces of great value ; but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them . I have now done with this Section , wherein I have related much of the Commodities , and Riches , as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy , and , I conceive , nothing but what Truth will justifie . And now , lest that place I have describ'd , should seem to be an earthly Paradise , I must acquaint my Reader , that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts , are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things ; which he must needs know , when he takes notice . SECTION IV. Of the Discommodities , Inconveniences , and Annoyances , that are to be found or met withall in this Empire . AS the Poets feigned that the Garden ' of the Hesperides ( wherein were Trees that bare Golden Apples ) was guarded by a Serpent : So there are stings here , as well as fruits ; all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mention'd , Rev. 9.7 , 8 , 10. verses , Who had the Faces of Men , and the Hair of Women , and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads ; but they had too , the Teeth of Lyons , and the tayls of Scorpions , and there were stings in those tayls . Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them , to make their life more comfortable ; but withall here are Teeth to tear , and stings to kill : All put together , are nothing but a mixture made up ( as indeed all earthly things are ) of good and bad ; of bitter and sweet ; of what contents , and of what contents not . The Annoyances of these Countries are , first many harmfull beasts of prey , as Lyons , Tygers , Wolves , Jackalls , with others ; those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs , who in great companies run up and down in the silent night , much disquieting the peace thereof , by their most hideous noyse . Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave , for if his Body be not buryed very deep , they will dig him thence , and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies . In their Rivers are many Crocodiles , and — Latet anguis in herba , on the Land , not a few over-grown Snakes , with other venemous and pernicious Creatures . In our Houses there we often see Lizards , shaped like unto Crocodiles , of a sad green colour , and but little Creatures , the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye , for I do not know that they are hurtful . There are many Scorpions to be seen , which are oftentimes felt , which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains , whose stinging is most sensible , and deadly , if the Patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions , to annoint the part affected , which is a sudden and a certain cure . But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him , ( as sometimes they do ) the oylie substance it affords , being beaten in pieces , suddenly applyed , is a present help . The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death , the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can asswage and cure so well , as a serious consideration , and a continual application of the thoughts of dying . Facilè contemnit omnia , qui cogitat se semper moriturum , that man may trample upon every thing , whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change. He cannot dye but well , who dyes daily ; daily in his preparations for death , though he dye not presently . The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra-fishes , and not bigger , and look black like them , before they are boyled . They have a little round tayl which turns up , and lyes usually upon their backs , at the end whereof is their sting , which they do not put in , and let out of their bodies , as other venemous creatures do , but it alwayes appears in their tayls ready to strike ; it is very sharp and hard , and not long , but crooked like the talon of an Hawk . The abundance of Flyes ( like those swarms in Egypt , Exod. 8.21 . ) in those parts did likewise very much annoy us : for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such , as that we could not be quiet in any place for them , they being ready to fly into our Cupps , and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table ; and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there , who were our Servants , to stand round about us on purpose while we were eating , with Napkins to fright them away . And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flyes troubled us ; so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes , like our Gnats , but some-what less , and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches , another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures , like little Tikes : and these annoyed us two wayes ; as first by their biting and stinging , and then by their stink . From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents ( as there we did much ) than when we abode in Houses ; where in great Cities and Towns , ( to add unto the disquiets I before named ) there were such an abundance of large hungry Ratts , that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds , either on our Toes or Fingers , or on the tips of our Ears , or on the tops of our Noses , or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths . The winds in those parts ( as I observed before ) which they call the Mont soone , blow constantly one way , altering but few points , six months Southerly , and six months Northerly . The months of April , May , and the beginning of June , till the Rain falls , are so extremly hot , as that the wind when it blows but gently , receives such heat from the parched ground , that the reflection thereof is ready to blister a Man's Face that receives the breath of it . And if God did not provide for those parts , by sending a breeze , or breath , or small gale of wind daily , which some-what tempers that hot sulphureous Air , there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English , who have been used to breathe in a temperate Climate ; and , notwithstanding that benefit , the Air in that place is so hot to us English , that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture , but that we stir very little in the heat of the day , and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it . And no marvel , for the coldest day in the whole year at noon ( unless it be in the time when those Rains fall ) is hotter there then the hottest day in England . Yet I have there observed most strange and sudden changes of heat and cold within few hours , as in November and December the most temperate months of their year ( as before ) and then at mid-night the Air was so exceeding fresh and cold , that it would produce a thin Ice on the water , and then as we lay in our Tents , we would have been very glad of the warmth of a Rugg upon us , and the noon of that following day would be so extream hot , as that it was troublesom then to keep on the thinnest cloathing . Sometimes there , the wind blows very high in those hot and dry seasons , not long before the Rain begins to fall , raising up into the Air a very great height , thick Clouds of Dust and Sand , which appear like dark Clouds full of moisture , but they deceive like the brook in Job , Job 6.15 . that hath no water in it . These dry showers ( which Almighty God threatens to send among a people as an heavy judgement , Deut. 28.24 . When he will make the Rain of a Land powder and dust ) most grievously annoy all those amongst whom they fall , enough to smite them all with a present blindness ; filling their Eyes , Ears , Nostrils , and their Mouths are not free if they be not also well guarded ; searching every place as well within as without our Tents or Houses , so that there is not a little key-hole , of any Trunk or Cabinet , if it be not covered , but receives some of that dust into it , the dust forced to find a lodging any where , every where , being so driven and forced , as it is , by the extream violence of the wind . But there is no place nor Country under Heaven , nor yet ever hath been , without some discommodities . The Garden of Eden had a Serpent in it , Gen. 3. He that made all things by his Absolute Command , hath so mixed and tempered , and ordered all things here below by his infinite Wisdom , that either too much Heat , or too much Cold ; either the barrenness of the Soyl , or the unwholsomness of the Air , or some thing else , ministers matter of exception more or less against every place , that the Sons of Men might hence learn , that there is no true and perfect content to be found in any Kingdom , but in that of Heaven : For while we are here , trouble and peace , mourning and joy , comfort and discontent , come all of them by courses and succescessions ; so that there is no weeding up of those Tares , no removing of those Annoyances from the Life of Man. And so having observed what is Truth , and what is enough to be said of the Inconveniences and Annoyances , as well as of the Commodities and Contentments which are to be found in those parts , I come now to speak of the People that inhabit there . And because many particulars will necessarily fall within the compass of this part of my Observations , which would more weary my Reader if they should be presented unto him in one continued Discourse , I shall therefore ( as I have begun ) break this into Sections , and proceed to speak SECTION V. Of the Inhabitants of East-India , who they are ; Of their most excellent Ingenuity expressed by their curious Manufactures , their Markets at Home to buy and sell in , and their Trade abroad THe Inhabitants in general of Indostan were all anciently Gentiles , called in general Hindoes , belonging to that very great number of those which are called Heathens , which take up almost two thirds of the number of the People who inhabit the face of the whole Earth . But of this more hereafter . There are some Jews ( but they are not many ) here and there scattered and lost as it were , in those other great numbers of People ; the greatest company of Jews now to be found together in any one place of the world ( as I have been made to believe from the observation of others ) are to be seen at Grand Cairo in Egypt , whither they are returned , and where setled , to take their fill of their fore-Fathers Flesh-pots . For the Inhabitants of East-India ever since they were subdued by Tamberlain , they have been mixed with Mahumetans , which though they be by farr in respect of their number less than those Pagans , yet they bear all the sway , and command all in those Countries . There are besides these , ( now become as it were Natives there ) a great number of Persians and Tartars ( who are Mahumetans by Religion ) that there inhabit , very many of which the Mogol keeps for Souldiers to serve on Horse-back , called there Haddees : There are of both these many daring , stout , hardy and valiant Men. For the Persians , there are many of them comely Persons , not so swart as those of East-India . But for the Tartars I have there seen , ( and I have seen many of them ) they are more to be commended for their Valour than Beauty ; a square , stout , strong People , having platter Faces , and flat Noses . There are many Armenians , and some Abissins amongst them , who wear the Livery of Christ , in being called Christians , the greatest part of whose Christianity lies in their Name . Those Armenians there make some wine to sell , of Raisons , Sugar , and other ingredients , that is strong and heady , and luscious , tasted too much by many Christians that come thither , as by those too that make it . Of the green Grapes there , though they have abundance and they great , and sweet , and good , yet they make no Wine at all : The Mahumetans ( in obedience to a Precept of Mahumets which forbids Wine ) neither make , nor drink it ; and others are not suffered there to make it of those green Grapes , for fear ( as I suppose ) they should make , and drink too much of it . To those I have named of other Nations , ( that are to be seen in East-India ) there are besides some few almost of every people in Asia , and many Europeans of divers parts ( that use to stir from their own fires ) to be found amongst them ; and among that great variety of People and Nations there to be observed , I have taken special notice of divers Chinesaas , and Japanesaas there , and those I have seen of them , for the generality , are a people of no large stature , with little eyes , and noses somthing flatted ; de tribus Capillis , with a few black hairs that stand scattered on their upper lips which make them as handsome beards as are to be seen on our Hares , or Cats . There are some Jews here ( as before I observed ) whose stubbornness and Rebellion , long ago , caused Almighty God to threaten them , that they should be after sifted , and scattered among all the Nations of the World. Those ancient Satyrists , Persius , and Juvenal , after that most horrid act committed by them in Crucifying our Blessed Saviour ( though not in respect unto that most cruel action , for they were Heathens ) yet they call them Verpos , that is , circumcised , Worms , vermin . Tacitus after gives them a most unsavory Epithete , calling them foetentes Judaeos , stinking Jews . Marcus the Emperour observing them well , concluded that they were a generation of men worse than savages or Canibals , to be even the worst of men , as if they were the very reffuse and dregs of mankind . How usual is that Proverb , that when men are suspected to do otherwise than they should , to answer , what , am I Jew , that I should do so , and so ? I have observed somthing to this purpose , from the people of East-India , who are very valiant at tongue-fights , though not so with their weapons ( as you will hear afterward ) ; that people , I say , who have a very nimble but a base quality in railing at , and miscalling one another ; and their language is so full , and significant , that they can call a man in it , two or three base things in one word ; but when they come to call him , whom they miscall , Judeo Jew , they believe ( as I have been often told ) that they can go no higher ; esteeming that , above all other terms , the highest name of obloquy . Yet we do believe , ( because the Lord hath promised it ) that he will find a time to call home this people again to himself , when they shall receive honour above all the contempt they have been long under ; after they shall see with sorrow , and with the eye of faith , Him , whom their Fore-fathers , out of ignorance , and despite , and unbelief pierced . For the Stature of the Natives of East-India , they are like us , but generally very streight ; for I never observed nor heard of any crooked person amongst them : And one reason may be , because they never lace nor girt in their Bodies ; and when they sleep , they accustom themselves to stretch out their Bodies at their full length , without any thing to raise up their heads . And further , among many other things I took special notice of there , I never observed any deformed Person , nor Ideot or natural Fool , in those Parts . Now for the Complexion of this People , they are all of them of a sad tawney or Olive-colour ; their hair black as a Raven , very harsh , but not curl'd . They like not a man or woman that is very white or fair , because that ( as they say ) is the colour of Lepers , common amongst them . Most of the Mahumetans , except the Moolaes ( which are their Priests ) or those which are very old and retired , and have ( as it were ) given the World quite over , keep their chins continually bare , but suffer the hair on their upper lipps to grow very long ; and they keep it in its natural colour , by combing it continually with black-lead Combs , till they be of good years ; but afterward , when Time hath so snowed upon them , that they can no longer keep in nor conceal their gray hairs , they use the Rasor ( as they did ) no more , but let the hair of their chins grow long and large , which makes many gray-beards amongst them , and I conceive that there are of those many Old men . And further , it is the manner of the Mahumetans to shave all the hair from off their Heads , reserving only one lock on the Crown of them , for Mahomet to pull them up to Heaven with ( as they fondly conceit ) . The Hindoes shave their Heads likewise , but cut all off ; and both of them shave thus , and that very often ; but however their baldness appears not at all , because their Heads are continually covered with a Shash , or a wreath of narrow Callico-Cloth , many times wrap'd about them , ( usually for their colour white or red ) which they never pull off , as we do our Hats in Complements . Their much and often shaving makes many excellent Barbers amongst them , who besides their Scis●ers and Rasors , use a little Instrument about the length of a short Bodkin , very sharp , made like a Chizel , but not broader at the cutting end than the shank of a six-penny nail , with which they pare and clense the nails on their fingers and toes . Every Barber carries always about him a round Looking-glass made of steel , about the compass of a large trencher-plate , made somwhat hollow , and kept by them exceeding clean and sleek , so that it will represent the Face of him that beholds it on the convex side very well . These Barbers , as they walk up and down , often present these Glasses unto men whom they find sitting still , which is a tender of their Service if they shall please to make use of them . The people there often wash their Bodies , and keep their Feet as clean and as sweet as their Hands . The better sort annoint themselves very much with sweet oyls , which makes their company ( as before I observed ) very savory . The Natives there ( of which there is somthing before in my third Section ) shew very much ingenuity in their curious Manufactures ; as in their Silk-stuffs which they most artificially weave , some of them very neatly mingled either with Silver or Gold , or both . As also in making excellent Quilts of their stained cloth , or of fresh coloured Taffata lined with their Pintadoet , or of their Sattin lined with Taffata , betwixt which they put Cotten-wooll , and work them together with Silk . Those Taffata or Sattin-quilts , are excellently stitched by them , being done as evenly , and in as good order , as if they had been drawn out to them , for their direction , the better to work them . They make likewise excellent Carpetts of their Cotton-wooll , in fine mingled colours , some of them more than three yards broad , and of a great length . Some other richer Carpets they make all of Silk , so artificially mixed , as that they livelily represent those flowers , and figures made in them . The ground of some other of their rich Carpets is Silver or Gold , about which are such silken flowers , and figures ( as before I named ) most excellently and orderly disposed throughout the whole work . Their skill is likewise exquisite in making of Cabinets , or Boxes , or Trunks , or Standishes , curiously wrought , within , and without ; inlaid with Elephants tooth , or Mother of Pearl , or Ebony , or Tortoyse-shell , or Wyre ; they make excellent Cups , and other things of Agate , and Cornelian ; and curious they are in cutting all manner of stones , Diamonds as well as others . They paint Staves , or Bed-steads , or Chests of Boxes , or Fruit-dishes , or large Chargers , extream neatly ; which , when they be not inlaid ( as before ) they cover the wood ( first being handsomly turn'd ) with a thick Gum , then put their Paint on , most artificially made of liquid silver , or gold , or other lively colours , which they use ; and after make it much more beautiful with a very clear varnish put upon it . They are excellent at Limning , and will coppy out any Picture they see to the life : for confirmation of which take this instance ; It happened that my Lord Embassadour visiting the Mogol on a time , as he did often , presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England . The Mogol was much pleased with it , but told the Embassadour withall , that haply he supposed that there was never a one in his Country that could do so well in that curious Art ; and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopees ( a sum which amounted to no less then 10000 l. sterl . ) that in a few days he would have two Copies made by that presented to him , so like , that the Embassadour should not know his own . He refused the great wager , but told the King he would adventure his judgment on it : Two Copies taken from that Original were within few days after made , and brought and laid before the Embassadour , in the presence of the King ; the Embassadour viewing them long , either out of Courtship to please the King , or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the Pictures being all exquisitly done , took one of them which was new made , for that which he had formerly presented , and did after profess that he did not flatter , but mistake in that choice . The truth is , that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Apes for imitation in the world , so full of ingenuity that they will make any new thing by pattern , how hard soever it seem to be done ; and therefore it is no marvel , if the Natives there make Shooes , and Boots , and Clothes , and Linen , and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion , which are all of them very much different from their Fashions and Habits , and yet make them all exceeding neatly . They have Markets , which they call Bazars , to sell and buy their Commodities in all their great Towns twice every day , a little before , and an hour after Sun-rising in the morning , and so a little before and a little after Sun-set at night . The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet together ; and those are the seasons we English-men there make use of , to ride abroad and take the air , the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses . The people there sell almost all their Provisions , as very many other things , by weight . For the foreign Trade of this people , it is usually once a year into the Red Sea to a City called Moha in Arabia the happy , about thirty leagues from the mouth of it ; It is a principal Mart for all Indian Commodities , but the Staple and most principal there vented is their Cotten-cloth , either white , or stained , and their Cotten-wooll . Hither they come from Grand Cairo in Egypt , as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions , to trafique ; hither they come from Prester Johns Country which lyes on the other side of the Arabian Gulf ( for so the Red Sea is there called ) and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha . The Ship or Junk ( for so it is called ) that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an exceeding great burden , some of them I believe fourteen or fifteen hundred Tuns , or more , but those huge Vessels are very ill built , like an over-grown Liter , broad and short , but made exceeding big , on purpose to waff Passengers forward and backward : which are Mahometans , who go on purpose to visit Mahomets Sepulchre , at Medina neer Mecha , but many miles beyond Moha . The Passengers , and others in that most capacious Vessel that went and returned that year I left India , ( as we were credibly told ) amounted to the number of seventeen hundred . Those Mahumetans that have visited Mahomets Sepulchre , are ever after called Hoggees , or holy men . This Junk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea , as she hath many people in her , so hath she good Ordnance , but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence . She begins her Voyage about the twentieth of March , and finisheth it , about the end of September following . The Voyage is but short and might easily be made in less than three moneths , but the Ship is very slow , and ill-built to abide foul weather ; and in the long season of the rain , and a little before and after it , the winds upon those Coasts are commonly so violent , that there is no coming but with much hazard into the Indian Sea. This Ship returning is usually worth ( as I have heard it faithfully reported , and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers ) two hundred thousand pounds Sterling , and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver ; some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise . But that huge mass of wealth thus brought home into India , is another especial thing , and might have been added to that I spake of before towards the continual enriching of this great Monarchy : where , in the next place I shall speak SECTION VI. Of the care and skill of this people in keeping and managing their excellent good Horses ; Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them ; And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place . THe Souldiery here , and so many of the Gentry , and better sort of the people , who live at Court , shew excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turn'd , high metal'd , choice Horses ; which are excellent good at mounting up , bounding and curvetting , and when they run them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a foots breadth ; for the scantling of those creatures , they are in proportion like ours , but excellently well eyed , headed , limn'd ; for their colours , there are some of them Raven-black , but many more of them white , curiously Dapled ; and a very great number Pied and spotted all over , and there are some of other bright colours . But it is a usual custom there amongst Gallants who ride upon the bright-coloured horses , to have their legs and lower parts of their bellies and breasts died into a Saffron colour ( of which they have much there ) which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars Vatt , just to such an height of their bodies . The hair upon their Horses ( whom they keep plump and fat ) is very short , soft , and lyes sleek upon them : and I wonder not at it , they are kept so daintily ; every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him , and to run by him when he is rode forth , and this is all his work . They tye not down their horse-heads when they stand still ( as we do ) with halters , but secure each horse by two ropes , fastned to their hind-feet , which ropes are somwhat long , to be staked down behind them in Tents , or other places wherein they are kept . They cut grass for them green or withered on the earth as they have occasion to use it , never mowing their ground and making Hay as we do . But that which keeps their horses in heart , and in flesh , is the Provender they eat , which is a kind of round grain they call Donna , somwhat bigger than our Tares ; which they give not unto them dry , but boil'd , and mingled with some coarse Sugar amongst it ; and when it is cold give it them , made up in round balls , which they put into their mouths , as if they cramb'd them ; and sometimes they put a little Butter into these balls to scour their bodies . Their choice good horses are valued there at as dear if not an higher rate , than those we esteem most of in England are prized with us . They make excellent Saddles , and some of them of great value , adorned with handsom and rich trapings , all of them very easie both for the horse , and his rider . They manage their horses with strong snaffles , whose reins and head-stalls are made suitable to their Saddles and Trappings , The Elephants in this vast Monarchy are very numerous , and though they be the largest , and that by far , of all the Creatures the earth brings forth ; yet are they so tractable , unless at some times when the Males are mad ( of which more afterward ) as that a boy of twelve years old is able to rule the biggest of them , in which we may in a special manner read a Comment on that truth which tells us how that the Lord hath put the fear of man upon all the creatures here below . But for the Elephants ( I have begun to speak of ) they are very huge vast over-grown Creatures , some of whom , which I have seen , I conceive at the least twelve foot high ; but there are amongst them ( as they say ) fourteen or fifteen foot in height . The colour of them all is black ; their skins thick , and smooth without hair ; they have full eyes , but not proportionable to their great bodies ; they have ears like our Oxen , but not exceeding large , and those ears edged ( as it were ) about with a short hair-fringe ; and at the end of their tails ( which are slender and not very long ) there grows some hair likewise and a little on their eye-lids ; but no where else about their bodies . The feet of the Elephants look like the trunks of small trees cut square off from their roots ; round about which there are thick , and short , and broad claws growing . Some that write of them have abused the world with this tradition that they have no joynts in their legs , and therefore stand when they sleep against trees to hold them up : which is all very false , for they lye down and arise again at their pleasure , as other beasts do . Their motion is not swift , a walking rather than a pace , about three miles at the most an hour ; but of all beasts that carry burdens they are most sure of foot , for they never fall , nor yet stumble to endanger their Rider . They are most docile creatures , and of all those we account meerly sensible come neerest unto reason . Lipsius in his Epistles Cent. 1. Epist. 50. out of his observation from others , writes more of them than I can confirm , or any , I perswade my self , believe ; yet many things most remarkable , which seem indeed to be acts of reason rather than sense , I have observed in them : for instance , an Elephant will do any thing his Keeper commands him , as if he bid him to affright a man , he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him into pieces , but when he is come at him do him no hurt at all ; so if he would have him , to abuse or to disgrace a man , he will take dirt , or dust , or kennel-water into his Trunk , and dash it on his face . Their Trunks are grisly Snouts of a great length , hanging down betwixt their long teeth , which teeth nature hath given them for their defence , otherwise they are of little use to them . In their Trunks they have such marvellous strength , that by them they can do very much mischief : for if they strike an Horse , or Camel , or any other the like beast with them ( as sometimes they do when as they are mad ) they will so break their bones , as that they will spoil , nay kill them at one blow ; and much more a man , if he chance to come in their way . Those Trunks of the Elephants are to them as an hand by which they feed themselves , and make great use of them otherwise upon all occasions : for with those Trunks they tear off boughs from trees , by winding them about them ; and after , with them , put boughs into their mouths , and eat the tenderest parts of them . With these they pull up green corn ( if they be suffered ) and grass by the roots , and then against their legs beat off the earth and dust that hangs about them , before they eat thereof . Thus they deal with sedgs , or weeds , which they find in the water , first washing off the dirt which hangs on the roots thereof , and then down they go into their vast bellies . The Elephants delight much to bathe themselves in water ; in which , when they find depth enough , they swim as well as any other Creatures . I observed before , that the male Elephants when they grow lusty are sometimes mad for their females , but in few days come again in temper ; before which time they are so mischievous , that they will strike any thing , but their Keepers , that comes in their way ; and their strength is such ( as before I observ'd ) that there is no blow they give which lights either upon men or beast , but carries death with it . At those times to prevent mischief they are kept apart from company , fetter'd with strong chains unto Trees ; but if by chance in their phrensie they get loose ( as sometimes they do ) they will make after every thing they see stir , in which case they have no means to stop them in their violent course , but by firing of Crackers made of Gun-powder , whose sparkling , and noise makes them to stand still and tremble . When those creatures are in that mad distemper , they sweat much , which makes their savour exceeding rank and filthy like that ill smell of a Boar when he is fatting in his Stye , but , by much , more strong and more offensive than that . An English Merchant there , of good credit upon his own knowledg , reported this thing which follows , and is very observable , of an Elephant in Adsmer ( the place then of the Mogols residence ) ; who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place , a woman who usually sat there to sell herbs , was wont to give this great Elephant an handful , as he many times passed by ; this Elephant after , being mad , brake his fetters , and took his way through that Bazar ; the people being all of them much affrighted , made haste to secure themselves by getting out of his way , amongst whom was this Herb-woman , who , for fear and haste , forgot her little Child which she had brought thither ; the Elephant came to the place where this woman usually sate , stopt , and seeing a little Child lying there about her herbs , took it up gently with his Trunk , not doing it the least harm , and presently after laid it down upon the stall of an house that was hard by ; and then proceeded on in his furious course . Acosta , a Jesuit , relates the like of an Elephant in Goa from his own experience . The Elephant , though he be vast , and terrible , yea and cruel too , when he is set to do mischief , or when he is mad ; yet otherwise is a tame gentle Creature , so that the dread of this huge beast , most appears to the eyes . But notwithstanding his terribleness , I once there saw a Creature compared with an Elephant , not much bigger than a small Fish compared with a Whale , boldly to encounter one of them . The occasion by which this so came to pass offers it self thus : that year I went for East-India , the Merchants here ( as from the King of England , in whose name they sent all their Presents ) amongst many other things , then sent the Mogol some great English Mastives , and some large Irish Greyhounds , in all to the number of eight , dispersed in our several Ships ; one of those high spirited Mastives in our Voyage thither , upon a day seeing a great Shoal or company of Porpisces ( before described ) mounting up above the waves , and coming toward that Ship wherein he was , suddenly lept over-board to encounter with them , before any did take notice of that fierce creature : to prevent that engagement , wherein he was irrecoverably lost , the Ship then having such a fresh gale of wind , that she could not suddenly slack her course , whereby that poor creature might have been preserved . Another , one of the Irish Greyhounds had his head shot off in our fight . The Mange was the destruction of four more of them ; only two of the Mastives came alive to East-India , and they were carried up , each of them drawn in a little Coach , when I went up to the Embassador , that he might present them to the Mogol . The fiercest of these two , in our way thither , upon a time breaking loose , fell upon a very large Elephant that was hard by us , fastning his teeth in the Elephants Trunk , and kept his hold there a good while , which made that huge beast extremely to roar ; and though the Elephant did swing the Mastive up and down above ground many times ( as not feeling his weight ) that he might throw him off ; yet he could not suddenly do it , but at last freeing himself from the dog by throwing him a good space from him , there came a Mungril Curr of that Countrey towards our Mastive , who then lost this his most unequal match , fell upon that dog and kill'd him , by which means we recovered our Mastive again into our custody , he having not received any apparent hurts ; by which we may see how much Courage and Mettle there is in those right fierce Mastives . This story pleased the Mogol very much when the dogs were presented to him , and he allowed each of them four attendants of those Natives to wait upon them , who by turns two and two together carried them up and down with him in Palankees , ( after described ) to which they were tied , and the other two went by them , fanning the Flies from off them ; and the King caused a pair of silver tongs to be made on purpose , that with them when he pleased , he might feed those dogs with his own hand . But this story by the way . The Mogol hath many of his great Elephants train'd up for the war , who carry each of them one iron Gun , about five foot long , lying upon a strong frame of wood , made square that is fitted to a thick broad Pannel fastned about him , with very strong and broad Girses or Girts . The Gun like an Harquebuss hath a piece of iron like a Musket-rest fastned on the sides thereof , made loose to play up and down . The bottom of that Iron Rest so fixed , is long , to be let through that frame of wood on the foreside , and so to be keyed in at the bottom . At the four corners of this frame are small flags of silk , with sundry devices painted on them , put upon little neat coloured staves ; upon the neck of the Elephant sits a man to guide him , and within the frame a Gunner , to make his shot as he finds occasion . The Piece thus mounted , carries a bullet about the bigness of a Tennis Ball. Some Elephants the King keeps for the execution of Malefactors ; the manner how , follows in Sestion 23. And some he keeps to carry himself and women ; and some Elephants are kept for State ( of which more when I shall come to speak more particularly of the great Mogol . ) Other Elephants are there imployed for the carrying of burdens , their strength being so great as that they will bear a marvellous weight . The Elephants are all governed with a small rod of steel about half a yard long , made sharp on the lower end , and towards that end there is an hook returned , like a Fish-hook , that is very sharp likewise ; by which their Riders sitting on their necks , pull them back , or prick them forward at their pleasure . These vast Creatures , though the Countrey be exceeding fruitful , and all provisions in it cheap , yet by reason of their huge bulk , if they well be kept and fed , are very chargeable in keeping ; they are kept usually under the shade of great Trees , where by a strong chain of iron upon one of their hind-legs they fasten them . And as they stand , the abundance of Flies vex them , and therefore with their fore-feet they make dust , ( the ground usually being very dry ) and with their Trunk cast the dust about their bodies to drive away those Flies from them . The King allows every one of those great male-Elephants four femals , which in their language they call their wives . These brutes ( as they say ) will not endure any to behold them when they are coupling together ; which may condemn many who call themselves men and women , but have so lost all modesty , that they are not ashamed when they commit any act of filthiness , no they are not ashamed , neither can they blush . The Female Elephants ( as they further say ) carry their young , one whole year ere they bring them forth ; Thirty years expire ere they come to their full growth ; and they fulfill the accustomed age of men ere they die . And lastly , notwithstanding the great Number there of those vast Creatures , and the excessive charge in keeping them well , they value them at exceeding high rates . For this people , when as they journey from place to place , the men of the inferiour sort go all on foot , their women that cannot so travel , ride on little Oxen , inured to carry burdens , or on Asses , which carry their little children with them ; the women like the men astride . Others that are of better quality ride on Horses , Mules , Camels , Dromedaries , or else in slight Coaches with two wheels covered on the top and back-end , but the fore-part and sides open , unless they carry women . Those Coaches will carry four persons beside the driver , but two may lie at ease , and at length in them upon quilts , that lie in the body of them , upheld by girt-web , with which they are bottom'd , which makes them by far more easie . These Coaches are covered for men of quality with some thing that is costly ; much of our English broad cloth that is died red , is there bought from us and imployed for that use . At the back-end of this Coach they have a long round bolster , that reacheth both sides , stuffed with Cotten-wool , and covered with Velvet or Sattin , or with some other thing that is rich . These Coaches are drawn by Oxen , one yoke to a Coach ; some of which Oxen have their short horns neatly tipped with silver plate , and some others with brass ; and they have each of them a fine Collar of large round bells , some of them made of Silver . They are pared and suted as our Coach-horses for stature and colour ; most of them thus imployed are white , and some pide , or spotted all over with several colours . They are guided with small cords which go through the parting of their Nostrils , and so twixt their horns into the Coach-mans hand , who by these restrains them when , and guides them how he pleaseth ; and when he would have them go on , pricks them forward with a small and short staff he keeps in his hand pointed like a goad . These Oxen there , are very neatly made , slender , strait-limb'd and not very large , but naturally very nimble , and by daily use made so fit to perform that labour , ( being kept well shod ) as that they go twenty miles a day and more , with good speed . They keep those Oxen for this service , as their horses , well-dressed , and so well fed , that they be plump and fa● , and consequently very handsom to behold . The men there of the greatest rank and quality , ride sometimes in those Coaches , and sometimes on their curious Horses , and sometimes on their brave Elephants , but however they are carried , they have their horses , which wait upon them when they go abroad , that they may bestride them when they please . And at other times they ride on mens shoulders , in a slight thing they call a Palankee , made somewhat like a Couch or standing Pallat , covered with a Canopy , wherein a man may lie at his full length , as many of those Grandees do , when they are removed from place to place , giving themselves up to ease , and over unto those sins which follow it ; and while they are thus carried , they make the shoulders and joints of those that feel their heavy weight , to bow and buckle under their burdens . This as it should seem was an ancient , but a base effeminacy sometimes used in Rome . Juvenal in his first Satyre , describing a fat Lawyer thus carried . Causidici nova cum veniat Lectica Mathonis , Plena ipso — Matho the pleader comes in his new Chair , Fill'd with himself ; when that he takes the air . It had been well , if such carriages as these had been never heard of , but in then-heathen Rome , or amongst poor blinded Indians . But , Vae nobis miseris ad quos Paganorum vitia transierunt . Wo to us wretched people of this Nation , unto whom the vices of Pagans are derived . It was a curse that the old Cretans were wont to wish might fall upon their greatest enemies , that they might fall in love with evil customs . This doubtless is one , amongst many more , fallen upon us of this Nation , when some , not out of necessity , but choice , make other men their Pack-horses to ride upon them , a thing ( as I conceive of it ) most unworthy of a man , as he is a man , so to do . But I shall here digress no further ; but return again to that people ( I mean those of quality amongst them ) who out of Pride , or Idleness , or both , are thus carried up and down , or by some other means I named before , though they remove never so little way from one place to another , accounting it very dishonourable for them to go on foot . And so much of this . I shall now proceed , ( having made mention of their huge multitudes of Horses , and Elephants ) &c. to take notice SECTION VII . Of their numerous Armies ; Their Ammunition for war ; How they lade themselves with weapons ; How terribly they appear ; yet how pusillanimous , and low-spirited they are . WHere first , for their numerous Armies , it will appear to be no strange thing , if we consider the Great Mogol to be what he is , an overgrown Prince , ( as before described ) in the vast extent of his large Territories , being like a huge Pike in a great Pond , that preys upon all his neighbours , who therefore purchase , and keep his favour by very great Presents given him by way of homage , and a submiss acknowledgment of his mighty Power . And besides , the Mogol is a Master of unknown treasure , having Silver , as 't is written of Solomon , 1 Kings 10.27 . like stones in the streets . And certainly in far greater abundance than ever Solomon had . Though I must tell my Reader , that all metals there , are not silver and gold , nor all stones precious . Now he that can command what treasure he will , may likewise command what men he please , as the Mogol doth besides his own people . Many Persians and Tartars ( before spoken of ) very valiant men , who serve him as Souldiers on horse-back , and so the major part by far , whether Natives , or strangers , are mounted for his service in his wars . Hence it is that the Armies there consist of incredible multitudes ; they talk of some which have exceeded that mighty Host which Zerah King of Aethiopia brought against King Asa , 2 Chron. 14.9 . but they having not well learned that horrid bloody art of war , as the Europeans have , and wanting Commanders , and other Officers to manage their great Companies , are not so skilful to destroy , as otherwise they might be : it is a phrase most properly and fitly applyed unto savage , and absurd , and brutish , and unreasonable men , to the Enemies of God , and of his Church by the Prophet Ezek. 21.31 . Where Almighty God threatens that he will deiver them into the hands of brutish men , and skilful to destroy . The Weapons they use in their Wars are , Bows and Arrows , Swords and Bucklers , short Lances having excellent good steel-heads , and short pieces like unto Carbines , besides those carried upon Elephants ( before described ) some Foot-men in their Wars carry those lesser Guns , with Bows and Arrows , Swords and Bucklers , and they are excellent Marks-men . They make good Gun-powder for their own use , and fire their Guns with Match , or Touch-wood . Their Swords are made crooked like Falchons , and are very sharp ; but for want of skill in those that temper them , will easily break , but not bend . And therefore we sell at good rates our English Sword-blads that will bow , and become strait again . They have ( and they say that for many generations past have had ) great Ordnance , though they seldom make use of them in their Wars . Their warlike Musick are some Kettle-drums carried on horse-back , with long wind Instruments , which make not Musick , but noise , so harsh and unpleasing , that it is enough to fright away their enemies . They say , that in their Military engagements , they make at the first very furious onsets , which are too violent long to continue , for the Scale quickly decides the controversie , when that side which happens first to be worsted , and to be put into disorder , knows better to Run than to Rally again . There are some of the Mogols own Subjects which are men of courage ; those of note among the Mahometans are called Baloches , inhabiting Haiacan , adjoyning unto the Kingdom of Persia , ( spoken of before ) and there are others called Patans , taking their denomination from a Province of that name in the Kingdom of Bengala . These will look an enemy boldly in the face , and maintain with their lives , their reputation and valour . Amongst the many Sects of Hindoos or Gentiles ( after spoken of ) which are subject to this King , there is but one race of fighters called Rashboots , a number of which live by spoil , who in Troops surprize poor Passengers , for the most part murthering those whom they get under their power . These excepted , the rest of the Mogols Natives , for the generality of them , had rather eat than quarrel , and rather quarrel than fight . I say quarrel , for I have several times observed there , that when two of them , have been both well armed , and have most shamefully abused one another , in baser language than I can express , yet durst not draw their weapons ; in conclusion , when one of them hath caught the other by the throat , and forced him up against some wall , the sufferer would cry out pitiously , and the standers by would admire the other for his valour , saying , Sha-Abas ; a proverbial speech amongst them relating to the late King of Persia , called Sha-Abas , a Prince much renowned for valour ; and when any man did a thing they thought gallantly , they cryed Sha-Abas , as much as to say , it was done as well as the Persian King could have done it . Yet , however the people here in general are cowardly , they appear men of very terrible aspects , having great long Mustacho's upon their upper Lips , their Chins continually kept bare by the Rasor , which makes them all to look like the Pictures of our old Britains ; or like those our rude Painters daub upon clothes , and call them the Nine-worthies . And further , to make them the more formidable , they will appear on horse-back as if they were surrounded with an Armory , or carrying an whole Armory about them , thus appointed ; At their left sides swords hanging on belts , under them sheaves of many arrows ; on their left shoulders broad Bucklers fastned , and upon their backs small Guns like to Carbins fixed likewise ; at their right sides Bows hanging in cases , and Lances ( about two yards and an half long ) hanging in loops near their stirrups ( when they carry them not in their hands ) ; yet for all this Harness the most of them are like those Ephramites , Psal. 78.9 . Who being armed , and carrying bows , turned their heads in the day of battel . For they dare not look a man of courage in the face , though they be thus fortified , with such variety of weapons for their defence . Nay , a man of resolution will beat one of these out of all his weapons , with a small Stick or Cane . So that I shall do the Natives of that Country no wrong , if I say of them , that they are sola Libidine fortes , most strong and valiant in their base lusts , and not otherwise . The base Cowardice of which people , hath made the great Mogol sometimes to use this Proverb , that one Portugal would beat three of his people ; and ( because the English there have many times prevailed much at Sea against those Portugals ) he would further add , that on English-man would beat three Portugals . The truth is , that the Portugals , especially those which are born in those Indian Colonies , most of them a mix'd seed begotten upon those Natives , are a very low , poor-spirited people , called therefore Gallina's delt Mar , The Hens of the Sea. One notable instance to prove this : it happened that the East-India Company had a very little Pinnace , they called the Coaster , which they kept in those parts for discoveries ; mann'd she was but with ten men , and had only one small Murdering-piece within her . She upon a time met with a Portugal Ship , going then towards Ormos , which had one hundred and thirty men aboard her ▪ and Guns answerable to her Burden , and Company ; Our petty Pinnace came up with her , discharged her murdering-piece , which slew one of her chief Officers ; upon which , without any further resistance , she presently strook her Sails and yielded . Our English presently commanded her Gunners , and some other of her Chief Officers , to come aboard them , which immediately they did , and there kept them bound , till they had taken what they pleased out of their Ship , and then let them go , being most deservedly used in that their suffering , they being thirteen to one ; and yet such beasts they were , as they durst not make any resistance . But take some stories of valiant Portugals before I leave them , and these you shall have from some of that Nation themselves , whom we not seldom met in India , and would there beg relief of us ; but I never knew any come to us upon those terms , but his pride would excuse his poverty thus , that he was challenged into the field , and there in single combat had fairly slain a man ; how that he durst not return again any more into the Portugal Colonies , for fear of the Law , and it was that which put him at present into that sad exigent to ask relief , and this was their usual plea there ; when in truth and in deed , we did believe them to be such pitiful wretches , or men of such a strange resolution , as that , ( as it was written of one called Pisander ) they would be made to fear their own shadows . However , upon this account there came upon a time at my first coming into India , unto the Factory at Surat , where I then was , a most valiant Portugal ( if you will give him leave to tell his own story , and believe it when he hath done ) who first for his person was a Quantus tantus , tantillus , a very poor , little dwar-fish man , whose person promised as little valour as any that I ever saw , though I know that high courage is not tyed to an huge bulk , for ( if stories abuse us not ) Alexander the Great was but a little man ; but what ever Alexander was , I am sure , that this was a poor little thing ; but however he told us , that he was by birth an Hidalgo , which signifies in Spanish the Son of some body , or no ordinary man , but a Gentleman of Spain , and that he came from thence as a Companion to the King of Spains Viceroy , sent to Goa , and himself was called the Knight with the Golden Rapier , and that suddenly after his coming to Goa , he was honourably invited into the field , there to fight a single Combat with a very gallant man of that place , but he soon left him there dead ; and having done so , the Viceroy prevented him with a pardon for that fact , before he ask'd it , but willing him withall , now he had been sufficiently tryed , to confine his Rapier to its scabbard . But he told us further , that he could not long after live quietly there , but was provoked again by a man of high resolution , unto a second encounter , when he had the like success as before , in killing his Adversary . The Viceroy now was very angry with him , but upon much intreaty , as he said , pardoned him a second time ; upon the receit of which favour he told us that he was then resolved to throw away his Rapier , to get into a Religious House , and there to remain the residue of his days , a Convertado or Penitent . But the Viceroy could not be long without his Company ; and therefore to gain it , restored him again into his former favour : But for himself he was still so unhappy ( the fame of his great valour being spread abroad ) as that he could not long enjoy that peace , and quiet , which he now so much desired , but received a third Challenge from a very gallant , and very valiant man , as he describ'd him , a man big enough to beat a Goliah ; and then he further told us , that his honour was ever more dear unto him than his life ; and therefore notwithstanding the loss of the Viceroys favour , and what else might happen , he entred the Lists with him ; and though he found him the stoutest adversary that ever he opposed , yet after a long conflict this little Knight kill'd that great Gyant , and left him there dead likewise : which done , He ( not daring to return any more unto Goa ) told us , that he came naked out of the field as we then saw him with no ornaments ( I assure you ) about him , fit to make him a Viceroys companion , nor any weapon fit to Dub him Knight of the Golden Rapier . He further added , that he was now resolved not to live any longer amongst the Christians , but that he desired to live amongst the English ; but when we replyed that we were Christians , he cried Jesu Maria ! as wondring at it , and further told us , that he never heard so before . When this Rhadomantadist had ended his perillous story , it was dinner time , and the Merchants bid him to sit down with us and eat , and so he did , where certainly he laid about him more valiantly than ever he had done before in the field , giving our meat many a cut , and eating , as if he had been more than half starved . He continued with us there for some few days , and after , when his hunger was well satisfied , and his spirits well refreshed , he began to take some exception against his place at the Table , because he eat at the lower end thereof , saying , that the company there were but Factors , Servants , but he was a Gentleman , and therefore his due place was higher at the board , but then corrected himself , saying , that it was not to be much considered where he sate , for his place made the upper end of the Table where ever he was placed : and suddenly after , this Don Quixot being weary of his stay with us ( though he was but too well used ) and having a great mind to ramble further , told our Company , that he being an Hidalgo , it was very dishonourable for him to take entertainment upon the terms he had it ; and therefore desired us to make a little Purse for him , on which he would live as long as he could , and then creep into some Desert place , and there repent and dye . And now our great Ghest , having spent all his humour , and told us all his Dream , had his desire granted in some money that was given to him ; and so we parted with our Knight Errant , who lived longer than he told us he would live . For half a year after I took notice of him at the Mogols Court , and there I leave him . I will now shortly relate a story of another of his Nation ( and I do believe , as good a Gentleman as himself ) who called himself Antonio de la Valla. It happened , that a little before our coming thence , my Lord Embassadour going from his own house to dine at the English Factory in Surat , and I waiting on him , there appeared then to us a walking Skeleton , most miserably clothed , the poorest , and leanest Creature that ever mine Eyes beheld , who faintly begg'd of him some relief , telling ( what was true ) that he was almost quite starv'd ; the Ambassadour pittied and relieved him , and , as we return'd back , found this poor Creature eating with so much greediness , as if he could not have been satisfied . He was then willed to come to our House , and he did so , and there was fed , and heartned up again , and then , when he was come to himself , told us , that he had endured there abundance of misery , which , as he acknowledged , did most justly befall him , because he had there renounced his Religion , and become a Mahometan , which , when he had done , no care was taken of him there , ( for they regard not a Man that will not be constant in his Religion , believing , that if that Bond cannot tye him , nothing will. ) He told us further , that he was very sorry that he had so done , and desired a passage for England , which was granted him ; and he was put unto me as my Servant , and therefore I fitted him with Clothes , &c. fit for his turn , but afterward ( we being at Sea ) he would often curse and ban , and cry out , O Mal ventura ! O his hard hap ! and that of all the miseries which he had endured , this was the greatest ; that he , an Hidalgo , a Gentleman of Spain , should live to become a Servant , and which was worse , to serve an Heretick . I would , when I heard this of him ( for he spake not so to me ) tell him of it , and further mind him of that most sad condition in which we found him , how that he had starv'd to death , if our pitty in the relief he found from us , had not even then prevented it . He would reply , that he knew not what he said ; telling me , that his many miseries had turn'd his Brains : ( Not to bestow any more Ink and Paper on him ) we brought him afterward to Plimmouth , and immediately after our arrive there , he desired his Liberty , which was easily granted him , and from thence ( having some Money given him , more than he deserved ) took his course ; whither , I cannot tell , neither need my Reader desire to know . And therefore I will return again , as swift as meditation or thought can carry me , unto East-India , where I shall in the next place speak SECTION VIII . Of our safe and secure living amongst the Natives there , if we do not provoke them . Of their faithfulness unto those that entertain them as Servants : For how little they serve , and yet how diligent they are , &c. WHere first for our Living in East-India , it is with as much freedom and safety in our Journies and Tents , when we travel ; in our Houses when we are most fix'd , as if we were in an Army of Banners appointed for our Guard ; or as if the Vines and Fig-trees under which we there sit were our own . But there are Spoilers sometimes met with-all in those Provinces , that live by their Swords and Bows , having nothing for their subsistance ( because they will take no other course ) but what they get by rapine and spoil ; of whom some-what more afterward . And now by the way for those Villains who thus live , ( where-ever they be ) and those sturdy Rogues who are next to them in guilt , by eating up the Bread of the Poor , having able limbs to carry them that they may beg from House to House , and Hands to receive Alms but none to labour ; both these being the very vermin of those Common-wealths , wherein they are suffered to breathe , it were very well if such of these as have not deserved to be cut off by the Hand of Justice , were all served as Philip King of Macedon dealt with two Rogues , alterum è Macedonia fugere , alterum persequi jussit . He made one of them to whip the other out of his Country , and so he was rid of both of them . But to return to the place from whence I am now digressed . I travelled from Surat with four English-men more , and about twenty of the Natives in our Company , we beginning our journey the first of Jan. towards Sir Thomas Row , at the Mogol's Court , then above four hundred miles distant from Surat . We had six Wagons drawn with Oxen in our Company , laden with rich English Goods ( the principal part whereof was English broad Cloth ) assign'd to an English Merchant at the Court , and some other Carriages we had , of all which we made a ring every night near some large Town or Village , where we resolved to stay , and pitched our Huts within that Circle , some of us watching , and the Natives with us , every night ; we went on that long journey very safely , only in some places where there was any suspicion of danger , we had a Guard of Horse appointed to go with us for our defence , by the Command of Sultan Caroon then Prince , and now King , ( who had his Revenew out of those parts we then travelled thorough ) who sent a Foot-man , that continually kept us company , with his Letters to command a Company of Souldiers that were Horse-men , to guard us where he thought good ; who as they did not expect , so they would take no recompence for their pains , though we freely offered it them . But the Providence of God did so order it , that though we had their Company in several places , we never had need of their help for our d●fence . The truth is , that the People there in general are very civil , and we never had any affronts or ill usage from them , if we did not first provoke them . But if we did , they would not well bear it , for twice in one Week , at my first coming to Surat , the whole Town in general were in an uproar , and surrounded our House there , both times some of our English provok'd those Natives to stir against us , but by our speedy Addresses unto the Governour of that place , we excusing the fault of those that ministred the occasion of their discontent , they being newly come thither , and altogether unacquainted with their customs , he presently commanded that wild Assembly to depart from our House ; and so immediately they did , we receiving no hurt at all from any of them . When my Lord Ambassadour at first arrived at Surat , so it was , that an English Cook he carryed with him , the very first day of his coming thither , found a way to an Armenian Christians House , who sold Wine , which in that place , they call Armenian Wine . But ( by the way ) I do believe that there was scarce another in that populous City of that Trade : the greater shame for those whosoever they be that suffer so many unnecessary Tipling Houses ( in the places where they have power to restrain them ) which are the Devils nursery , the very Tents wherein Sathan dwells , where Almighty God receives abundance of dishonour , Drunkenness being a sin which hath Hands and Fingers to draw all other sins unto it ; For a Drunkard can do any thing , or be any thing but good . That Armenian Wine I speak of is made of Raisons of the Sun and Sugar , with some other things put and boyl'd in water : which Wine , when it is ripe and clear , is in Colour like to our Muscadels , pleasant enough to the taste , but heavy and heady . The Cook had his Head quickly over-fraighted with it , and then staggering home-ward , in his way met the Governours Brother of Surat , as he was riding to his House : the Cook made a stand , staying himself up upon his Sword and Scabbard , and cry'd out to the Governours Brother , Now thou Heathen Dog ! He not understanding his soul Language , replyed civilly in his own , Ca-ca-ta ; which signifies , What sayest thou ? the Cook answered him with his Sword and Scabbard , with which he strook at him , but was immediately seized on by his followers , and by them disarm'd and carryed to Prison ; the Ambassadour had present intelligence of the misbehaviour of his drunken servant , and immediately sent word unto the Governour 's Brother , that he was not come thither to patronize any disorderly person , and therefore desir'd him to do with him what he pleased , upon which he presently sent him home , not doing him the least hurt . But before I leave this Story , it will not be amiss to enquire who was the Heathen Dog at this time , whether the debaucht drunken Cook who call'd himself a Christian , or that sober and temperate Mahometan who was thus affronted . In our journey towards the Court ( after we had been in our way about seven dayes from Surat ) we rested at a place called Ditat , where many of the Inhabitants offered to guard us and our goods , though we ( observing there no danger ) desired it not ; but they would do it , and in the Morning expected and asked something of us , by way of recompence . One of our Company ( who had been in East-India a year or two before ) told them , that what they had done they did without our desire , and therefore they should have nothing from us , but some ill Language which he then gave them . We set forward in the Morning according to our wonted custom , they followed after us , to the number at the least of three hundred Men , ( for the place was great and populous ) and when we were gone about a mile from that Town , stopped our carriages ; he of our Company who told them they should have no recompence , was presently ready to shoot at them with his Musket , which made them all to bend their Bows at us : but I happily and suddenly stepping in , prevented his firing at them , and their shooting at us ; which if I had not by Gods good Providence done , but we had madly engaged a great multitude , there could not have been less expected in the sad issue thereof , than the loss of all our lives and goods . But having a little Parlee with them , for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them , they were all quieted and contented , and immediately left us , wishing us a good journey . After this , when we had gone forward about twenty dayes journey , ( which daily Remoovs were but short , by reason of our heavy carriages , and the heat of the weather ) it hapned , that another of our Company , a young Gentleman about twenty years old , the Brother of a Baron of England , behaved himself so ill , as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us . This young man being very unruly at home , and so many others that have been well born , when their friends knew not what to do with them , have been sent to East-India , that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea , in their passage thither ; or else have Graves made for them on the Indian shore , when they come there . A very cleanly conveyance ( but how just and honest , I leave to others ) for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children ; but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither , but they out-lived that Voyage . For the young Gentleman I spake of , his imployment was to wait upon our Chief Commander in his Cabin , who very courteously , when he came to Sea , turn'd him before the mast amongst the common Saylors [ a great preferment for a Man of his Birth ] but for all this he out-liv'd that harsh usage , and came safely to East-India , and my Lord Ambassadour hearing of him , and being well acquainted with his great kindred , sent for him up to Court , and there entertain'd him as a Companion for a year ; then giving him all fit accommodations , sent him home again as a passenger for England , where after he safely arrived . But in our way towards that Court , it thus happened , that this hot-brains being a little behind us , commanded him [ then near him ] who was the Princes servant [ before spoken of ] to hold his horse ; the man replied , that he was none of his servant and would not do it . Upon which this most intemperate mad youth , who was like Philocles , that angry Poet ; and therefore called , Bilis , & Salsigo , Choler and Brine , [ for he was the most hasty and cholerick young man that ever I knew ] as will appear by his present carriage , which was thus ; first he beat that stranger , for refusing to hold his horse , with his horse-whip , which , I must tell you , that people cannot endure , as if those whips stung worse than Scorpions . For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them , as that people think , one is to be beaten with that whip , wherewithall they strike their beasts ; the other to be beaten [ and this they esteem the more disgraceful punishment of the two ] about the head with shooes . But this stranger ( being whipt as before ) came up and complained to me ; but to make him amends , that frantick young man ( mad with rage , and he knew not wherefore ) presently followed him , and being come up close to him , discharg'd his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body , which bullets , by the special guidance of the hand of God , so flew , that they did the poor man no great hurt ; only one of them first tearing his coat , bruised all the knuckles of his left hand , and the other brake his bow which he carried in the same hand . We presently disarmed our young Bedlam , till he might return again to his wits . But our greatest business , was how to pacifie the other man , whom he had thus injured : I presently gave him a Roopee , in our money two shillings and nine pence ; he thanked me for it , and would have taken it with his right , but I desired him to take it with his maim'd hand , and so he did , and could clinch it very well , which I was glad of . Then we did shew ( as we had cause ) all the dislike we could against that desperate act of him , from whom he received his hurt , telling him , that we were all strangers , and for our parts had done him no wrong at all ; and therefore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another : and we further told him , that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Court , he should have all the satisfaction he could desire . He told us , that we were good men , and had done him no wrong , and that he would till then rest contented ; but he did not so , for about two hours after we met with a great man of that Country , having a mighty train with him , ( as all the Grandees there have when they travel , of whom more after-ward ) : He presently went towards him , that to him he might make his complaint ; and so did , telling him , that he was the Prince's servant , why he came to us , and how he had been used by us , shewing him his hand and his other breaches . The great man replied , that it was not well done of us , but he had nothing to do with it ; and so departed on his way . That night after , we came to a strong large Town , and placing our selves on the side of it , he did what he could ( as we imagined ) to raise up that People against us , some of them coming about us to view us , as we conceived , but putting on the best confidence we could , and standing then upon our guard , and all of us watching that night , but ( in a special manner ) by the good providence of God , who kept us in all our journey , we here felt none of that mischief we feared ; but early in the morning quietly departed without the least molestation . After which , with a little money , and a great many good words , we so quieted this man , that we never after heard any more complaining from him . So that ( as before I observed ) we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people , but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it . Before I observed , that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits , but there are some I named in my last Section , who are stout daring men , as the Baloches , Patans , and Rashboots , who , as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted valiant ; so , as occasion is offered , they will shew themselves so to be : and therefore they are much hired as Convoys to secure Mens Persons and Goods , from place to place . For those Provinces , they are not without Mountains of prey , and Tabernacles of Robbers , as David and Job speak : where desperate men keep in some Woods and Deserts , which are not far from great road-ways , most frequented and used ; and there , like the wild Arabes , in Companies , meet and spoil , and destroy poor Passengers , when they expect them not ; it being the cursed manner of those Spoilers , if they prevail against them whom they surprise , to kill them before they rifle them ; and therefore the first thing heard from them is , Mor , mor , mor , that is , Kill , kill , kill , which they all speak out as loud as they can . We were often told of them as we travelled sometimes in the night , by reason of the extream heat of the day ( after we had taken leave of the King , and so were journeying towards Surat ) that we should meet with those cruel villains ; but , through Gods mercy , we were never in danger of them but once ; and that was about midnight , neer a large City called Brodera ; but we being a competent number of English-men together , about twenty , and all of us resolved to sell our lives at as dear a rate as we could , and having twice so many Indian servants with us , which are very nimble with their Bows and Arrows , we with our Pistols and Carbins , which we presently discharged amongst them , and our Indians plying them with their Arrows , made them suddenly to retreat , we receiving little hurt from them ; but after this , we made no more night-marches . Those Indians I named before , are so faithful to their trusts unto whomsoever they engage , to the English as well as to any other , that if they be at any time assaulted , they will rather dye in their defence , than forsake them at their need . So that I am very confident , if an English Merchant should travel alone with a very great treasure in Gold , and Jewels ( both , or either ) from Surat , to Lahor , which is more than one thousand English miles , and take those Indian servants only for his company , and guard , and all they knew what he carried with him , He paying them their Wages , they would be so far from injuring him of the least peny of his wealth , that whosoever besides should attempt his spoiling , must make a way through their blood , before they should be able to do it . Here is a great and good example of faithfulness , and it is very true . But I much doubt , that if a great Indian Merchant , I mean a Native of that Countrey , should come for England with like treasure , with a desire to pass through this whole Nation , and should for his more safe passage take a guard of Sword-men here , and pay them well for their service , they might lye under such a strong tentation , as might make them to spoil the Egyptian , by shortning his journey , dividing his substance , and by disposing so of his person , that it should never tell tales . But for that people , as their faithfulness is very remarkable , so is their diligence very exemplary likewise ; for they keep continually within the call of their Masters , and will not at any time depart thence without special leave . And the plenty of all Provisions being very great throughout the whole Monarchy , they serve at very low rates , which I never knew them to raise , not requiring more than five shillings Sterling every new Moon , paid the next day after its Change , which is all the recompence they do desire , or expect from their Masters , to provide themselves with all necessaries — quibus hinc Toga , Calceus hinc est , Et Panis fumusque Domi. — Juven . Sat. 1. Their coat , their shooes , their bread , their fire , And all besides , bought with this hire . and for this do as good service , as if they had ten times as much wages . They stand to be hired in the Bazar or Market-place , an ancient custom , as may appear , Mat. 20.3 . where some of them may be at all times had . But it is their manner , when they are hired to receive advance-money , that is , one moneths pay before hand , and to have their pay thus in hand every moneth so long as they serve ; and so honest they are , that if they be bidden to provide themselves of other Masters , they will serve out the time for which they have received pay , to an hour before , they depart . Now these who are so exact in performing their duty by their faithfulness and diligence , must be exactly paid their Salary at the time they expect it , otherwise they will be ready to quit their service , as one of them whom we thus hired , left us as we were travelling up to the Court ; the reason , because our money was almost quite gone ( though we were supplied again a day or two after ) and we could not punctually pay him at his day , as we had formerly done . This fellow led one of our Camels , and had been with us two moneths before ; but upon this little failing him , would needs leave us : but before he departed he made a speech to his Camel , telling him , that he had led him thus long , and had during that time lived by him ; but now our money ( as he supposed ) quite failing , he told him that he must be gone , desiring God to bless him ; and that he might have some other to lead him that might not be less careful of him than he had been . So he took leave of his Camel , though not of us , and departed . All the rest of his company were perswaded to continue with us , and had their pay a day or two after ; and so we proceeded on our journey , and so shall I further in this Discourse . And now I have spoken somthing of the people , I shall speak SECTION IX . Of their buildings in Villages , Towns , and Cities ; How their Houses are furnished ; Of their Sarra's or Houses for the entertainment of Passengers ; Of their Tents , Wells , and of their places of pleasure , &c. I Observed before the richness of their Soil , and how those Provinces are watered by many goodly Rivers , fed with abundance of Springs ; and how their Fields are clothed with very much plenty of Corn of divers kind , sold there at such low rates that every one may there eat bread without scarceness . Now I come to take notice of their Buildings ; and here I must tell my Reader , that this People are not much taken or infected with that plague of Building ( as the Italians call it ) wishing the love of it as a Curse to possess the thoughts of them they most hate ; and therefore , as the stones in India are not all precious , so the Houses there are not at all Palaces ; the poor there cannot erect for their dwellings fair Piles , and the Grandees do not cover their heads under such curious Roofs , as many of the Europeans do ; The reason , first , because all the great men there live a great part of the year , ( in which their Moneths are more temperate , as from the middle of September , to the middest of April ) in Tents , Pavilions , or moveable habitations , which , according to their fancies , changing they remove from place to place , changing their air as often as they please . And secondly , because all the great men there have their Pensions and whole subsistence from the King , which they hold upon very sickle and uncertain terms ; for as they are setled upon , and continued unto them by the King's favour , so are they forfeited and lost by his frown . Of which more afterward . Yet though they make not much use of them , they have in plenty excellent good materials for building , as Timber , Bricks , stone and marble of divers kinds and colours , of which I have seen some very good Vaults and Arches well wrought , as in their Mosquits or Churches , so in some of their high-erected Tombs , ( of which more afterward ) and so in some other places likewise . For their buildings in Cities and Towns , there are some of them handsom , others fair , such as are inhabited by Merchants , and none of them very despicable . They build their houses low , not above two stories , and many of their tops flat and thick , which keep off the violence of the heat ; and those flat tops , supported with strong Timber , and coated over with a plaster ( like that we call plaster of Paris ) keep them dry in the time of the Rains. Those broad Tarrases , or flat Roofs , some of them lofty , are places where many people may stand ( and so they often do ) early in the morning , and in the evening late , like Camelions , to draw , and drink in fresh air ; and they are made after this fashion , for prospect , as well as pleasure . Those houses of two stories , have many of them very large upper rooms , which have many double doors in the sides of them , like those in our Balconies , to open and let in fresh air , which is likewise conveyed in unto them , by many lesser lights made in the walls of those rooms , which are always free and open ; The use of glass windows , or any other shuttings , being not known there , nor in any other very hot Countreys . Neither have they any Chimneys in their buildings , because they never make any use of fire but to dress their food , which fire they make against firm wall , or without their Tents against some bank of Earth , as remote as may be from the places where they use to keep , that they may receive no annoyance from the heat thereof . It is their manner in many places , to plant about , and amongst their buildings , trees which grow high and broad , the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool ; this I observ'd in a special manner when we were ready to enter Amadavar ; for it appeared to us , as if we had been entring a Wood , rather than a City . That Amadavar is very large and populous City , entred by many fair Gates girt about with an high and thick Wall of Brick , which mounts above the tops of their houses , without which wall there are no suburbs . Most of the houses within the City are of Brick , and very many of them ridged and covered with Tiles . But for their houses in their Aldeas or Villages , which stand very thick in that Country , they are generally very poor and base . All those Countrey-dwellings are set up close together ; for I never observed any house there to stand single , and alone . Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthenwalls , mingled with straw , set up immediatly after their Rains , and having a long season after to dry them throughly , stand firm , and so continue ; they are built low , and many of them flat : but for the generality of those Country-Villages , the Cottages in them are miserably poor , little , and base ; so that as they are built with a very little charge , set up with sticks rather than Timber , if they chance to fire ( as many times they do ) for a very little they may be re-edified . Those who inhabit the Countrey-Villages , are called Coolees . These till the ground , and breed up Cattel , and other things for provision , as Hens , & c. ●hese , they who plant the Sugar , the Cotten-wool , and Indi●o , &c. — for their Trades and Manufactures they are kept in Cities and Towns , about which are their choicest fruits planted . In their Cities and Towns , without their dwellings , but fix't to them , are pend-houses where they shew and sell their provisions , as bread , and flower-cakes made up with Sugar , and fruits , and other things ; and there they shew their manufactures , and other Commodities , some of which they carry twice every day to sell in the Bazar or Market . I saw two houses of the Mogol's , one at Mandoa , the other at Amadaver , which appeared large & stately , built of excellent stone well squared and put together , each of them taking up a large compass of ground ; but we could never see how they were contrived within , because there are none admitted , strangers or others , to have a sight of those houses , while the King's wives and women are there , which must not be seen by any but by himself , and his servants the Eunuchs . The Mogol's Palace Royal is at Agra his Metropolis ( of which more afterward ) but for the present I shall take a little notice of a very curious Grot I saw belonging to his house at Mandoa , which stood a small distance from it , for the building of which there was a way made into a firm Rock , which shewed it self on the side of an Hill , Canopied over with part of that Rock . It was a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the curious workmanship bestowed on it ; and much pleasure by reason of its coolness . That City Mandoa I speak of , is situated upon a very high mountain , the top whereof is flat , and plain , and spacious . From all parts that lie about it but one ; the ascent is very high , and steep ; and the way to us seemed exceeding long , for we were two whole days climbing up the Hill , with our Cariages , which we got up with very much difficulty ; not far from the bottom of which Hill , we lodged at a great town called Achabar-pore , where we ferried over a broad River ( as we did in other places ) for I observed no bridges made there over any of their Rivers where their high-ways lie . That Hill on which Mandoa stands , is stuck round ( as it were ) with fair trees , that keep their distance so one from and below the other ▪ that there is much delight in beholding them either from the bottom or top of that Hill. In those vast and far extended Woods , there are Lions , Tygres , and other beasts of Prey , and many wild Elephants . We lay one night in that wood with our Carriages , and those Lions came about us discovering themselves by their Roaring ; but we keeping a very good fire all night , they came not neer enough to hurt either our selves , or cattel . Those cruel Beasts are night-walkers for in the day they appear not . After when ( through Gods most gracious assistance ) we had overcome those difficulties and dangers , we came into a plain and even Countrey ; in which travelling a few dayes more , we first met with my Lord Ambassador marching towards Mandoa with that great King , with whom I then setled , and continued with him , till he was returned home . We were in our journey to the Court from the beginning of January , till the end of March , we resting a while at Brampore , which is a very spacious and populous City , where we had a Factory . And after that , we were violently detained in our journy by Sultan Caroon the Prince , whom we met in his march towards Brampore , & a very marvelous great retinue with him . The reason why he interrupted us in our course was , that he might see the Presents we had for his Father the King ; but we having command from the Ambassador to tell him , that we durst not open them , till we came to the King , we most humbly craved his pardon to spare us in that ; so presenting him with a pair of Rich Gloves ( though they be things they wear not in those hot Countries ) and a rich embroidered bag for perfume ( which amongst many other things of the like kind were brought from England to be given away for Presents ) after that he had carried us back three days journy , he let us go , taking further order for our safe convoy . And now Reader , thou maist suppose us almost setled in Mandoa , the place then of the Mogol's residence , not much inhabited before we came thither , having more ruins by far about it , than standing houses . But amongst the Piles of building that had held up their heads above Ruin , there were not a few unfrequented Mosquits , or Mahometan Churches ; yet I observed , that though the people who attended the King there , were marvellously streightned for room , wherein they might dispose of very great numbers of most excellent horses , which were now at that place , they would not make stables of any of those Churches , though before that time , they had been forsaken , and out of use . One of those deserted Mosquits , with some large Tomb near it , both vaulted over head ( which shall be after described ) were the best places there to be gotten for my Lord Ambassadour and his Company to lodge and be in , we carrying our bedding , and all things appertaining thereto , all necessaries belonging to our Kitchin , and every thing beside for bodily use , from place to place , as we occasionally removed . Here we stayed with the Mogol from the middle of April , till the twentieth of September following , and then began our progress with him , towards the City Amadavar . Our abiding place at Mandoa , was very near one of the sides of that vast Wilderness , out of which , some of those wild beasts oft-times in the night came about our habitation , and seldom teturned back without a Sheep , or a Goat , or a Kid , some of which we always kept about us for our provision . And it was a wonderful great mercy , those furious , and ravening , and hunger-bit Creatures , did not make their prey sometimes in the dark and silent nights , while we were sleeping , on some of our bodies , the fore-part of our dwelling standing upon pillars ; and there was nothing in those open distances , that had any strength in it to keep them from us . One night , early in the Evening , there was a great Lion which we saw , came into our Yard , ( though our Yard was compassed about with a stone-wall , that was not low . ) And my Lord Ambassadour having a little white neat Shock , that ran out barking at him , the Lion presently snapt him up , leapt again over the wall , and away he went. But for a ravening and roaring Lion , as I believe that he cannot be made tame when he is old ; yet certainly he may be bred tame , being kept full , and high fed . For the Mogol , at my being there , had a very great Lion ( I often saw ) which went up and down , amongst the people that frequented his Court , gently as a dog , and never did hurt ; only he had some Keepers which did continually wait upon him . For those wild and cruel Beasts , one of our English-men watching in a tree by night , ( that stood not far from our dwelling ) with a fire-lock charg'd with some small bullets , shot a Tigre , and kil'd him stone-dead , as he was coming towards us . It was a large beast , higher than an Irish-Greyhound , with grizled hair , a long head , & sharp and short picked ears , having a mouth fil'd with cruel teeth ; after which ( we usually keeping a little fire without our house every night ) were not so much troubled with those night-walkers . Now to return to that from which I am occasionally digressed , I told you before what their buildings are . And now for the furniture that the greatest men have in them , it is Curta supellex , very little ; they being not beautified with hangings , nor with any thing besides to line their walls ; but where they are best adorned , they are kept very white , and set off with a little neat painting and nothing else ; for they have no Chairs , no stools , nor Couches , nor Tables , nor Beds , enclosed with Canopies , or Curtains , in any of their Rooms . And the truth is , that if they had them , the extream heat there would forbid the use of many of them ; all their bravery is upon their Floors , all which are made eeven with fine Earth or Plaister , on which they spread their most excellent Carpets in their Tents , as well as in their dwelling houses , laying some coarse thing under to preserve them ; on which they sit ( as Taylors on their shop-boards ) when they meet together , putting off their shooes ( which they usually wear as slippers and their feet bare in them ) when they come to tread upon those soft Pavements , and keeping them off till they remove thence , this helps to keep cool their feet , and is very pleasant in those hot Countries . On those Carpets they sleep in the night time , or else upon an hard Quilt , or lying upon a flight and low Bed-stead they call a Cot , bottomed with broad Girt-web made of Cotten-wool . But where-ever they lye , they stretch themselves out at their full length when they go to sleep , usually upon their backs , without any Pillow , or Bolster , to raise up their heads . Very many of the meaner sort of people ( as I have often observed ) lye thus stretched out to take their rest upon the ground , in the dry season of the year , with a white Callico-cloth spread all over them , which makes them to appear like so many dead corpses laid forth for burial . This lying so eeven , and at length with their bodies thus extended , may be one reason why the people there are all so straight limn'd , having none crooked amongst them ; and another , because they never girt , nor lace in their bodies ( as before was observed ) . Some of those slight Bed-steads , they call Cots , in their standing houses hang by ropes , a little above ground , which are fastned to the four corners thereof ; moved gently up and down , by their servants , to lull them asleep . They have no Inns in those parts for the entertainment of strangers ; but in some great Towns large Houses they call Sarraas very substantially built , with brick , or stone , where any Passengers may find house-room and use it without any recompence ; but there is nothing to be had beside room , all other things they must provide and bring with them , as when they lodge in Tents . Amongst their Buildings I must take special notice of their Wells and Tankes , upon both which in very many places they bestow exceeding much cost in stone-work ; for their Wells which are fed with Springs , they make them round , but very wide and large . They are wrought up with firm stones laid in fine Plaister ; they usually cover those Wells with a building over-head , and with Oxen draw water out of them , which riseth up in many small Buckets , whereof some are always going down , others continually coming up , and emptying themselves , ●n troughs , or little rills , made to receive , and convey the wa●●r whither they please . Their Tanks are made in low places , and many of them very deep and large ( one mile , and some of them much more in compass ) made round or four-square , or in more squares , about which there is a low stone-wall , that hath many doors in it , and within that wall steps , made one below the other round about it , that go down to the bottom thereof , ( which is paved likewise ) : those steps are made of well squared lasting stone , laid firm , and eeven in very good order , for people that have not plenty of water otherwise , to go down and take it . These great receptacles of water , are made neer places that are very populous ; fill'd when that long season of rain ( before spoken of ) comes , immediately before which time , they clense them , that the water may be more clear , and wholsom . They hold water all the dry season of the year . For their places of pleasure , they are in their Groves , where their curious Fruit-trees ( before described ) grow ; but especially in their Gardens , wherein they plant little Vineyards that afford marvellous fair and sweet Grapes , which they cut green , for their eating , or make Raisons of them . But for Wine , they make none , because their Mahomet forbids the drinking thereof . In those Gardens likewise , they have many Pome-granat-trees , with all other of the choicest fruits and flowers their Country affords ; to which Nature daily yields such a supply , as that there is beauty to be seen in those Trees , and Plants , and that continually . In the middle of those Gardens , they have such Wells ( as before are described ) the tops whereof stand a good deal higher than the planted ground , which lyes eeven , and flat below them , from whence water is conveyed in narrow open passages , ( they knowing not the use of Leaden-Pipes ) to all the parts of them in the dry season of the year . In those Gardens likewise they have little round Tanks to bathe in ; whose sides and bottoms are made firm and smooth with that plaister before named ; they are fill'd by aquae-ducts from those Wells , and they can empty them when they please , as well as fill them . The water that is conveyed into those small Tanks , usually runs down broad stone Tables , that have many hollows made in them , like to scollop-shells , which water in its passage makes such a pretty murmure , as helps to tye their senses with the bonds of sleep , in the hot seasons of the day when they constantly keep their houses , and then they lye down neer them on their Carpets , to be lull'd asleep . Those bathing places are within , or very near their Garden-houses , which usually are by far more neat , than any other of their dwelling . In such a Garden-house , with all those accommodations about it , my Lord Embassadour lay with his company at Surat , the last three moneths before he left East-India . And further , in those hot seasons of the day ; the people of better quality lying or sitting on their Carpets , or Pallats , have servants standing about them , who continually beat the air upon them with Flabella's , or Fans , of stiffned leather , which keeps off the flyes from annoying them , and cool them as they lye . Thus taking their ease , they call for Barbers , who very gently gripe their arms , and shoulders , and other parts , they can in any measure grasp , and they strike likewise very softly those parts with the sides of their hands ; it is very pleasing as they do it , and causeth their blood to stir in their veins ; it is therefore very much used in those parts , to such as do not heat their blood by bodily motion . For their pastimes within doors , they have Cards , but much different from ours in the figures made in them , and in their greater number of suits . Those Cards I have often seen ; and have been more often told , that they have very good skill in that most innocent and ingenious game we call Chesse . They delight themselves sometimes with the Company of Mountebanks , and Juglers . For their Mountebanks ; they keep venemous Snakes in baskets , and will suffer themselves to be bitten or stung by them ; which part thus bitten , or stung , presently swells , and immediately after that , they cure themselves again by Oyls and Powders , which they apply unto the place , and then offer to sell them unto the people standing by . Their Juglers are the cunningst that ever I saw , to do strange things by sleight of hand , as in this trick I shall here name : where I have observed them to lay down scuttles or broad open Wicker-baskets upon the ground , three or four one upon another , all which appeared empty , as they laid them down ; but taking them up again one after the other , in the bottom of them there would appear , three or four living Turtle-doves : which they would cover again with the same Scuttles , and tossing and turning them as they took them off , and up the second time , none of those pretty creatures were to be seen any more . But how they first conveyed them thither , and how after thence , we could not possibly discover . For their Pastimes abroad they have Hawks of divers kinds , greater and less , and Partridges , and other choice Fowl great store to fly at . They have Hares , and Antilops , with other wild Beasts to hunt , and these not a few . Their dogs for chase are made somwhat like our Grey-hounds , but much less , who never open in the pursute of their game . They hunt likewise with Leopards train'd up and made fit for their sport , who by leaping seize on that they pursue : but by reason of the heat of the Country , those sports are not there much used . The Mogol when he hunts , carries Hawks and Dogs , and all things beside with him , to make him pastime ; that if one sport fail , he may be pleased with another . They say , that they have a curious Device to take wild fowls that use the water ; into which a fellow goes , with a fowl of that kind he desires to catch , whose skin is stuffed so artificially , as that with a noise he counterfeits that fowl , it appears to be alive , the man keeps all his body but head under water , on which he fastens that counterfeit fowl to stand fore-right on the top thereof , and thus coming amongst them , he plucks them ( as they say ) by their legs under water at his pleasure . But this I have only by tradition . For other pastimes abroad , this I am sure of , that when the weather is more temperate , they shoot much in their Bows , and are very excellent Marks-men , somewhat like those left-handed men spoken of Judg. 20.16 . And with their Guns in which they shoot single bullets ( for they have not the use of small-shot ) they are somwhat long in taking their aim , but they will come very neer the mark . Other delight themselves very much in managing their excellent Horses ; But so shall not I delight my Reader , if I dwell too long in particulars . And therefore having spoken of their Buildings , I shall now invite him , though not to eat , or taste , yet to take notice SECTION X. Of their Diet , their Cookery in dressing it , &c. ANd though this Country affords very much variety of excellent good Provisions , yet the Mahometans feed not freely on any flesh , but on that which is strange , and forbidden ( of the Hindoos Diet I shall speak afterwards ) : but for the Mahometans they are a people , as I conceive , not much given to their Palate ; but are very careful of , and temperate in their Diet , as having learn'd by experience , that full bellies do more oppress , than strengthen the body , that too much of the Creature doth not comfort but destroy Nature ; It being a tried truth , that Gluttony reacheth , and kills those whom swords cannot touch . All Diseases of the body for the most part being contracted to it by Surfeits , in on kinde or other ; and therefore they keep themselves to a thin Diet , and eat not to pamper and please their Appetite , but to satisfie and support nature , which is contented with a little every where , but with less in hot Countries , where mens digestion of food is not so quick and good ; this being further a tried truth , that those bodies are most strong , active , and healthy , which are most temperate . Therefore though they have abundance of flesh and fowl , and have fish too , yet are they temperate in all of them . For Swines flesh , it is an abomination unto the Mahometans ; and therefore they touch it not . And for other kind of flesh , they eat very little of them alone , to make their full meals of them , for they dress no kind of flesh in great pieces , or whole joynts , nor scarce any of their fowls whole . For boyling of flesh in water , or baking or roasting any flesh , are pieces of Cookery ( if I observed well ) they know not ; but they stew all their flesh as their Kid and other Venison , &c. out into sippets , or slices , or little parts , to which they put Onions , and Herbs , and Roots , and Ginger , ( which they take there green out of the earth ) and other Spices , with some butter , which ingredients when as they are well proportioned , make a Food that is exceedingly pleasing to all Palats , at their first tasting thereof most savoury Meat , haply that very dish which Jacob made for his Father Isaac , when he got the blessing , Gen. 27. With their flesh and herbs , &c. they sometimes stew Hens and other Foul cut in pieces , which is like that the Spaniards call an Oleo , but more toothsome . But their great common standing dish there is Rice , which they boyl with more Art than we : for they boyl the grain so as that it is full , and plump , and tender , but not broken in boyling ; they put to it a little green Ginger , and Pepper , and Butter , and this is the ordinary way of their dressing it , and so 't is very good . Sometimes they boyl pieces of flesh , or Hens , and other Fowl cut in pieces in their Rice , which dish they call Pillaw ; as they order it , they make it a very excellent , and a very well-tasted Food . Once my Lord Ambassadour had an Entertainment there by Asaph Chan , who invited him to dinner ( and this was the only respect in that kind he ever had , while he was in East-India ) That Asaph Chan was a Man made by his great Alliances , the greatest Subject and Favourite in all that Empire ; for his Sister was the Mogol's most beloved Wife , and his Daughter was married unto Sultan Caroon the Prince , and very much beloved by him , but of all these , more afterward . This Asaph Chan entertained my Lord Ambassador in a very spacious and a very beautiful Tent , where none of his followers besides my self , saw , or tasted of that Entertainment . That Tent was kept full of a very pleasant Perfume ; in which sents the King and Grandees there take very much delight . The floor of the Tent was first covered all over with very rich and large Carpets , which were covered again in the places where our dinner stood , with other good Carpets , made of stitch'd Leather , to preserve them which were richer ; and these were covered again with pure white and fine Callico Clothes , and all these covered with very many dishes of Silver , but for the greater part of those Silver dishes they were not larger than our largest trencher-plates , the brims of all of them gilt . We sate in that large Room as it were in a Triangle ; The Ambassadour on Chan's right hand a good distance from him , and my self below ; all of us on the ground , as they there all do when as they eat , with our Faces looking each to the other , and every one of us had his several mess. The Ambassadour had more dishes by ten , and I less by ten , than our entertainer had , yet for my part I had fifty dishes . They were all set before us at once , and little paths left betwixt them , that our entertainers servants ( for onely they waited ) might come and reach them to us one after another , and so they did . So that I tasted of all set before me , and of most did but taste , though all of them tasted very well . Now of the provision it self , for our larger dishes , they were filled with Rice , dressed ( as before describ'd . ) And this Rice was presented to us , some of it white , in its own proper colour , some of it made yellow with Saffron , and some of it was made green , and some of it put into a purple colour , but by what Ingredient I know not , but this I am sure , that it all tasted very well ; And with Rice thus ordered , several of our dishes were furnished , and very many more of them with flesh of several kinds , and with Hens , and with other sort of Fowl cut in pieces , as before I observed in their Indian Cookery . To these we had many Jellies , and Culices ; Rice ground to flower , and then boyled , and after sweetned with Sugar-Candy and Rose-Water to be eaten cold . The flower of Rice mingled with sweet Almonds , made as small as they could , and with some of the most fleshy parts of Hens stewed with it , and after the flesh so beaten into pieces , that it could not be discern'd , all made sweet with Rose-Water and Sugar-Candy , and sented with Amber-Greece ; this was another of our dishes , and a most luscious one , which the Portugals call Mangee Real , Food for a King. Many other dishes we had , made up in Cakes of several forms , of the finest of the wheat-flower , mingled with Almonds and Sugar-Candy , whereof some were sented , and some not . To these Potatoes excellently well dressed , and to them divers Sallads , and the curious fruits of that Country , some preserved in Sugar , and others raw , and to these many Roots candied , Almonds blanched , Raisons of the Sun , Prunellas , and I know not what , of all enough to make up that number of dishes before named ; and with these quelque chose , was that entertainment made up . And it was better a great deal , than if it had consisted of full and heaped up dishes , such as are sometimes amongst us provided , for great and profuse entertainments . Our Bread was of very good and excellent Wheat , made up very white and light , in round Cakes ; and for our Drink , some of it was brew'd for ought I know , ever since Noah his Flood , that good innocent water , being all the Drink there commonly used ( as before ) and in those hot Climates ( it being better digested there than in any other parts ) it is very sweet , and allayes thirst better than any other Liquor can , and therefore better pleaseth , and agreeth better with every Man that comes and lives there , than any other Drink . At this entertainment we sat long , and much longer than we could with ease cross-leg'd , but all considered , our Feast in that place was better than Apicius , that famous Epicure of Rome , with all his witty Gluttony ( for so Paterculus calls it , ingeniosa Gula , ) could have made with all provisions had from the Earth , and Air , and Sea. My Lord Ambassadour observed not that uneasie way of sitting at his meat , but as in his own House had Tables and Chairs , &c. Served he was altogether in Plate , and had an English , and Indian Cook to dress his dyet , which was very plentiful , and cheap likewise ; so that by reason of the great variety of provisions there , his weekly account for his House-keeping came but to little . The meaner sort of people there eat Rice boyled with their green-Ginger and a little Pepper , after which they put Butter into it , which is their principal dish , and but seldom eaten by them : But their ordinary Food is made ( not of the flowr of Wheat ) but of a coarse well tasted Grain , made up in round broad and thick Cakes , which they bake upon their thin iron plates ( before spoken of ) which they carry with them , when as they travel from place to place ; when they have bak'd those Cakes , they put a little Butter on them : And doubtless the poor people find this a very hearty Food , for they who live most upon it , are as strong as they could be , if they had their diet out of the King's Kitchin. I shall here say no more of this , but proceed to speak . SECTION XI . Of the Civilities of this People ; Of their Complements , and of their Habits . ANd here the People in general ( as before was observed ) are as civil to Strangers as to their own Country-men ; for they use when they meet one another , or when they meet strangers , to bow their Heads , or to lay their right Hands on their Breasts , and to bow their Bodies as they pass , saluting them further with many well-wishes . They use not to uncover their Heads at all , as we do in our Salutes , ( from which custom of ours , the Turks borrow this imprecation for their Enemies , wishing their Souls no more rest after death than a Christians hat hath , which is alwayes stirred ) but the meaner sort , instead of uncovering their Heads to their Superiours , use these abject Ceremonies , by putting their right Hand to the Earth , and then laying it on their Heads ; or by falling down on their Knees , and then bowing their Heads to the Earth ; both signifying , that those unto whom they shew these reverences , and respects , may tread or trample on them , if they pleased . When we visit the people there of better quality , they entertain us with much humanity ; first rising up to us , they bow their Bodies , and then entreat us to sit with them on their Carpets , where they are free in their discourse , which we usually exchange with them by an Interpreter . If we have any business with them , they return very civil and fair Answers , and for our further entertainment give us Beetle or Paune to chew , ( before spoken of . ) In their near , and more close and hearty Salutes , they do not joyn Hands as we , but do that which is hateful to the Spaniard , and not at all in use with us ; for they take one another by the Chin , or Beard , and cry Bobba , which is , Father ; or Bij , which is , Brother : And this appears to be a very ancient Complement , for thus Joab long ago saluted Amasa , 2 Sam. 20.9 . But this they do in love , not as Joab did there , in Treachery . In their Complements they express many good wishes to one another , as Salam Allacum , God give you health ; the reply , Allacum Salam , The same health God give you . And Greb-a Nemoas , I wish you the prayers of the poor . And Tere gree gree kee Bulla doore , which made-English speaks thus , I wish one good to come unto you after another , every Gra , ( which is a space of time a little more than a quarter of an hour ) ; and they have many more Complements like these , handsome , and significant . As inferiour people ( who have their dependance on others ) use to say unto them , I eat your Bread and Salt , ( as much to say ) I am your Servant , I live by you , and you may do with me , or to me , what you please . Now as this People of East-India are civil in their speeches , so are they civilly clad ; for there are none who wear their own skin alone for their covering , as very many in the western India do . For the Habits of this People , from the highest to the lowest , they are all made of the same fashion , which they never alter nor change ; their Coats sitting close to their Bodies unto their Wastes , then hanging down loose a little below their Knees , the lower part of them sitting some-what full ; those close Coats are fastned unto both their Shoulders , with slips made of the same Cloth , which , for the generality , are all made of coarser , or finer white Callico ; and in like manner are they fastned to their Waste , on both sides thereof , which Coats coming double over their Breasts , are fastned by like slips of Cloth , that are put thick from their left Arm-holes to their middle ; The sleeves of those Coats are made long , and some-what close to their Arms , that they may ruffle , especially from their Elbows to their Wrists . Under this Coat they usually wear another sleight one , made of the same Cloth , but shorter than the other , and this is all they commonly wear upon the upper part of their bodies . But some of the greater sort in the cooler seasons of the day there , will slip on loose Coats over the other , made either of quilted Silk , or Callico , or of our English Scarlet-broad-cloth ( for that is the colour they most love . ) Under their Coats they have long Breeches like unto Irish-trouses , made usually of the same cloth , which come to their Anckles , and ruffle on the small of their legs . For their feet , they keep them ( as was before observed ) always bare in their shooes . Some of their Grandees makes their Coats and Breeches of striped Taffata of several colours , or of some other silk stuff all of the same colour , or of slight cloth of Silver or Gold , all made in that Country . But pure white and fine Callico-laune , ( which they there make likewise ) is for the most part the height of all their bravery ; the collars , and some other parts of their upper coats , being set off with some neat stitching . Upon their heads they wear a long wreath of cloth , about half a yard broad , usually white , but sometimes of other colours . Which cloth worn for their head-covering , is sometimes inter-woven in spaces with threds of coloured silk , or silver , or gold ; and when not so , one end of that wreath of cloth worn by Gallants is usually thus inter-woven ; and so put upon their heads , that its gayness may appear . This head-covering of theirs , they call a Shash , which incircles their heads many times , and doth mervellously defend them from the violence of the Sun. And because this covering must needs keep their heads hot , they provide for this , as well as they can , by shaving the hair continually from off them . And they have girdles made of the same wreaths of cloth for the better sort , thus inter-woven , which come twice at least about them , made very trim with that kind of weaving , especially on both ends , which hang down directly before them . And thus have I presented a Mahometan there in his proper dress whose habit will more visibly appear together in the Mogols Picture , portrayed and after put into this discourse . Now for the Mahometan women , ( because I had never sight of those of the greatest quality ) I cannot give such an account of them in respect of the Habits . For these , unless they be dishonest , or poor , come not abroad ; but for the fashion of their Garments , they do not differ much from those the men wear , for they wear Coats , and Breeches one very like the other , only women bind their long hair with Phillets , which hang down behind them . They wear likewise upon their heads Mantles or Vails ( usually made of white Callico , or of their Pintado's ) which hang down over their other Garments . Further , the women have their Ears boared , not only in their flaps , but round about them , wherein they wear very little Pendants ; those of the richer sort are made of flat , narrow and thin pieces of Gold or Silver ; those worn by the poorer sort made of Brass , or Iron kept bright , so that all are in the same fashion ; they bestow some work upon the edges and ends of those Pendants . And those women have the lower part of their left Nostrils pierced , wherein they wear a Ring ( when they please ) of Gold , or Silver , or of some other baser Metals . Those Rings of Gold have little Pearls fastned to one end of them , and that Pearl is dril'd through , that both ends of the ring may meet in it . And doubtless , the women of the greatest quality ( though I saw it not ) are bedeck'd with many rich Jewels . This I have observed in some of those of the better sort I there saw , that they did wear great broad hollow Rings of Gold enamel'd ; and some made of Silver , or Brass , upon their wrists , and upon the small of their legs , to take off and on ; two or three of them upon each Arm , and Leg , which make a tinkling noise , very probably such Ornaments as the Jewish women were threatned for , Isaiah 3. where Almighty God tells them , that he would take away their tinkling Ornaments about their feet , the Bracelets , and the Ornaments of their legs , their Rings , and Nose-jewels . For my Lord Embassadour , and his Company , we all kept to our English Habits , made as light and cool as possibly we could have them . His waiters in red Taffata Cloaks guarded with green Taffata , which they always wore when they went abroad with him , my self in a long black Cassock ; and the colours and fashion of our garments were so different from theirs , that we needed not , wheresoever we were , to invite spectators to take notice of us . And now , the Constancy there observed by the Natives of both sexes , in keeping to their old fashions in their Habits , exampled to them by their Predecessors in many foregoing Generations , and by them still continued , is the great praise of this people , as the commendation of every Nation in the World almost , besides ours , still constant to their ancient fashions in their Apparel . SECTION XII . Of their Language , their Books , their Learning , &c. THE Language of this Empire , I mean the Vulgar , bears the name of it , and is called Indostan ; it hath much affinity with the Persian , and Arabian Tongues : but the Indostan is a smoother Language , and more easie to be pronounced than the other , a Language which is very significant , and speaks much few words ; They write it ( as we ) to the right hand . It is expressed by letters , which are very much different from those Alphabets , by which the Persian and Arabian Tongues are formed . The Persian there is spoken as their more quaint and Court-tongue . The Arabian is their learned Language , both written backward to the left hand like the Hebrew , from whence they borrrow many words , which come so near it , as that he who is a good Critick in the Hebrew may very well guess at the meaning of much in both those Languages . The Persian is a Language , as if it consisted all of Guttural letters ( as some in the Hebrew Alphabet are called ) filling the mouth in the pronunciation of them ; for as the words in that Language are full of sense , so in their speaking they are full of sound . For the Latin and Greek , by which there hath been so much knowledg conveyed into the World , they are as ignorant of them both , as if they had never been ; and this may be one great reason why there is so little learning amongst them . But for the people themselves , they are men of very strong reason , and will speak ex re nata , upon any offered occasion , very exceeding well ; and doubtless they are a people of such strong Capacities , that , were there literature amongst them , they might be the Authors of many excellent works ; but as the case stands with them , all that is there attainable towards Learning , is but to read and write . And here by the way let me insert this , that I never saw any Idiot or natural Fool , nor any deformed person amongst them , in any of those parts . For Logick and Rhetorick which are so instrumental , the first to enlarge , and the second to polish discourses , they have none but what is Natural . They say , that they write some witty Poems , and compose many handsom Annals and Stories of their own , and other adjacent Countries . They delight much in Musick , and have some stringed , but many more Wind-instruments ; They have the use of Timbrels likewise ; but for want of pleasing Airs , their Musick in my ears never seemed to be any thing but discord . Their Books are not many , and those are Manuscripts . That rare and happy invention of Printing , which hath been the advancement of so much learning within Christendom , is not known without it . They have heard of Aristotle , whom they call Aplis , and have some of his Books ( as they say ) in the Arabian Tongue , in which Language ( they further say ) they have many Books written by Avicenna , that ancient Physitian , who was born in Samarchandia , one of the most fam'd places within the Tartarian Empire , the Country ( as they believe ) where Tamberlain , the Mogols great Ancestor , drew his first breath . Some parts or fragments they have of the old Testament ; of which more , when I shall come to speak of their Religion . Many amongst them profess themselvs to have great skill in judicial Astrology , that great Cheat , which hath been very anciently , and often put upon ( as the Sacred Story witnesseth ) the people inhabiting the East , and South parts of the World. I call it a Cheat , because there is , and must needs be , so much uncertainty in it ; all things here below being ordered , and over-ruled , by the secret , and unerring providence of Almighty God , which frustrateth the tokens of the Lyars , and maketh Diviners mad ; that turneth wise men backward , and maketh their knowledg foolish , Esay 44.25 . First , these Diviners are mad when things fall not out according to their bold predictions ; And secondly , they have been , and not without cause , esteemed as mad-men , in foretelling things which they could not know , and much less bring to pass . And therefore I have heard a great Master in , and a publick Professor of , Astronomy , who could see as far into Constellations , and observe as much from them as any other , often say , that he would go by the very self same rules that others did , to predict things to come ; and would write that which was quite contrary to what they observed , yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they foretold . Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises , the great Mogol puts so much confidence in his Astrologers , that he will not undertake a journey , nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least consequence , unless his Wizards tell him , it is a good and a prosperous hour , to begin , and set upon such an undertaking , and at the very instant he hath his directions from them , he sets upon the thing he undertakes , and not before . SECTION XIII . Of their Physitians , Diseases , Cures ; When they begin their year ; How they measure their time , &c. HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physick , though ( for ought I could ever there observe ) the people make but little use of them , they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum ; and therefore do believe the Physitian to be the more dangerous disease . The common Diseases of that Countrey are Bloody-Fluxes , with others that come not to blood , Hot-Fevers , Calentures , which seize on and fire the head and brain , more than other parts . These , many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers , especially while they are under the Torrid Zone , which makes the poor creatures visited with them , sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Haycocks ; and if they were not sometimes happily prevented , would leap over-board to tumble in them . For ordinary Agues , such as are so common among us , and for those two torments rather than diseases ( when they are felt in extremity ) the Gout and the Stone , they have the happiness to be ignorant of them . But sometimes they are visited with an inflammation , or an extreme Burning , such as is spoken of , Deut. 28.22 . or rather with a most grievous Pestilence , which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great populous Cities . This Pestilence makes the bodies of Men there which are visited with it , like an House , which on a sudden is covered all over with fire at once . The City Amadavar ( at our being there with the King ) was visited with this Pestilence in the moneth of May , and our Family was not exempted from that most uncomfortable visitation ; for within the space of nine dayes , seven persons that were English of our Family were taken away by it , and none of those which dyed lay sick above twenty hours , and the major part well and sick , and dead in twelve hours . As our Surgeon ( who was there all the Physician we had , and he led the way ) falling sick at mid-day , and the following mid-night dead . And there were three more that followed him , one immediately after the other , who made as much haste to the Grave as he had done , and the rest went after them , within that space of time ( I named before . ) And ( as before I observed ) all those that dyed in our Family of this Pestilence , had their Bodies set all on fire by it , so soon as they were first visited ; and when they were dying , and dead , broad spots of a black and blew colour appeared on their Breasts ; and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distemper , that we who survived , could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it . It was a most sad time , a fiery Tryal indeed . But such is the goodness of Almighty God , that he makes the miseries of Men here , Aut tolerabiles , aut breves , either sufferable , or short ; so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born , it continues not long , as this most grievous visitation , most violent for the time , like a mighty storm , and then blown away . For here the mercy of God suddenly stept in , betwixt the living and the dead ; so that not onely in our Family , but also in that great City , the Plague was stayed . All our Family [ my Lord Ambassadour onely excepted ] were visited with this sickness ; and we all , who through Gods help and goodness out-lived it , had many great blisters , fill'd with a thick yellow watery substance , that arose upon many parts of our bodies , which when they brake , did even burn and corrode our skins , as it ran down upon them . For my part I had a Calenture before at Mandoa , which brought me even into the very Jaws of Death , from whence it pleased God then to rescue and deliver me , which amongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him , hath , and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name . There are very few English which come thither , but have some violent sickness , which if they escape , and live temperately , they usually enjoy very much health afterward . But Death made many breaches unto my Lord Ambassador's Family , for of four and twenty Waiters , besides his Secretary and my self , there was not above the fourth Man returned home . And he himself by violent Fluxes , was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave . The Natives of East-India in all their violent hot diseases , make very little use of Physicians , unless it be to breathe a Vein sometimes , after which they use much fasting as their most hopeful remedy . The foul Disease is too common in those hot Climates , where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings , than with the sin or shame thereof . The people in East-India live up to our greatest Ages ; but without all question they have more old people than we ; a thing not to be wondered at , if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking . But to proceed . The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March. The Mahometans begin theirs , the tenth , at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries , their year as ours is divided into twelve Moneths , or rather into thirteen Moons , for according to them they make many payments . They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us , dividing the day into four , and the night into as many parts , which they call Pores ; which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts , which they call Grees ; measured according to the ancient custom , by water dropping out of one vessel into another , by which there alwayes stands a Man appointed for that service , to turn that vessel up again when it is all dropped out , and then to strike with an hammer ( upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal , like the inner part of a large Platter , hanging by the brim on a wire ) the number of those Pores , and Grees as they pass . It hath a deep sound , and may be heard very far ; but these are not common amongst them . Neither have they any Clocks , or Sun-Dials , to shew them further how their time passeth . We lived there some part of our time a little within , or under the Tropick of Cancer , and then the Sun was our Zenith , or Verticle at noon-day directly over our heads , at his return to his Northern bounds ( of which I have spoken something before . ) The Sun-rising there , was about six hours in the Morning before its appearing here , so that it is twelve of the Clock with them , when it is but six with us . We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December , when the dayes are shortest near eleven hours ; and in June when they are at their fullest length , somewhat more than thirteen hours ; which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the Earth , was very advantagious to cool both the Earth and Air. I proceed to speak SECTION XIV . Of the most excellent Moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations . NExt to those things which are Spiritually good , there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation , than those things which are Morally and Materially so ; and many of these may be drawn out to life , from the examples of great numbers amongst that people . For the Temperance of very many , by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles , it is such , as that they will rather choose to dye , like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Macchabees and seventh Chapter , then eat or drink any thing their Law forbids them . Or like those Rechabites , mentioned , Jer. 35. Where Jonadab their Father commanded them to drink no Wine , and they did forbear it for the Commandement sake . Such meat and drink as their Law allows them , they take , onely to satisfie Nature , ( as before ) not Appetite ; strictly observing Solomon's Rule , Prov. 23.2 . in keeping a knife to their throats , that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature ; hating Gluttony , and esteeming Drunkenness , as indeed it is , another Madness ; and therefore have but one word in their Language , ( though it be very copious ) and that word is Mest , for a drunkard , and a mad-man . Which shews their hatred of drunken distempers ; for none of the people there , are at any time seen drunk , ( though they might find liquor enough to do it ) but the very offal and dreggs of that people , and these rarely , or very seldom . And here I shall insert another most needful particular to my present purpose , which deserves a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general , how poor and mean soever they be ; and that is , the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents , that , notwithstanding they serve for very little ( as I observed before ) but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsistence ; yet , if their Parents be in want , they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessaries , choosing rather to want themselves , then that their Parents should suffer need . For the Mahometans [ who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes , keeping them under , because they formerly conquered them ] there are many of them idle , and know better to eat than work , and these are all for to morrow , a word very common in their mouths ; and the word is Sub-ba , which signifies to morrow , and when that day comes to morrow , and so still to morrow , they will set down upon their businesses to morrow , will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow , they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba , to morrow . Pollicitis divites , most rich in promises , in performances not so . That being true of many of those Mahometans , which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal , that he stood most to his Promise , when it was most for his Profit , [ though , to do the Mahometans in general right , such as are Merchants and Traders , are exact in their dealings ] or , as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being ever about to give , but seldom giving . But for the Hindooes , or Heathens , the ancient inhabitants of East-India , they are a very industrious people , very diligent in all the works of their particular Callings , believing that Bread sweetest , and most savory , which is gain'd by sweat . These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground : These they which make those curious Manufactures that Empire affords ; working , as we say , with tooth and nail ; imploying their ears and toes , as well as their fingers , to assist them [ by holding threds of silk ] in the making of some things they work . These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way , of a Lion in the streets , as the slothful man is , Prov. 26.13 . but they lay hold on the present time , the opportunity , to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day , they being very laborious in their several imployments , and very square and exact to make good all their engagements . Which appears much in their justness manifested unto those that trade with them ; for if a Man will put it unto their Consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it , they will deal squarely , and honestly with him ; but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price , they will be apt to say , What , dost thou think me a Christian , that I would go about to deceive thee ? It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider , what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion , by the loosness , and remisness , by the exorbitances of many which come amongst them , who profess themselves Christians ; of whom I have often heard the Natives [ who live near the Port where our Ships arrive ] say thus , in broken English , which they have gotten , Christian Religion , Devil Religion ; Christian much drunk , Christian much do wrong , much beat , much abuse others . But to return again unto the people of East India : Though the Christians which come amongst them do not such horrible things , yet they do enough to make Christianity it self evil spoken of ; as a Religion that deserves more to be abhorred , than imbraced . For truly it is a sad sight there to behold a dunken Christian , and a sober Indian ; a temperate Indian , and a Christian given up to his Appetite . An Indian that is just and square in his dealing , a Christian not so ; a laborious Indian , and an idle Christian ; as if he were born onely to fold his Arms , or fruges tantum consumere natus : to devour Corn , and wear out Wool. O what a sad thing is it for Christians to come short of Indians , even in Moralities , come short of those , who themselves believe , to come short of Heaven . SECTION XV. Of their Religion , their Priests , their Devotion , their Churches , &c. ANd now I come to speak of their Religion , I shall first take notice of the Mahometan Religion there professed . That of the Hindoos or Heathens shall find a place wherein I may speak of it afterwards . But first of the Mahometan Religion , because the Great Mogol with his Grandees , and all other of quality about him are Mahometans ; which Religion ( if it deserve that name ) took its first Rise , and began to be professed in the world about the year of Christ 620 , as hath been observed by many Writers . The Ring-leader to it , and chief Founder of it was Mahomet , an Arabian by Birth , born ( as is said ) in a very obscure place , and of very mean and low Parentage , but a Man fill'd with all Subtilty and Craft ; who , ( as they write ) after that he had much enriched himself by Wives , came to be the Commander of a Company of Arabian Volunteers that followed Heraclius the Emperour in his Persian Warrs ; but not long after , himself and Souldiers , falling first into Mutiny , and after that to Rebellion , which was an excellent preparative to put an innovation or change on Religion , and his Souldiers standing close unto him , he himself , with the help of Sergius , a Christian by profession , but an Heretical Nestorian Monk , and of Abdala a Jew , composed a Religion that hath nothing in it , or that savours of nothing so much , as of rude Ignorance , and most palpable Imposture ; it being a Monster of many Heads ; a most damnable mixture of horrid impieties , if it be considered alltogether . Yet because it contains much in it very pleasing to flesh and blood , and sooths up , and complies exceedingly with corrupt Nature , it wanted no followers presently to embrace , and assert it ; so that in a little time , like a Gangrene , it spred it self into many parts of Asia , and since that hath enlarged it self like Hell ; so that , at this present day , it hath more that profess it in the world , than those which profess Christianity , if we take in all collectively that do but bear the Names of Christians , the world over . The poor people , that are so much abused by the strong delusions of that great Impostor , say for themselves thus , that God hath sent three great Prophets into the world , first Moses , and after him Christ , and then Mahomet ; and further add , that when Christ left the world he promised to send a Comforter into it , and that Comforter was Mahomet , and therefore they close with him . I shall not need amongst men professing Christianity to write any thing in answer to those their frantick assertions , neither will I make it my business to enlarge my self in the discovery of the Mahometan Religion , because that hath been done by so many hands already ; only this I will say of it , and not much more , that it hath Will-worship for its Foundation ; Fables and Lies for its support ; and a groundless presumption for its superstructure . For its Foundation ; first , abundance of Will-worship , manifested in many outwatd performances , which are not hard to be performed , because the depraved will of man , is ready prest and bent to perform things of that kind with readiness , cheerfulness , and delight . The works of your Father the Devil you will do , saith our Saviour , of the obstinate Jews ; do them , be they never so hard , with content and willingness . Secondly , the Mahometan Religion hath abundance of strange Monstroos Fables and Lyes for its support , their Alcoran ( for the substance of it ) being a fardle of foolish impossibilities , fit to be received by none but fools and mad-men ; for they can gain no more credit with those that are judicious , then what is related in the ryming story of that antient Knight Errant , Bevis of Southampton , or in the Poems of Orlando , the furious , where may be found some such like parallel fictions , as of Astalpho who mounted a Griffin , which carried him up immediately into the Moon , where ( they say ) Mahomet sometime was ; the reason I conceive which made himself , and his followers , ever since so full of Lunacy or madness . Thirdly , it hath a groundless presumption for its superstructure , which presumption draws that misled people into a careless security , they esteeming themselves the only true believers of the world , and none true believers but themselves . Yet it cannot be denied , but that there are some things in the precepts which Mahomet hath prescribed to be received and observed by his followers , that are good ; laid down in eight commandments which are these . First , That God is a great God , and the only God , and Mahomet is the Prophet of God. Second , That Children must obey their Parents , and do nothing to displease them either in word or deed . Third , That every one must do to another that , and only that , which he would have another do to him . Fourth , That every man five times every day must repair to the Mosquit or Church , to pray there ; or , wheresoever he is , he must pray every day so often , if not in the Church , then elsewhere . Fifth , That one whole Moon in every year , every man , come to years of discretion , must spend the whole day , 'twixt the rising , and setting of the Sun , in fasting . Sixth , That every one out of his store , must give unto the poor liberally , freely , and voluntarily . Seventh , That every one ( except those Votaries which renounce marriage ) must marry , to increase and multiply the Sect and Religion of Mahomet . Eighth , That no man must kill , or shed blood . Now much in these Commandments agrees with the word of Truth ; and we need not wonder at it , when we consider , that even the Devil himself ( as we may observe in the Gospel ) hath sometimes had a Scripture in his mouth . So have Hereticks , and so did Mahomet and his Assistants mix some Scripture in their Alcoran , to put a fairer gloss upon their irreligion . But what Scriptures they all urge , are for the most part , if not ever , wrested , by their maiming , or perverting , or mis-applying of them . Thus the Devil quotes a Scripture , Mat. 4.6 . but one part is left out , and the rest mis-applied . Those therefore who wrest or mangle Scripture to serve their own turn , we may see from whose School they have it . Thus Mahomet cites Scripture to do more mischief by it ; let no man content himself , and think all is well , because he can sometimes speak good words , have a Scripture in his mouth ; when he considers that Hereticks , Hypocrites do so , that Mahomet , nay Satan himself hath done as much . But to proceed ; the Mahometan-Priests are called Moolaas , who read some parcels out of their Alcoran , upon Fridays ( which are their Sabbaths or days of rest ) unto the people assembled in their Mosquits or Churches , and then further deliver some precepts , which they gather out of it , unto their miserably deluded hearers . These Moolaas are they which joyn those of that Religion in marriage ; and these imploy much of their time as Scriveners to do businesses for others ; or to teach their young Children to write and read their language in written hand , for ( as before ) they have no Printing . Those Moolaas are more distinguished from the rest of the Mahometans by their Beards ( which they wear long ) then by any other of their habits . Their Calling gains , and gives them very much reverence and esteem amongst the People ; as another sort of Priests there have , of an high order or rank , which live much retired ; but when they appear openly are most highly reverenced ; they are called Scayds who derive themselves from Mahomet . The Mahometans have fair Churches which ( as before ) are called Mosquits ; their Churches are built of Marble or coarser stone , the broad-side towards the West is made up close like a firm wall , and so are both ends , in which there are no lights ; the other broad side towards the East is erected upon Pillars ( where a man may take notice of the excellent workmanship both in Vaults , and Arches ) the spaces betwixt them Pillars stand open . Their Churches are built long and narrow , standing North and South which way they lay up the bodies of their dead , but none of them within their Churches . At the four corners of their Mosquits which stand in great Cities or in other places much peopled , there are high and round , but small Turrets ; which are made open with lights every way , wherein a man may be easily seen , and heard ; their devout Moolaas five times every day ascend unto the tops of those high Turrets , whence they proclaim , as loudly as they can possibly speak , their Prophet Mahomet , thus in Arabian , La alla illa alla , Mahomet Resul-alla , that is , There is no God but one God , and Mahomet the Messenger from God , That voice instead of Bells ( which they use not in their Churches ) puts the most devout in mind of the hours of their devotion , those Priests being exceedingly zealous to promote the cause , and to keep up the honour of their Mahomet , as the men of Ephesus sometime were : when they feared that the credit of their Baggage Diana was like to be called into question , they took up a Cry which continued for the space of two hours , Crying out with one voice , Great is Diana of the Ephesians , Acts 19.24 . But to return again to those Mahometan Priests , who out of zeal do so often proclaim their Mahomet . Tom Coryat upon a time having heard their Moolaas often ( as before ) so to cry , got him upon an high place directly opposite to one of those Priests , and contradicted him thus : La alla illa alla , Hasaret Eesa Benalla , that is , No God , but one God , and the Lord Christ the Son of God , and further added that Mahomet was an Impostor : and all this he spake in their own language as loud as possibly he could , in the ears of many Mahometans that heard it . But whether ( circumstances considered ) the zeal , or discretion of our Pilgrim were more here to be commended , I leave to the judgment of my Reader . That he did so , I am sure , and I further believe how that bold attempt of his , if it had been acted in many other places of Asia , would have cost him his life with as much torture as cruelty could been invented . But he was here taken for a mad-man , and so let alone . Haply the rather , because every one there hath liberty to profess his own Religion freely , and , if he please , may argue against theirs , without fear of an inquisition , as Tom Coryat did at another time with a Moolaa , and the Question was , Which of these two was the Mussleman or true Believer : after much heat on both sides , Tom Coryat thus distinguished , that himself was the Orthodox Musslemam or true true-believer , the Moolaa the pseudo Mussleman or false true believer ; which distinction , if I had not thought it would have made my Reader smile had been here omitted . The Mahometans have a set form of prayer in the Arabian Tongue , not understood by many of the common people , yet repeated by them as well as by the Moolaas : they likewise rehearse the Names of God and of their Mahomet certain times every day upon Beads , like the miss-led Papists , who seem to regard more the Number , then the weight of prayers . But for the carriage of that people in their devotions , before they go into their Churches they wash their feet , and entring into them put off their shooes . As they begin their devotions they stop their ears , and fix their eyes , that nothing may divert their thoughts ; then in a soft and still voice they utter their prayers , wherein are many words most significantly expressing the Omnipotency , and Greatness , and Eternity , and other Attributes of God. Many words likewise that seem to express much humiliation , they confessing in divers submissive gestures , their own unworthiness , when they pray casting themselves low upon their Face sundry times , and then acknowledg that they are burdens to the Earth , and poyson to the Air , and the like , being so confounded and asham'd as that they seem not to dare so much as to lift up their eyes towards Heaven ; but after all this , comfort themselves in the mercies of God , through the mediation of Mahomet . If this people could as well conclude , as they can begin and continue their prayers , in respect of their expressions , and carriages in them , they might find comfort ; but the conclusion of their devotions marrs all . Yet this , for their commendation ( who doubtless , if they knew better would pray better ) that what diversions , and impediments soever they have arising either from pleasure or profit , the Mahometans pray five times a day . The Mogol doth so , who sits on the Throne ; the Shepherd doth so that waits on his flock in the field ( where , by the way , they do not follow their flocks ; but their flocks , them ) all sorts of Mahometans do thus whether fixed in a place or moving in a journey , when their times , or hours of prayer come , which in the morning are at Six , Nine , and Twelve of the clock ; and at three and six in the afternoon . When they pray , it is their manner to set their Faces that they may look towards Medina neer Mecha in Arabia where their great Seducer Mahomet was buried , who promised them after one thousand years , to fetch them all to Heaven ; which term , when it was out , and the promise not fulfilled , the Mahometans concluded that their Fore-fathers mis-took the time of the promise of his coming ; and therefore resolve to wait for the accomplishment of it one thousand years more . In the mean time they do so reverence that place where the body of Mahomet was laid up , that whosoever hath been there ( as there are divers which flock yearly thither in Pilgrimage ) are for ever after called , and esteemed Hoggees , which signifies Holy men . And here the thing being rightly and seriously considered ; it is a very great shame that a Mahometan should pray five times every day , that Pagans and Heathens should be very frequent in their devotions , and Christians ( who only can hope for good answers in prayer ) so negligent in that great prevailing duty . For a Mahometan to pray five times every day , what diversions soever he hath to hinder him , and for a Christian to let any thing interrupt his devotion ; for a Mahometan to pray five times a day , and for one that is called a Christian not to pray ( some believing themselves above this and other Ordinances ) five times in a week , a moneth , a year ! But this will admit less cause of wonder if we consider how that many bearing the Names of Christians cannot pray at all , those I mean which are prophane and filthy , and who live as if there were no God to hear , or to judg , and no Hell to punish . Such as these can but babble , they cannot pray , for they blaspheme the Name of God , while they may think they adore it . I shall add here a short story ; It happened that I once having some discourse with a Mahometan of good quality , and speaking with him about his frequent praying , I told him that if himself , and others of his profession who did believe it as a duty to pray so often , could conclude their Petitions in the Name of Jesus Christ , they might find much comfort in those their frequent performances , in that great duty : He answered , that I needed not to trouble my self with that , for they found as great comfort as they could desire in what they did . And presently he would needs infer this Relation . There was ( said he ) a most devout Mussleman who had his habitation in a great City where Mahomet was zealously professed , that man for many years together spent his whole day in the Mosquit , or Church ; in the mean time , he minding not the world at all , became so poor that he had nothing left to buy bread for his family ; yet , notwithstanding his poor condition , he was resolved still to ply his devotions : and in a morning ( when he perceived that there was nothing at all left for the further subsistence of himself and houshold ) took a solemn leave of his wife and children , resolving for his part to go and pray and dye in the Mosquit , leaving his family ( if no relief came ) to famish at home . But that very day he put on this resolution , there came to his house in his absence a very beautiful young man ( as he appeared to be ) who brought and gave unto his wife a very good quantity of Gold bound up in a white Napkin , telling her , that God had now remembred her husband , and sent him his pay for his constant pains taken in his devotion ; withall charging her not to send for her husband , for though he had taken such a solemn leave of her that morning , yet he would come home to her again that night ; and so he departed from her . The woman presently bought in some necessaries for her house ( for they had eaten up all before ) , and further made some good provision for her husband against his coming home in the evening ( for so he did ) ; and finding all his family very cheerful and merry , his wife presently told him , that there had been such a one there ( as before described ) and left so much gold behind him , with that fore-mentioned message delivered with it . Her husband presently replied that it was the Angel Gabriel sent from God ( for the Mahometans speak much of that Angel ) and he further added , that himself had nothing to bring home unto her but a little grett , or sand , which he took up in his way homeward , and bound it in his girdle , which he presently opening to shew her , it was all turn'd into precious stones , which amounted unto a very great value in money . The seventh part of which , as of his gold likewise , he presently gave to the poor , ( for , said he , a Mussleman is very charitable ) and then inferr'd , that if we do not neglect God , God will not forget us ; but when we stand most in need of help will supply us . Unto which conclusion we may all subscribe , leaving the premises which are laid down in that story , unto those that dare believe them . The Mahometans say , that they have the Books of Moses , but they have very much corrupted that story , in ascribing that to Ishmael which is said of Isaac , Gen. 22. as if Ishmael should have been sacrificed , not Isaac , ( of which more afterward ) . They say , that they have the Book of Davids Psalms ; and some Writings of Solomon , with other parcels of the Old Testament ; which , if so , I believe are made much to vary from their Original . They speak very much in the honour of Moses whom they call Moosa Calim-Alla ; Moses , the publisher of the mind of God. So of Abraham whom they call Ibrahim Carim-Alla , Abraham the honoured or friend of God. So of Ishmael whom they call Ismal , The Sacrifice of God. So of Jacob , whom they call Acob , The blessing of God. So of Joseph , whom they call Eesoff , The betrayed for God. So of David , whom they call Dahood , The lover , and praiser of God. So of Solomon , whom they call Selymon , The wisdom of God ; all expressed , as the former , in short Arabian words , which they sing in Ditties unto their particular remembrances . And , by the way , many of the Mahometans there are called by the names of Moosa , or Ibrahim , or Ismal , or Acob , or Eesoff , or Dahood , or Selymon : so others are called Mahmud , or Chaan , which signifies the Moon ; or Frista , which signifies a Star , &c. And they call their women by the names of Flowers or Fruits of their Country , or by the names of Spices or Odours , or of Pearls , or precious Stones , or else by other names of pretty or pleasing signification . As Job named one of his daughters Jemimah , which signifies , Clear as the day ; the second Keziah , which signifies pleasant , as Cassia or sweet Spice . And the name of the third Keren-happuch , signifying , The Horn or strength of beauty , Job 42.14 . But I 'll return again to that people , that I may acquaint my Reader with one thing of special observation , and 't is this : That there is not one among the Mahometans ( of any understanding ) which at any time mentions the name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazaret Eesa , the Lord Christ , but he makes mention of it with high reverence and respect . For they say of Christ that he was a good man , and a just , that he lived without sin , that he did greater miracles then ever any before or since him ; nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla , the breath of God , but how he should be the Son of God , they cannot conceive , and therefore cannot believe . Perhaps the Socinians first took that their opinion from these , which bids them to have every thing they receive as truth , to be cleared up unto them by the strength of Reason , as if there were no need of the exercise of Faith. And truly ( I must needs confess ) that to believe the Incarnation of the Son of God , is one of the hardest and greatest tasks for Faith to encounter withall , that God should be made a Man , that this Man Christ should be born of a Virgin , that Life should spring from Death ; and that from Contempt and Scorn , Triumph , and Victory should come , &c. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts , as to these , in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula , saying , Mirandam Dei Incarnatinem , &c. concerning that admirable , and wonderful Incarnation of Christ the Son of God , I shall not say much ; it being sufficient for me , as for all others that look for benefit by Christ , to believe , that he was begotten , and that he was born . These are Articles of our Faith ; and we are not Christians , if we believe them not . I may seem very strange therefore , that the Mahometans ( who understand themselves better ) should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ , and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so unworthy , or so unclean , as that they will not eat with us , any thing that is of our dressing , nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels . There are more particulars which challenge a room in this Section as their proper place : but because I would not have it swell too big , I shall here part it , and speak further SECTION XVI . Of their Votaries ; where , of the voluntary and sharp Penances , that people undergo . Of their Lent ; and of their Fasts , and Feasts , &c. AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derveeses who relinquish the world , and spend all their days following in solitude and retiredness , expecting a recompence ( as they say , and are very well content to suffer and wait for it ) in that better life . Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergo , far exceed all those the Romanists boast of ; for instance , there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills ( which are clothed or covered with trees , and stand remote from any Company ) and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation , stirring not at all from the places they first fix on , but ad requisita naturae , crying out continually in these or the like expressions , Alla Achabar , &c. that is , God Almighty look upon me , I love thee , I love not the world ; but I love thee , and I do all this for thy sake ; look upon me , God Almighty . These , after they thus retire , never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come again upon their heads , and they let their Nails grow like unto Birds Claws , As it was written of Nebuchadnezzar , Dan. 4. when he was driven out from the society of men . This people after their retirement , will chuse rather to famish then to stir from their Cells : and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others , who take care to send them some very mean covering for their bodies ( for it must be such , otherwise they will not accept of it ) when they stand in need thereof , and something for their bodily sustenance , which must be of their coarser food , otherwise they will not take it , and no more of that at one time then what is sufficient for the present support of nature . Some again impose long times of Fasting upon themselves , and will take no food at all , till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent . And others there are amongst them they call Religious men , who wear nothing about them but to hide their shame ; and these ( like the mendicant Friars ) beg for all they eat . They usually live in the skirts or out-sides of great Cities , or Towns , and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions , Luk. 8.27 . about the City of the Gadarens , which had Devils , and wore no clothes , neither abode in any house but in the Tombs . And so do these , making little fires in the day , sleeping at nights in the warm ashes thereof , with which they besmear and discolour their bodies . These Ash-men will sometimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly , and strangely ( as some of our Quakers do in their strange distempers ) and then the foolish common people will flock about them , and ( believing they then Prophesie ) hearken unto them with all attention . A very great difference 'twixt that people and ours ; for there they call mad-men Prophets , and amongst us there are many Prophets which are accounted but mad-men . There are another sort among them called Mendee , carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and mis-conceivings in Religion ; who like the Priests of Baal , mentioned 1 King. 18. often cut their flesh with knives and launcers . Others again I have there seen , who meerly out of Devotion put such massie Fetters of Iron upon their legs as that they can scarce stir with them , and then covered with blew mantles ( the colour of mourners in those parts ) as fast as they are able , go many miles in Pilgrimage bare-foot upon the hot parching ground , to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints ; thus , putting themselves upon very great Hardships , and submitting unto extreme sharp penances , and all to no purpose . But to return again to those Indian Votaries who undergo such hard things and out of this mistake that they do God good service in the things they do . Concerning which actings , Lucretius ( though accounted an Epicurean and an Atheist ) in his first book , speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion . — Saepius olim Religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta . oft of old , Religion bred acts impiously bold . The Mahometans keep a solemn Lent , they call the Ramjan or Ramdam , which begins the first New-moon , which happens in September , and so continues during that whole Moon . And all that time , those that are strict in their Religion , forbear their Women , and will not take either Meat or Drink any day during that time , so long as the Sun is above their Horizon , but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure . The last day of their Ram-jan , they consecrate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends , when I have observed many of the meanner sort , seem to make most bitter lamentation . But when that day of their general mourning is ended , and begins to die into night , they fire an innumerable company of lamps and other lights ; which they hang or fix very thick , and set upon the tops of their houses , and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks , that are surrounded with buildings , where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water , and when they are all burnt out ; the ceremony is done , and the people take food . The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended , the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their Mosquits , where by their Moolaas some selected parts of the Alcoran , are publickly read unto them , which book the Moolaas never touch without an expression of much outward reverence . For their works of charity , there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities and Towns ( spoken of before ) where passengers may find house-room and that freely , without a return of any recompence , wherein themselves and goods may be in safety . Others make Wells and Tanks for the publick benefit ; Or maintain servants , which continually attend upon road-ways that are much travelled , and there offer unto Passengers water for themselves and beasts , which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back of their Buttelos ; which as it is freely given , so it must be freely taken by all those , who desire to refresh themselves by it . There are some which build rich Monuments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austerity and holiness : these they call Paeres or Saints , amongst whom some of those ( before-mentioned ) help to fill their Number , who sequester themselves from the world ( as they think ) and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills , or in other obscure corners . SECTION XVII . Of the Marriages of the Mahometans , and of their Polygamy , &c. AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion , this certainly is not the least , the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one ( for they make take four if they please ) and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter , wherein he will provide for them all wives which shall have large rowling eyes , which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty . And it is a very sutable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh . For Polygamy , or the having of more wives than one , Lamech a great Grand-child of Cain , was the first that brought it into the World , Gen 4.19 . And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham : which act of his , as of others after him ( good men in their generation ) though it found permission , never had approbation from Almighty God. And further , though under the times of the Law ; it found some connivence , yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ. I remember that my Lord Ambassadour had a Servant of that Nation , who desired leave to be absent one day , and being asked why , he told us , that he was then to marry a Wife , though he had three living then , a Man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon , the usual pay of Servants there ( as before I observed ) to maintain himself , and all the rest of his family . Often have I heard this Question put , How these Mahometans can do with so many Wives ; some of which they keep pent up in little Cottages , or Tents ? And in other places and parts of the World , where mens dwellings are very large and spacious , there is scarce room enough to be found for one Wife in a great House . The Mahometans , who have most Wives , and Women , are most jealous ; and their jealousie such , as that they will not suffer the Brothers , or Fathers of their Wives , to come to them , or to have any speech with them , except it be in their presence . And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such Women , as have the reputation of honesty , to be seen at any time by any Man , besides their own Husbands , or by those before named , and by them but very seldom . But if they dishonour their Husbands beds , or being unmarryed are found incontinent and filthy , professing Chastity ; rather than they shall want the severest punishment , their own Brothers hands will be first against them to take away their lives , and for so doing , shall be commended , but not questioned . The Women there of the greater quality , have Eunuchs instead of men to wait upon them , who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousie . Here is a free toleration for Harlots , who are listed and enrolled ( as they say ) before they can have liberty to keep such an open house . Which Creatures in general there , and so all the World over whosoever they be , imbrace those they pretend to love , as Monkies and Apes do their little ones ; for they kill them with kindness . Those base Prostitutes are as little asham'd to entertain , as others are openly to frequent their houses . Other Creatures ( as they say ) are there kept for base , and abominable ends ; many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles , Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named , and make no scruple at all for their so doing , ut honeste peccare videantur , ( as Lactantius speaks ) as if they might sin honestly . Some of the finer sort of those base Strumpets before named , at certain Times appear in the presence of the Mogol , before whom they sing their wanton Songs , playing on their Timbrels . The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnized with some Pomp ; for after the Moolaa hath joyned their Hands , and performed other Ceremonies , and bestowed on the parties some words of Benediction , ( which is done in the Evening ) ; immediately after the night coming on , they begin their jollity . The man on horse-back , be he poor or rich , with his kindred and friends about him , many Lights before him , with Drums and Wind-instruments , and some mixt pastimes to increase the merriments . The Bride she follows with her Women-friends in Coaches covered , and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the City , or Town they live in , return to the place of the married couples abode , where ( they say ) if the parties be able , they make some slight entertainment for them , immediately after which , they all disperse , and the show is over . Women there , have a very great happiness , above all I have heard of , in their easie bringing forth of Children into the world ; for there it is a thing very common , for Women great with Child , one day to ride , carrying their Infants in their Bodies , and the next day to ride again , carrying them in their Arms. How those of the greater quality , order their little Children when they are very young , I could not observe , but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born , covering them onely , and that but sometimes , with slight Callico-Mantles . The Mohometans ( as I have before observed ) who please so to do , may take to themselves each four Wives ; and that filthy liberty given unto them by their fleshly Mahomet , allows them in it . I have heard of some in this Nation of late times , who have been married here to more than so many at once , but that wickedness here is not ( as amongst them ) committed by a Law , but by Law made Capital , and so punished . The eldest Son they have by any of their married Wives , hath a prerogative above all the rest , whom their other Children call Budda , by their great Brother . And so much of their Marriages , of their Children , and of their Births . In the next place , I shall speak SECTION XVIII . Of their Burials , of their mourning for their Dead , and of their stately Sepulchres and Monuments . FOr the Mahometans , it is their manner to wash the Bodies of their Dead before they interr them . An ancient custom as it should seem among the Jews ; for it is said of Dorcas , that after she was dead , they washed her Body , as a preparative to her Burial . They lay up none of the Bodies of their Dead in their Misquits , or Churches , ( as before ) but in some open place in a Grave , which they dig very deep and wide , a Jewish custom , likewise to carry the Bodies of their Dead to bury them out of their Cities and Towns. Their mourning over their Dead is most immoderate : for , be-besides that day of general lamentation at the end of their Ram-jan , or Lent , ( before-mentioned ) they houl and cry many whole days for their friends departed , immediately after they have left the world ; and after that time is passed over many foolish women , so long as they survive , very often in the year , observe set days to renew their mourning for their deceased friends ; and as a people without hope , bedew the graves of their husbands , as of other their near relations , with abundance of ( seemingly ) affectionate tears ; as if they were like those mourning women mentioned Jer. 9.17 . who seemed to have tears at command ; and therefore were hired to mourn and weep in their solemn lamentations . And when they thus lament over their dead , they will often put this question to their deaf and dead Carkasses , Why they would die ? they having such loving wives , such loving friends , and many other comforts : as if it had been in their power to have rescued themselves from that most impartial wounding hand of death . Which carriage of theirs deserves nothing but censure and pity ; though , if it be not Theatrical , we may much wonder at it , and say of it , as it was said of the mourning in the floor of Atad , Gen. 50.11 . That it is a grievous mourning ; or , as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon , Zech. 12.11 . if we take those lamentations only in a literal sence . But now further concerning their places of Burial , many Mahometans of the greatest quality in their life-time provide fair Sepulchres for themselves and nearests friends , compassing with a firm wall a good circuit of ground near some Tank , ( before spoken of ) about which they delight to bury their dead ; or else they close in , a place for this use , near springs of water , that may make pleasant fountains , near which they erect little Mosquits , or Churches , and near them Tombs built round , or four-square , or in six , or eight squares , with round Vaults , or Canopies of stone over-head , all which are excellently well wrought , and erected upon Pillars , or else made close to be entered by doors every way , under which the bodies of their dead lye interred . The rest of that ground thus circled in , they plant with Fruit-trees ; and further set therein all their choicest flowers , as if they would make Elysian fields ( such as the Poets dream'd of ) wherein their souls might take repose . There are many goodly Monuments which are richly adorned , built ( as before was observed ) to the memory of such as they have esteemed Paeres , or Saints ( of whom they have a large Kalender ) in which are Lamps continually burning ; attended by votaries , unto whom they allow Pensions for the maintaining of those lights , and many ( transported there with wild devotion ) daily resort to those Monuments , there to contemplate the happiness those Paeres ( as they imagine ) now enjoy . And certainly of all the places that Empire affords , there are none that minister more delight , than some of their Burying places do ; neither do they bestow so much cost , nor shew so much skill in Architecture in any other Structures as in these . Now amongst many very fair Piles there dedicated to the remembrance of their dead , the most famous one is at Secandra , a Village three miles from Agra ; it was begun by Achabar-sha the late Mogols Father , who there lies buried ; and finished by his Son , who since was laid up beside him . The materials of that most stately Sepulchre are Marble of divers colours , the stones so closely cemented together , that it appears to be but one continued stone , built high like a Pyramis with many curiosities about it , and a fair Mosquit by it ; the Garden wherein it stands very large planted ( as before ) and compassed about with a wall of Marble : this most sumptuous Pile of all the Structures that vast Monarchy affords , is most admired by strangers . Tom Coryat had a most exact view thereof , and so have many other English-men had , all which have spoken very great things of it . And now Reader I have done with this , and shall proceed to speak more particularly , SECTION XIX . Of the Hindoo's , or Heathens , which inhabite that Empire , &c. AND for these , the first thing I shall take notice of , is , that they agree with others in the world , about the first Roots of Mankind Adam and Eve : and the first of them they call Babba Adam , or Adamah , Father Adam ; and the second Mamma Havah , Mother Eve. And from Adam they call a man , Adami . For Adam they further say , that when his wife was tempted to eat the forbidden fruit , she took it and chaw'd it , and then swallowed it down ; but , when her husband was swallowing it , the hand of God stop'd it in his Throat , and from hence ( they say ) that every man hath there an hollow bunch which women have not . The names they give to distinguish one man from another are many , and amongst them these following are very common . As Juddo , or Midas , or Cooregee , or Hergee , and the like . Casturia and Prescotta , are Womens names amongst them ; but whether these , as those names they call their men or women by , are names of signification , or only of sound , I know not . Those Hindoo's are a very laborious , and an industrious people : these are they which Till and Plant the Ground , and breed the Cattle ; these are they which make and sell those curious Manufactures , or the Cloath and Stuff which this Empire affords . This people marry into , and consequently still keep in their own Tribes , Sects , Occupations , and Professions . For instance , all Bramins ( which are their Priests , the Sons of all which are Priests , likewise ) are married to Bramins daughters ; so a Merchants son marries a Merchants daughter ; and so men of several Trades marry to the same Trade . Thus a Coolee ( who is a Tiller of the Ground ) marries his son to a Coolees daughter ; and so in all other professions they keep themselves to their own Tribes and Trades , not mixing with any other ; by which means they never advance themselves higher than they were at first . They take but one wife , and of her they are not so fearful and jealous as the Mahometans are of their several wives and women , for they suffer their wives to go abroad whither they please . They are married very young , about six , or seven years old , their Parents making Matches for them , who lay hold of every opportunity to bestow their Children . Because confin'd to their own Tribes , they have not such variety of choice as otherwise they might have ; and when they attain to the age of thirteen , or fourteen , or fifteen years at the most , they bed together . Their Marriages are solemnized ( as those of the Mahometans ) with much company , and noise ; but with this difference , that both the young couple ride openly on horse-back , and for the most part , they are so little , that some go on their horse sides to hold them up from falling . They are bedeck'd , or strewed all over their cloathing , with the choice flowers of that Country , fastned in order all about their Garments . For their Habits they differ very little from the Mahometans , but are very like them civilly clad , but many of their women were Rings on their Toes ; and therefore go bare foot . They wear likewise broad Rings of Brass , or better metal , upon their Wrists , and small of their Legs , to take off and on . They have generally ( I mean the Women ) the flaps , or tips of their ears , boared when they are young ; which holes daily extended and made wider , by things put and kept in them for that purpose , at last become so large , as that they will hold Rings ( hollowed on the out-side like Pullies ) for their flesh to rest in that are as broad in their circumference , some of them ( I dare say ) as little Sawcers . But though those fashions of theirs seem very strange at first sight , yet they keep so constantly to them , as to all their other habits , without any alteration , that their general and continual wearing of them makes them to seem less strange unto others which behold them . And for their Diet very many of them ( as the Banians in general ( which are a very strict Sect ) will eat of nothing that hath had , or may have life . And these live upon Herbs , and Roots , and Bread , and Milk , and Butter , and Cheese , and Sweet-meats , of which they have many made very good by reason of their great abundance of Sugar . Others amongst them will eat Fish , but of no living thing else . The Rashboots will eat Swines-flesh , which is most hateful to the Mahometans , some will eat of one kind of flesh , some of another ( of all very sparing ) ; but all the Hindoo's in general abstain from Beef , out of an high and over-excellent esteem they have of Kine ; and therefore give the Mogol yearly , besides his other exactions , great sums of money as a ransom for those Creatures ; whence it comes to pass , that amongst other good provisions , we meet there but with little Beef . As the Mahometans bury : so the Hindoos in general ( not believing the Resurrection of the Flesh ) burn the bodies of their dead near some Rivers ( if they may with convenience ) wherein they sow their ashes . And there are another Sect , or sort of Heathens , living amongst them , called Persees , which do neither of these ; of whom , and how they bestow the bodies of their dead , you shall hear afterward . The Widows of these Hindoos ( first mentioned ) such as have lived to keep company with their Husbands , for ( as before ) there is usually a good space of time 'twixt their wedding and bedding . The Widows ( I say ) who have their Husbands separated from them by death , when they are very young , marry not again ; but whether , or no , this be generally observed by them all , I know not ; but this I am sure of , that immediately after their Husbands are dead , they cut their hair , and spend all their life following as creatures neglected both by themselves , and others ; whence to be free from shame , some of them are ambitious to dye with honour ( as they esteem it ) when their fiery love carries them to the flames ( as they think ) of Martyrdom , most willingly following the dead bodies of their Husbands unto the fire , and there embracing them , are burnt with them . A better agreement in death than that of Eteocles and Polynices , the two Theban brothers , of whom it is said , that they were such deadly enemies while they were alive , that after , when both their bodies were burnt together in the same fiery Pile , the flame parted and would not mix in one , of which Statius thus : Nec furiis post fata modus ; flammaeque rebelles Seditione Rogi . — But those , which before I named , agree so well in life , that they will not be divided by death , where their flames unite together . And although the woman , who thus burns with her Husband , doth this voluntarily , not by any compulsion ( for the love of every Widow there is not thus fired ) and though the poor creature , who thus dies may return and live if she please , even then when she comes to the Pile , which immediately after turns her into ashes : yet she who is once thus resolved , never starts back from her first firm and setled resolution , but goes on singing to her death , having taken some intoxicating thing to turn or disturb her brains ; and then , come to the place where she will needs dye , she settles her self presently in the middest of that combustible substance provided to dispatch her , which fuel is placed in a round shallow trench , about two foot deep , made for that purpose near some River , or other water ( as before ) , and though she have no bonds but her own strong affections to tye her unto those flames , yet she never offers to stir out of them . And thus , she being joyfully accompanied unto the place of her dying by her Parents and other friends ; and when all is fitted for this hellish sacrifice , and the fire begins to burn , all which are there present shout , and make a continued noise so long as they observe her to stir , that the screeches of that poor tortured creature may not be heard . Not much unlike the custom of the Ammonites , who , when they made their children pass through the fire to Molech , caused certain Tabrets , or Drums to sound , that their cries might not be heard , whence the place was called Tophet . Now after their bodies are quite consumed , and lie mixed together in ashes , and those ashes begin to grow cold , some of them are gathered up by their nearest friends , and kept by them as choice Relicks ; the rest are immediately sowen by the standers by , upon the adjacent River , or water . But for those poor silly souls , who sing themselves into the extremity of misery , and thus madly go out of the world , through one fire into another , through flames that will not last long into everlasting burnings , and do it not out of necessity , but choice , led hereunto by their tempter and murderer , and consequently become so injurious and merciless to themselves ; certainly they deserve much pity from others , who know not how to pity themselves . For nemo miserior misero non miserante seipsum . There are none so cruel as those , which are cruel , and pitiless to themselves . But though ( I say ) there are some which thus throw away their own lives ; yet if we consider those Hindoos in general we may further take notice SECTION XX. Of the tenderness of that people in preserving the lives of all other inferiour Creatures , &c. FOr they will not ( if they can help it by any means ) take , but , on the contrary , do what they can to preserve the lives of all inferiour Creatures , whence ( as before I told you ) they give large money to preserve the lives of their Kine , ( a reason for this you shall have afterward ) and I have often observed , that when our English boyes there have out of wantonness been killing of Flies ( there swarming in abundance ) they would be very much troubled at it ; and , if they could not perswade them to suffer those poor Creatures to live , they would give them money , or something else , to forbear that ( as they conceived ) Cruelty . As for themselves ( I mean a great number of them ) they will not deprive the most useless , and most offensive Creatures of Life ; not Snakes , and other venomous things that may kill them , saying , that it is their nature to do hurt , and they cannot help it : but as for themselves they further say , that God hath given them Reason to shun those Creatures , but not liberty to destroy them . And in order to this their conceit , the Banians ( who are the most tender-hearted in this case of all that people ) have Spittles ( as they say ) on purpose to recover lame Birds and Beasts . Some ground for this their tenderness haply proceeds from this consideration ; that they cannot give Life to the meanest of the sensible Creatures , and therefore think that they may not take the Lives of any of them : for the poorest worm which crawleth upon the face of the Earth , tam Vita vivit , quam Angelus , ( as one of the Ancients speaks ) live for the present as much as the Angels , and cannot be willing to part with that Life , and therefore they imagine that it is most injurious by violence to take it . But ( as I conceive ) the most principal cause why they thus forbear to take the lives of inferiour Creatures , proceeds from their obedience unto a precept given them by one of their principal , and most highly esteemed Prophets and Law-givers they call Bremaw ; others they have in very high esteem , and the name of one of them is Ram , of another Permissar . I am ignorant of the names of others , and I conceive that my Reader will not much care to know them . But for him they call Bremaw , they have received ( as they say ) many precepts , which they are careful to observe , and the first of them , This Thou shalt not kill any living Creature whatsoever it be , having Life in the same ; for thou art a Creature , and so is it ; thou art indued with Life , and so is it ; thou shalt not therefore spill the Life of any of thy fellow-Creatures that live . Other Precepts ( they say ) were delivered unto them by their Law-giver about their devotions , in their washings and worshippings where they are commanded , To observe times for fasting , and hours for watching , that they may be the better fitted for them . — Other directions they have about their Festivals wherein they are required , To take their Food moderately , in not pampering their Bodies . — Concerning Charity , they are further commanded , To help the poor as far as they are possibly able . — Other Precepts ( they say ) were given them likewise in charge ; as Not to tell false Tales , nor to utter any thing that is untrue . Not to steal any thing from others , be it never so little . Not to defraud any by their cunning in bargains , or contracts . Not to oppress any , when they have power to do it . Now all those particulars are observed by them with much strictness ; and some of them are very good , having the impresssion of God upon them , but that scruple they make in forbearing the lives of the Creatures made for mens use , shews how that they have their dwellings in the dark , which makes them by reason of their blindness , to deny unto themselves that liberty , and Soveraignty which Almighty God hath given unto Man over the Beasts of the Field , the Fowls of the Air , and the Fishes of the Sea , appointed for his Food , given unto him for his service and sustenance , to serve him , and to feed him , but not to make havock and spoil of them . However , the tenderness of that people over inferiour Creatures , shall one day rise up in judgement against all those who make no scruple at all in taking the Lives , not of sensible Creatures , but Men , not legally to satisfie good and known Laws , but violently to please their cruell and barbarous Lusts. SECTION XXI . Of other strange and groundless , and very gross Opinions , proceeding from the blackness and darkness of Ignorance in that people . ALl Errour in the World proceeds either from Ignorance ( commonly joyned with Pride ) or else from Wilfulness . This is most true as in natural , and moral , so in spiritual things : For as Knowledge softens and sweetens Men's manners , so it enricheth their Minds ; which Knowledge is certainly a most divine , a very excellent thing , otherwise our first Parents would never have been so ambitious of it . This makes a Man here to live twice , or to injoy here a double Life in respect of him that wants it . But for this Knowledge , it certainly must be esteemed better , or worse , by how much the object of this Knowledge is worse , or better . Now the best object of this Knowledge is a right Understanding , and Knowledge of the true God , which that people wants . Now touching this people , they are altogether ignorant of God , as they ought to know him ; and they have no learning amongst them , but as much as enables them to write and to read what they have written ; and they having no insight into the reasons and causes of things ( I mean the ruder sort , both of the Mahometans and Gentiles ) when they observe things which are not very ordinary , as when they see any Eclipses , but especially of the Moon ( haply some of them sacrificing to her , and calling her the Queen of Heaven , as those Idolaters did , Jer. 44.18 . ) they make a very great stir and noise , bemoaning her much , which helps ( as they conceive ) to free , and bring her out of it . Juvenal observing that custom ( which appears to be very ancient among the Heathens ) reproves a very brawling clamorous Woman in his sixth Satyre thus , Vna , laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae , that she made noise enough to deliver the Moon out of an Eclipse . Their ignorance in this , as in many-many other things , is much to be pitied : as the knowledg and learning of many others , which ( by their not improving of it ) is to them as the Letters which Vriah sometimes carried against himself ; it condemns the bearer . But though the Hindoos , or Heathens there , have no learning ; yet they want not opinions : for their divided hearts are there distracted into four-score and four several Sects , each differing from others , very much in opinion about their irreligion ; which might fill a man , even full of wonder , that doth not consider , how that Satan , who is the author division , is the seducer of them all . Those many Sects ( as I conceive among them ) consist of people there of several Trades , Occupations , and Conditions of Life ; which several sorts of people ( as before I observed ) marry into their own Tribes ; and so unite and keep together amongst themselves , that they have not much correspondency with any other people . These without doubt have several ways of worship within themselves , which makes them so separate from others , as that they will not eat with any , but those of their own Tribes . The illiterate Priests of all that people for the generality of them are called Bramins , who derive themselves from Bramon , whom ( they say ) was one of the first men that inhabited the World ; and , after the sin of that first World brought the Flood , the race of that Bramon ( whose very name they highly reverence ) was continued in Bremaw , who ( as they say ) out-lived that deluge , and is honoured by them likewise as one of their great Prophets and Law-givers . Those Bramins ( as I conceive ) are they , which the ancient stories call Brachmans , but with this difference , that those Brachmanes were accounted learned men , for the learning of those times wherein they lived : But these Bramins are a very silly , sottish , and an ignorant sort of people ; who are so inconstant in their Principles , as that they scarce know what the particulars are which they hold and maintain as truths . As anciently amongst the Jews , their Priest-hood is hereditary ; for all those Bramins Sons are Priests , and they all take the Daughters of Bramins to be their Wives . ( Of which somthing before . ) They have little Churches they call Pagods , standing near , or under their green Trees , built round ; but as their ancient Brachmans were said not to endure , these , on the contrary , have Images in their Pagods made in monstrous shapes , but for what end they have them , I know not . Now , from the manner of those Heathens , which I believe hath been for many-many years retained in their Idolatrous worships ; I conceive that the Jews long ago borrowed that unwarrantable custom of worshipping God in Groves , or under green Trees . Both men and women before they go to their devotions ( which are very frequently performed ) wash their bodies , and keep off all their cloaths , but the covering of modesty , till they have done ; led hereunto by a Precept ( as they say ) commanded them to be perform'd by their Law-giver Bremaw , which requires them daily to observe their times of devotion expressed by their washings , and worshippings , and prayer to God ; which must be all done with purity of hearts . And it is the manner of this people before they take their food to wash their bodies ; then ( which I much observed while we lived in Tents ) they make a little Circle upon the ground , which they seem to consecrate ; after which they sit down within that compass , and eat what they have provided ; and if any come within that Circle before they have ended their meal , they presently quit the place , and leave their food behind them . That outward washing ( as this people think ) avails very much to their cleansing from sin , not unlike the Pharisees , who were all for the out-side of Religion , and would not eat with unwashen hands , Mark. 7.2 . unless they washed themselves up to the Elbows ( as Theophylact observes ) ; hence those Hindoos ascribe a certain divinity unto Rivers , but above all to that famous River Ganges , whither they flock daily in troops , that there they may wash themselves ; and the nearer they can come to the head of that River , the more virtue they believe is in the water . After they have thus washed , they throw pieces of Gold , or Silver ( according to their devotion and ability ) into that River , and so depart from it . Thus Reader thou hast somewhat of the carriages of this people in life . Now after death some of them talk of Elyzian fields ( such as the Poets dream'd of ) to which their souls must pass over at Styx , or Acheron , and there take new bodies . Others of them think that ere long the World will have an end , after which they shall live here again on a new earth . Some other wild conceivings of this people follow afterward . Some Bramins have told me that they acknowledge one God , whom they describe with a thousand eyes , with a thousand hands , and as many feet , that thereby they may express his power , as being all eye to see , and all foot to follow , and all hand to smite offenders . The consideration whereof makes that people very exact in the performances of all moral duties , following close to the light of Nature in their dealings with men , most carefully observing that Royal Law , in doing nothing to others , but what they would be well contented to suffer from others . Those Bramins talk of two books , which not long after the Creation , when the World began to be peopled ( they say ) were delivered by Almighty God to Bramon ( before spoken of ) : one of which Books ( they say ) containing very high , and secret , and mysterious things was sealed up , and might not be opened ; the other to be read , but only by the Bramins , or Priests . And this Book , thus to be read came , after ( as they further say ) into the hands of Bremaw ( of whom likewise somthing before ) and by him it was communicated unto Ram , and Permissar , two other fam'd Prophets amongst them , which those Heathens do likewise exceedingly magnifie ; as they do some others , whose names I have not . Now that Book which they call the Shester , or the Book of their written word , hath been transcribed in all ages ever since by the Bramins , out of which they deliver Precepts unto the people . They say that there are seven Orbs , above which is the seat of God ; and that God knows not small and petty things , or if he do , regards them not . They further believe that there are Devils , but so fettered and bound in chains , as that they cannot hurt them . I observed before the tenderness and scruple , which is in very many of that people in taking the lives of any inferiour , and meerly sensible , yea and of hurtful creatures too . And those which are most tender-hearted in this case are called Banians , who are by far more numerous than any other of those Indian Sects ; and these hold Pythagoras his Metempsychosis , as a prime Article of their Faith. Which that untaught people come up very near unto , thinking that all the souls , both of men and women after they leave their bodies make their repose in other Creatures , and those Souls ( as they imagine ) are best lodged ●hat go into Kine , which ( in their opinion ) are the best of all sensible creatures ; and therefore ( as before ) they give yearly 〈◊〉 sums of money unto the Mogol to redeem them from ●●●●ghter . And this people further conceit , that the Souls of 〈◊〉 wicked go into vile Creatures , as the Souls of Gluttons and Drunkards into Swine . So the Souls of the Voluptuous and incontinent into Monkies and Apes . Thus the Souls of the Furious , Revengeful , Cruel People , into Lions , Wolves , Tygres , other beasts of prey . So the Souls of the Envious into Serpents , and so into other Creatures according to peoples qualities and dispositions , while they lived successively from one to another of the same kind , ad infinitum for ever and ever , by consequence they believing the immortality of the World. And upon that same mad and groundless phansie , probably they further believe , that the Souls of Froward , Peevish , and Teachy Women go into Wasps ; and that there is never a silly Fly , but ( if they may be credited ) carries about it some Souls ( haply they think of light Women ) and will not be perswaded out of their wild conceivings , so incorrigible are their sottish errours . The day of rest which those Hindoos observe as a Sabbath is Thursday , as the Mahometans Friday . Many Festivals they have which they keep solemnly , and Pilgrimages , the most famous briefly spoken of before in those short descriptions of Nagraiot , and Syba , observed in my first Section . Now there are a race of other Heathens ( I named before ) living amongst those Hindoos , which in many things differ very much from them : they are called Persees , who ( as they say ) originally came out of Persia , about that time Mahomet and his followers gave Laws to the Persians , and imposed a new Religion on them ; which these Persees not enduring left their Country , and came and setled themselves in East-India , in the Province of Guzarat , where the most part of them still continue ( though there are some of them likewise in other parts of India ) but where-ever they live they confine themselves strictly to their own Tribe , or Sect. For their Habits , they are clad like the other people of that Empire ; but they shave not their hair close as the other do , but suffer their beards to grow long . Their profession is for the generality all kinds of Husbandry , imploying themselves very much in Sowing and Setting of Herbs ; in Planting and Dressing of Vines , and Palmeeto , or Toddy-Trees , as in Planting and Husbanding all other Trees bearing fruit ; and indeed they are a very industrious people , and so are very many of the Hindoos ( as before I observed ) and they do all very well in doing so , and in this a due , and deserved commendation belongs unto them . For , There is no condition whatsoever can priviledge a folded arm . Our first Parents before their fall were put into the Garden of Eden to dress it . Certainly , if idleness had been better than labour , they had never been commanded to do work , but they must labour in their estate of innocency , because they were happy , and much more we in our sinful lost estate that we may be so . It was a law given before the Law , that man should eat bread by the sweat of his brows , and it is a Gospel-precept too that he , who will not work , should note . The sluggard desireth and hath nothing ( saith Solomon ) because he doth nothing but desire ; and therefore his desires do him no good , because his hands refuse to labour . That body therefore well deserves to pine and starve without pity , when two able Hands cannot feed one Mouth . But further , for those Persees ; they use their liberty in meats and drinks , to take of them what they please ; but because they would not give offence , either to the Mahometans , or Banians , or other Hindoos amongst whom they live , they abstain from eating Beef , or Swines flesh . It is their usual manner to eat alone , as for every one of them to drink in his own Cup ; and this is a means ( as they think ) to keep themselves more pure , for if they should eat with others , they are afraid that they might participate of some uncleanness by them . Alas poor Creatures , that do not at all understand themselves , and their most miserable condition : for to them that are defiled , and unbelieving is nothing pure . Yet I observed before , the Mahometans and Gentiles there are very strict in this particular ; so that they will not eat with any mixt company , and many of the Gentiles not eat with one another . And this hath been an ancient custom among Heathens . It is said , Gen. 43.32 . that the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews , for that was an abomination to the Egyptians . For those Persees ; further they believe that there is but one God , who made all things , and hath a Soveraign power over all . They talk much of Lucifer , and of other evil spirits , but they say , that those and all Devils besides are kept so under , and in aw by two good Angels , that have power over them , as that they cannot hurt or do the least mischief , without their leave , and license . As , many of the Hindoos ascribe to much unto water ( as before ) so these to fire : and the reason of it , is this , because they have had this tradition from many ages and generations past , that their great Law-giver , whom they call Zertoost was rapt up into Heaven , and there had fire delivered unto him , which he brought downthence ; and he ever after commanded his followers to worship it and so they do ; and further , they love any thing that resembles fire , as the Sun and Moon ; and therefore , when they pray in the day time they look towards the Sun , and so towards the Moon in their night-devotions , and from that so over-high esteem they have of fire , they keep fires continually burning in their Eggarees , or Temples in Lamps fed with Oyl , which are always attended by their Priests ; and they talk of many of these which have burned without extingiushment from many foregoing generations . And , by the way , that wild and mad phansie of theirs , that their Zertoost did fetch fire from Heaven is as certainly true , as that ancient Fiction and Fable of Prometheus , that he did steal fire thence . But to proceed : their Priests they call Daroos , or Harboods , above both which , they have a Chief , or High-Priest , they call the Destoor , who not often appears openly , but , when he doth , he meets with much Reverence and Respect given unto him by the common people , and so do those other Church-men which are his inferiours : unto all which they allow free maintenance for their more comfortable subsistance . Those Church-men by their Law are commanded to dwell near , and to abide much in their Eggarees , or Temples , to give advice , or direction to any that shall repair unto them for it . They observe divers Feasts , and immediately after each of them a Fast follows . That living sensible Creature , which they first behold every Morning ( that is good and serviceable ) is to them ( as they say ) a Remembrancer all the day after , to draw up their thoughts in Thanks-giving unto Almighty God , who hath made such good Creatures for mans use and service . There are good things ( as I have been informed ) in that Book of their Religion delivered them in precepts , which their Law-giver hath left unto them for the direction of their Lives . As first , To have shame and fear ever present with them , which will restrain , and keep them from the committing of many evils . Secondly , When they undertake any thing , seriously to consider whether it be good or bad , commanded or forbidden them . Thirdly , To keep their Hearts and Eyes from coveting any thing that is anothers , and their Hands from hurting any . Fourthly , To have a care alwayes to speak the Truth . Fifthly , To be known onely in their own businesses , and not to enquire into , and to busie themselves in other mens matters . All which are good moral precepts : but they have another which marrs and spoils all the rest , and that is , upon the greatest penalties they can be threatned withall , Sixthly , Not to entertain , or believe any other Law besides that which was delivered unto them by their Law-giver . This people take but one Wife ; which hath liberty , as the Wives of the Hindoos , to go abroad . They never resolve to take Wives , or Husbands without the advice of their Church-men : and when they come to be married , they stand some distance one from the other , there being two Church-men present , one in the behalf of the Man , and in behalf of the Woman the other . The first of these asks the Woman , whether or no she will have that Man to be her Husband ; and the other asks the Man , whether or no he will have that Woman to be his Wife : and they both consenting , the Priests bring them together and joyn their Hands , praying that they may live in Unity and Love together ; and then both those Church-men scatter Rice upon the Married Couple , intreating God to make them fruitful in sending them many Sons and Daughters , that they may multiply as much as that seed doth in the ears that bear it . And so , the Ceremony being thus performed , which is about the time of mid-night , the whole Company depart , leaving the Marryed Couple together . At the Birth of every Child , they immediately send for the Daroo , or Church-man , who comes to the parties House , and there being certainly enform'd of the exact time of the Childs birth , first , undertakes to calculate its Nativity , and to speak something of it by way of prediction ; after which he conferrs with the Parents about a Name whereby it shall be called ; which when they have agreed upon , the Mother , in the presence of the Company there assembled , gives it that Name . And now lastly , touching the Burials of that People , they incircle pieces of ground with a round Wall , that is of a good height , set a part for that purpose . These burying places stand remote from Houses and Road-wayes , the ground within them is made smooth , or else paved on the bottom , in the midst whereof they have a round pit , made deep like a draw-Well . The Bodies of their Dead , both Men , Women , and Children , are carryed to those places , upon a Beer made of sleight round Iron Bars , ( for they will not have dead bodies touch any wood , lest they should defile it , because that is fewel for their adored Fire ) and thus brought thither , are laid round about near the inside of that Wall upon the ground , or pavements , covered with a thin white Cloth ; the Daroo , or Harboode , accompanies the dead body near unto the door which enters that place ( alwayes kept fast shut , but when it is opened upon this occasion to let in their dead ) ; and , comn thither , speaks these words in the audience of all those which are thither assembled , That whereas the party deceased consisted of all the Four Elements , he desires that every one of them may now take his part . And this is the form they use , when they there thus dispose of the bodies of their dead . Which being there so left in that open place , are presently laid bare by the Fowls of the Air , who in short time after pick all their flesh clear from their bones , by consequence their fleshly part having no other Sepulchres , Graves , or Tombs , but the Craws and Gorges of those ravenous Fowls . And when upon this occasion they enter that round stage of Mortality , the bare Skeletons they there find , which have parted with all their flesh , are by those bearers of the dead cast into that deep round pit , where they mix promiscuouslly together , and so make room for other dead bodies . But now that my Reader may not conceive that I have endeavoured in some of these strange Relations to write a new Romance , I would have him to think , that for my part I do believe that there is very much of truth in the particulars I have inserted , if there be any credit to be given to some men of much integrity that lived amongst them , who made it a great part of their business to be satisfied in many of the particulars here spoken of , or if I might trust mine own Eyes and Ears that saw and heard much of it , which could have enabled me to have written a great deal more concerning the Rites , Ceremonies , Customs , wild conceivings , and mad Idolatries of this people , as of the Hindoos spoken of before , if I durst have thrown away more time upon them ; all which would have made my Judicious Reader thus to have concluded with me , that those Mahometans and Heathens ground very many of their Opinions upon Custom , Tradition , and Phantsie , not Reason , much less upon safe Rules that might lead them into , and after keep them in , the way of Truth . They esteeming it a very great boldness , a very high Presumption , to be wiser in their Religion then their Fore-fathers were ( as many of the more ignorant sort of Papists will often say , though it be directly against themselves ) and therefore are desirous to do , and to believe as their Ancestors have before them ; to fare as they have fared , and as they have sped to speed ; though they perish everlastingly with them , never considering of , or ruminating on those things which they hold and maintain for truths ; being like unto unclean Beasts , which chew not the Cudd. So much of that people in general : I come now more particularly to speak SECTION XXII . Of their King the great Mogol , his discent , &c. NOw those Mahometans and Gentiles I have named , live under the subjection of the Great Mogol , which Name , or rather Title , ( if my Information abuse me not ) signifies Circumcised , as himself , and the Mahometans are ; and therefore for his most general Title he is called the Great Mogol , as the chief of the circumcised , or chief of the circumcision . He is lineally descended from that most famous Conquerour , called in our Stories Tamberlain , concerning whose Birth and original Histories much differ , and therefore I cannot determine it ; but , in this , all that write of him agree , that he having got together very many huge multitudes of Men , made very great Conquests in the South-East parts of the World , not onely on Bajazet the Emperour of the Turks , but also in East-India ▪ and else-where ; for , What cannot force by multitudes do ? This Tamberlain in their Stories is called Amir Timur , or the great Prince and Emperour . Timur , who ( as they say ) towards his end , either by an hurt received in his Thigh , or else by an unhappy fall from his Horse , which made him halt to his Grave , was ever after that called Timur lang , or Timur the lame , from whence he is corruptly in our Stories named Tamberlane . The late Mogol , at whose Court we lived , was the ninth in a direct line , from that his great Ancestor . And now that my Reader may see the Great Mogol in a Portraiture ( which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the life ) I have caused that to be here inserted , which presents him in his daily unvaried Habit , as he is bedeckt , and adorned with Jewels , he continually wears ; for the fashion of the Habit , in which he is here presented , it is , for the fashion , the Habit of that whole vast Empire ; so that he who strictly views this , may see the dress of the Men throughout that whole great Monarchy . After this I have set up the Royal Standard of the Great Mogol , which is a couchant Lyon shadowing part of the Body of the Sun. And after that , I have caused his Imperial Signet , or Great Seal to be laid down before my Reader 's Eyes ; where in nine rounds , or Circles , are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane , and his lineal successors in Persian words : which I shall make presently to speak English , and ( as I conceive ) no more in English , than what is fully expressed in those original words . This Seal ( as it is here made in Persian words ) the Great Mogol , either in a large , or lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Firmaunes , or Letters Patents ; the present Kings Title put in the middle , and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest , the impression whereof is not made in any kind of Wax , but Ink , the Seal put in the middle of the Paper , and the writing about it , which Paper there is made very large , and smooth , and good , and in divers colours , besides white , and all to write on . And the words on the Mogol's Seal being imboss'd , are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin , ( for there is no Image upon any of it . ) And the like little Signets , or Seals are used by the great Men of that Country , and so by others of inferiour rank , having their Names at length engraven on them , with which they make impressions , or subscriptions by by Ink put on them , to all their acts and deeds ; which round Circle is their Hand and Seal too . For Timur lang , or Tamberlane ; he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second , King of England . And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs , hath a Title , which speaks thus : 1. Amir , Timur , Saheb Cera● , that is , the great Conqueror , or Emperor ; Timur , or Tamberlain , Lord possessor of the Corners , or of the four Corners of the World. 2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha , the King and Inheritor of Conquests , or the Inheritor of his Fathers Conquests . 3. The third , his Son , was called Mirza , Sultan , Mahomeds ; The Prince and Commander for Mahomet ; or , The Defender of the Mahometan Religion . For this King ( as it should seem ) was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometism , which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great Enemy to , and therefore ever strongly opposed it . But this third Monarch of that Line , and all his Successors since , have been Mahometans . 4. The fourth , his Son , was called Sultan Abusaid , The Prince and Father , or Fountain of Beneficence . 5. The fifth , his Son , was called Mirzee Amir Scheick , The Imperial Princely Lord. 6. The sixth , his Son , was called Baba Padsha , The King the Father , or , The King , the Father of his Country . 7. The seventh , his Son , was called Hamasaon Padsha , The King Invincible . 8. The eighth , his Son , was called Achabar Padsha , The great King , or , Emperour that is most mighty , or , The King most mighty . 9. The ninth , his Son , was called Almozaphar , Noor , Dein , Gehangeir , Padsha , Gaze ; The most warlike and most victorious King , the Light of Religion , and the Conquerour of the World. Here are very high Titles taken by Tamberlane and his Successors , and the lower we go , the greater still they are ; but the last of them swells biggest of all , calling himself amongst other Phantsies , The Conquerour of the World , and so he conceits himself to be ; As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian , who believed that all the Ships on the Sea were his own , and therefore he would call them , My Ships , when ever he saw them floating on the waters ; and thus the great Mogol imagines all the Kings , Nations , and People of the World , to be his Slaves and Vassals . And therefore when the Grand Signiour , or Great Turk , sent an Ambassador to the Great Mogol , who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue , and after , when he was ready to take his leave , desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned ; Tell thy Master , said the Mogol , that he is my Slave , for my Ancestor conquered him . The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit , that he is Conquerour of the World , and therefore ( I conceive ) that he was troubled upon a time , when my Lord Ambassador , having business with him ( and upon those terms , there is no coming unto that King empty-handed without some Present , or other ; of which more afterward ) , and having at that time nothing left , which he thought fit to give him , presented him with Mercators great Book of Cosmography , ( which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use ) telling the Mogol , that that Book described the four parts of the World , and all several Countries in them contained . The Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it , desiring presently to see his own Territories , which were immediately shewen unto him ; he asked which were those Countries about them , he was told Tartaria and Persia , as the names of the rest which confine with him ; and then causing the Book to be turn'd all over , and finding no more to fall to his share , but what at first he saw , and he calling himself the Conquerour of the World , and having no greater share in it , seemed to be a little troubled ; yet civilly told the Ambassador , that neither himself , nor any of his People did understand the Language in which that Book was written ; and because so , he further told him , that he would not rob him of such a Jewel , and therefore returned it unto him again . And the Truth is , that the Great Mogol might very well bring his Action against Mercator and others who describe the World , but streighten him very much in their Maps ; not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces , which properly belong unto him . But it is true likewise that he , who hath the greatest share on the face of the Earth , if it be compared with the whole World , appears not great . As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades , that , compared with the Globe of the whole Earth , they did not appear bigger then a small tittle . The Mogol's Territories are more apparent , large , and visible , as one may take notice , who strictly views this affixed Map , which is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions . So that although the Mogol be not Master of the whole World , yet hath he a great share in it , if we consider his very large Territories , and his abundant riches , as will after more appear , whose wealth and strength makes him so potent , as that he is able , whensoever he pleaseth to make inroades upon , and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours ; but I leave that , and come now to speak SECTION XXIII . Of the Mogol's Policy in his Government , exercised by himself and Substitutes . ANd it is that indeed , which is the worst of all Governments , called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arbitrary , Illimited , Tyrannical , such as a most severe Master useth to Servants , not that which a good King administreth to Subjects . Which makes it very uncomfortable for those that live as Subjects there , under the command of others , taller then themselves by their swords length , or so to be fixed in any part of the World. — Where no Law resists The sword , but that it acteth what it lists . As in that Empire ; where the King measureth his power by his Sword or Launce , in making his will , his guide , and therefore any thing lawful that likes him ; which carriage of his might very well become that Emblem of illimited power , which is , a Sword waved by a strong arm and hand , and the Word sic volo , sic jubeo , or thus will I have it ; and if any there be so far discontented as to make any the least question at what he doth , he hath a far stronger argument still in readiness , than all the force of Logick can make , and that is very many thousands of men , that are stout and able Souldiers , whom he keeps continually in arms , and pay , that can make any thing good , which he shall please to command . There are no Laws for Government kept in that Empire upon record ( for ought I could ever learn ) to regulate Governours there in the administration of Justice , but what are written in the breast of that King and his Substitutes ; and therefore they often take liberty to proceed how they please , in punishing the Offender rather than the offence ; mens persons more than their Crimes ; aegrotum potius quàm morbum . Yet ever they pretend to proceed in their ways of judicature ( which is the right progress in judgement ) secundum allegata & probata , by proofs and not by presumptions . The great Mogol will sit himself as Judge , in any matters of consequence that happen near unto him . And there are no Malefactors that lie more than one night in prison ; and many times not at all , for if the party offending be apprehended early in the day , he is immediately brought before him that must be his Judge , by whom he is presently either acquitted or condemned ; if he be sentenced to be whipt , he hath his payment , and that ( usually with much severity ) in the place ( often , ) where he received that sentence . If condemned to die , he is presently ( which as I apprehend it is a very hard course , though used anciently among the Jews ) carried from his sentence to his execution , which is done usually in the Bazar , or Market-place . And this round and quick Justice keeps the people there in such order and aw , as that there are not many executions . Murder and Theft they punish with death , and with what kind of death the Judge pleaseth to impose : for , some Malefactors are hang'd , some beheaded , some impaled , or put upon sharp stakes ( a death which hath much cruelty and extream torture and torment in it , ) some are torn in pieces by wild Beasts , some kill'd by Elephants ; and others stung to death by Snakes . Those which are brought to suffer death by Elephants ( some of which vast Creatures , are train'd up to do execution on Malefactors ) are thus dealt withall . First , if that overgrown Beast be commanded by his Rider to dispatch that poor , trembling Offender presently , who lies prostrate before him , he will with his broad round foot immmediately press him to death ; but that wretched Creature be condemn'd ita mori , ut se mori sentiat ; so to die , as that he may feel tortures and torments in dying ( which are as so many several deaths . ) The Elephant will break his bones by degrees ( as men are broken upon the wheel ) as first his Legs , then his Thighs , after that the bones in both his Arms ; this done , his wretched Spirit is left to breathe its last out of the midst of those broken bones . But it is a very sad thing , and very much unbeseeming a man , as he is a man , to seem to take pleasure in executing of punishment , as those appear to do , who make it their business to study , and invent tortures to inflict on others . I have been told by some , who were eye-witnesses ( whom I dare credit , and therefore I dare relate it ) of strange kinds of death executed by the command of the King of Japan upon his subjects : where some are crucified or nail'd to a Cross : others rather roasted , than burnt to death ; Thus , there is a stake set up , and a Circle of fire at a pretty distance , made round about it ; the condemned person being naked , is so fastned to that stake , as that he may move round about it , and so doth as long as he is able to stir , till his flesh begins to blister ; then he falls down , and there lies roaring till the fire , made about him , puts him to silence by taking away both his voice and life . Now they say that one great reason , why they put men there unto such exquisite torments , is , because they hold it a thing of the greatest dishonour there for any man to die by the hand of an Executioner : therefore they are usually commanded , when they are sentenced to die , to rip up , or cut open their own bellies , and those who will not so do are tormented in dying . Hence most of that people , when as they have received that hard command to prevent death , by dying ; call for their friends about them , eat , and seem to be merry with them , and then in the close of the meal , and in their presence , commit this sad slaughter upon themselves , as first those poor wretches make themselves naked to the middle , he , or they who are to die ; then the most wretched self-murderer , who is to act that bloody part , strikes a sharp Knife into the bottom of his belly , then rips himself up , and after gives himself one other cut cross his belly , and when he hath done both these , if after he can but wipe his bloody knife upon a white paper , or napkin that is laid by him , he is believed to part with his life with a very great deal of honour , and immediatly ( as he is made to believe ) goes to Fakaman , whom they say is the God of war. So much power the Devil hath in those dark places of the world , to make the people there do what he please . Oh 't is a misery of all miseries here to be a drudge , a bond-man , a slave to the Devil ! as those , and so infinite multitudes more professing Christ , are , by obeying Satan in his most unreasonable commands , and yet will not be made sensible of that , their basest bondage . But to return again to the place from whence I have made some excursion . When I was in India , there was one sentenced by the Mogol himself , for killing his own father , to dye thus ; first he commanded that this Parricide should be bound alive by his heels fastned to a small iron chain , which was tied to the hind-leg of a great Elephant ; and then that this Elephant should drag him after him one whole remove of that King , from one place to another , which was about ten miles distant , that so all his flesh might be worn off his bones , and so it was , when we saw him in the way following that King in his Progress ; for he appeared then to us a Skeleton , rather than a body . There was another condemned to dye by the Mogol himself ( while we were at Amadavar ) for killing his own Mother ; and at this the King was much troubled to think of a death , suitable for so horrid a crime ; but , upon a little pause , he adjudged him to be stung to death by Snakes , which was accordingly done . I told you before that there are some Mountebanks there , which keep great Snakes to shew tricks with them ; one of those fellows was presently called for to bring his Snakes to do that execution , who came to the place where that wretched Creature was appointed to dye , and found him there all naked ( except a little covering before ) and trembling . Then suddenly the Mountebank ( having first angred and provoked the venemous creatures ) put one of them to his Thigh , which presently twin'd it self about that part , till it came near his Groin , and there bit him till blood followed , the other was fastned to the out-side of his other Thigh , twining about it ( for those Snakes thus kept , are long and slender ) and there bit him likewise ; notwithstanding , the wretch kept upon his feet near a quarter of an hour , before which time the Snakes were taken from him ; But he complained exceedingly of a fire that with much torment had possessed all his Limbs , and his whole body began to swell exceedingly , like Nasidius , bit by a Lybian Serpent , called a Prester : Now much after this manner did the stinging of those Snakes work upon that wretch ; and about half an hour after they were taken from him , the soul of that unnatural monster left his groaning Carkass , and so went to its place . And certainly both those I last named so sentenced , and so executed , most justly deserved to be handled with all severity , for taking away the lives of those from whom they had receiv'd their own . Some of our family did behold the execution done upon the later , who related all the passages of it ; and for my part I might have seen it too , but that I had rather go a great way not to see , then one step to behold such a sight . After the example of that King , his Governours , deputed and set over Provinces and Cities , proceed in the course of Justice , to impose what punishment and death they please upon all offendors , and malefactors . That King never suffers any of his Vicegerents to tarry long in one place of Government , but removes them usually ( after they have exercised that Power , which was given unto them in place , for one year ) unto some other place of Government , remote from the former , wherein they exercise their power : and this that King doth , that those , which be his Substitutes , may not in any place grow popular . I told you before that this people are very neat , shaving themselves so often , as that they feel the Rasor almost every day ; but when that King sends any of them unto any place of Government , or upon any other imployment , they cut not their hair at all , till they return again into his presence ; as if they desired not to appear beautiful , or to give themselves any content in this while they live out of the Kings sight ; and therefore the King , as soon as he sees them , bids them cut their hair . When the Mogol by Letters sends his Commands to any of his Governours , those Papers are entertain'd with as much respect as if himself were present ; for the Governour having intelligence that such Letters are come near him , himself with other inferiour Officers ride forth to meet the Patamar , or Messenger that brings them ; and as soon as he sees those Letters he alights from his horse , falls down on the earth , and then takes them from the Messenger and lays them on his head , whereon he binds them fast , and then returning to his place of publick meeting , for dispatch of businesses , he reads them , and answers their contents with all care and diligence . The King oft times in his own person , and so his Substitutes appointed Governours for Provinces and Cities , Judge in all matters Criminal that concern Life and Death . There are other Officers to assist them , which are called Cut-walls ( whose Office is like that of our Sheriffs in England ) and these have many substitutes under them , whose business it is to apprehend , and to bring before these Judges such as are to be tried for things Criminal , or Capital , where the offender ( as before ) knows presently what will become of him . And those Officers wait likewise on other Judges there , which are called Cadees , who only meddle with Contracts and Debts and other businesses of this nature 'twixt man and man. Now these Officers arrest Debtors , and bring them before those Judges , and their Sureties too , bound as with us in Contracts , confirmed ( as before ) under their hands and seals ; and if they give not content unto those which complain of them , they will imprison their persons , where they shall find and feel the weight of fetters ; nay , many times they will sell their Persons , their Wives and Children into bondage , when they cannot satisfie their debts ; And the custom of that Country bears with such hard and pitiless courses , such as was complain'd of by the poor Widow unto the Prophet Elisha ; who when her husband was dead , and she not able to pay , the Creditor came and took her two sons to be bond-men , 2 Kings 4.1 . The Mogol looked to be presented with some thing , or other , when my Lord Embassadour came to him , and if he saw him often empty handed , he was not welcome ; and therefore the East-India Company were wont every year to send many particular things unto him , in the name of the King of England , that were given him at several times , especially then when the Embassadour had any request unto him , which made a very fair way unto it . Amongst many other things , when my Lord Embassadour first went thither , the Company sent the Mogol an English Coach , and Harness for four Horses , and an able Coach-man , to sute and manage some of his excellent Horses , that they might be made fit for that service . The Coach they sent was lined within with Crimson China Velvet , which when the Mogol took notice of , he told the Embassadour that he wondred the King of England would trouble himself so much , as to send unto China for Velvet to line a Coach for him , in regard that he had been informed , that the English King had much better Velvet nearer home , for such , or any other uses . And immediately after , the Mogol caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces , and to have another made by it , for ( as before ) they are a people that will make any new thing by a pattern ; and when his new Coach was made according to the pattern , his work-men first putting the English Coach together , did so with that they had new made ; then pulling out all the China Velvet which was in the English Coach , there was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuff , the ground Silver , wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of silk , excellently well suited for their colours , and cut short like a Plush , and in stead of the brass-nails that were first in it , there were nails of silver put in their places . And the Coach , which his own Work-men made was lined and seated likewise with a richer stuff than the former , the ground of it gold , mingled like the other with silk flowers , and the nails silver and double gilt ; and after having Horses and Harness fitted for both his Coaches , He rode sometimes in them , and contracted with the English-coach-man to serve him , whom he made very fine , by rich vests he gave him , allowing him a very great Pension ; besides , he never carried him in any of those Coaches , but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least , which had raised the Coach-man unto a very great Estate , had not death prevented it , and that immediately after he was setled in that great service . The East-India Company sent other Presents for that King , as excellent Pictures which pleased the Mogol very much , especially if there were fair and beautiful Women portrayed in them . They sent likewise Swords , Rapiers , excellently well hatcht , and pieces of rich Imbroidery to make sweet bags , and rich Gloves , and handsome Looking-glasses , and other things to give away , that they might have always some things in readiness to present both to the King , and also to his Governours , where our Factories were setled : for all these were like those Rulers of Israel mentioned , Hosea 4.18 . who would love to say with shame , give ye . They looked to be presented with something , when our Factors had any especial occasion to repair unto them , and if the particular thing they then presented did not like them well , they would desire to have it exchanged for something else , haply they having never heard of our good and modest proverb , That a man must not look into the mouth of a given Horse . And it is a very poor thing indeed which is freely given , and is not worth the taking . The Mogol sometimes by his Firmauns , or Letters Patents , will grant some particular things unto single , or divers persons , and presently after will contradict those Grants by other Letters , excusing himself thus , That he is a great , and an absolute King ; and therefore must not be tied unto any thing , which if he were , he said that he was a slave , and not a free-man : Yet what he promised was usually enjoyed , although he would not be tied to a certain performance of his promise . Therefore there can be no dealing with this King upon very sure terms , who will say and unsay , promise and deny . Yet we Englishmen did not at all suffer by that inconstancy of his , but there found a free Trade , a peaceable residence , and a very good esteem with that King and People ; and much the better ( as I conceive ) by reason of the prudence of my Lord Embassadour , who was there ( in some sense ) like Joseph in the Court of Pharaoh ; for whose sake all his Nation there , seemed to fare the better . And we had a very easie way upon any grievance to repair to that King as will appear now in my next Section , which speaks , SECTION XXIV . Of the Mogol , shewing himself three times publickly unto his people every day , and in what state and glory he doth oftentimes appear . FIrst , early in the morning , at that very time the Sun begins to appear above the Horizon , He appears unto his people in a place very like unto one of our Balconies , made in his Houses , or Pavilions for his morning appearance , directly opposite to the East , about seven , or eight foot high from the ground , against which time a very great number of his people , especially of the greater sort , who desire as often as they can to appear in his eye , assemble there together to give him the Salam , or good morning , crying all out as soon as they see their King with a loud voice , Padsha Salamet , which signifies , Live O great King , or , O great King , Health and life . At Noon he shews himself in another place like the former , on the South-side ; and a little before Sun-set , in a like place , on the West-side of his House , or Tent : but as soon as the Sun forsakes the Hemisphear , he leaves his people ushered in and out with Drums and Wind-instruments , and the peoples acclamations . At both which times likewise very great numbers of his people assemble together to present themselves before him : And at any of these three times , he that hath a suit to the King , or desires Justice at his hands , be he Poor , or Rich , if he hold up a Petition to be seen , shall be heard and answered . And between seven and nine of the Clock at night , he sits within House , or Tent , more privately in a spacious place , called his Goozalcan , or bathing-house made bright , like day by abundance of lights , and here the King sits mounted upon a stately Throne , where his Nobles and such as are favoured by him stand about him : others find admittance to , but by special leave from his Guard , who cause every one that enters that place to breathe upon them ; and if they imagine that any have drunk wine , they keep him out . At this time my Lord Embassadour made his usual addresses to him , and I often waited on him thither ; and it was a good time to do business with that King , who then was for the most part very pleasant , and full of talk unto those which were round about him , and so continued till he fell a sleep ( oft times by drinking ) and then all assembled , immediately quitted the place , except those which were his trusted servants , who by turns watched his person . The Mogol hath a most stately , rich , and spacious house at Agra , his Metropolis , or chief City , which is called his Palace Royal , wherein there are two Towers , or Turrets about ten foot square covered with massie Gold ( as ours are usually with Lead ) this I had from Tom Coryat , as from other English Merchants , who keep in a Factory at that place . And further they told me , that he hath a most glorious Throne within that his Palace , ascended by divers steps , which are covered with plate of silver , upon the top of which ascent stand four Lions upon pedestals ( of curiously coloured Marble ) which Lions are all made of Massie silver , some part of them guilded with gold , and beset with precious stones . Those Lions support a Canopy of pure gold , under which the Mogol sits , when as he appears in his greatest state and glory . For the beauty of that Court ; it consists not in gay and gorgious apparel , for the Country is so hot , that they cannot endure any thing that is very warm , or massie ; or rich about them . The Mogol himself for the most part is covered with a garment ( as before described ) made of pure , white , and fine Callico-laune , and so are his Nobles ; which garments are washed after one days wearing . But for the Mogol , though his cloathing be not rich and costly , yet I believe that there is never a Monarch in the whole world that is daily adorned with so many Jewels as himself is . Now , they are Jewels which make mens covering most rich ; such as people in other parts sometimes wear about them , that are otherwise most meanly habited . To which purpose I was long since told by a Gentleman of honour , sent as a Companion to the old Earl of Nottingham , when he was imployed as an extraordinary Embassadour by King James , to confirm the peace made 'twixt himself and the King of Spain , which Embassadour had a very great many Gentlemen in his train , in as rich clothing as Velvets and Silks could make ; but then there did appear many a great Don , or Grandee in the Spanish Court , in a long black bays Cloak and Cassack , which had one Hatband of Diamonds , which was of more worth by far , than all the bravery of the Ambassadors many Followers . But for the Mogol , I wonder not at his many Jewels , he being ( as I conceive ) the greatest , and richest Master of precious stones that inhabits the whole earth . For Diamonds ( which of all other are accounted most precious stones ) they are found in Decan ( where the Rocks are , out of which they are digged ) the Princes whereof are the next Neighbours and Tributaries to the great Mogol , and they pay him as Tribute many Diamonds yearly ; and further , he hath the refusal of all those rich stones they sell , he having Gold and Silver in the greatest abundance , ( and that will purchase any thing but heaven ) & he wil part with any mony for any Gems beside , that are precious and great , whether Rubies , or any other stones of value , as also for rich Pearls . And his Grandees follow him in that fancy : for one of his great Lords gave our Merchants there , twelve hundred pounds sterling for one Pearl which was brought out of England . The Pearl was shaped like a Pear , very large , beautiful , and orient , and so its price deserved it should be . Now the Mogol having such an abundance of Jewels , wears many of them daily ; enow to exceed those women , which Rome was wont to shew in their Star-like dresses , who in the height and prosperity of that Empire — were said to wear The spoils of Nations in one ear . Or , Lollia Paulina , who was hid with Jewels . For the great Mogol , the Diamonds , and Rubies , and Pearls , which are very many , and daily worn by him , are all of an extraordinary greatness , and consequently of an exceeding great value . And besides those he wears about his Shash , or head covering , he hath a long Chain of Jewels hanging about his Neck ( as long as an ordinary Gold-Chain ) ; others about his wrists , and the Hilts of his Sword and Dagger , are most curiously enriched with those precious Stones ; beside others of very great value , which he wears in Rings on his fingers . The first of March , the Mogol begins a royal Feast , like that which Ahasuerus made in the third year of his Reign , Esth. 1. wherein he shewed the riches of his glorious Kingdom . This feast the Mogol makes , is called the Nooroos , that signifies Nine-days : which time it continues , to usher in the new year , which begins with the Mahometans there , the tenth day of March. Against which Feast , the Nobles assemble themselves together at that Court in their greatest Pomp , presenting their King with great gifts , and he requiting them again with Princely rewards : at which time I being in his presence , beheld most immense and incredible riches , to my amazement , in Gold , Pearls , Precious stones , Jewels , and many other glittering vanities . This Feast is usually kept by the Mogol while he is in his Progress , and lodges in Tents . Whether his Diet at this time be greater than ordinary I know not ; for he always eats in private amongst his Women , where none but his own Family see him while he is eating ; which Family of his consists of his Wives , and Children , and Women , and Eunuchs , and his Boys ; and none but these abide and lodge in the Kings Houses , or Tents , and therefore how his Table is spread , I could never know ; but doubtless he hath of all those varieties that Empire affords , if he so please . His food ( they say ) is served in unto him in Vessels of Gold , which covered and brought unto him by his Eunuchs , after it is proved by his Tasters , he eats , not at any set times of the day , but he hath provision ready at all times , and calls for it when he is hungry , and never but then . The first of September ( which was the late Mogol's birth-day ) he retaining an ancient yearly Custom , was , in the presence of his chief Grandees , weighed in a Balance ; the Ceremony was performed within his House , or Tent , in a fair spacious Room , whereinto none were admitted but by special leave . The Scales in which he was thus weighed were plated with Gold , and so the beam on which they hung , by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal , the King sitting in one of them was weighed first against silver Coin , which immediately after was distributed among the poor ; then was he weighed against Gold ; after that against Jewels ( as they say ) but I observed ( being present there with my Lord Ambassador ) that he was weighed against three several things , laid in silken Bags on the contrary Scale . When I saw him in the Balance , I thought on Belshazzar , who was found too light , Dan. 5.27 . By his weight ( of which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account ) they presume to guess of the present estate of his body , of which they speak flatteringly , however they think it to be . When the Mogol is thus weighed , he casts about among the standers by thin pieces of silver , and some of Gold , made like flowers of that Countrey , and some of them are made like Cloves , and some like Nutmegs , but very thin and hollow . Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine ( as that of Ahasuerus is called , Esth. 1.7 . ) who pledge his health : at which solemnity he drank to my Lord Ambassadour , in a Cup of Gold most curiously enameled , and set all over the outside with stones ( which were small Rubies , Turkesses , and Emeralds ) with a Cover , or Plate , to set in it in , both of pure Gold , the brims of which plate , and the cover were enameled , and set with stones as the other , and all these together weighed twenty and four ounces of our English weights , which he then gave unto my Lord Ambassadour , whom he ever used with very much respect , and would moreover often ask him , why he did not desire some good , and great gifts at his hands , be being a great King , and able to give it ; the Embassadour would reply , That he came not thither to beg any thing of him ; all that he desired , was that his Countrey-men the English might have a free , safe , and peaceable trade in his Dominions : The Mogol would answer that he was bound in honour to afford them that , we coming from the furthermost parts of the world to trade there ; and would often bid the Ambassadour to ask something for himself , who to this would answer , that if that King knew not better to give , then he knew to ask , he must have nothing from him . Upon these terms they continually both stood , so that in conclusiun the Embassadour had no gift from him , but that before-mentioned , besides an horse or two , and sometimes a Vest , or upper Garment , made of slight Cloth of Gold , which the Mogol would first put upon his own back , and then give it to the Embassadour . But the Mogol ( if he had so pleased ) might have bestowed on him some great Princely gift , and found no greater miss of it , than there would be of a Glass of water taken out of a great Fountain . Now although the Mogol had such infinite Treasure , yet he could find room to store up more still : the desires of a covetous heart being so unsatiable , as that it never knows when it hath enough : being like a bottomless purse that can never be fill'd ; for the more it hath , the more still it covets . See an image hereof in Alcmaeon , who being will'd by Craesus to go into his Treasure-house , and there take as much Gold as himself could carry away ; provided for that purpose a long Garment that was double down to his ankles , and great boots , and fill'd them both ; nay , he stuffed his mouth , and tied wedges of Gold to the locks of his head , and doubtless , but for killing himself , he would have fill'd his skull and bowels therewith . Here was an heart set upon Gold , and Gold over-lading an heart : for the man stowing so much about him , as that he could not stir with it , forfeited what he might have had , and was turned out of the Treasury , as poor and empty as he came into it . He is a rich man whatever he hath ( be it more , or less ) that is contented . He is a poor man , who still wants more , in becoming poor by plenty , wanting what he hath as well and as much as what he hath not ; and so do very many , who are the greatest engrossers of the worlds wealth . SECTION XXV . Of his Pastimes at home and abroad , &c. where , something of his Quality , and Disposition . NOw what he doth , and how he behaves himself amongst his house-full of Wives and Women cannot be known , and therefore not related ; but when he shews himself ( as before ) thrice openly to his people , every day , he had always something or other presented before him to make him sport , and to give him present content . As sometimes he delighted himself in seeing Horses ridden , the Natives there ( as before ) being very excellent in their well-managing of them . Sometimes he saw his great Elephants fight . And at other times he pleased himself in seeing wrestling , or dauncing , or jugling , and what else he liked . And it happened that ( but a few years before our abode there ) a Juggler of Bengala ( a Kingdom famous for Witches , and men of that profession ) brought an Ape before the King ( who was ever greedy to please himself with Novelties ) professing that he would do many strange feats : The Mogol was ready presently to make a trial of this , and forthwith called some boys about him ( which he was conceived to keep for such use as I dare not name , ) and plucking a Ring from his finger gave it one of them to hide , that he might make a trial , whether or no the Ape could find it out ; who presently went to the boy that had it . The Mogol made some further trials like this , where the Ape did his part as before . And before the Ape was taken out of his presence , this strange , and unexpected thing following came into the King's thought . There are ( said he ) many disputes in the World about that true Prophet which should come into the World. We , said the Mogol , are for Mahomet . The Persians magnifie Mortis Hale ( but they are Mahometans for Religion likewise . ) The Hindoos , or Heathens there , have many whom they highly extol and magnifie ; as Bremaw , and Bramon , and Ram , and Permissar ; the Parsees are for Zertoost , the Jews for Moses , the Christians for Christ ; and he added three more whose names I have not , who make up the number of twelve , who have all their several followers in that part of the World ; and then he caused those twelve Names to be written in twelve several Scrolls , and put together , to see if the Ape could draw out the Name of the true Prophet , this done , the Ape put his paw amongst them , and pull'd forth the Name of Christ. The Mogol a second time , caused those twelve Names to be written again in twelve other Scrolls and Characters , and put together ; when the Ape as before pull'd forth the Name of Christ. Then Mahobet-Chan , a great Nobleman of that Court , and in high favour with the King , said , that it was some imposture of the Christians ( though there were none that did bear that Name there present ) and desired that he might make a third trial ; which granted , he put but eleven of those names together , reserving the name of Christ in his hand ; the Ape searching as before , pull'd forth his paw empty , and so twice , or thrice together , the King demanding a reason for this , was answered , that haply the thing he looked for was not there : he was bid to search for it , and then putting out those eleven names one after the other , in a seeming indignation rent them ; then running to Mahobet-Chan caught him by the hand where the Name of Christ was concealed , which delivered , he opened the Scroll , and so held it up to the King , but did not tear it as the former ; upon which the Mogol took the Ape , and gave his Keeper a good Pension for to keep him near about him , calling him the Divining Ape , and this was all that followed upon this admirable thing , except the great wonder and amazement of that people . There was one some years since wrote this story ( but somewhat varied from that I have here related ) in a little printed Pamphlet , and told his Reader that I had often seen that Ape while I lived in those parts , which particular he should have left out ; but for the Relation it self , I believe it was so , because it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons , who knew not one another , and were differing in Relion , yet all agreed in the story , and in all the circumstances thereof . Now for the disposition of that King , it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extreams ; for sometimes he was barbarously cruel , and at other times he would seem to be exceeding fair and gentle . For his cruelties ; he put one of his women to a miserable death , one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall , but now she was superannuated ; for neither himself , nor Nobles ( as they say ) come near their wives , or women , after they exceed the age of thirty years , though they keep them , and allow them some maintenance . The fault of that woman , this : the Mogol upon a time found her , & one of his Eunuchs kissing one another ; and for this very thing , the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth , and that her body should be put into that hole , where she should stand with her head only above ground , and the earth to be put in again unto her close , round about her , that so she might stand in the parching Sun , till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her , in which torment she lived one whole day , and the night following , and almost till the next noon , crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language , as the Shunamits Child did in his , 2 King. 4. Ah my head , my head ! Which horrid execution , or rather murder was acted near our house : where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive , and there in her sight cut all into pieces . That great King would be often overcome by Wine , yet ( as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself ) would punish others with very much severity , who were thus distempered . Sometimes for little , or no faults , the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whipt , till they were almost ready to die under the rod ; which after they must kiss in thankfulness . He caused one of his servants of the higher rank to be very much whipt for breaking a China-Cup , he was commanded to keep safe , and then sent him into China , ( which is a marvellous distance from thence ) to buy another . Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemn men to servitude , or dismember , or else put them to death , as sacrifices to his will and passion , not Justice . So that it might be said of him , quando male nemo pejus , that when he did wickedly none could do worse , as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before , who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum , Dirt soaked in blood . For his good actions , he did relieve continually many poor people ; and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother then living , so that he who esteemed the whole world as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders . The Mogol would often visit the Cells of those he esteemed religious men , whose Persons he esteemed sacred , as if they had been Demigods . And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ ; but his Parentage , his poverty , and his cross did so confound his thoughts , that he knew not what to think of them . Lastly , the Mogol is very free and noble unto all those which fall into , and abide in his affection , which brings me now to speak SECTION XXVI . Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects , how they are raised , and how long they are continued , &c. WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy , makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men . Now for those Pensions , which are so exceeding great , the Mogol in his far extended Monarchy allows yearly pay for one Million of Horse ; and for every Horse and Man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum , which is exactly paid every year , raised from Land , and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose . Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse ; and there are others ( at the least twenty in his Empire ) which have the pay of 5000 horse , exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World , they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man. Now others have the pay of four thousand horse ; others of three , or two , or one thousand horse , and so downward ; and these by their proportions , are appointed to have horses always in readiness well mann'd , and otherwise appointed for the Kings service , so that he who hath the pay of five , or six thousand , must always have one thousand in readiness , or more , according to the Kings need of them , and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number , at the least of two hundred thousand horse ; of which number , they have always at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is . There are very many private men in Cities and Towns , who are Merchants , or Trades-men that are very rich : but it is not safe for them that are so , so to appear , lest that they should be used as fill'd Sponges . But there is never a Subject in that Empire , who hath Land of inheritance , which he may call his own ; but they are all Tenants at the will of their King , having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour , which is by far more easily lost than gotten ; It is true , that the King advanceth many there , unto many great honours , and allows them ( as before ) marvellous great revenues ; but no Son there enjoys either the Titles , or Means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King , for the King takes possession of all when they are dead , appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence , which they shall not exceed , if they fall not into the Kings affection as their Fathers did ; wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means ; and therefore have a very numerous train , a very great retinue to attend upon them , which makes them to appear like Princes , rather than Subjects . Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection , as that they will yield with readiness unto any of his unreasonable and willful commands . As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio , Nullus est horum , qui non conscensa turri semet in mare praecipaturus sit , si jussero , There was never a one in his Army , by his own report , that would not for a word of his mouth , have gone up into a Tower , and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea : and thus the people here will do any thing the King commands them to do ; so that if he bid the Father to lay hands of violence upon his Son , or the Son upon his Father , they will do it , rather than the will of the King should be disobeyed . Thus forgetting Nature , rather than Subjection . And this tye of theirs ( I say ) upon the Kings favour makes all his Subjects most servile flatterers , for they will commend any of his actions , though they be nothing but cruelty ; so any of his speeches , though nothing but folly . And when the King sits and speaks to any of his people publickly , there is not a word falls from him that is not written by some Scriveners , or Scribes , that stand round about him . In the year 1618. when we lived at that Court , there appeared at once in the moneth of November in their Hemisphear two great Blazing-stars , the one of them North , the other South , which unusual sight appeared there for the space of one moneth . One of those strange Comets in the North , appeared like a long blazing-torch , or Launce fired at the upper end ; the other in the South , was round like a pot boiling out fire . The Mogol consulted with his flattering Astrologers , who spake of these Comets unto the King , as Daniel sometimes did of Nebuchadnezzars dream , Dan. 4.19 . My Lord , the dream is to them that hate thee , and the interpretation thereof unto thine enemies . For his Astrologers told him that he needed not trouble himself with the thought thereof , for it concerned other places and people , not him nor his . But not long after this , their season of Rain , ( before spoken of ) which was never known to fail till then , failed them ; and this caused such a famine and mortality in the South parts of his Empire , that it did very much unpeople it : and in the Northern part thereof ( whither the Mogol then repaired ) his third Son Sultan Caroom raised , and kept together very great forces , and stood upon his guard , and would not disband , till his Father had delivered his eldest Son Sultan Coobseroo into his hands . And how , when he had him in his power he used him , you shall after hear . In the mean time , take one admirable example of a very gross flatterer , but a great Favorite of that King , who was noted above others of that Nation to be a great neglecter of God , believing it Religion enough to please the Mogol his Master . This man was a Souldier of an approved valour : But upon a time he sitting in dalliance with one of his women , she pluckt an hair from his breast ( which grew about his Nipple ) in wantonness , without the least thought of doing him hurt . But the little wound , that small and unparalle'd instrument of death made , presently began to fester , and in short time after became a Canker incurable ; in fine , when he saw that he must needs dye , he uttered these words , which are worth the remembring of all that shall ever hear them , saying : Who would not have thought but that I , who have been so long bred a Souldier , should have dyed in the face of mine Enemy , either by a Sword , or a Launce , or an Arrow , or a Bullet , or by some such instrument of death : But now ( though too late ) I am forc'd to confess that there is a great God above , whose Majesty I have ever despised , that needs no bigger Launce than an hair to kill an Atheist , or a despiser of his Majesty . And so , desiring that those his last words might be told unto the King his Master , he died . The Mogol never advanceth any , but he gives him a new name , and this of some pretty signification ; as Pharoah did unto Joseph , when he made him great in his Court , Gen. 41.45 . The new names ( I say ) that the Mogol gives unto those he advances and favours , are significant . As Asaph Chan , The gathering , or rich Lord ; whose Sister the Mogol married , and she was his most beloved Wife : and her Brothers marvellous great riches , answered his name ; for he died worth many Millions ( as I have been credibly informed ) the greatest Subject ( I believe ) for wealth that ever the World had . So another of the Mogols Grandees was called Mahobet-Chan , The beloved Lord. Another Chan-Iahan , The Lord of my heart . Another Chan-Allaam , The Lord of the World. Another Chan-Channa , The Lord of Lords . He called his chief Physician Mocrob-Chan , The Lord of my health ; and many other names , like these , his Grandees had , which at my being there belonged to his most numerous Court. And further for their Titles of honour there , all the Kings Children are called Sultans , or Princes ; his Daughters Sultana's , or Princesses ; the next title is Nabob , equivalent to a Duke ; the next Channa , a double Lord , or Earl ; the next Chan , a Lord. So Meirsa signifies a Knight , that hath been a General , or Commander in the Wars ; Vmbra , a Captain ; Hadde , a Cavalier , or Souldier on horse-back : who have all allowed them means by the King ( as before ) proportionable for the supports of their Honours , and Titles , and Names . His Officers of State are his Treasurers , which receive his revenues in his several Provinces , and take care for the payment of his great Pensions , which , when they are due , are paid without any delay : There his chief Eunuchs ( which command the rest of them ) take care for the ordering of his House , and are Stewards and Controulers of it ; his Secretaries , the Masters of his Elephants ; and the Masters of his Tents are other of his great Officers ; and so are the keepers of his Ward-robe , who are entrusted with his Plate and Jewels . To 〈◊〉 I may add those which take care of his Customs for Goods brought into his Empire , as for commodities carried thence . But these are not many , because his Sea-ports are but few . The Customs paid in his Ports are not high , that strangers of all Nations may have the greater encouragement to Trade there with him . But as he expects money from all strangers that Trade there : So it is a fault he will not pardon ( as before ) for any to carry any quantity of silver thence . He hath other Officers that spread over his Empire , to exact monies out of all the labours of that people , who make the curious manufactures . So that like a great Tree he receives nourishment from every , even the least Roots that grow under his shadow ; and therefore though his Pensions are exceeding great ( as before ) ; they are nothing comparable to his much greater revenues . By reason of that Countries immoderate heat , our English-cloath is not fit to make Habits for that people : that of it which is sold there , is most of it for colour Red ; and this they imploy for the most part to make coverings for their Elephants and Horses , and to cover their Coaches , the King himself taking a very great part thereof ; whose payments are very good , only the Merchant must get the hands of some of his chief Officers to his Bill , appointed for such dispatches , which are obtained as soon as desired . And this the King doth to prevent the abuses of particular , and single persons . And now that I may present my Reader with the further glory of this great King , I shall lead him where he may take a view , SECTION XXVII . Of the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal , &c. WHich indeed is very glorious , as all must confess , who have seen the infinite number of Tents , or Pavilions there pitched together ; which in a Plain make a shew equal to a most spacious and glorious City . These Tents , I say , when they are altogether , cover such a great quantity of ground , that I believe it is five English-miles at the least , from one side of them to the other , very beautiful to behold from some Hill , where they may be all seen at once . They write of Xerxes , that when from such a place he took a view of his very numerous Army , consisting at the least of three hundred thousand men , he wept , saying , that in less than the compass of one hundred years , not one of that great mighty Host would be alive . And to see such a company then together of all sorts of people ( and I shall give a good reason presently why I believe that mixt company of men , women , and children may make up such an huge number , as before I named , if not exceed it ) and to consider that death will seize upon them all , within such a space of time , and that the second death hath such a power over them , is a thing of more sad consideration . Now to make it appear that the number of people of all sorts is so exceeding great , which here get and keep together in the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal ; first there are one hundred thousand Souldiers , which always wait about that King ( as before observed ) and all his Grandees have a very great train of followers and servants to attend them there , and so have all other men according to their several qualities ; and all these carry their Wives and Childern , and whole family with them , which must needs amount to a very exceeding great number . And further to demonstrate this ; when that King removes from one place to another , for the space of twelve hours , a broad passage is continually fill'd with Passengers , and Elephants , and Horses , and Dromedaries , and Camels , and Coaches , and Asses , and Oxen , ( on which the meaner sort of men and women with little children , ride ) so full as they may well pass one by the other . Now in such a broad passage , and in such a long time , a very great number of people , the company continually moving on forward , may pass . Thus this people moving on from place to place , it may be said of them , what Salvian speaks of Israel , while they were in their journy to the land of promise , that it was Ambulans Respublica , a walking Commonwealth . And therefore that ancient people of God were called Hebrews , which signified Passengers : their dwelling so in Tents , signified thus much to all the people of God in all succeeding ages , that here they dwell in moveable habitations , having no continuing City here , but they must look for one , and that is above . The Tents pitch'd in that Leskar , or Camp Royal , are for the most part white , like the cloathing of those which own them . But the Mogols Tents are red , reared up upon poles , higher by much than the other . They are placed in the middest of the Camp , where they take up a very large compass of ground , and may be seen every way , and they must needs be very great to afford room in them , for himself , his Wives , Children , Women , Eunuchs , &c. In the fore-front , or outward part , or Court within his Tent , there is a very large room for access to him , 'twixt seven and nine of the clock at night , which ( as before ) is called his Goozulcad . His Tents are encompassed round with Canats , which are like our Screens to fold up together ; those Canats are about ten foot high , made of narrow strong Callico , and lined with the same , stiffened at every breadth with a Cane ; but they are strongest lined on their out-side by a very great company of arm'd Souldiers , that keep close about them night and day . The Tents of his great Men are likewise large , placed round about his . All of them throughout the whole Leskar reared up in such a due and constant order , that when we remove from place to place , we can go as directly to those moveable dwellings , as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations , taking our direction from several streets and Bazars , or Market places , every one pitched upon every remove alike , upon such , or such a side of the Kings Tents , as if they had not been at all removed . The Mogol ( which I should have observed before ) hath so much wealth , and consequently so much power , by reason of his marvellous great multitudes of fighting men , which he always keeps in Arms , commanding at all times as many of them as he pleaseth ; that as the Moabites truly said of Israel , ( while they had Almighty God fighting with them , and for them ) so it may be said of him ( if God restrain him not ) That his huge Companies are able to lick up all that are round about him , as the Oxe licketh up the grass of the field , Numb . 22.4 . When that mighty King removes from one place to another , he causeth Drums to be beat about midnight , which is a signal token of his removing . He removes not far at one time ; sometimes ten miles , but usually a less distance , according to the best convenience he may have for water ; there being such an infinite company of Men , and other Creatures , whose drink is water , that in a little time it may be as truely said of them , as it was of that mighty Host of Sennacherib that Assyrian Monarch , Esay 37.25 . That they are able to drink up Rivers . But when the place he removed to afforded plenty of good water , he would usually stay there three or four days , or more ; and when he thus rested in his Progress , would go abroad to find out pastimes ; to which end he always carried with him divers kinds of Hawks , and Dogs , and Leopards , which ( as before ) they train up to hunt withall ; and being thus provided for variety of sports , would fly at any thing in the Air , or seize on any Creature he desired to take on the Earth . The Mogol , when he was at Mandoa ( which was invironed with great Woods as before was observed ) sometimes with some of his Grandees , and a very great company beside of Persian and Tartarian horse-men , his Souldiers ( which are stout daring men ) would attempt to take some young wild Elephants found in these Woods , which he took in strong toyls made for that purpose , which taken , were mann'd , and made fit for his service . In which hunting they likewise pursued on horse-back Lions , and other wild beasts , and kill'd some of them with their Bows , and Carbines , and Launces . I waiting upon my Lord Embassadour two years , and part of a third , and travelling with him in Progress with that King , in the most temperate moneths there , 'twixt September and April , were in one of our Progresses 'twixt Mandoa and Amadavar nineteen days , making but short journeys in a Wilderness , where ( by a very great company sent before us , to make those passages and places fit to receive us ) a way was cut out and made even , broad enough for our convenient passage , and in the places where we pitched our Tents , a great compass of ground rid , and made plain for them , by grubbing a number of Trees and Bushes ; yet there we went as readily to our Tents ( the same order being still observed in the pitching of them ) as we did , when they were set up in the Plains . But that which here seemed unto me to be most strange , was , that notwithstanding our marvellous great company of men , women , and children there together , that must all be fed , and the very great number of other creatures which did eat Corn , as we never there wanted water , so we had so many Victuallers with us , and so much Provision continually brought in unto us , that we never felt there the want of any thing beside , but had it at as low rates as in other places . The Mogols Wives and Women , when as they are removed from place to place , are carried in Coaches ( such as were before described ) made up close , or in Palankees on mens shoulders , or else on Elephants in pretty Receptacles , surrounded with curtains , which stand up like low and little Turrets on their backs ; and some of the meaner sort ride in Cradles , hanging on the sides of Dromedaries , all covered close , and attended by Eunuchs , who have many Souldiers , which go before them to clear the way as they pass , they taking it very ill if any ( though they cannot see them ) presume so much as to look towards them ; and therefore , though I could never see any of them , I shall here take the liberty to speak somewhat I have heard and do believe SECTION XXVIII . Of the Mogols Wives and Women ; [ where somthing of his Children , &c. ] WHom I conceive to be Women of good feature , though for their colour very swart , which that people may call Beauty , it being the complexion of them all , as the Crow thinks his bird fairest ; but ( as before ) I never observed any crooked or deform'd person of either sex amongst them : For the honesty of those great Mens Wives and Women , there is such a quick eye of jealousie continually over them , that they are made so by force , though ( as they say ) they are never much regarded by those great ones after the very first , and prime of their youth is past . For that great Monarch the Mogol , in the choice of his Wives and Women , he was guided more by his eye and phansie , than by any respect had to his Honour ; for he took not the Daughters of neighbouring Princes , but of his own Subjects , and there preferr'd that , which he looked upon as beauty , before any thing else . He was married to four Wives , and had Concubines , and Women beside ( all which were at his command ) enough to make up their number a full thousand ( as they there confidently affirm'd . ) And that he might raise up , his beastly and unnatural lusts , even to the very height , he kept boyes as before , &c. His most beloved Wife ( when I lived at his Court ) he called Noor-Mahal , which signified , The Light of the Court ; and to the other of his Wives and Women , which he most loved , he gave new Names unto them , and such Names as he most fancied . For his Wife I first named , he took her out of the dust , from a very mean Family ; but however , she made such a through Conquest on his Affections , that she engrossed almost all his Love , did what she pleased in the Government of that Empire , where she advanced her Brother Asaph-Chan , and other her nearest Relations , to the greatest places of Command and Honour , and Profit in that vast Monarchy . Her Brother Asaph-Chan was presently made one of the Stars of the first Magnitude that shined in that Indian Court ; and , when he had once gotten , so kept the Mogol's Favour by the assistance of his Sister Noor-Mahal , that by the Pensions given , and many Offices bestowed on him , he heaped up a mass of Treasure above all belief ( as before ) , and married his Daughter unto Sultan Caroom , who is now King. The Mogol of all his so many Wives and Concubines had but six Children , five Sons and one Daughter . The Names he gave his Children , and others , were Names that proceeded from Counsel ( as he imagined ) rather than Chance . His eldest Son was called Sultan Coobsurroo , which signified the Prince with the good Face , his Person and Beauty answered his Name ; for he was a Prince of a very lovely presence . His second Son he called Sultan Perum , Prince of the Pleiades , or of the sweet influences of the Pleiades . His third Son ( now King ) though that great dignity was never intended to him by his Father , was called Sultan Caroom , or , The Prince of Bounty . His fourth , Sultan Shahar , or , The Prince of Fame . His fifth , and last Son was called by him Sultan Tanct , Tanct in the Persian Tongue , signifies a Throne ; and he was named so by the King his Father , because the first hour he sat peaceably on his Throne , there was News brought him of that Sons Birth . Yet the first Son of that King , which he hath by any of his married Wives , by Prerogative of Birth , inherits that Empire , the eldest Son of every Man ( as before ) is called there ( the great Brother . ) And he that inherits that Monarchy , doth not openly slaughter his younger Brothers , as the Turks do ; yet it is observed , that few younger Brothers of those Indostan Kings have long survived their Fathers . Yet notwithstanding that long continued custom there for the eldest Son to succeed the Father in that great Empire ; Achabar Sha , Father of that late King , upon high and just displeasure taken against his Son , for climbing up unto the bed of Anarkelee , his Fathers most beloved Wife ( whose name signified the Kernel of a Pomegranate ) and for other base actions of his , which stirred up his Fathers high displeasure against him , resolved to break that ancient custom ; and therefore often in his life time protested , that not he , but his Grand-child Sultan Coobsurroo , whom he alwayes kept in his Court , should succeed him in that Empire . And now , by the way , the manner of that Achabar Sha his death ( as they report it in India ) is worthy observation . That wicked King was wont often to give unto some of his Nobles ( whom upon secret displeasure he meant to destroy ) Pills prepared with Poyson , that should presently put them into incurable diseases . But the last time he went about to practise that bloody Treachery , he dyed himself by his own instrument of death : for then having two Pills in his Hand , the one very like the other , the one Cordial for himself , the other Corrosive , for one of his Grandees he meant to purge , and flattering him with many proffers of Courtesie before he gave him the Pill , that he might swallow it down the better ; at last having held them both in the palm of his Hand long , by a mistake took the poysoned Pill himself , and gave him the other , which Pill put the King immediately into a mortal flux of blood , which in few dayes put an end to his life in his City Lahore . — Neque enim lex justior ulla est , Quam necis artifices arte perire sua . Achabar Sha thus dead , Sultan Coobsurroo his Grand-Child , then aged about twenty years , took his opportunity at the first bound , and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore , where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced , and acknowledged King. His Father ( the late Mogol ) was thus acknowledged at Agra . Two great Armies were presently levied , and met together to decide the Controversie : and the generality of the people within that Empire , thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son , clave by far more to him then to his Son , by which means Sultan Coobsurroo was defeated and taken Prisoner , and a very great many of young Gallants with him , whereof his Father immediately after caused to be impaled , or put upon Stakes ( that most cruel and tormenting death ) eight hundred in two several ranks in one day , without the City Lahore , and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them , bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted . His Son told him , that he should have serv'd him so , and spared the other , who did nothing in that action but upon his Command ; his Father replyed , that he could serve him so presently ( if he so pleased ) ; his Son will'd and desired him so to do , telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live , after the beholding of so many gallant men dead . Notwithstanding , the King spared his Life , casting him into Prison , where his Eyes were sealed up , ( by something put before them which might not be taken of ) for the space of three years ; after which time , that seal was taken away , that he might with freedom enjoy the Light , though not his Liberty . And after his Father had taken him out of Prison , he kept him alwayes near about him , but with a very strong Guard upon him ; so that he following the King his Father in his Progresses , we sometimes saw him . And once he called my Lord Ambassadour to him as we passed by him , asking him many Questions , as how far distant our Country was from them , and what we brought thither , and what we carryed thence , and how the King his Father had used him since his arrive there , whether or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts . The Ambassadour told him , that his business there was to obtain a free Trade for his Nation the English ; and that being granted him , he had reward enough . The Prince replyed , that this could not be denyed us , we coming so far to trade there with him ; and the Prince further asked him , How long he had been there , the Ambassadour told him , About two years ; the Prince replyed again , that it was a very great shame for the Successor of Tamberlane , who had such infinite Riches , to suffer a Man of his quality to come so far unto him , and to live so long about him , and not to give him some Royal Gift ; and he further added , that for himself he was a Prisoner , and therefore could do him no good , but would pray for him , and so he departed . For that Prince , he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage , so exceedingly beloved of the common people , that , as Suetonius writes of Titus , he was Amor & Deliciae , &c. the very love and delight of them . Aged then about thirty and five years . He was a Man who contented himself with one Wife , which with all love and care accompanied him in all his streights , and therefore he would never take any Wife but her self , though the Liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality . It was generally believed to be the intent of his Father ( for he would often presage so ) to make this Prince his first-born his Successor , though for the present out of some jealousie ( he being so much beloved of the people ) he denyed him his Liberty . His Father's Love , brings upon him the extream hatred of his Brother Caroom , the Mogol's third Son , who then lived in very great Pomp and Splendor at that Court , aiming at that Empire : to which end he put many jealousies into his Father's Head ( now grown in years ) concerning his Brother Coobsurroo , and that his Father might live more secure , and out of all present fear of him , if he so pleased ; upon which insinuations , partly , by force , ( as I observed before ) and , partly , by intreaty of Friends about the King , he was by the King put into the Cruel Hand of his Brother Caroom ; who told his Father that he would have both his Eyes upon him , and further so provide , that he should never have cause to fear him any more ; and he was as good as his word : for , presently after he had gotten possession of him ( though his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well , and to keep him honourably , and by no means to hurt him , which was all promised by Caroom to be faithfully observed ) he caused his Second Brother , Sultan Parveen , to be poysoned ; and , not long after that , strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother : which did so trouble his Father , that the grief thereof ( as it was strongly believed ) shortned his dayes ; who not long after this ( much against his mind ) made room for that Murderer to succeed him in that Empire , who lay'd the foundation of his high Advancement , in the Blood of his Brothers ; and rather then he would have missed it , would certainly have made a way through the Blood of his Father likewise : All Laws of honesty , and of Nature were by him thrown down , trampled under foot , forgotten and made void , to compass and gain his most unjust ends ; as if he resolved to practise that Language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spake in the Tragedy , — Pro Regno velim Patriam , Penates , Conjugem flammis dare ; Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene Sen. Trag. Fire on my Gods , Wife , Country for a Crown , An Empire can the dearest price weigh down . I shall add but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it . And one shall be to give my Reader a taste , but very briefly , SECTION XXIX . Of the manner of the style or writing of that Court. WHich I shall here insert , and in some measure shew , by the Copy of a Letter written by the Great Mogol unto King James , in the Persian Tongue , here faithfully translated , which was as follows : UNto a King rightly descended from his Ancestors , bred in Military Affairs , clothed with Honour and Justice , a Commander worthy of all Command , strong and constant in the Religion , which the great Prophet Christ did teach King James ; whose Love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts , as shall never be forgotten , but as the smell of Amber , or as a Garden of fragrant flowers , whose Beauty and Odour is still increasing : so be assured , my Love shall still grow and increase with yours . The Letters which you sent me in the behalf of your Merchants I have received , whereby I rest satisfied of your tender Love towards me , desiring you not to take it ill , that I have not wrote to you heretofore : This present Letter I send to you to renew our Loves , and herewith do certifie you , that I have sent forth my Firmaunes throughout all my Countries to this effect , That if any English Ships or Merchants shall arrive in any of my Ports , my People shall permit and suffer them to do what they please , freely in their Merchandizing-Causes , aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that shall be offered them , that the least cause of discourtesie be not done unto them ; that they may be as free , or freer then my own People . And as now , and formerly , I have received from you divers Tokens of your Love ; so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some Novelties from your Countries , as an argument of friendship betwixt us , for such is the custom of Princes here . And for your Merchants , I have given express Order through all my Dominions , to suffer them to buy , sell , transport , and carry away at their pleasure , without the lett or hinderance of any person whatsoever , all such Goods and Merchandizes as they shall desire to buy ; and let this my Letter as fully satisfie you in desired Peace and Love , as if my own Son had been Messenger to ratifie the same . And if any in my Countries , not fearing God , nor obeying their King , or any other void of Religion , should endeavour to be an Instrument to break this League of Friendship , I would send my Son Sultan Caroom , a Souldier approved in the Wars , to cut him off , that no obstacle may hinder the continuance , and increase of our Affections . Here are likewise the Complements of two other Letters of later date , sent home by Sir Thomas Row , whereof the first doth thus begin : WHen your Majesty shall open this Letter , let your Royal Heart be as fresh as a small Garden , let all People make Reverence at your Gate . Let your Throne be advanced higher . Amongst the greatness of the Kings of the Prophet Jesus , let your Majesty be the greatest ; and all Monarchs derive their Wisdom , and Counsel from your Breast , as from a Fountain , that the Law of the Majesty of Jesus may receive , and flourish under your protection . The Letters of Love and Friendship which you sent me , the present Tokens of your good Affection towards me , I have received by the Hands of your Ambassadour , Sir Thomas Row , who well deserveth to be your trusty Servant , delivered to me in an acceptable and happy hour ; upon which mine Eyes were so fixed , that I could not easily remove them unto any other Objects , and have accepted them with great joy and delight , &c. The last Letter had this beginning : HOw gracious is your Majesty , whose greatness God preserve . As upon a Rose in a Garden , so are mine Eyes fixed upon you . God maintain your Estate , that your Monarchy may prosper and be augmented , and that you may obtain all your desires worthy the greatness of your Renown ; and as the Heart is noble and upright : so let God give you a glorious reign , because you strongly defend the Law of the Majesty of Jesus , which God made yet more flourishing , for that it was confirmed by Miracles , &c. What followed in both those Letters , was to testifie his Care and Love towards the English. Now all these Letters were written in the Persian Tongue , the Court-Language there , and their Copies were sent to the Ambassadour , that he might get them translated . The Originals rowled up somewhat long , were covered with Cloth of Gold , sealed up on both ends , the fashion in that Court and Country to make up Letters , though they be not all cloathed there in such a glorious dress . In which Letters , notice may be taken ( what was observed before ) how respectively that King speaks of our Blessed Saviour Christ. And here it will not be impertinent to speak something of those who pretend to enlarge the Name of Jesus Christ in those parts , I mean , SECTION XXX . Of the Jesuits , sent thither by their Superiours to convert People unto Christianity , &c. IN that Empire all Religions are tolerated , which makes the Tyrannical Government there more easie to be endured . The Mogol would speak well of all of them , saying , that a Man might be happy and safe in the profession of any Religion ; and therefore would say , That the Mahometan Religion was good , so the Christian Religion good , and the rest good ; and therefore , by the way , The Priests or Ministers of any Religion find regard and esteem amongst the people . I shall speak something to this from my own particular usage there , then very young , while I lived in those parts ; yet when I was first there brought into the presence of the Mogol , immediately after my arrive at his Court , I standing near the Ambassadour ( for no man there of the greatest quality whatsoever , is at any time suffered to sit in his presence ) and but a little distance from that King in his Gozulcan , he sent one of his Grandees to me , to let me know , that the King bad me welcome thither , that I should have a free access to him when ever I pleased ; and if I would ask him any thing , he would give it me ( though I never did ask , nor he give ) and very many times afterward when , ( waiting upon my Lord Ambassadour ) I appeared before him , He would still shew tokens of Civility and Respect unto me ; and I never went abroad amongst that people , but those that met me , upon this consideration , that I was a Padre ( for so they call'd me ) a Father or Minister , they would manifest in their Behaviour towards me , much esteem unto me . But for the Jesuits there ; There was one of that Order , in Goa ( a City of the Portugals lying in the skirts of India ) of very much Fame and Renown called Jeronymo Xaviere , sent for by Achabar-Sha , the late Kings Father , in the year 1596. to argue before him the Doctrine of Christianity : there being alwayes present a Moolaa , or Mahometan Priest ; and a Third Person , who followed no precise Rule , but what the Light of Nature meerly led him to ; and these two were to obtain what they could against his Reasoning . The Jesuit in the Mogol's own Language ( which was a great advantage to him ) began to speak first of the Creation , and then of the Fall of Man : in which the Mahometans agree with us . Then he laid down divers grounds to bottom his reasonings on , That Man by Creation was made a most Excellent Creature , indued with the Light of Reason , which no other sublunary Creature besides himself had ; then , That Man thus endued , must have some Rule or Law to walk by , which he could not prescribe unto himself , and therefore it must be given him from above . That this Law was first given unto Man from God , and afterward confirmed by Prophets sent into the World , in divers Ages , from God. That this Law thus delivered must needs be one Law , in all things agreeing in it self . And so did not the Law of Mahomet . That this Law thus delivered was most conformable to right son ; And so was not the Law of Mahomet . That Man fall'n from God by sin , was not able to recover himself from that Fall ; and therefore it was necessary that there should be one , more than a Man , to do it for him , and that that One could not be Mahomet . That this One was Christ , God as well as Man ; God to satisfie ( the Mahometans themselves confessing that Christ was the breath of God ) , and Man to suffer death as he did . That Christ the Son of God coming into the World , about that great Work of satisfying Gods anger against Man for sin ; it was necessary that he should live a poor and laborious life here on Earth ( at which the Mahometans much stumble ) and not a life that was full of pomp , and pleasure , and delicacy . That the Gospel of Christ , and other holy books of Scripture , which the Christians retain and walk by , contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved ; But there is very much to be found in their Alcaron which is so . That the great worth and worthiness shining in the Person of Christ , was by far more excellent than any thing observable in Mahomet ( for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin ; when Mahomet himself acknowledgeth , that he had been a filthy person . ) That the feigned , foolish , and ridiculous miracles , which they say were done by Mahomet , were nothing comparable to the Miracles done by Christ , who ( as the Mahometans confess ) did greater Miracles than ever were done before or since him . That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ , into the world ; and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet . That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that believe in him , and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him , and on him alone , for Salvation . There were many more particulars besides these , which that Jeronymo Xaveere laid down before the Mogol , to ground his arguments on : which that King heard patiently , at several times during the space of one year and a half ; but at last he sent him away back again to Goa honourably , with some good gifts bestowed on him , telling him , as Felix did , after he had reasoned before him , that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time , Acts 24.25 . Which time or season , neither of them both ever found afterward . These Particulars , which I have here inserted ( with many more ; I might have added to them ; upon all which , that Jeronymo Xaveere enlarged himself before the Mogol in his arguings before him ) were given unto me in Latine by Francisco Corsi , another Jesuit resident at that Court , while I was there , and long before that time . And further I have been there told by other people professing Christianity in that Empire , that there was such a Dispute there held ; and for my part I do believe it . For that Francisco Corsi ; he was a Florentine by birth , aged about fifty years , who ( if he were indeed what he seemed to be ) was a man of a severe life , yet of a fair and an affable disposition : He lived at that Court , as an Agent for the Portugals ; and had not only free access unto that King , but also encouragement and help by hifts , which he sometimes bestowed on him . When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassadour , he told him that they were both by profession Christians , though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it . And as he should not go about to reconcile the Embassadour to them : So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us . Only he desired , that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them , but no disputes . And further , his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us , might not be made there to appear ; that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity , which might have been a very main Obstacle , and hinderance unto his great Design and endeavour , for which he was sent thither , to convert people unto Christianity there . Telling my Lord Embassadour further , that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there , and so he was . After his first acquaintance , he visited us often , usually once a week . And as those of that society , in other parts of the world are very great intelligencers : so was he there , knowing all news which was stirring and might be had , which he communicated unto us . And he would tell us many stories besides ; one of which , if true , is very remarkable . And it was thus ; There are a race of people in East - India , the men of which race have ( if he told us true ) their right legs extraordinary great and mishapen , their left legs are like other mens . Now he told us , that they were the posterity of those who stamped St Thomas the Apostle to death , come thither to preach the Gospel ; and that ever since the men of that race have , and only they of that Nation , that great deformity upon them . Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told , but whether that deformity be like Geheza's leprosie , hereditary ; and if so , whether it fell upon that people upon the occasion before-named , I am yet to learn. The Jesuits in East - India ( for he was not alone there ) have liberty to convert any they can work upon , unto Christianity , &c. The Mogol hath thus far declared , that it shall be lawful for any one , perswaded so in conscience , to become a Christian , and that he should not by so doing lose his favour . Upon which , I have one thing , here to insert , which I had there by report ( yet I was bid to believe it and report it for a truth ) concerning a Gentleman of quality , and a servant of the great Mogol , who upon some conviction wrought upon him ( as they say ) would needs be Baptized and become a Christian. The King hearing of this Convert sent for him , and at first with many cruel threats commanded him to renounce that his new profession : the man replied , that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause , which the King could inflict . The Mogol then began to deal with him another way , askking why he thought himself wiser then his Fore-fathers , who lived and died Mahometans ; and further added many promises of riches and honour , if he would return to his Mahometism , he replied again , as they say ( for I have all this by Tradition ) that he would not accept of any thing in the world , so to do : The Mogol wondring at his constancy told him , that if he could have frighted , or bought him , out of his new profession , he would have made him an example for all waverers ; but now he perceived that his resolution indeed was to be a Christian , and he bid him so continue , and with a reward discharged him . The late Mogol about the beginning of his reign , caused a Temple to be built in Agra , his chief City , for the Jesuits , wherein two of his younger Brothers Sons were solemnly Baptized , and delivered into their hands to be trained up in Christianity . The young Gentlemen , growing to some stature ( after they had had their tuition for some years ) desired them to provide them Wives out of Christendom fitting their Birth ; in which having not sudden content , they gave up their Crucifixes again into the Jesuits hands , and so left them . Who had these conjectures upon this their revolt , that either the King their Uncle caused them to be Baptized , to make them more odious to the Mahometans , being so near of his blood ; or else , it was his plot to get them beautiful Wives out of Europe , which himself meant to take if he had liked them . The Jesuit I last named , Francisco Corsi , upon a time ( at our being there ) having his house , amongst very many more consumed by a sudden fire , it so was that his wooden Cross , set on a Pole near the side of his house , was not ( as he said ) consumed . Upon which he presently repaired to that Court , carried that Cross with him , and told the King thereof . The Prince Sultan Caroom ( who was no favourer of the Christians ) being then present , and hearing him talk how his Cross was preserved , derided him , saying , that it was one of his fabulous miracles ; and further added , that he would have a fire presently made before the King , whereinto he would have that Cross cast ; and if it consumed not , his Father , himself , and all the people there would presently become Christians ; but if it did , himself should be burnt with it . The Jesuit not willing to put himself upon so sudden and so hot a trial , answered that he durst not tempt God , who was not tyed to times ; and it might be that Almighty God , would never shew that people that infinite favour to make them Christians , or if he had such a great mercy for them in store , it might be that the time of manifesting it , was not yet come ; and therefore if he should now submit to that trial , and Almighty God not please to shew a further and a present miracle , his Religion would suffer prejudice there for ever after ; and therefore he refused . It should seem that the Jesuits there do exceedingly extol the Virgin Mary , which I have gathered from poor people there , Natives of that Country , who have often asked Alms of me , when I stirred abroad amongst them ; and whereas one hath desired me to give him some relief for Christs sake , there are many who have begged it for the Virgin Mary's sake . Well known it is , that the Jesuits there , who like the Pharisees , Mat. 23.25 . That would compass Sea and Land to make one Proselyte , have sent into Christendom many large reports of their great Conversions of Infidels in East-India . But all these boastings are but reports ; the truth is , that they have there spilt the precious water of Baptism upon some few Faces , working upon the necessity of some poor men , who for want of means , which they give them , are contented to wear Crucifixes ; but for want of knowledge in the Doctrine of Christianity are only in Name Christians . So that the Jesuits Congregations there are very thin , consisting of some Italians , which the Mogol entertains ( by great pay given them ) to cut his Diamonds , and other rich Stones ; And of other European strangers which come thither ; and some few others of the Natives , before mentioned . So that in one word I shall speak this more of the Jesuits in East-India , that they have there Templum , but not Ecclesiam . When I lived in those parts it was my earnest desire and daily prayer , to have put my weak hands unto that most acceptable , but hard labour of washing Moors , that the Name of Jesus Christ might have been there enlarged ( if God had pleased to honour me so far ) by my endeavours . But there are three main and apparent obstacles ( besides those which do not appear ) that hinder the settlement and growth of Christianity in those parts . First , The liberty of the Mahometan Religion given the people there in case of Marriage . Secondly , The most debauch'd lives of many coming thither , or living amongst them who profess themselves Christians , per quorum latera patitur Evangelium , by whom the Gospel of Jesus Christ is scandalized , and exceedingly suffers . And lastly , The hearts of that people are so confirmed and hardned in their own evil old ways , their ears so sealed up , their eyes so blinded with unbelief and darkness , that only he , who hath the Key of David that shuts when no man can open , and opens when no man can shut , can open to them the door of life . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A65012-e180 Inter eos qui relationes suas de hoc Regno ( sc. M. Mogolis ) prodiderunt , facilè fide & dignatione princeps est Thomas Roeus , Mag : Britanniae Regis ad superiorem Indiae Regem Legatus . Saith John de Laet. Notes for div A65012-e610 Lib. 15. Lib. 2. c. 9. Lib. 4. c. 6. Lib. 6. c. 2. Lib. 10. c. 1. Lib. 15. Lib. 15. Lib. 15. Part 3. tir . 19. c. 8. and elsewhere . Lib. 2. Lib. 2. Lib. 2. Var. Hist. l. 12. c. 32. Lib. 15. De Vita Apoll. lib. 3. cap. 6. Lib. 8. Lib. 19. Lib. 2. Lib. 15 ▪ Lib. 2. Lib. 1. Lib. 15. Lib. 15. cap. 15. Lib. 15. Lib. 15. 
A65019	----	The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described, in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies. Viaggi. Parte 3. English Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652. 1665 Approx. 1467 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 249 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-08 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A65019 Wing V48 ESTC R10032 12198831 ocm 12198831 56044 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65019) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56044) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 619:2) The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described, in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies. Viaggi. Parte 3. English Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652. Havers, G. (George) Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644. Terry, Edward, 1590-1660. Relation of Sir Thomas Roe's voyage. [9], 480 p., 2 leaves of plates : plans, folded map. Printed by J. Macock, for John Martin, and James Allestry ..., London : 1665. Running title: The travels of Peter Della Valle into the East-Indies. Translation by George Havers of the third part of the author's Viaggi ... cioè la Turchia, la Persia, e l'India. The relation of Sir Thomas Roe's voyage is by E. Terry. Cf. BM. However, Library of Congress indicates Roe himself is the author. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Voyages and travels. India -- Description and travel. Arabian Peninsula -- Description and travel. 2004-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE TRAVELS OF Sig. Pietro della Valle , A Noble ROMAN , INTO EAST-INDIA AND Arabia Deserta . In which , the several Countries , together with the Customs , Manners , Traffique , and Rites both Religious and Civil , of those Oriental Princes and Nations , are faithfully Described : In Familiar Letters to his Friend Signior MARIO SCHIPANO . Whereunto is Added A Relation of Sir ROE's Voyage into the EAST-INDIES . LONDON , Printed by I. Macock , for Iohn Martin , and Iames Allestry ; and are to be sold at their Shop , at the Bell in St Paul's Church-yard . 1665. Imprimatur , White-hall , Iune 4. 1664. WILL. MORICE . TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROGER Earl of ORRERY , &c. My Lord , IT is not more commonly then truly observ'd , That the Preeminence of Excellent Things is universally attended with a proportionable Result of Benefit to those of Inferior Degree : And the same may with equal verity be affirm'd of the Glory of Great Personages . Your Names serve , not onely to distinguish you , or , by the Addition of Titles , to give you higher rank in the State ; but , like the Sun communicating Light and Life together , they animate and beautifie what-ever is irradiated by them . Which general Consideration , though it could not give me any particular Right , yet it may in some sort warrant the sutableness of dedicating this Transcript to your Lordship's Name ; A Name , which besides having been able to revive and support a long-depressed Interest in a Considerable Kingdom , is so highly celebrated upon the account of other Performances , as scarce to find a Parallel among those of your own , or any other Orb. Nor is it a little ground of Confidence to me , that what I present is neither wholly my own in any sort , nor any of it otherwise then as an Interpreter ; nor ( lastly ) one of those refined Pieces of Invention , which while your Protection is implored , do with-all folicite your Iudgment ; But of that kind of Writings , which containing Descriptions of Countries and their Customs , can onely please by the Variety of the Relations , and the Veracity of the Relator . He , whom I have interpreted , was a Noble Roman , ( Persons of which Quality , as they have greater Curiosity , so they have far more Advantages in reference to making of Observations in Forreign Countries , than they whose chief business is Traffick ) and was carried onely by his own curious Genius into those Oriental parts of the World , whereof he here gives an Account ; which is so full of delightful Variety , and considerable Remarks , that as after his Return his Person was dignifid with an Honourable Office in the Court of his own Prince ; so , since his Death , his Travels have no less happily travell'd , and been naturaliz'd in some other Languages . The other Piece hath been judg'd fit to be adjoyned , as one of the Exactest Relations of the Eastern parts of the World that hitherto hath been publish'd by any Writer , either Domestick or Forreign ; having been penn'd by one that attended Sir Thomas Roe in his Embassy to the Great Mogol : Than whom , 't is acknowledg'd by one of that Country that trades most into those parts , none ever gave a more faithful Account thereof . It remaines onely , that , as by this action I have ( t●ough with all the Modesty that becomes m● ) assum'd an Interest in a Great Name , so 〈◊〉 also testifie the Honour and Veneration I bear to Great Worth and Rare Accomplishments ; which I shall do summarily ( and yet in the utmost importance of the words ) by professing my self , My Lord , Your Lordships in all Humble Respect and Observance , G. Havers . P. Scipionis Sgambati è Societate Jesu , PETRO â VALLE PATRICIO Roman̄o , Ob cineres Conjugis ex ASIA revectos . AeNeadum soboles Albani sanguinis haeres , Aeneae proavi quàm bene facta refers ! Ille senem ex Asia fertur vexisse parentem ; Ex Asia conjux est tibi ducta comes . Par utrique fides esset , nisi quòd tua major Est pietas , Italûm gloria VALLIADE . Ille senem extinctum Siculâ tellure reliquit ; Tu Romam extinctae conjugis ossa vehis . THE TRAVELS OF Peter Della Valle , Sirnamed The Traveller . Containing a DESCRIPTION of the EAST-INDIES , &c. LETTER I. From Suràt , March 22. Anno 1623. IN the beginning of this year , at my departure from Persia , I writ last to you from aboard the Ship call'd the Whale , in which I was newly embarqu'd upon the coasts of that Country , and had not yet begun my Voyage . Since which time having sail'd over a good part of the Ocean , arriv'd at the famous Countries of India , travell'd and view'd no inconsiderable portion thereof ; by conveniency of the same Ship which brought me hither , and is ready to set sail speedily towards Muchà in the Arabian Gulph , ( and the rather for that a German Gentleman a friend of mine is embarqu'd in her , with an intention to travel from thence , in case he can get passage , to see Aethiopia ; ) with this Letter ( which I recommend to him to get transmitted into Italy , if possible , from those Ports of the Red Sea , or by the way of Cairo , where they trade , or by some other conveyance ) I come again to give you an Account of my Adventures , and the Curiosities which have hitherto afforded delicious repast to my alwayes hungry Intellect . To begin therefore : Upon Thursday the 19 of Ianuary , having dispatch'd and taken order for what was needful , a little before day , after the discharge of some Guns , as 't is the custome at going off from any Coast , we began leisurely to display our sails , moving but slowly , because we waited for the ship-boat which was still at shore ; upon whose return we unfolded all our Canvase , and though with a small gale , directed our course between the Islands of Ormuz and Kesom , passing on the outer side of Ormuz next Arabia , in regard the shallowness of the Channel towards Persia afforded not water enough for such great Ships as ours . We were in company only two English Ships , namely , the Whale , which was the Captain-ship , ( in which I was embarqu'd ) commanded by Captain Nicholas Woodcock , and another call'd the Dolphin , which had for Captain , Master Matthew Willis . At noon , being near Lareck , and no wind stirring , we cast Anchor without falling our sails , and our Captain sent his long boat a shore to Lareck , with two Grey-hounds which the English of Combrù had given him , to catch what game they could light upon . Towards night we set sail again ; but though the wind somewhat increas'd , yet because the boat was not return'd we struck sail a little , and staid for it , discharging also several musket-shots , to the end those that were in it might hear and see where we were : And because 't was one a clock in the night , and the Boat was not yet come , we doubted some disaster might have befaln it , in regard of the multitude of those Arabian Thieves call'd Nouteks , which rob upon that Sea , and frequently reside in this Island of Lareck : Yet at length it return'd safe and sound , and brought us abundance of Goats ; whereupon we again spread our sails freely to the wind , which was pretty stiff , although not much favourable to our course . However , we went onwards , plying from the coast of Arabia to that of Persia ; and on Saturday morning , as we drew near the Arabian shore , we saw three small Islands , situate near one another , and not far from a certain Cape , the name of which , and the Islands , they could not tell me , so as that I might set it down truly ; whereby I perceiv'd how it comes to pass that many names of places in these parts are very corruptly written in Geographical Charts ; for in the Countries themselves , where commerce is had for the most part with rude and ignorant people , few of them know how to pronounce the same aright . On Sunday we went from our Ship to recreate our selves in the Dolphin , our companion , where the Captain entertain'd us liberally all day . In the mean time we had a good fresh gale , and sailing directly in the middle of the gulf , we beheld both the coasts of Arabia Felix and Persia ; and in the latter discern'd a famous white Rock , which standing in the midst of a low sandy shore , looks like a little hill made by hand . We pass'd the Cape , which they call in Persian Com barick , that is , small sand ; and the next night we left behind us the point or peak of Giasck . On Monday , the Sea being calm , the Captain and I were standing upon the deck of our ship , discoursing of sundry matters ; and he took occasion to shew me a piece of a Horn which he told me himself had found in the year 1611. in a Northern Country , whither he then sail'd , which they call Greenland , lying in the latitude of seventy six degrees . He related how he found this horn in the earth , being probably the horn of some Animal dead there ; and that when it was intire it was between five and six feet long , and seven inches in circumference at the root , where it was thickest . The piece which I saw ( for the horn was broken , and sold by pieces in several places ) was something more then half a span long , and little less then five inches thick ; the colour of it was white , inclining to yellow , like that of Ivory when it is old ; it was hollow and smooth within , but wreath'd on the outside . The Captain saw not the Animal , nor knew whether it were of the land or the sea ; for according to the place where he found it , it might be as well one as the other : but he believ'd , for certain , that it was of a Unicorn ; both because the experience of its being good against poyson argu'd so much , and for that the signes attributed by Authors to the Unicorn's horn agreed also to this , as he conceiv'd . But herein I dissent from him ; inasmuch as , if I remember aright , the horn of the Unicorn , whom the Greeks call'd Monoceros , is by Pliny describ'd black , and not white . The Captain added that it was a report , that Unicorns are found in certain Northern parts of America , not far from that Country of Greenland ; and so not unlikely but that there might be some also in Greenland , a neighbouring Country , and not yet known whether it be Continent or Island ; and that they might sometimes come thither from the contiguous lands of America , in case it be no Island . This Country of Greenland is of late discovery ; and the first Christian that discover'd it , or went thither , was this Captain Woodcock , in the year above-mention'd ; and he gave it the name of Greenland upon this account , because whereas the other Northern Countries thereabouts are destitute of grass , ( whence the white Bears and Wolves which inhabit them live upon dead Whales and other like things ) he found this green and full of Grass , although it be always cover'd over with Snow ; so that when the Animals there mind to feed , they hollow the snow with their feet , and easily find the grass which is kept continually fresh under the same . The English now yearly sail thither , where they take abundance of Whales ; and some so vast , that when they open the mouth , the wideness is above three Geometrical paces , or fifteen foot over . Of these Whales the English make Oyle , drawing it onely out of the fat of their paunch ; and they make such plenty , that out of one single Whale , they say , they often get 19 , 20 , and 21 , Tun of Oyl . This Greenland , by what Captain Woodcock saw , who discover'd it , from the end of seventy six degrees , to seventy eight and a half , ( the cold not suffering him to go further ) was un-inhabited ; he not having found any person there but only wild beasts of many sorts . The Company of the Greenland Merchants of England had the horn which he found , because Captains of ships are their stipendiaries , and , besides their salary , must make no other profit of their Voyages ; but whatever they gain or find , in case it be known , and they conceal it not , all accrues to the Company that employes them . When the Horn was intire , it was sent to Constantinople to be sold , where two thousand pounds Sterling was offer'd for it : But the English Company hoping to get a greater rate sold it not at Constantinople , but sent it into Muscovy , where much about the same price was bidden for it ; which being refus'd , it was carry'd back into Turkey , and fell of its value ; a much less sum being now proffer'd then before . Hereupon the Company conceiv'd , that it would sell more easily in pieces , then intire ; because few could be found who would purchase it at so great a rate . Accordingly they broke it , and it was sold by pieces in sundry places ; yet for all this , the whole proceed amounted onely to about twelve hundred pounds Sterling . And of these pieces they gave one to the Captain who found it , and this was it which he shew'd me . On the 25. of Ianuary , sailing in the main Sea with the prow of the Ship South East and by East ; and , as I conceive , at a good distance from the Country of Macran , ( which I conjecture to be part either of the ancient Caramania , or else of Gedrosia , and at this day having a Prince of its own , lyes upon the Sea Coast between the States of the Persian and those of the Moghol ) we discern'd behind us three or four Ships which seem'd to be Frigots or Galliots , but towards Evening we lost sight of them . The same day , and the other before , began to be seen in the Sea abundance of certain things , which I took to be Snakes , or at least fishes in the form of Snakes , being exactly of the form of large Eeles , long and round , and according to the motion of the water seem'd crooked as they floated along the Sea. Nevertheless demanding of intelligent persons what they were , I understood that they were neither those Animals , nor yet living things , but onely a kind of excrement of the Sea in that shape , void of all motion , saving what the agitated water gave it ; although by reason of the motion of the ship they seem'd to move contrary to us , whilst we saw them left behind . And they told me , that the nearer we came to India , we should see more of these things . The next Evening , our Captain , who was a little more merry then ordinary , ( because , the Captain of the Dolphin dining with us that day , he had drank pretty freely in conversation ) discoursing with me , as he was wont , after Supper , spoke very frankly to me concerning their affairs of Ormuz : In conclusion he told me , that their Treaty with the Persians stood thus ; That if they would deliver to the English the Fortress of Ormuz , with half the revenues of the Custom-house and the City , as they desir'd from the beginning ; then the English would people Ormuz , and restore the trade as formerly , keeping the same continually open with Persia ; and that for this purpose , and also for guarding that Sea against the Portugals and other Enemies , they would keep four ships in Ormuz . That when this were agreed upon , the English would transport a good number of people from England , and whole Families with Wives and Children , to dwell in Ormuz , as the Portugals did before : and then they would prosecute the War against the Portugals at Maschat , and every where else . But if these things were not agreed to , they would make War no longer against the Portugals ; nor car'd they for the Traffick of Persia upon other terms . Now should these Treaties take effect , they would in no wise be advantagious for the Catholick Religion ; and were there no more to be fear'd , the Portugals would thereby be for ever excluded from recovering Ormuz ; yea , all the rest which they possess in those parts would be in great danger . Imanculi Beig , who was General of the Persians in the late Wars , and with whom the English treated in Combrù concérning this affair , Captain Woodcock said , inclin'd to the bargain ; but it was not known what the Chan of Sciraz , and ( which is more important ) the King would do . On one side , I know , the Persians insisted much upon having Ormuz wholly to themselves ; accounting it a small matter to have gain'd , with so much War , and loss of men , onely the half , or rather less then half , the Fortress being deducted which the English demanded for themselves ; so that the Persians would have but the same interest there as the King of Ormuz had with the Portugals , and no more . They conceive also , that they have done little , and perhaps ill , should they make no greater acquisition , in having onely chang'd the Portugals in Ormuz for the English , and Christians for Christians ; that upon easier terms it might be hop'd , that perhaps the Portugals , after the loss of Ormuz , would agree with the Persians , now there was no more to lose , and onely give the Persians that which the King of Ormuz , a Mahometan like themselves , injoy'd . Moreover , to the Persian , no doubt , the friendship of the Portugals would be more profitable , in regard of the many States which they possess in India , from whence they may with more facility and certainty maintain the accustomed Commerce with Persia. But , on the other side , to see the Portugals so worsted , and the English more fortunate , at least , and couragious , if not more strong , 't is a clear case that Ormuz will never be reinhabited , nor Trade set on foot again , unless some Nation of the Franks , which have ships and strength at sea , reside there ( things which the Persians wholly want , there being neither Mariners nor Timber in Persia , about that Sea , wherewith to build ships ) and the loss resulting to Persia by the tinguishing of this Traffick , the charge of maintaining the Fortress of Ormuz without any profit , and the continual danger of losing it every hour , unless the English guard the Sea with their ships and help to defend it ; these and other like considerations may not improbably induce the King of Persia ( contented to have demonstrated his power and valor , and chastis'd his Enemies , the Portugals , according to his desire ) to grant the English as much as they demand : For he should not yield it to them upon force , but out of his liberality ; and for his own profit give them that freely , which to retain to himself , as things now stand , would not onely be of no advantage , but of loss . Peradventure he may also imagine now , in the pride of his victory , that as with help of the English he has driven the Portugals out of Ormuz ; so 't will be easie for him to expel the English too , either by the help of others , or else by his own Forces alone , should they not comply with him . However , because these Treaties with the Persian are manag'd by the Company , of Merchants who also made the War , and not by the King of England ; and hitherto 't is not known , whether their King approve the fact or no , and will prosecute or let fall the enterprize ; therefore , for a total conclusion , besides the consent of the King of Persia , they also wait the determination of the King of England ; and the greatest hope I have of the defeating of these projects so prejudicial to the Catholicks , is this alone , that the English King will not meddle in them , and , perhaps also , prohibit his Subjects so to do ; as a person whom we know to be a Friend to Peace , most averse from all kind of War , especially with the King of Spain , while the Match of his Son with the Daughter of Spain is in agitation . In the mean time we began to find the Sea sufficiently rough , being got wholly out of the Persian Gulph , and enter'd into the open Sea , ( term'd by the Ancients Mare rubrum , and by us at this day the Southern Ocean ) and having pass'd not onely the Cape of Giasck , but also that of Arabia , which the Portugals vulgarly call Rosalgate , as it is also set down in the Maps ; but properly ought to be call'd Ras el had , which in the Arabian Tongue signifies Capo del fine , or the Cape of the Confine , because 't is the last of that Country , and is further then any other extended into the Sea ; like that of Galicia in our Europe , which for the same reason we call Finis Terrae . On Saturday , the 28. of Ianuary , having taken the meridional altitude of the Sun , according to daily custom , and made such detraction of degrees as was necessary , we found our selves twenty three degrees five minutes distant from the Equinoctial towards the North : whence by consequence we had pass'd the Tropick of Cancer twenty six minutes and a half , according to the opinion of the Moderns , who reckon the Sun 's greatest declination where the Tropicks are , twenty three degrees thirty one minutes and a half distant from the Equinoctial . During the succeeding dayes we sail'd with a brisk but favourable wind , and with a Sea not tempestuous but something rough . Every day about the hour of noon the Sun's altitude was infallibly observ'd , not onely by the Pilots , as the custom is in all ships , and the Captain , ( who was a good Seaman , and perform'd all the exercises of Art very well ) but ( which pleas'd me most , and which I thought worthy of great praise and imitation ) there was no day , but at that hour twenty or thirty mariners , masters , boys , young men , and of all sorts came upon the deck to make the same observation ; some with Astrolabes , others with Cross-staffs , and others with several other instruments , particularly with one which they told me was lately invented by one David , and from his name call'd David's-staff . This Instrument consists of two Triangles united together , one longer then the other , both having their base arch'd , and between them in the circle of their bases containing an intire quadrant of ninty degrees . But whereas the shortest Triangle , whose Angles are less acute , contains sixty degrees divided by tens ( according to custom ) in the circle of its base , which are two thirds of a quadrant ; the other longer and of acuter Angles , which extends much backward , and opens in a wider circle at the base , comprehends no more then thirty , which make the remainder of the quadrant ; so that the longer Triangle contains fewer degrees by half then the shorter ; and he that would have the degrees larger for the better subdividing them into minutes , may make the circle or base of the lesser Triangle take up seventy degrees , and so there will remain to the longer no more then twenty for the complement of the quadrant . According to this distribution , the degrees in the longer Triangle will come to be so large , as to be capable of the smallest division of minutes ; a thing very important . Besides , it hath two Fanes or Sights , in each Triangle one , which are to be mov'd backward and forward ; and with these , that is , with that of the long Triangle , the level of the Horizon is taken ; and with the other of the short Triangle , that of the Sun ; with this further conveniency , that the Sights being sufficiently large , are therefore very expedient for performing the operation with speed , notwithstanding the dancing of the ship when the Sea is rough ; in which case , if the Sights be too small , 't is hard to make any observation . With this Instrument , and several others , many of the English perform'd their operations every day ; such as knew not how to do them well , were instructed ; and if any one err'd in computation or otherwise , his error was shew'd him , and the reason told him , that so he might be train'd to work exactly : The opinion of the skilful was heard , and taken notice of ; and at length all the observations being compar'd together , the Pilot and the Captain resolv'd , and with mature counsel determin'd of all ; by which means their voyages are very well manag'd , and almost always succeed prosperously to them . In the Portugal ships I hear the contrary comes to pass ; because the Pilots being extremely jealous of their affairs ( an habitual humour of that Nation ) will be alone to make their observations , and for the most part perform them in secret , without any Associate to see them : Should any other person in the ship offer to take the altitude of the Sun , or look upon the Map or Compass , or do any thing that relates to the well guiding of the Vessel , and knowing its course , they would quarrel with him , and by no means suffer him to do it ; being averse that any other should meddle with what they say is their office and belongs to them alone . From their being so little communicative , and very averse to teach others , it happens that few amongst them understand any thing of the Art of Navigation , there being none that will teach it experimentally ; and they understand little enough , because they have no conference about the practical part , and learn much less of the Theory . This is the reason that their ships frequently miscarry , to the incredible detriment both of particular persons and of the Kingdom : And which is worse , 't is said that not onely many of them are lost through the ignorance or negligence of those that guide them , but also sometime by malice : For the Portugal Pilots have got a custom when they are to make a Voyage , to take up great sums of money at Lisbon upon interest , the most they can get to trade withall ; and they take the same by way of Venture upon the ships which they guide : Now when by the way any small disaster befalls them , they not onely avoid it not , as many times they might do , but , if they be of evil intention , they cunningly run the ships aground either in these Coasts of Africa or elsewhere ; so that though oftentimes the people , and also the arms , goods , especially of the greatest value be sav'd , yet so it is , that sometimes many perish or suffer excessive loss ; and this onely to the end , that the shipwrack may be the occasion of their remaining gainers of the monies taken up at interest upon the hazard aforesaid ; which monies they carry not with them to trade withall , but leave all at home in Portugal : A practice indeed very pernicious , and which ought to be most rigorously punish'd : but the Portugals have now no King in their Country to mind their affairs , and the government depends upon Madrid , where perhaps they that administer it , being more intent upon their private interests then the publick , these and infinite other disorders pass unredress'd . The English , on the contrary , and other Europaeans which sail upon the Ocean , are most diligent and strict observers of all exact discipline , and of what concernes the good conduct of their ships ; and because they well understand all the most exquisite points of Navigation , and are extremely curious , as well in the Practice as in the Theory , they spare no pains , and neglect not the doing of any thing whereby they may render their Navigations in all places more easie and secure : Insomuch that Captain Woodcock , upon occasion of his having staid a year and odd moneths with his ship in the Persian Gulph , shew'd me a Chart or Plat-form of the whole Streight of Ormuz , made by himself during that time with the highest exactness ; for he had not onely taken the most just measures and distances of all the adjacent places , but also sounded all the Coast with a plummet , to find all the convenient places where great ships , such as theirs , might ride and cast anchor when occasion should require . On the Third of February , conceiving by our reckoning that we were near India , in the Evening we let down the plummet into the Sea , as we us'd often to do , and found it not above seventeen fathom ; whereby 't was concluded , that we were little more then six leagues distant from land , although by reason of the darkness of the Air none could be yet discern'd ; because that precise depth of water uses to be found in those Seas at that distance from land . The Captain , who by well observing the Sun and the Winds , had every day diligently noted the ships way in the Map , as the custom is , hop'd that we might be near the City of Daman , which lies within the Gulph of Cambaia , on the right hand as you enter into it , a good way inwards ; but I , without having so much minded the Maps , said , that I conceiv'd we were much lower , and more without the Gulph towards Bassain ; because although we had always sail'd and kept the ships prow directed to Daman by the shortest line , yet for the two or three last dayes we had had the Wind for that place contrary ; which although it hinder'd us not from holding our course , because we help'd our selves with the rudder , and siding of the sails , yet the violence of the Wind must needs have continually driven the ship something lower then we intended . Two hours after midnight , the current of the Gulph of Cambaia being contrary , against which , by reason of its impetuosness , there is no sailing for a while , but the ship must stay either for the turning of it , ( which is known when it will happen , because it regularly changes according to the hours and days of the Moon ) or for a strong Wind wherewith to master the current ; for this reason , and also that the day-light might resolve us in what place we were , we cast anchor , and struk sail , to wait for a more fitting time . The Sea in this place began to be very rough , which happens by reason of the strong current which it hath . The next Morning we discern'd land afar off , and , according to my conjecture , it appear'd that we were lower , that is , more to the South of Daman about twelve leagues , in a place a little distant from Bassain , which the English call Terra di San Giovanni , but in the Sea-Chart is noted in the Portugal Tongue with the name of Ilhas das vaccas , or the Islands of Cows . About one a clock in the Afternoon , the Tide being become less contrary , we set sail again by degrees , approaching still nearer the shore of India . But a little before Night the current turning against us , we were constrain'd to cast anchor once more ; nevertheless after midnight it became favourable again , and we sail'd onwards by degrees till day . This slow course through the Gulph of Cambaia , with the plummet always in hand , and sounding every hour , it was requisite for us to hold , because the place is dangerous , in regard of the many shelves or quick-sands which are in it , and especially because the current , which turns every six hours , now setting one way , and anon the other , causes great hindrance . By reason of which shelves , from the time of our entrance into the Gulph , we did not guide the ship directly towards Suràt , which no doubt would have been the shortest way by a strait line , but keeping lower towards Daman , fetch'd a large compass to the South , tacking about afterwards to the North when we were near land , onely to avoid the many shelves and shallows , through which our great ships could not pass . On Sunday , the the fifth of February , being at anchor in the Morning , we discover'd near the land , which was not very far from us , ten or fifteen Frigots or Galliots sailing Eastwards ; which probably were either Portugal or Indian Merchants of some Cafila , ( as they call a Fleet or Consort of ships ) coming from Cambaia to go to Goa , or some other place thereabouts . The night following , we heard the report of Artillery , which we conceiv'd to come from the City of Daman , being the place nearest us . Wednesday night after , the Wind blew somewhat hard against us , in regard whereof , and the strength of the current which carry'd us in that narrow channel amongst shelves and quick-sands , we sail'd for a good while very circumspectly , and not without some danger . On Thursday we stood right against the mouth of the River of Suràt , which City is not situate upon the shore , but some leagues within land : And because there is no station there for great ships , we continued sailing Northwards to the place where is the Port most frequented by the ships of Europe ; which though the best of all that Coast , yet the Vessels of that Country , not knowing so well how to steer , make not much use of it , because the entrance is a little difficult . On Fryday the tenth of February , in the Afternoon , the favour of the current failing us , we cast anchor in sight of the Port of Suràt at a little distance ; and our boat going a shore , the President of the English Merchants ( who uses to reside in Suràt , and is superintendent of all their Trade in East-Ind 〈…〉 Persia , with the other places depending on the same , is now one Mr. Thomas Rastel ) perceiving our ships near , and being at that time at the Sea-side near the landing place , came in our boat to the ships , together with one of their Ministers , ( so they call those who exercise the office of Priests ) and two other Merchants ; and after a collation and a supper lodg'd with us all night . He spoke Italian very well , and made me many civil offers and complements ; shewing himself in all things a a person sufficiently accomplish'd , and of generous deportment , according as his gentile and graceful aspect bespoke him . He inform'd me , that Sig r Alberto di Scilling , a German Gentleman , known to me in Persia , having return'd from the Court of the Moghol , and other parts of India , which he had travell'd to see , was at that time in Surat , from whence he was gone to see the City of Barocci hard by , and would return speedily : with which intelligence I was much pleas'd , because Sig : Alberto was my great friend , and I extremely desir'd to see him . On Saturday Morning we convers'd together for some time , drinking a little of hot wine boyl'd with Cloves , Cinnamon , and other spices , which the English call burnt wine , and use to drink frequently in the Morning to comfort the stomack , sipping it by little and little for fear of scalding , as they do Cahue , ( Coffee ) by me elsewhere describ'd . And they use it particularly in the Winter to warm themselves ; though in India 't is not necessary for that end , because albeit 't was still Winter , according to our division of the seasons , yet we had more heat there then cold . After this short refection , the President return'd a shore , and I remain'd in the ship , not expecting to disimbarque till we were got into the Harbour , which was a little before night , and the anchors were cast very near the land : but because 't was now late , and the City of Surat was a good distance off , none of us car'd to land . Nor did I go out of the ship on Sunday , both because it was a sacred day , and because our Captain was pleas'd to give an Entertainment to us and the Captain of the Dolphin , our companion in the voyage . Monday , the thirteenth of the same moneth , was the day of my Ague , whereof I had had divers fits by the way at sea ; nevertheless , after a collation I went on shore , together with the Captain of our ship , where we continu'd under certain tents pitch'd for convenience of the Tonnellers , ( so the English term certain of their Mariners imploy'd to fill the Casks with water ) in expectation of Coaches to carry us to Surat ; there being in those Countries subject to the Moghol , abundance of Coaches made after their fashion , which I formerly describ'd when I saw some of them at Casbin , which the Indian Ambassador gave , amongst his presents , to the King of Persia ; nor remains any thing more to be said of them , but that they are at this day much like the ancient Indian Chariots , describ'd by Strabo , and are generally cover'd with crimson silk , fring'd with yellow round about the roof and the curtains : And that the Oxen , which also as anciently draw the same , are fair , large , white , with two bunches like those of some Camells , and run and gallop like Horses ; they are likewise cover'd with the same stuff , but beset with many tufts or tassels , and abundance of bells at their necks ; so that when they run or gallop through the streets they are heard at a sufficient distance , and make a very brave show . With these kind of Coaches in India , they not onely go in Cities , but also for the most part travel in the Country . To the Sea side came no Coach , and therefore the Captain went on foot to a Town a mile off , call'd Sohali , where he intended to spend the day in recreating himself amongst the Franks , who have Houses there for repositing the goods which they continually send to the Sea side to be ship'd : but I could not accompany him , because of my Ague , and therefore staid in a Tent , well cover'd with Clothes upon my bed , which I caus'd to be laid upon the ground , waiting till the Captain sent me a Coach , and Carts from the City for my goods . Whilst I was lying in this place , the violence of my fit was scarce over , when I beheld a Cavalier appear on the shore on Horse-back , cloth'd and arm'd after the Indian manner with a Scemiter and Target , who came towards our Tent , and stood still to speak with some person , as if he inquir'd for something among us : Upon his nearer approach , and my better considering him , I perceiv'd 't was my great friend Sig : Alberto di Scilling , who being return'd from Barocci , whither the President had told me he was gone , and hearing news of us , was come from Surat to the Sea side to meet me . Whereupon , raising my self suddenly from the bed , we received one the other with such kindnesses as are usual between two good friends , who come from far , and have not seen one another a long time ; after which sitting down together , we recounted our adventures one to the other at length , he much condoling my misfortunes , and regretting to find me sufficiently different from what he had left me in Persia. Towards Evening came two Coaches and a Carr , with which we went together to the Town Sohali , where we found the two Captains of the ships waiting for us with a Collation ready prepar'd , which immediately they gave us , entertaining us in conversation till night ; and certain Indian Women of the Town , publick dancers , gave us some pastime by dancing to the sound of Drums , Bells , and other instruments of their fashion , which were sounded by their Husbands with very great noise , and not without disturbance of my head . A little within night the Captains took leave of us , and returned to their ships , and we betook our selves to rest the remainder of the night in this Town , because it was necessary to stay till day before we could enter into Surat , the Gates of the City being shut in the night time , at least that of the Dogana , or Custom-house , through which we were to pass . They told us the way to the City was seven Cos , or Corù , ( for 't is all one ) and every Cos or Corù is half a Fersegna , or league of Persia ; so that it answers to little less then two English Miles . The next Morning very early we put our selves on the way towards Surat , and being I conceiv'd my abode there would be but short , and that when I should depart thence my way would be by Sea ; therefore to avoid greater trouble , both of conveyance and of the Dogana , or Custom-house , which is known to be rigorous in Surat , I left all my Trunks and gross luggage in the ship , and carry'd with me onely such few things as were requisite for daily use . The high-way from the Sea side to the City , ( as 't is also generally in this province of Guzarat , wherein we were ) is all very even ; the soil green all the year , and about the Town Sohali grow abundance of Trees of Indian Nuts , Tamarinds , and other fruits . Beyond the Town the Trees are not so plentiful , unless near certain houses ; but the fields are every where either ploughed , or full of living creatures feeding in them . We arriv'd at the City in good time , in the entrance of which there is a River call'd Tapi , or Tapti , which was to be pass'd over by boat : On the other side of which River , something on the right hand as you go into the City , which hath no walls , stands a Castle lately built , but very ill design'd . Moreover , near the place where the boats land stands the Dogana , or Custom-house , and it took us up some time to dispatch there , because they observe very narrowly all goods that are brought in , ( although they be but Clothes for change ) to see whether there be any thing coming to the Customes ; nor will they suffer strangers to enter till they be first known and have licence , as 't is also practis'd in Venice . In all things they proceed with so great wariness and good order , that it being known that I conducted with me the Sig ra Mariuccia , although a girl very young , the Capo , or President of the Dogana , requir'd likewise to be inform'd of her quality , and gave order that she should not be conducted with any violence or other disorder : otherwise , in lawful things , there is no difficulty , either through diversity of Religion , or upon any other account . We were no sooner come to the Dogana , but the news of our arrival was , I think , by Sig : Alberto's means , carried to the House of the Dutch , many of which have Wives there which they married in India , purposely to go with them and people a new colony of theirs in Iava Major , which they call Batavia Nova ; where very great priviledges are granted to such of their Country-men as shall go to live there with Wives and Families : For which end , many of them , for want of Europaean , have taken Indian , Armenian , and Syrian Women , and of any other race that falls into their hands , so they be or can be made Christians . Last year the Fleet of the Portugals which went to India was encountred at Sea , and partly sunk , partly taken by the Hollanders ; amongst other booty , three Maidens were taken , of those poor but well descended Orphans which are wont to be sent from Portugal every year at the King's charge , with a dowry which the King gives them , to the end they may be married in India , in order to further the peopling of the Portugal Colonies in those parts . These three Virgins falling into the hands of the Hollanders , and being carry'd to Suràt , which is the principal seat of all their traffick , the most eminent Merchants amongst them strove who should marry them , being all passably handsome . Two of them were gone from Suràt , whether to the abovesaid Colony , or elsewhere , I know not . She that remain'd behind was call'd Donna Lucia , a young Woman , fair enough , and Wife to one of the wealthiest and eminentest Hollanders . The President of the Hollanders call'd by them the Commendator , who resides in Suràt , and has the general superintendency of their affairs in all these parts of the East , is at this time Sig : Pietro Vandenbroecke , a Gentleman of good breeding , and very courteous ; he speaks no Italian , but Spanish very well , as being born at Antwerp : He lives in a goodly Palace , which hath many distinct apartments , with several entrances into a Court , like so many different houses , onely included within the same wall , which is entred into by one great Gate : Here the Commendator holds the best and largest apartment to himself ; in the rest lodge some of their gravest Merchants , which are of the Council for management of affairs , in order to their better conveniency and union , besides many others of inferior condition , which live out of this great inclosure , dispers'd elsewhere in the City , and when occasion requires , they all repair to the Palace of the Commendator . Amongst those whose habitation was in the Palace of the Commendator , Lucia's Husband has one of the principal , where he lives with his family and and Wife , whom , according to the custom of India , he maintains with much splendor and gallantry . Now upon their knowledge of our arrival , Donna Lucia presently sent her coach to bring Sig : Mariuccia to her house , for her better accommodation with her , till we had setled out business , and provided lodgings . I was well pleas'd with the motion , because till I had well accommodated my self with a place of residence , the Sig : Mariuccia could not be better dispos'd of then with this Portugal Gentlewoman , who is a Christian , and withal secretly a Catholick , with the privity and connivance of her Husband , although in publick she makes a virtue of necessity , and in appearance conformes to the unhappy mode of that Nation , into whose power the fortune of war and the disaster of her Country-men hath brought her . Sig : Alberto Scilling , had , before we came from the Sea-side , importun'd me in the name of the Commendator to lodge at his house ; which favour I much thank'd him for , and handsomely declin'd , not thinking fit to accept it , because I had receiv'd and wav'd the like invitation made to me before by the English President , who thought me the more oblig'd to comply with his offer , because I came in their Ships : But I excus'd my self both to the Commendator and the President ; partly , because I was desirous to be at liberty by my self , and partly , for that it was requisite for Sig : Mariuccia to be amongst Women , of which there was none in the English House . Being got quit of the Custom-house , I went to see for a House ; and because I was a new comer , and and had no servant that knew the City , I referr'd my self to the direction of Sig : Alberto , who took this care upon himself , and soon after told me he had sent to get one prepar'd and put in good order ; But by what I found afterwards , he had contriv'd with the Dutch Commendator onely to delude me ; for as he was carrying me to the place where he pretended to have taken a House for me , he made me pass by the Palace of the Hollanders , out of the Gate whereof a Gentleman belonging to the Commendator step'd forth , and invited me in his name to alight from my Horse , and at least stay and dine with him that day , the rather because Sig ra Mariuccia was there ; telling me that it was not convenient for me wait in the streets undecently and tediously , whilst a House was preparing for me elsewhere , which could not be done so speedily . Notwithstanding which reasons , I endeavour'd all that possibly I could to decline this invitation , out of respect to the English President , and with affectionate thanks desir'd the Gentleman to excuse me to the Sig r Commendator , straining my self to correspond to his courtesie with the best Complements I had : But this avail'd me little ; for as I was hastening to break off the discourse and be gone , the Commendator himself came forth into the street half undress'd as he was in the house , and taking hold of my Horse's bridle , told me that he would by no means suffer me to go any where else now it was late without certain quarters ; at least , I must needs stay and dine with him that day . Beholding him thus on foot before me , I alighted in civility from my Horse , and with the best words I could , endeavour'd to get quit from the courteous violence which he us'd to me : But there was no remedy ; he held me prisoner , as I may say , and I was fain to stay dinner with him as he desir'd . Moreover , when night came , being I was resolv'd to lodge in another House of mine own , under pretext that none could be got though sought for all day , ( wherein I know not whether Sig r Alberto deluded me too ) I was forc'd to accept of a large House from the Commendator which he had taken for himself , before his late removal to that great Palace wherein he liv'd with the rest of his Country-men ; which former House remaining empty at his charge and disposal , I was by his great importunity oblig'd to accept : Wherefore I went to lodge there this night , and for the conveniency of Sig ra Mariuccia , they sent thither one of their Wives , a young Christian Woman of Armenian race , though born in India , with some other women-servants . Now lest the English President should take this ill , I purpos'd to prevent him with terms of courtesie ; and the next Morning after a short , and the last fit of my Tertian , I went to give him a visit , and make my excuses to him by representing to him the reasons of what had pass'd with the Hollanders , without any voluntary fault of mine : But upon my enquiry at his House , and sending my message to him , I was answer'd that he was not at home , although we perceiv'd by certain signes that he was , but fairly declin'd to receive my visit . Wherefore understanding afterwards that he was much incens'd not onely against me , but also against the Holland Commendator , conceiving that he had unhandsomely stolne and usurp'd me from him , ( as he said ) in regard of the interest he had in us , upon the account of our being brought thither in their ships ; and that he had a more particular displeasure against Sig r Alberto , knowing him to have been the principal occasion of all , I thought it expedient to appease him by all means , and upon what ever terms of satisfaction : Nevertheless I did not judge it meet to venture another repulse by going to visit him , but sent him a Letter in justification of my self , with all the civil expressions I could devise . At first he was something backward to receive it , doubting perchance that I had written angerly to him , in regard of my preceding visit : yet at length , upon the request of some mediators whom I made use of , he took it , read it , and remain'd very well satisfied with my proceedings , in which there was nothing but gentleness . The Commendator likewise , being one of an excellent nature , us'd all means he could to give the President satisfaction , and to shew him that what he had done with us was to no ill end ; he went purposely to visit him , carrying Sig : Alberto with him , to the end he might justifie himself too : both of them intreated , and both of them took the blame upon themselves ; in fine , so much was done and said that the President was reconcil'd with all . And because it was insisted on my behalf that he would admit a visit from me , he consented upon this condition , that this first time should not be simply my visit but his invitation , which accordingly he made to us to come all together that night to supper with him , where he treated us very splendidly , and every thing ended in jollity and friendship as at first . And all the while that I stay'd at Suràt , he oblig'd me continually with sundry demonstrations of his affection ; particularly , by often sending his own Coach to me , with his Interpreter , who is an Armenian Christian , and a Catholick , call'd Scander , Brother to F. Agostino Bagiezzi of Alingia , a Dominican , my acquaintance in Persia : which Interpreter being skill'd in the Country , and conversing with me in the Persian Tongue , carry'd me frequently abroad to see sundry things . As for the Hollanders , the caresses and civilities which they have done , and still continue to me , are so numerous , that I shall have them in remembrance as long as I live . But 't is time now to speak a little of this City , and the curiosities which here and elsewhere I have lately seen . The City of Suràt is of a handsome greatness , and , for these Countries , of sufficiently good building : 'T is very populous , as all other Cities and places are in India , which every where abounds with people . The Inhabitants are partly Gentiles , and partly Mahometans ; and , if I am not deceived , the former are the greater number : However , they live all mixt together and peaceably , because the Gran Moghol , to whom Guzaràt is now subject , ( having sometimes had a distinct King ) although he be a Mahometan ( but not a pure one , as they report ) makes no difference in his Dominions between the one sort and the other : and both in his Court and Armies , and even amongst men of the highest degree , they are of equal account and consideration . Yet the Mahometans , as the Masters , especially those of the Mogholian Race , which now is the Imperial in these parts , seems to have some little more of authority . But forasmuch as I have formerly survey'd and observ'd the manners of the Mahometans both in Turkey and Persia , I now turn my mind to those of the Gentile-Idolaters in India , which are more new to me ; and with such observations in reference to both , as shall seem worthy of notice , I shall not fail to acquaint you . In the first place , I shall give you the relation of a Nuptial Pomp , which I saw one day pass by my house in this manner ; A long train of men with Drums and Trumpets before them march'd in the day time first , carrying cover'd baskets full of sundry things , which were either a Present sent from the Bridegroom to the Bride , or rather the attiring of the Bride , which uses to be publickly shewn in the East . Then follow'd on foot likewise some black Women-slaves , well cloth'd , being given to the Bride either by the Father or the Husband . Lastly , to conclude the Pomp , came a Palanchino , a kind of Litter , wherein persons of quality are wont to be carry'd in India . It was not of the ordinary form , which hang downwards upon one pole between the bearers before and behind ; but it was to be carry'd on high upon poles by four men , one at each corner , and it was cover'd all over with silk , yet no body was within it ; so that I know not what it serv'd for , unless haply it was intended to transport the Bride to her Husband ; this different fashion being for greater solemnity made use of , in such an occasion as Marriage . At night the married couples pass'd by , and , according to their mode , went round about the City with a numerous company . They were four , all very small Children , two boys and two girls ; ( for in India most Marriages are made at that age ) and because they were not big enough to ride on Horse-back alone , therefore they were held up by so many well-grown men who sat upon the saddle . Before them went many Torches and Musical instruments , with a great troop of people on foot accompanying them . But the persons of quality follow'd in Coaches , of which there was a good number , and going one by one they made a very long train ; whereby it was known that the married Children were of considerable quality . Of remarkable things without the City , there is on one side a very large Cistern or Artificial Pool , surrounded with stone-work , and contriv'd with many sides and angles , at which there are stairs leading down to the surface of the water . In the midst stands a little Island , which cannot be gone to but by boat or swimming . The Diametre of this Artificial Lake is two good furlongs , which in our parts would seem a competent largeness , but here 't is not much ; and this Fish-pond of Suràt is not accounted among the greatest , but the least in India ; where indeed they are numerous , and the most magnificent and goodly structures , or rather , the only structures in this Country which have any thing of magnificence or handsomeness . They are made in divers places by Princes , Governours of Countries , or other wealthy persons , for the publick benefit , and as works of Charity ; because the soil , sutable to the Climate , is sufficiently hot , and aboundeth not in water : Rivers are not in all places ; and other running waters and springs there are scarce any , especially in the more in-land parts remote from the Sea ; Rain likewise very seldome through the whole year , saving in that season call'd by them Pausecàl , which signifies , The time of rain , being about three moneths , beginning about the middle of Iune ; and during which time , the Rain is continual and very great : whence some upon this account call these three moneths Winter , although the weather be then hottest , as well in India as in all the rest of the northern Hemisphere . And this , no doubt , proceeds from the Providence of God ; since , were it not for this great rain , India would be in regard of the great heat and drought at this time , unhabitable ; as likewise the whole torrid Zone , in which most of India lies , was believ'd by the Ancients , who had no knowledge of these marvellous rains , which render it not onely habitable , but also fertile and most delitious . Now , for that the Country is in some parts so scarce of water , many Cities and inhabited places have no other but the rain-water gather'd in these great Cisterns ; which are so capacious , that one of them suffices a City for a whole year and more : And it not onely affords drink to men and animals , but also they wash clothes and beasts in it when occasion requires , and make use of it to all purposes ; whereby it comes to pass that in some places the water they have is not over clear ; and the rude Indians care not for such delicacies , but 't is enough for them if they have what is barely needful . The Cistern , or Lake of Suràt , hath a great Trench adjoyn'd to it on one side , long , large , and deep , over which certain small bridges are built ; and it falls into another less Cistern a good way off , which though but small here comparatively , would yet be a very large one in our parts ; 't is built with many sides of stone like the former , as also the banks of the Trench are . Between the great Lake and the less , upon the Trench , stands a small Cupola , or arched Structure , made for the sepulture of some principal Mahometans of the Country ; and , as they say , of two brethren who kill'd one the other , and of their Wives . 'T is no long time since this Cistern was made , according to the common report , by a private man of this City , but sufficiently wealthy ; whose Daughter , they say , or rather one descended from him , is still living , and I know not by what sinister hap of fortune , very poor , so that she hath scarce bread to eat : Wherein I observ'd a great ingratitude of the Citizens of Suràt , in suffering his heir to want food , who for their publick benefit had been at so great expence . This Poole of Suràt is call'd Gopi Telau , that is , the Poole of Gopi , which was his name who made it at his own charge . And although the King , who in those dayes rul'd over Guzaràt , did what he could to have it call'd after his own name ; yet that of the Builder has been justly retain'd by the vulgar , and remains to this day . 'T is not improbable , that this Gopi , who made this Piscina of Suràt , is the same whom Giovanni di Barros in his second Decade of Asia frequently mentions with the title of Melik , and relates to have been in those times , a little above a hundred years ago , a great friend to the Portugals ; styling him often Lord of Barocci , and once , in the last book , Lord of Suràt ; but I rather believe that he was onely Governour of either of these Cities under the then Mahometan Kings of Cambaia , ( as he speaks ) that is , of Guzaràt ; of which Province Cambaia is a principal , and in a manner the Maritine City , more known then the rest to the Portugals by trade ; whence they have given its name to the whole Kingdome , although not Cambaia , but Ahmedabàd , more within land , is properly the Royal Seat. 'T is therefore possible that Melik Gopi , mention'd by Barros , made this Cistern when he was Governour of Suràt , it being the work and expence of such a person . Nor do the vulgar mistake in saying that he was a private man , since under the Mahometan Princes , who never allow any hereditary Lord in their Territories , the Governours of their Cities , and all other Ministers , ( whom they choose indifferently out of all sorts of people , and not seldome out of the lowest plebeians , and are always removable at pleasure ) may with reason be call'd private persons , although advanc'd to whatever high dignity . On an other side of the City , but out of the circuit of the houses , in an open place , is seen a great and fair Tree , of that kind which I saw in the sea coasts of Persia near Ormùz , called there Lul , but here Ber. The Gentiles of the Country hold it in great veneration for its greatness and age , visiting and honoring it often with their superstitious ceremonies , as dear and dedicated to a Goddess of theirs call'd Parveti ; whom they hold to be the Wife of Mahadeù , one of their greatest Deities . On the trunk of this Tree a little above the ground , they have rudely engraven a round circle , which really hath not any feature of a humane countenance , but according to their gross application represents that of their Idol . This face they keep painted with a bright Flesh-colour , and this by a sacred rite of Religion ; as the Romans also dy'd the face of Iupiter with Vermillion , as Pliny testifies : Round about it are fastned Flowers , and abundance of a plant whose leaves resemble a Heart , call'd here Pan , but in other places of India , Betle . These leaves the Indians use to champ or chaw all day long , either for health's sake , or for entertainment and delight , ( as some other Nations for the same reasons , or rather through evil custome , continually take Tobacco : ) And therewith they mix a little ashes of sea-shels , and some small pieces of an Indian Nut sufficiently common , which here they call Foufel , and in other places Areca ; a very dry fruit , seeming within like perfect wood ; and being of an astringent nature they hold it good to strengthen the Teeth : Which mixture , besides its comforting the stomack , hath also a certain biting taste wherewith they are delighted ; and , as they chaw it , it strangely dyes their lips and mouths red , which also they account gallant ; but I do not , because it appears not to be natural : They swallow down onely the juice after long mastication , and spit out the rest : In Visits , 't is the first thing offer'd to the visitants ; nor is there any society or pastime without it . He that is curious to know more of it , may consult the Natural Historians who have written of the exotick Simples of India , particularly Garcias ab Horto , Christopher Acosta , Nicolaus Monardes , translated all together into Latin by Carolus Clusius . I shall onely add , that the fame I had heard in Persia of this Indian Masticatory , ( especially from an Italian Fryer who had been in India , and told me 't was a thing not onely of great nutriment , and very good for the stomack , but moreover of an exquisite relish ) made me desirous to try it . As for its other qualities I can say nothing ; but there is no great matter in the taste , nor should I make much difference of chawing these leaves of Pan , or those of our Cedars . But to return to my Relation ; Those flowers and leaves about the Idol's face carv'd in the Tree , are frequently chang'd , and fresh constantly supply'd ; and those which at times are taken away , are given as a sacred thing to the people who come from all parts to visit it . In the same rude sculpture of a humane face , they have put certain eyes of Silver and Gold with some jewels , which were given by some persons who foolishly believ'd themselves cur'd of maladies of the eyes , by virtue of the Idol : Before whom , upon a little hillock , stands continually one of their Gioghi , who among the Indians are a sort of Hermits ; and sometimes I have seen a Woman too standing there . On high , there hangs a Bell , which those that come to make their foolish devotions , first of all ring out , as if thereby to call the Idol to hear them ; then they fall to their adoration , which is commonly to extend both hands downwards as much as possible , being joyn'd together in a praying posture ; which lifting up again by little and little , they bring to their mouths as if to kiss them ; And lastly , extend them so joyn'd together , as high as they can , over their heads : Which gesticulation is us'd onely to Idols and sacred things ; for to men , even to Kings themselves , they make the same Salutation ( which in the Persian-Tongue they call Testim , and in their Indian , Sumbaia ) only with the right hand . This ceremony being perform'd , some make their prayers onely standing , others prostrate themselves with their whole body groveling upon the earth , and then rise again ; others onely touch the ground with the head and fore-head , and perform other like acts of Humility . After which , they go about the Tree , some once , others oftner , and then sprinkle before the Idol either Rice , or Oyle , or Milk , or other such things which are their Offerings and Sacrifices without blood ; for to shed blood , even for Sacrifice , is not their custome ; but to kill any sort of Animal is counted a great sin . Such as are of ability , give moreover some Almes to the person attending the service of the Idol ; from whom in requital they receive the flowers and leaves which are about the Idol , and that with great devotion , kissing them , and in token of reverence laying them upon their heads . A-side of this Tree , stands a very small Cupola , or Chappel , with a very narrow window for entrance ; I saw not what was within it , but I was inform'd that Women who have no Children go in there sometimes , and after they have been there become fruitful by the virtue of the place ; but as in false Religions every thing is imposture , so 't is the opinion here , that the attendants of the Idol play fine pranks in this particular , either beguiling simple young Women , or satisfying the more crafty ; whom indeed they sometimes cause to become pregnant , but 't is by natural means without miracle , the Priests within the Chappel supplying the defects of their Husbands . Moreover , on another side of this Tree , stands a square low Post , on which certain figures of Idols are engraven : and at the foot thereof , there is a little kind of trench or hole , where also they pour Milk and Oyle , and make divers other Oblations . They are very solicitous in keeping the Tree with every bough and leaf of it , not suffering it to be injur'd by animals or men , nor in any wise violated and profan'd . They tell a story of an Elephant who one day by chance eat but one single leaf of this Tree , for which being punish'd by the Idol , he dy'd within three dayes : Which story I understood to be thus far true , namely that the event was in this manner ; but 't was thought that for the reputation of the place , the attendants of the Idol either poyson'd or knock'd the Elephant on the head ; in which Arts the Gioghi and Priests of the Gentiles use to be very dextrous . The Commendator of the Dutch , came one day to give me a visit , and after a competent conversation , carried me in his Coach a little out of the City , to see one of the fairest and famousest gardens of Suràt . The plot was level , well contriv'd and divided with handsome streight Walks : on either side whereof , were planted rowes of sundry Trees of this Climate , namely , Ambe , or , as others speak , Manghe , before describ'd by me in my last Letters from Persia , in the maritine parts whereof I saw some Trees of this kind ; Foufel , whose leaves are like those of the Palm-tree , but of a livelier and fairer green ; Narghil , like the Palm in the leaves also , and is that which we call Nux Indica : and others , different from what are found in our parts . The plots between the several walks was full of herbs and flowers , partly such as we have , and partly not ; amongst the rest they shew'd me a Flower , for bigness and form not unlike our Gillyflower , but of a whitish yellow , having a very sweet and vigorous scent , and they call it Ciampà . In a convenient place there is a square place , rais'd somewhat from the ground , and cover'd with large sheds , to sit there in the shade , after the manner of the East : and here we entertain'd our selves a while , and had a Collation ; other things in the garden worthy of remark I saw none . As for the plants and strange simples of India , and the whole Torrid Zone , ( in these things very different from ours ) I shall say briefly once for all , that they are such and so many , that to write fully of them would require express volumes , and make as big as those of Dioscorides and Pliny , all of things unknown to us . Nevertheless , the curiosity of the Portugals , and other Europeans who trade in these parts , hath hitherto been so small that I know not any that have spoken and observ'd any thing in this kind , besides the three Authors above mention'd . And they have written of very few things , although of those few they have written faithfully and well ; and I , who have read them all with diligence , have made some not unprofitable Notes upon them , which I keep in Manuscript by me , and you may see one day ; when it shall please God to bring us together . As for the Dutch Commendator , and the English President also , who came frequently in this manner to carry me abroad ; I must not forbear to say , that both of them live in sufficient splendor , and after the manner of the greatest persons of the Country . They go abroad with a great train , sometimes also of their own men on Horse-back ; but especially with a great number of Indian servants on foot , arm'd according to the mode , with Sword , Buckler , Bows , and Arrows . For 't is the custome of servants in India , whether Mahometans or Gentiles , to go alwayes arm'd not onely upon a journey but also in the City , and to serve in the house all day with the same weapons by their sides , and never to lay them off , saving at night when they go to sleep . Moreover , these Governours of the two Frank or Christian Nations which reside in Suràt , use to have carry'd before their Coach or Horse when they ride , a very high Bannerol or Streamer by a man on foot ; ( which likewise is the custome of all men of quality here ) and likewise to have a sadled Horse lead by hand before them : And not onely they who are publick persons , but any private person whatever , of whatever Country or Religion , may in these parts live with as much grandeur and equipage as he pleases : and such is the liberty here , that every one may do , if he will and be able , as much as the King himself . Hence , generally all live much after a genteel way ; and they do it securely , as well because the King doth not persecute his subjects with false accusations , nor deprive them of any thing when he sees them live splendidly , and with the appearances of riches , ( as is often done in other Mahometan Countries ) as because the Indians are inclin'd to these vanities , and servants cost very little , in regard of the multitude of people , and the small charge wherewith the common sort are maintain'd ; for a simple Servant , who is not an Officer , commonly in the best houses , between wages , victuals , and clothing , stands not in more then three Rupià a moneth , amounting to about the value of a Venetian Zecchine , or ten shillings sterling . Of Slaves there is a numerous company , and they live with nothing ; their clothing is onely white linnen , which though fine , is bought very cheap ; and their dyet for the most part is nothing but Rice , ( the ancient food of all the Indians , according to Strabo ) of which they have infinite plenty ; and a little fish , which is found every where in abundance : So that every body , even of mean fortune , keeps a great family , and is splendidly attended ; which is easie enough , considering the very small charge , as I said , and on the other side the very considerable gains of traffick wherein most men are imploy'd , and the incomes of the Land , through its incredible fruitfulness , I dare say , unmeasurable . Upon this occasion I must not forget , that amongst the Indian Men , both Mahometans and Pagans , agreably to what Strabo testifies , they did of old wear onely white linnen , more or less fine according to the quality of the persons , and the convenience they have of spending : which linnen is altogether of Bumbast or Cotton , ( there being no Flax in India ) and for the most part very fine in comparison of those of our Countries . The Garment which they put next to the skin , serves both for Coat and Shirt from the girdle upwards , being adorn'd upon the breast , and hanging down in many folds to the middle of the Leg. Under this Cassack from the girdle downwards , they wear a pair of long Drawers of the same Cloth , which cover not only their Thighs , but legs also to the Feet ; and 't is a piece of gallantry to have it wrinkled in many folds upon the Legs . The naked Feet are no otherwise confin'd but to a slipper , and that easie to be pull'd off without the help of the Hand ; this mode being convenient , in regard of the heat of the Country , and the frequent use of standing and walking upon Tapistry in their Chambers . Lastly , the Head with all the hair , which the Gentiles ( as of old they did also , by the report of Strabo ) keep long , contrary to the Mahometans who shave it , is bound up in a small and very neat Turbant , of almost a quadrangular form , a little long , and flat on the top : They who go most gallant , use to wear their Turbant only strip'd with silk of several colours upon the white , and sometimes with Gold ; and likewise their girdles wrought of Silk and Gold , instead of plain white . I was so taken with this Indian dress , in regard of its cleanness and easiness , and for the goodly shew me-thought it had on hors-back , with the Scemiter girt on , and the buckler hanging at a shoulder belt , besides a broad and short dagger of a very strange shape ty'd with tassell'd strings to the girdle , that I caus'd one to be made for my self , complete in every point , and to carry with me to shew it in Italy . The Mahometan Women , especially of the Mogholians , and Souldiers of other extraneous descents , who yet are here esteem'd , go clad likewise all in white , either plain , or wrought with Gold-flowers ; of which work there are some very goodly and fine pieces . Their upper Garment is short , more beseeming a Man then a Woman , and much of the same shape with those of Men : Sometimes they wear a Turbant too upon their heads , like Men , colour'd and wrought with Gold : Sometimes they wear onely fillets either white or red , or wrought with Gold and Silver ; for other colours they little use . Likewise their Clothes are oftentimes red , of the same rich and fine linnen ; and their Drawers are also either white or red , and oftentimes of sundry sorts of silk-stuff , strip'd with all sorts of colours . When they go along the City , if it be not in close Coaches , but on foot or on horse-back , they put on white veils , wherewith they cover their faces , as 't is the custome of all Mahometan Women : Yet the Indian Gentile Women commonly use no other colour but red , or certain linnen stamp'd with works of sundry colours , ( which they call Cit ) but all upon red , or wherein red is more conspicuous then the rest ; whence their attire seems onely red at a distance . And for the most part they use no garment , but wear onely a close Wastecoat , the sleeves of which reach not beyond the middle of the Arm ; the rest whereof to the Hand is cover'd with bracelets of Gold , or Silver , or Ivory , or such other things according to the ability of the persons . From the waste downwards they wear a long Coat down to the Foot , as I have formerly writ that the Women do in the Province of Moghostan in Persia , near Ormùz . When they go abroad , they cover themselves with a Cloak of the ordinary shape like a sheet , which is also us'd by the Mahometan , and generally by all Women in the East ; yet it is of a red colour , or else of Cit upon a red ground , that is , of linnen stamp'd with small works of sundry colours upon red . Those that have them , adorn themselves with many gold-works , and jewels ; especially their Ears with pendants sufficiently enormous , wearing a circle of Gold or Silver at their Ears , the diametre whereof is oftentimes above half a span ; and 't is made of a plate two fingers broad , and engraven with sundry works , which is a very disproportionate thing . The Pagan Women go with their faces uncover'd , and are freely seen by every one both at home and a broad : Nevertheless they are modest , and honor'd much more then the Mahometans ; and amongst them 't is a certain thing that there is not any publick Courtisan ; but amongst the Mahometan Women there are infinite , who go every day publickly to houses , and where they please ; to play on Musick , sing , dance , and do what else belongs to their profession . But of these things , enough for this time . I came from Persia with a great desire to go to Cambaia , in regard of what I had heard of it ; being told that in that City , which is one of the ancientest of India , the Pagans are very numerous , and above measure observers of their Rites ; so that I might probably see more remarkable Curiosities there of those Idolaters then elsewhere : Sig : Alberto Scilling had the same desire ; so that upon my imparting my mind to him , and his consenting thereunto , both of us desir'd the Dutch Commendator , that when any of his Nation went to Cambaia , as they us'd to do sometimes about their affairs , he would do us the favour to advertise us thereof , that we might go thither in their company . The Commendator promis'd to do us this kindness as soon as possible , nor was it long before we were advertis'd of an opportunity : The Commendator's Steward , who takes care of the like businesses , came to know of us how many Coaches we should need ; Sig : Alberto spoke to him for one for himself , and I for two , intending to carry Sig a Marinocia with me , because I thought not fit to leave her in Suràt without me , although she had the company of good Women . I offer'd the Steward money for the Coaches , but he refus'd then to take it , saying that it was not the custome , and that at our return , accounts should be made up ; for so they were wont to deal with those Hackney-men , with whom the Nation has always long account for such matters ; and I , who understood things no otherwise then by this information , suffer'd my self to be perswaded . Now , on Monday the 23d of February , being the day for our setting forth , besides the three Coaches for Sig : Alberto and me , and two others full of Dutch-men who were to go this journey with us , all in very good order for habits and arms , and also with a Trumpeter with a silver Trumpet to recreate the Travellers , the Commendator himself came to my house with many others of his followers in their City-Coaches , to conduct me forth and set me in the way . He accompany'd me to a certain place without the City , where , in the shadow of a small Chappel , we convers'd together for a good while , and were entertain'd with sundry fruits , particularly with Grapes , which here in Suràt we have often eat ripe , sweet , and good in February , yet green of colour , like the Uva-Lugliatica , or early Iuly-grape of Italy ; and I believe there is plenty enough to make Wine . Whilst we were in this place , a Post came to the Commendator from Agra and from the Court , with news that Sciàh Sel●m , King of the Country , had sent one of his principal Chans , call'd Asàf Chan , to Agra , to remove the Royal Treasure thence before the arrival of Sultan Chorròm , one of the same Kings Sons , lately rebell'd against his Father , and then reported to be upon his march with his Army thither : And from Agra it was signifi'd , that things were in great danger of alterations through this war rais'd between the Father and the Son , with great danger of the whole State of India . This notable Passage happening in my time , will give me occasion to write many things worthy of memory , usually attending the like Conjunctures ; and being present in the country , peradventure I shall hereafter be an eye-witness , or at least have certain intelligence of sundry occurrences . In the mean time , to the end what I shall have occasion to speak of these Revolutions may be better understood , I shall here give such account of the State of the King and his people , as may suffice to give light to all the rest . Sciàh Selim , ( who , as I have formerly writ to you , is King of the greater part of India , between Indus and Ganges , and whose Countries are extended Northwards as far as the cliffs of mount Taurus , or Imaus , where it divides India from Tartaria ; ) is that great Monarch , whom in Europe you commonly call the Great Moghòl : Which Name is given him , because of his being deriv'd from a Race of Tartars call'd Moghols , who are of the City of Samarcand , and the Province of Giagatà , which is the ancient Sogdiana ; as 't is manifested by the Persian Geography , where to this day that Territory is denoted and distinguish'd by the ancient name of Soghol . Teimùr Lenk , call'd by us Tamerlane , as Mir Aliscir reports , a famous Author of those times , who writ his History in the Persian-Tongue handsomely and with great exactness , descended by a collateral line from the near kindred of Cnighiz Chan , the most puissant King of Chataio , known also in Europe to our Histories , and by S. Antonino , who writes largely concerning him , nam'd with a little corruption Cingis Cham. This Cnighiz warring with his neighbours , and destroying many other Principalities , became at length Lord of a Vast Dominion , and in a manner of all Tartaria , ( which comprehends both the one and the other Scythia ) and at his death divided the same between his Sons . To Giagatà , the second Son , fell the Country of Samarcand , with all Sogdiana , and sundry other adjacent Territories ; and He , from his own Name call'd it Giagataio , and all the Nations who remain'd under his Government Giagataians : A very ancient custome of the Scythians to give the Princes Name to Counties and their Subjects , as appears by Diodorus Siculus . In process of time , a Descendant of Giagatà reigning still in these parts , Teimùr Lenk , though extracted from the noblest blood of the Kings , yet remote from the Royal Stock by a long series , liv'd in Samarcand his own Country , a man rather of valour then of great fortune . But it falling out that the King at that time was slain for his evil deportments , by the Grandees of the Country ; in which conjuncture Teimùr Lenk was elected and placed in the Sovereignty : He , not contented with the sole Kingdom of Giagataio , being increas'd in strength and power , made afterwards those great Expeditions which the World beheld : Of which nevertheless , little sincere fame arrives to us ; there being no Europaean who hath written truly thereof , saving briefly in the Spanish-Tongue Ruy Gonzales de Clavijo , who was sent thither Embassador by his King Don Henry the Third of Castile . In like manner Teimùr at his death left that his great acquired Empire , divided amongst many Sons and Nephews , who falling at variance afterwards , and their Successors continuing the same , ruin'd one another with sundry warrs ; and God knows whether in Tartary there be left at this day any Prince of that Race . A Cadet , or Younger Brother of them , who had no share among the Tartars , came over the Mountains to seek his fortune in India , within the Court of a Prince then reigning in one part of it : Where being once introduc'd , by great alliances and services he rais'd a great House ; and in time , various Revolutions brought it to pass that one of his Successors came to be possess'd of that Kingdom , and to found the Royal Family now regnant ; of which , with very great augmentations of Dominion Sciàh Selim , now living , is the fourth King , as his own Seals testifie , the impression whereof I keep by me , wherein is engraven all his pedigree as far as Tamerlain , from whom Sciàh Selim reckons himself the eighth descendent . When Sciàh Selim was born , he was at first call'd Sceichù ; because the King Ekbàr his Father , having before had no children , conveiv'd he had obtain'd him by the prayers of a certain Sceich , ( so they call a Religious Man ) to whom he bore great reverence . But after he was come to ripe age , his Father chang'd his Name , as here they sometimes do , into Sciàh Selim , which , in the Arabian Dialect , the learned Language to all Mahometans , signifies Rè Pacific , a Peaceable , or Peace-making King ; conceiving this Name to agree to his Nature : The Father dying , Sciàh Selim being advanc'd to the Kingdom , chang'd his Name once again ( as 't is the custom of many Oriental Princes on such an occasion ) with more Magnificent Titles , ( for their proper Names are nothing but Titles and Epithets ) and would be call'd Nur eddin , Muhammèd , Gihòn ghir , which partly in Arabick , partly in Persick , signifies , The Light of the Law , Mahomet , Take the World ; in regard of the profession which he makes in publick of the Mahometan Sect ; though really in secret , by what they report , he little cares for Mahomet and his Law , or any other Religion ; accounting , according to the vain opinion of some in these parts , that a man may be sav'd in every Law. Nevertheless , the Name Sciàh Selim , tenaciously inhering in the memory of people , remains still to him , and in common discourse he is more frequently call'd by this then any other Name . He had two Brothers : One , who took a part of the Province Dacan , was call'd by his proper Name Pehari , and by sirname Sciàh Muràd : The other , who dy'd in the City Berhampòr , was nam'd Daniel , and sirnam'd Sombòl Sciàh , but both dyed without Heirs ; whereupon their Dominion returned back to Sciàh Selim. I know not whether by one or more Women , this King had four Sons ; the first , is call'd Sultàn Chosrou ; the second , Sultàn Peruiz ; the third , Sultàn Chorrom , now in rebellion , ( to whom , when he return'd from a war which he had prosperously manag'd in Dacàn , his Father gave the title of Sciahi Gihòn , which is interpreted , King of the World ; ) and the fourth Sultàn Scehriar , is yet a youth of small age . 'T is possible , others besides these have been born to him ; but being dead , either in Child-hood or long ago , there is no mention made of them at present . He hath one Wife or Queen , whom he esteems and favours above all other Women ; and his whole Empire is govern'd at this day by her counsel . She was born in India , but of Persian Race , that is , the Daughter of a Persian , who coming , as many do into India , to the service of the Moghòl , hapned in time to prove a very great man in this Court , and , ( if I mistake not ) Chan or Vice-roy of a Province . She was formerly Wife in India to an other Persian Captain who serv'd the Moghòl too ; but after her Husbands death , a fair opportunity being offer'd , as it falls out many times to some handsome young Widows , I know not how Sciàh Selim had notice of her , and became in love with her . He would have carried her into his Haràm , or Gynaeceo , and kept her there like one of his other Concubines , but the very cunning and ambitious Woman , counterfeited great honesty to the King , and refus'd to go into his Palace ; and , as I believe , also to comply with his desires , saying , that she had been the Wife of an Honourable Captain , and Daughter of an Honourable Father , and should never wrong her own Honour , nor that of her Father and Husband : and that to go to the King 's Haram , and live like one of the other Female-slaves there , was as unsuitable to her noble condition . Wherefore , if his Majesty had a fancy to her , he might take her for his lawful Wife , whereby his Honour would be not onely not injur'd , but highly enlarg'd ; and on this condition she was at his service . Sciàh Selim , so disdaign'd this haughty motion at first , that he had almost resolv'd in despight to give her in Marriage to one of the Race which they call Halàlchor , as much as to say Eater-at-large , that is , to whom it is lawful to eat every thing ; and for this cause they are accounted the most despicable people in India . However , the Woman persisting in her first resolution , intending rather to dye then alter it ; and Love returning to make impetuous assaults on the King's Heart , with the help too , as some say , of Sorceries practis'd by her upon him , if there were any other charms ( as I believe there were not ) besides the conditions of the Woman which became lovely to the King by sympathy ; at length he determin'd to receive her for his lawful Wife and Queen above all the rest . And as such she commands and governs at this day in the King 's Haram with supream authority ; having cunningly remov'd out of the Haram , either by Marriage or other handsome wayes , all the other Women , who might give her any jealousie ; and having also in the Court made many alterations by deposing and displacing almost all the old Captains and Officers , and by advancing to dignities other new ones of her own creatures , and particularly those of her blood and alliance . This Queen is call'd at this day Nurmahàl , which signifies , Light of the Palace ; A Name , I believe , conferr'd on her by the King , when he made her Queen . She hath a Brother , who is still in great favour with the King , and of great power , and is the Asaf Chan , whom I mention'd above , and one of whose Daughters is one of the Wives of Sultan Chorròm now in rebellion ; whence some , not without ground , suspect that the present rebellion of Sultan Chorròm , is with some participation of Asaf Chan , and of Numrahàl her self ; perhaps upon design that the Kingdom may fall to him after the death of the Father . Sultan Scehriàr hath also to Wife a Daughter of Nurmahàl by her first Husband , for by the King she hath hitherto no Children : Wherin appears the prudence of this Woman , who hath so well establish'd her self with alliances in the Royal Family . But to return to the King's Children , Sultàn Chosrou the eldest , who was a Prince of much expectation , well belov'd , and , as they say , a friend in particular of the Christians , being at the government of I know not what Country , rebell'd against his Father , under pretext that the Kingdom by right belonged unto him , because indeed King Ekbar his Grand-father , at his death left it to him his Nephew being then born , and not to Selim the Father who was his Son ; being displeas'd with his Son Selim , for that one time in his life he attempted to rebel against him . So easie are Insurrections amongst these Infidels , and so little faith can Fathers have in Sons , and they in their own Fathers : With this pretence Sultàn Chosrou , once rais'd a great Army against his Father ; but coming to a battel he was routed and forc'd to surrender himself freely to his Father : Who chiding him with words rather gentle then otherwise , ask'd him to what end he made these tumults , knowing well that he held and kept the whole Kingdom for him ? Yet his deeds were sharper then his words ; for in the first place , he caus'd all the chief Captains who had follow'd him in the war to be cruelly slain , and shewing them so slain to Chosrou , as in his return with Triumph he made pass along with himself in the middle of a long row of them barbarously mangled in several manners , and to behold some of his faithfullest Confidents sew'd up in beasts skins , and be so left miserably to rot ; he bad him see in what sort of people he had confided . Moreover , he suffer'd him no longer to live freely , but committed him to the safe but Honourable custody of certain Grandees of his Court : And , which was worse , he caus'd his eyes to be sew'd up , as 't is sometimes the custom here ; to the end to deprive him of sight without excaecating him , that so he might be unfit to cause any more commotions ; which sewing , if it continue long , they say it wholly causes loss of Sight ; but after a while , the Father caus'd this Prince's eyes to be unrip'd again , so that he was not blinded but saw again , and it was only a temporal pennance . Yet he was not deliver'd from prison , in which he lived so closely for two years , that onely one person was suffer'd to be with him in the prison to serve him . Nurmahàl , who had apprehended that Sultan Chosrou would succeed his Father in the Kingdom , and desir'd to establish her self well , had frequently offer'd her Daughter to Sultàn Chosrou before she married her to Sultan Scehriàr ; but he , either for that he had another Wife he lov'd sufficiently , and would not wrong her , or because he scorn'd Nurmahal's Daughter , would never consent : Insomuch that whilst he was in prison , and was told by reiterated messages that if he would marry Nurmahal's Daughter , he should be immediately set free ; nevertheless he would not be brought to do it . His Wife , on the contrary , who lov'd him as well as he lov'd her , obtain'd to be the person allotted to serve him in the prison , and accordingly went thither and liv'd with him so long as he was there , never ceasing to perswade him to marry Nurmahal's Daughter , that so he might be deliver'd from those troubles ; that for her part , she was content to live with him as a slave , provided she saw him free and in a good condition ; but he could never be prevail'd with . Thus he liv'd in prison with his faithful and dear Wife , till , the malice of his persecutors and his Father's anger being wearied , about two years after he was taken out of prison , but still held in a more honourable custody . For these things , Sultan Chosrou remain'd always much in the hatred of Nurmahal ; who despairing to marry her Daughter to him , gave her to Sultan Scehriar , as is abovesaid . Sultan Peruiz , the second Son , is now Governour of the Kingdom of Bengala at the mouth of Ganges , and lives peaceably , nor is any news heard of him . Sultan Chorrom , the third Son , had and hath under his Government that part of Dacan , which is subject to the Moghol , but now is about to usurp the Kingdom of Guzarat , where I writ these things . Sultan Scehriar hath no Government yet , but 't is said that he is lately made Captain of eight thousand Horse : Now touching the rebellion and the beginning of it ; Sultan Chorròm , after the alliance that he made with Asaf Chan , so wrought by the means of his Father in law , and Numerhal his Aunt , that the King granted him the prisoner Sultan Chosrou into his own power , taking him out of the hands of him that kept him , and committing him to him to keep , yet with order to use him very well and have great care of him . And this , because Chorrom refus'd to go to his government , and to the war whereunto they sent him , unless he carried Sultan Chosrou with him , alledging that it was not convenient that he should be absent from the Court whilst Sultan Chosrou his competitor and back-friend stai'd there ; when he had got him into his hands , he went to his goverment , and there kept and treated him honourably a year or two : but afterwards , out of the intention which he always had to remove him out of his way to the succession of the Kingdom , he being absent ( as some say ) sent him poyson'd meats , appointing certain of his Captains who kept him , to make him eat those meats by any means , either fair or foul . The Captains punctually executed this order ; but because Sultan Chosrou , becomming suspicious by their importunity to have him eat , would by no means taste of those meats , saying plainly , that they intended to poyson him ; the Captains , since there was no other remedy , and perhaps having order , leap'd all upon him , and he defended himself bravely , till at length having fell'd him to the ground , they strangled him with a Bow-string . Others say , that Sultan Chorròm himself slew him with his own hand publickly . Be it as it will , Sultan Chosrou dy'd of a violent death ; and Sultan Chorròm was either by himself , or by mediation of others the Mutherer . Sciah Selim upon hearing this news , being highly displeas'd with Sultan Chorrom , calls him to Court to give account of the fact . Sultan Chorrom would not obey the Summons , but gathering together his Forces , which nevertheless are not great to withstand his Father ; and raising not onely those of his own jurisdiction , but also divers other neighbouring Cities not comprehended therein , ( as Cambaia and other such , from which he hath remov'd the Governours plac'd there by his Father , and appointed others at his own devotion ) with the assistance and counsel of some pety Gentile Princes , he remov'd his Camp towards Agra , as is above intimated . In which commotions , and the death of Sultan Chosrou , 't is not onely suspected that there is some conspiracy of Asaf Chan and Nurmahal , his ancient enemies in secret , but also that the King of Persia is of intelligence with them , who about the same time , or a little before , on his side made the warr of Candahar : in which the coldness which the Moghol shew'd , proceeded , no doubt , either from his not being well inform'd , because perhaps Nurmahal , and Asaf Chan , who were his chief Counsellors , suffering not true intelligence to be signifi'd to him ; or perhaps , because the evil carriage of Sultan Chorrom hath hitherto necessitated him to stand in suspence . 'T is true , the last Advertisements from Agra , that the King , as I said , sent Asaf Chan to remove the treasure from thence , argue that the King still entrusts him ; and consequently , either that he is not in fault , or that his fault is not yet known . The doubt will be best clear'd by Time. Sultan Chosrou left a little Son behind him , whose name is Sultan Bulachi : But my journey now calls me elsewhere . The Commendator having read the Letters from Agra , and communicated to me all the News , it being now Evening , I took leave of him ; and after sundry volleys of muskets he return'd to the City ; and I with my company of five Coaches , took the way of Cambaia . Having travell'd two Cos , we ferri'd over the same River of Suràt ; and then proceeded four other Cos , which in all were six , and at Night took up our lodging at a Town call'd Periab : But we rested little , because soon after mid-night we put our selves upon the way again . Our journey from Suràt to Cambaia , was always with our faces towards the North. The next Morning early , we made a Collation by the side of a Piscina , or Lake , which we found by the way of a long and narrow form , of which kind there are many in these parts . Having travell'd sixteen Cos , which was from Suràt in all two and twenty , before Evening we arriv'd at the City of Barocci , or Behrug , as they call it in Persian ; under the walls whereof , on the South side runs a River call'd Nerbeda , which we ferri'd over . The City is encompass'd with a wall of moderate bigness , built high upon a rising hill . For the circuit 't is populous enough , as generally are all the parts of India . 'T is considerable for a very great Trade of fine Cotton Cloth , or Callico , made more plentifully there then in other places , and dispers'd no● onely through Asia , but also into our Europe ; so that the English and Dutch ( which two Nations have Houses of constant residence here ) freight five or six great ships therewith every year ; and for the better imbarking it , make it up in very great balls , each as big as Roman Coach ; and every piece of Cloth , little bigger then one of our Towels , being carri'd to Aleppo , will not be sold for less then three or four Piastre , and in Italy at least for six Crowns . Whence you may infer , what wealth comes out of this small City alone , which for compass and buildings , is not greater then Siena in Tuscany , although 't is above three times as populous ; and you may also consider to what summ the Prince's Customes arise . A few Cos from the City , is a Mine of Calcidonies and Agates , white and green ; but these stones are carry'd less into Barocci then to Cambaia , although it be further from the Mine , because there is a Sea-port , and a greater concourse of forreign Merchants ; and in Cambaia they are wrought into little Globes , either round or oval , to make Coronets or Neck-laces , and also little Cups , and divers other curious vessels for ornament . The Sea comes not up to Barocci even at the highest tides , but is about as many miles distant as 't is from Suràt . When we pass'd over the River , our Dutch Trumpeter sounding his Instrument , gave notice of our coming to his Country men residing in Barocci ; and they , at the Summons , came immediatly to the bank-side to meet us ; from whence we went with them to lodge in the Dutch House there . Late in the Evening they carry'd us to see a Patache , or small Indian ship which they were building , and was not yet finish'd , in which they treated us till night , drinking of Tari , which is a liquor drawn from the Nut-trees of India , whitish and a little troubled ; of taste , somewhat sowrish and sweet too , not unpleasing to the palate , almost like our Poignant or Brisk-wine ; yet it inebriates as Wine doth , if drunk immoderately . The next day , which was Wednesday Feb. 22. we departed from Barocci late in the Forenoon . Six Cos off , we made a Collation near a water without lighting out of the Coach , having brought provision with us for this purpose from Barocci . Afterwards upon the way we met the Wife and Family of the Governour of Cambaia , remov'd from that charge by the Rebel Sultan Chorrom , who had plac'd another there at his devotion ; and this , being driven from thence , return'd to Suràt , where his house and usual habitation was . His Wife was carry'd upon an Elephant , in a cover'd and very convenient litter . Three other Elephants follow'd unladen , saving with the men upon their necks who guided them ; then abundance of Coaches , partly cover'd and full of women , partly uncover'd with men in them ; then a great number of Souldiers , Horse and Foot ; and , in brief , a great train suitable to the quality of the person and the custom of India , which is to have a very numerous attendance whoever it be . After this we foarded a small River , which I believe , was of salt water , which , they say , is call'd Dilavel ; and before night having travell'd eighteen Cos , we staid to lodge in a great Town call'd Giambuser . On Thursday , two hours before day , we arose to go along with a great Cafila , or Caravan , which was there united ; nevertheless we departed not so soon , but were fain to wait in the Coach till almost day ; because the City was lock'd up , and none was suffer'd to go forth without paying a Toll , as likewise was paid in many other places the same day , though of small value . The Cafila was so great , and the Coaches so many , that in certain narrow places we were fain to stay a good while before we could go forwards ; just as it happens in the streets of Naples and Rome at solemn pomps . Having travell'd about five Cos , an hour after Sun-rise , we came to an arm of the Sea , or , to speak better , to the inmost part of the Gulph of Cambaia , directly where the River Mehi falls into the Sea : In which place , the flux and reflux of the Sea is more impetuous and violent , and with a more rapid current , then perhaps in any other part of the world , at least any whereof I have knowledge . But before I proceed further , 't is needful here to correct an enormous error of many of our Geographers , even Moderns , which hath likewise given occasion of mistake to sundry Historians . In almost all the Mapps which hitherto I have seen , the River Indus is always describ'd falling into the Sea at the inmost recess of the Gulph of Cambaia ; which is a grievous error , and as wide from truth as the whole Country of Guzarat is broad , ( and 't is no narrow one ) : for Indus , which is discharg'd into the Sea with two very large mouths , sufficiently distant , runs not on the East of Guzarat , as it should do if it enter'd into the Sea at the Gulph of Cambaia ; but rather on the West , and so far from the Gulph of Cambaia , that all Guzarat , and perhaps some other Countries lye between . Wherefore the River which disembogues in the inmost part of this Gulph , is not Indus , but this Mehi which I speak of , a River of handsome but ordinary greatness , and hath not the least correspondence with Indus . Now , being come to the side of it , we were fain to foard over this Water , and not without danger : For there is a plain of about five Cos , which is all over-flow'd at high Tide ; and when the water is lowest , in three or four places there are waters sufficiently broad and deep to be foarded ; and should the Sea happen to come in whilst a man is in that passage , he would infallibly be drown'd . And besides , even in those places which are always foardable , when the Water is a little higher , or the current more furious then ordinary ( for 't is not always equal , but more or less , according to the times of the Moon ) it often carries away people , and sometimes with such violence , that an Elephant cannot bear up against it , but is swept away by the Water . Therefore they wait certain fit hours to pass this foard , namely , when the Sea is at the lowest Ebb ; which , if I mistake not , in all other places of the World is wont to be when the Moon is either rising or setting in the Horizon ; as , on the contrary , when the Moon is in the middle of Heaven , the Tide uses to be at the highest . But in the Gulph of Cambaia , I know not upon what reason , perhaps because 't is much within the Land , and far from the great mass of the Ocean , it happens at another different hour , yet well known to the Country-people . The more cautious , wait also the most fitting days in the moneth ; because at the New Moon and Full Moon the Waters are always greater and higher ; and , without comparison , highest and most impetuous of all , about the Aequinoxes and Solstices : In the quarters of the Moon the Tides are moderate , and in other intermediate days , lower then the rest . So that we being come to this place a few days before the New Moon , were come in a good time , and likewise in a seasonable hour , the Cafila , or Caravan , having set forth from the City in such a moment as was exactly convenient for ordering matters right ; for the owners of the Coaches , and the others imploy'd in this journey , are well instructed of every thing , and know what they have to do . So being united in a great troop , the better to break the stream , we pass'd over all that space of five Cos , which was moist yet firm ground ; saving that in four places where we foarded the running-water of the River , which nevertheless is salt there , the great strength of the Sea overcoming that of the River . Of the four streams which we waded , the first was inconsiderable , the other three came higher then the belly of the Oxen which drew the Coaches , into which nevertheless the Water enter'd not , because their floar , and especially the wheels are very high ; and you sit , according to the manner of the East , as upon plain ground , without hanging the Legs downwards , but keeping them bow'd under you . For greater security , they hir'd sundry men on foot , who held the Coaches on either side stedfast with their hands , that so in regard of their lightness , they might not float and be carry'd away ; and also to carry our bundles high on their heads , that so the same might not be wetted if the Water should come into the body of the Coaches . The men who go on foot in this passage , either strip themselves naked , covering onely their privities with a little cloth , or pulling up their coat , which , as I said , is of plain white linnen , and serves both for garment and shirt ; and also tucking up their breeches made of the same , they care not for wetting themselves . 'T is certainly an odd thing to behold in this passage , which is very much frequented , abundance of people go every day in this manner , some in Coaches and Charriots , others on Horseback and a foot , men and also women naked , without being shie who sees them ; a spectacle , no doubt , sufficiently extravagant . This wet passage being over , there remain two other Cos , but of firm and higher ground , ( which is not overflow'd , although it be plain and the Sea-shore ) to arrive at the City of Cambaia , whither we came before dinner-time , having travell'd that day , in all , twelve Cos. And here likewise we went to lodge in the House which belongs to the Dutch Merchants , by whom we were receiv'd with great kindness , and treated continually with exquisite chear ; for such was the order of the Commendator concerning us in all places . Cambaia is a City indifferently large , though most of its greatness consists in Suburbs without the walls , which are sufficiently spacious . 'T is seated on the Sea-shore , in a plain , almost in the utmost recess of that great Gulph , whereunto it gives name . The City , that is the inner part , without the Suburbs is incompass'd with walls , built with plain cortines and round battlements . The Houses within , are brickt with coverings of Tiles and Cisterns , which is the custom in India for provision of Water , which falls in such plenty during those three moneths of the great Summer rains . In our Countries they would be ordinary Houses , but in these parts they are counted good , and perhaps , the best of the whole Province ; and they are made shady and cool , as the heat of the place requires . The City hath no form'd Port , because it stands in a low Plain , but 't is call'd a Port , by reason of the great concourse of Vessels thither from several parts ; which nevertheless for the most part are Frigots , Galeots , and other small ones of that make , which go either by oar or sail ; because great ones cannot come near the Land by a great way . The people of Cambaia are most part Gentiles ; and here , more then elsewhere , their vain superstitions are observed with rigor . Wherefore we , who came particularly to see these things , the same day of our arrival , after we had din'd and rested a while , caus'd our selves to be conducted to see a famous Hospital of Birds of all sorts , which , for being sick , lame , depriv'd of their mates , or otherwise needing food and cure , are kept and tended there with diligence ; as also the men who take care of them , are maintain'd by the publick alms ; the Indian Gentiles , ( who , with Pythagoras and the ancient Aegyptians , ( the first Authors of this opinion , according to Herodotus ) believe the Transmigration of Souls , not onely from Man to Man , but also from Man to brute beast ) conceiving it no less a work of Charity to do good to beasts then to Men. The House of this Hospital is small , a little room sufficing for many Birds : Yet I saw it full of Birds of all sorts which need tendance , as Cocks , Hens , Pigeons , Peacocks , Ducks , and small Birds , which during their being lame , or sick , or mateless , are kept here ; but being recover'd and in good plight , if they be wild , they are let go at liberty ; if domestick , they are given to some pious person who keeps them in his House . The most curious thing I saw in this place , were certain little Mice , who being found Orphans without Sire or Dam to tend them , were put into this Hospital ; and a venerable Old Man with a white Beard keeping them in a box amongst Cotton , very diligently tended them with his spectacles on his nose , giving them milk to eat with a Bird's feather , because they were so little that as yet they could eat nothing else ; and , as he told us , he intended when they were grown up , to let them go free whither they pleas'd . From this place we went out of the City to the Sea-side , to see a Garden sometimes belonging to the Kings of Guzarat . 'T is small , adorn'd with the same Trees as that which I saw in Suràt , with some also of ours , as the Figtrees and Coleworts of Europe , which in India are accounted rare things . There is a running-water which at the entrance falls from a great Kiosck , or cover'd place to keep cool , standing upon a great Piscina , or Lake , contiguous to the Garden on the out-side ; and serving like that of Suràt , to the common uses of the City . Besides which , in this Garden there is nothing worth notice : Going from hence we went to see upon the same Lake a Meschita , or Temple of the Mahometans , whereunto there is continually a great concourse of people with ridiculous and foolish devotions , not onely Mahometans , but likewise Gentiles . In the street before the Gate , many persons sitting on the ground asked Alms , to whom the passers-by cast some Rice ; others , certain other Corn , but no Money : Within the Meschita , in a narrow dark place by a walls side , is a kind of little Pyramid of Marble , and this they call Pir , that is , Old , which they say is equivalent to Holy : I imagine it the Sepulchre of some one of their Sect accounted such . The people enter in with great crowds , especially Women , who use to be more forward in these things then others : All who go in , strew Flowers or Rice there ; to which end stand divers near the Gate that sell Flowers to whoso pleases for such Offerings : But this is rather a Custom of the Gentiles then Mahometans ; and the Gentiles being more numerous and ancient in Cambaia , 't is no wonder that some Rite of theirs hath adher'd to the Mahometans . A little distant from this place , we saw another Sepuchre ador'd too of some Mahometan ( for the Gentiles , who burn their dead , have no Sepulchres ) built with a great roof four square , supported by divers pillars , and under it a place open on all sides like a Porch ; this also many persons came to kiss and venerate . Beyond the abovemention'd Garden upon the Sea-side , we saw another Sepulchre of a Mahometan of quality , having a high round Cupola , like a Tower , which is ascended by a little ladder , and there you have a most goodly prospect upon the Sea and Land , to a great distance . These things being seen , we return'd home the same way we came : The next Morning , going about the City , we saw another Hospital of Goats , Kids , Sheep , and Weathers , either sick or lame , and there were also some Cocks , Peacocks , and other Animals needing the same help , and kept altogether quietly enough in a great Court ; nor wanted there Men and Women lodg'd in little rooms of the same Hospital , who had care of them . In another place , far from hence we saw another Hospital of Cows and Calves , some whereof had broken Legs , others more infirm , very old , or lean , and therefore were kept here to be cur'd . Among the beasts there was also a Mahometan Thief , who having been taken in Theft had both his Hands cut off : But the compassionate Gentiles , that he might not perish miserably , now he was no longer able to get his living , took him into this place , and kept him among the poor beasts , not suffering him to want any thing . Moreover , without one of the Gates of the City , we saw another great troop of Cows , Calves , and Goats , which being cur'd , and brought into better plight , or gather'd together from being dispers'd and without Masters , or being redeem'd with Money from the Mahometans who would have kill'd them to eat , ( namely , the Goats and other Animals , but not the Cows and Calves ) were sent into the field to feed by Neat-herds , purposely maintain'd at the publick charge ; and thus they are kept till being reduc'd to perfect health , 't is found fitting to give them to some Citizens , or others who may charitably keep them . I excepted Cows and Calves from the Animals redeem'd from slaughter ; because in Cambaia , Cows , Calves , and Oxen , are not killed by any : And there 's a great prohibition against it , by the instance of the Gentiles , who upon this account pay a great summ of Money to the Prince ; and should any , either Mahometan or other be found to kill them , he would be punish'd severely , even with death . At Night we had Musick at home , made by some Mahometan Women Singers and Dancers , ( for among the Gentiles none practise such Arts ) who with their Indian Instruments , which are Drums , Bells ty'd to the Arms , and the like , all of great noise , gave us divertisement , playing , dancing , and singing whilst we were at Supper ; but their Musick being too full of noise , was to me rather distasteful then pleasing . The next Morning we saw in the City a Temple of Idols , one of the best which the Gentiles have in Cambaia . The form of it is perfect square , with walls round about , supporting a flat roof , which is also upheld in the middle by four pillars dispos'd in a square too ; within which , upon the little space remaining , is advanc'd somewhat higher then the roof , and yet of a square form , a kind of Cupoletta , or little Chappel . In the principal part of this Temple stand in three great Nieches so many great Idols , made of white Marble , and naked , ( as the Indians paint all their Idols : ) They are in a sitting posture , yet after the manner of the East , as they use to sit upon the ground with the Legs gather'd under ; but they sit in a place somewhat higher then the floare , as it were upon a large Pedestal . These Nieches are inclos'd with doors made with lattices , that so the Idols may be seen without opening them ; but they are open'd upon occasion for any that are minded to go in : They were so for us , but we entred not , because the Nieches are so small that we saw every thing well enough from the doors . The principal Idol in this Temple , is that which stands in the middle Nieche , call'd Mahavir , from whom the Temple is denominated : Who this Mahavir is , and whether he be all one with Mahadeu , as I have some suspicion , I do not yet know ; because the Indians who talkt with us , either in the Portugal or Persian-Tongue , being all Factors or Merchants , and consequently unlearned , could not give us any account of these things ; besides , they speak those Languages ill , and are not intelligible saving in buying and selling : With other learned Gentiles , to whom alone their Indian Speech is familiar , we could not discourse for want of Language ; wherefore of all these things , and all the particularities of their Religion , I reserve my self to be further inform'd at Goa , if it shall please God ; where I shall have better convenience and more time , and meet with some learned Brachman , perhaps turn'd Christian , and able to give me a more certain Relation hereof either in Portuguez or Latine ; and if he be a Christian , he will , no doubt , give it me more truly then the Gentiles , who I believe , talk with us concerning their own matters neither willingly nor sincerely . Wherefore referring my self to the better intelligence which I hope to have there , I shall here only relate what I saw with mine own eyes , and something more which I attain'd to understand , without suspicion of error . Before the Idol without the Nieche hung a Bell , ( as 't is the custom in all their Temples ) which , as I said before , all those who come to make their prayers ring at their first entrance . Within this and the other Nieches on the sides , were one or two lighted Candles . In the other sides of the Temple , something higher then the pavement , were in the wall certain little Nieches , in each of which stood an Idolet , or little Idol , some in the shape of Men , others of Women . One there was which had many Arms on a side , and many Faces ; and this they said was call'd Brachma , one of their chief false Deities . Another had the head of an Elephant , and was call'd Ganescio : They say , he is the Son of Mahadeu , who finding him one day with Parveti his Wife , but his own Mother , and not knowing who he was , kill'd him out of jealousie , cutting off his Head ; but afterwards understanding that he was his own Son , he repented him of his error , and resolv'd to bring him to life again : Wherefore meeting with an Elephant , ( as he had purpos'd to do with what he first happen'd upon ) he cut off his Head and plac'd it on his dead Son's Shoulders : Whereupon Ganescio reviv'd , and thenceforward liv'd immortal with an Elephants Head. But behold another delusion . One there is with the Head , I know not , whether of a Tyger or Lyon , probably 't is that Narosinha , which I formerly writ that I saw in Combru , in the maritine parts of Persia. Some of these Idolets sate upon sundry Animals , as Tygers and the like , and even upon Rats ; of which things the foolish and ignorant Indians relate ridiculous stories : But I doubt not , that under the veil of these Fables , their ancient Sage ( most parsimonious of the Sciences , as all Barbarians ever were ) have hid from the vulgar many secrets , either of Natural or Moral Philosophy , and perhaps also of History : And I hold for certain , that all these so monstrous figures have secretly some more rational significations , though express'd in this uncouth manner : As we know in ancient time among the Gentiles of our Countries there was , in the figures of quadrifronted Ianus ; of Iupiter Ammon , with the Head of a Ram ; of Anubis , with the Head of a Dog , and many other extravagances not onely of the Grecians and Aegyptians , but also of the Romans . The Sieling , Pillars , and Walls of this Temple were adorn'd with Painting , especially red , which how dear 't is to the Indians , I formerly intimated . The doors of their Houses , namely , the Posts , Architraves , and Barrs that fasten it , are all colour'd so ; adding some mixture of white limes to the red ; for of white too they are so enamour'd , that all Men are generally cloth'd with it . A custom peradventure deriv'd to them from Aegypt where it was in use , as Herodotus writes ; and whence perhaps Pythagoras himself learnt it , who went cloth'd in white , as we find noted by Aelian , and others . And I observe , that in many particulars the manners of the present Indians much resemble those of the ancient Aegptians ; but since the Aegyptians who descended from Cham the Son of Noah , were a very ancient people , I rather believe that the Indians learnt from the Aegyptians , then the Aegyptians from the Indians ; and 't is known , that from Aegypt there was always Navigation and Commerce into India by the Southern Ocean . The red colour , amongst these Indians is , besides by the Women , worn also by the Sami , who are a kind of religious persons ; with red , the Gioghi who live like Hermits and go about begging , sometimes paint their bodies in many parts ; and also with red blended with yellow , that is , with some parcel of Sanders or Saffron , almost all the Indian Gentiles dye their fore-heads , and sometimes their garments ; accordingly , as Strabo reports from the testimony of Onesicritus , they did likewise in the time of Alexander the Great . Lastly , they wear red Turbants upon their Heads , and their Girdles are oftner wrought with red then any other colour . After having seen the Temple of Mahavir , we went to visit an old Brachman , accounted very learned amongst them , with whom we discours'd as well as we could by an interpreter , because he understood no other Language but the Indian . We found him amongst many Scholars , to whom he was giving a Lecture : He shew'd us his Books written in an antique Character , which is the learned amongst them , not common to the vulgar , but known onely to the learned , and us'd by the Brachmans ; who , in distinction from other vulgar Characters , us'd variously in sundry Provinces of India , call it Nagheri . I have , and shall carry with me two small Books of it , which I sometimes bought in Lar. This Brachman is call'd Beca Azàrg ; of which words , Beca is his proper Name , and Azàrg his Title of Honour . Amongst other Books , he shew'd us that of their sect ; in w●●●h , though it was bound long ways , as 't is the fashion of their Books , yet the lines were written cross the paper , after the manner of some of our Musick-Books : He affirm'd to us for certain , that it was a work of Pythagoras , which well agreeth with what , Philostratus saith , Iarchas told Apollonius , namely , that they Indians believ'd the same concerning the Soul which Pythagoras had taught them , and they the Aegyptians ; which is quite contrary to what , I said before , was my opinion , which of these two Nations first taught the other . But Diogenes Laertius , who writes Pythagoras's Life copiously enough , making mention of his going into Aegypt , and how he convers'd likewise with the Chaldaeans and Magi , yet speaks not a word that ever he went into India , or had communication with the Brachmans . Wherefore , if Pythagoras taught any thing to the Indians , as Iarchas said , he did it not in person but by his books , which possibly were carry'd into India . Moreover Beca Azàrg added , that their Brachmà , esteemed one of the chief amongst their false Gods , ( from whom they are denominated Brachmans ) is all one with Pythagoras : A curious notion indeed , and which , perhaps , would be news to hear in Europe , that Pythagoras is foolishly ador'd in India for a God. But this , with Azàrg's good leave , I do not believe : Either he did not expresly speak thus , and by the fault of the Interpreters we did not understand him aright ; or , if he did affirm it , perhaps he came to be mistaken by having heard Pythagoras nam'd by some Europaeans for the Author of that foolish opinion of the Transmigration of Souls . Be it as it will , I cannot believe that Pythagoras and Brachma are all one ; because though Pythagoras be very ancient , for he flourish'd in the Consulship of Brutus , who expell'd the Kings out of Rome ; yet I hold the Rites and opinions of the Brachmans much more ancient . For when Diodorus relates the contest of the two Wives of Ceteus , an Indian Captain in the Army of Eumenes , each of whom would be burnt with her Husband slain in battel , speaking of the Laws , Customs , and Rites of the Indians , he calls them , even at that time , Ancient things . And though Pythagoras and the Consulship of Brutus may precede not onely Eumenes , who was one of Alexander the Great 's successors , but Alexander himself by about two ages , according to the Chronology of Bellarmine , which to me seems good enough ; yet the space of two hundred years or somewhat more , is not such as that those things may be call'd Ancient , which had their beginning within so short a term ; as it should be infallibly , if Pythagoras , whom they take to be their Brachma , were the first Author to the Indians of their Learning , and consequently of their Rites , Customs , and Laws . But since I have already made frequent mention of the Brachmans , and perhaps shall have occasion to do the same hereafter ; to the end it may be understood what they are , I shall here subjoyn so much as I have hitherto 〈…〉 ain'd to know concerning them , and all the other Indians . The whole Gentile-people of India is divided into many sects or parties of men , known and distinguisht by descent or pedigree , as the Tribes of the Jews sometimes were ; yet they inhabit the Country promiscuously mingled together , in every City and Land several Races one with another . 'T is reckon'd that they are in all eighty four ; some say , more , making a more exact and subtle division . Every of these hath a particular name , and also a special office and imployment in the Common-wealth , from which none of the descendents of that Race ever swerve ; they never rise nor fall , nor change condition : Whence some are Husbandmen , others , Mechanick , as Taylers , Shoemakers , and the like ; others , Factors or Merchants , such as they whom we call Banians , but they in their Language more correctly Vanià : Others , Souldiers , as the Ragia-puti ; And thus every one attends , and is employ'd in the proper Trade of his Family , without any mutation ever hapning amongst them , or Alliance of one Race contracted with another . Diodorus and Strabo , ( almost with the same words , as if the one had transscrib'd the other ) affirm , that anciently the Races of the Indians were seven , each addicted to their proper profession ; and for the first of all , they place that of the Philosophers , who , no doubt , are the Brachmans . Into seven kinds of men with their particular , and by Generation perpetuated Offices , Herodotus in like manner writes , ( and Diodorus confirms it , though he disagrees in the number ) the people of Aegypt was divided in those days ; whereby 't is manifest what correspondence there was between Aegypt and India in all things . Nor do I wonder at the division into seven Races onely , because what is observ'd at this day , must then also have hapned , namely , that the so many Races which they reckon , are reduc'd to four principal ; which , if I mistake not , are the Brachmans , the Souldiers , the Merchants , and the Artificers ; from whom by more minute subdivision all the rest are deriv'd , in such number as in the whole people there are various professions of men . In the substantial points of Religion all agree together , all believe the Transmigration of Souls , which according to their merits and demerits ( they think ) are sent by God into other bodies , either of Animals more or less clean , and of more or less painful life ; or else of men more or less noble and handsome , and more or less pure of Race , wherein they place not a little of their vain superstition ; accounting all other Nations and Religions , besides themselves , unclean ; and some more then others , according as they more or less differ from their Customs . All equally believe that there is a Paradice in Heaven with God , but that thereinto go onely the Souls of their own Nation , more pure and without any sin , who have liv'd piously in this world : Or in case they have sin'd , that after divers Transmigrations into various bodies of Animals and Men , having by often returning into the world undergone many pains , they are at length purg'd , and at last dye in the body of some man of Indian and noble Race , as the Brachmans , who amongst them are held the noblest and purest ; because their employment is nothing else but the Divine Worship , the service of Temples and Learning , and they observe their own Religion with more rigor then any others . 'T is true , the Brachmans , who amongst the Indians , in my opinion , much resemble the Levites of the Jews , are divided too into several sorts , one more noble then another , and , according to nobility , more rigorous also in matter of eating , and in their other superstitious Ceremonies ; for some of them are Astrologers , some Physitians , some Secretaries of Princes ; and so of other sorts of Scholars which I know not well : but the most esteem'd and most sublime amongst the Brachmans , and consequently , the most rigorous of all in point of eating and other observances , are those who perform the Office of Priests , whom they call Boti . Ordinarily they never admit into their Sect any man of another Religion ; nor do they think that they do ill herein , or contrary to the zeal of saving Souls ; since believing the Transmigration , they conceive it not necessary to salvation to change Religion , although one be of a false Sect ; but judg that if this Soul shall be worthy to have pardon from God , it shall after death , and after being purg'd sundry ways , pass into , and be born in the body of some Indian amongst them , and live excellently ; and so by this way at last arrive at Paradice and live with God , although in the beginning it was in the world in the body of the worst sinner and miscreant whatever . With people of other Religion they never eat , nor will have any communication of food , and , as much as possible , they avoid even to touch them ; conceiving themselves polluted by communicating with others . And herein they are so scrupulous , that even amongst the Indians themselves , one of more noble Race , not only neither eats , nor makes use of the same clothes , or vessels , nor communicates in any thing with one less noble , but also endures not to be touch'd by him ; which if it fall out by chance that he be , he must purifie himself from the defilement by washings , and other arrogant Ceremonies . And hence 't is a prety sight to behold the great respect which upon this account the ignoble bear to the more noble then themselves , and how upon meeting in the street , the ignoble not onely give place , but dance wildly up and down for fear of rushing against the noble , and polluting them in any measure ; which , if they should not do , the Noble , and especially the Souldiers , would make them do it to the Musick of blows . From this averseness to communicate one with another , particularly , in the use of eating and drinking-vessels , concerning which they are most strict , is sprung a strange Custom , which I was delighted not onely to see , but also sometimes out of gallantry to imitate in conversation . It happens very often during hot weather , both in Travelling and in Towns , that people have need of refreshing themselves , and drinking of a little water ; but because every one hath not a drinking-vessel of his own ready , to avoid defiling or being defil'd by his companion 's cup ; there 's a way found out whereby any person may drink in that , or any other what ever , without scruple or danger of any , either active or passive contamination . This is done , by drinking in such manner that the vessel touches not the lips or mouth of him who drinks ; for it is held up on high with the hand over the mouth , and he that lifts it up highest , and holds it farthest from his mouth , shews himself most mannerly ; and thus powring the liquor out of the cup into the mouth , they drink round while there is any left , or so long as they please . So accustom'd are the Indians to drink in this manner , that they practise it almost continually with their own vessels for delight , without the necessity of shunning communication with others ; and they are so dextrous at it , that I remember to have seen one of them take with both hands a vessel as big as a basin , and lifting it up above a span higher then his mouth , powre a great torrent of water into his throat and drink it all off . Having been frequently present at such occasions , that where ever I came the Indians might not be shie of reaching me a cup of water , I purposely set my self to learn this manner of drinking , which I call drinking in the Air , and at length have learn'd it ; not with cups as big as basins , like his abovesaid ; but with a handsome cruze , like those we use , or with a little bottle or drinking glass made on purpose , I do it very well : Sometimes in conversation we drink healths all Indiana , after this fashion , with consent that all do reason in the same manner ; and he that cannot do it right , either wets himself well , or falls a coughing and yexing , which gives occasion of laughter . But to return to the opinions of the Indians ; As for good works and sins , they all agree with the Doctrine of Morality , and the universal consent of Mankind , that there are differences of Virtue and Vice in all the world . They hold not onely Adultery , but even simple fornication a great sin ; nor do they account it lawful , as the Mahometans do , to have commerce with femal slaves , or with others besides their own Wives . Yea , slaves of either Sex they no-wise admit , but hold it a sin ; making use of free persons for their service , and paying them wages , as we do in Europe : Which likewise was their ancient custom , as appears by Strabo , who cites Megasthenes and other Authors of those times for it . They detest Sodomy above measure , and abhor the Mahometans whom they observe addicted to it . They take but one Wife , and never divorce her till death , unless for the cause of Adultery . Indeed some , either by reason of the remoteness of their Wives , or out of a desire to have Children , in case the first Wife be barren ; or because they are rich and potent , and are minded to do what none can forbid them , sometimes take more Wives ; but 't is not counted well done , unless they be Princes , who always in all Nations are priviledged in many things . When the Wife dyes , they marry another if they please ; but if the Husband dye , the Woman never marries more ; were she so minded , nor could she find any of her own Race who would take her , because she would be accounted as bad as infamous in desiring a second Marriage . A very hard Law indeed , and from which infinite inconveniences arise ; for not a few young Widows , who in regard of their Reputation cannot marry again , and have not patience to live chastly , commit disorders in private , especially with men of other Nations and Religions , and with any they find , provided it be secret . Some Widows are burnt alive , together with the bodies of their dead Husbands ; a thing which anciently not onely the Indian Women did , according to what Strabo writes from the Relation of Onesicritus ; but also the chaste Wives of the Thracians , as appears by Iulius Solinus . But this burning of Women upon the death of their Husbands , is at their own choice to do it or not , and indeed , few practise it ; but she who doth it , acquires in the Nation a glorious name of Honour and Holiness . 'T is most usual among great persons , who prize Reputation at a higher rate then others do ; and in the death of Personages of great quality , to whom their Wives desire to do Honour by burning themselves quick . I heard related at my first coming , that a Kagià , that is , an Indian Prince , ( one of the many which are subject to the Moghol ) being slain in a battel , seventeen of his Wives were burnt alive , together with his body ; which in India was held for great Honour and Magnificence . I have heard say , ( for I have not seen any Women burnt alive ) that when this is to be done , the Wife or Wives who are to be burnt , inclose themselves in a pile of wood , which is lay'd hollow like the rafters of a house , and the entrance stop'd with great logs , that they may not get out in case they should repent them when the kindled fire begins to offend them : Yea , divers men stand about the pile with staves in their hands to stir the fire , and to powre liquors upon it to make it burn faster ; and that if they should see the Woman offer to come out , or avoid the flames , they would knock her on the head with their staves and kill her , or else beat her back into the fire ; because 't would be a great shame to the Woman and all her kindred , if she should go to be burnt , and then through fear of the fire and death , repent and come out of it . I have likewise heard it said , that some Women are burnt against their own Will , their Relations resolving to have it so for Honour of the Husband ; and that they have been brought to the fire in a manner by force , and made besides themselves with things given them to eat and drink for this purpose , that they might more easily suffer themselves to be cast into the fire ; but this the Indians directly deny , saying , that force is not us'd to any ; and it may be true , at least in Countries where Mahometans command ; for there no Woman is suffer'd to be burnt without leave of the Governour of the place , to whom it belongs first to examine , whether the Women be willing ; besides , and for a Licence , there is also paid a good sum of money . Nevertheless , 't is possible too that many Widows being in the height of their passion taken at their word by their kindred who desire it , go to it afterwards with an ill will , not daring to deny those that exhort them thereunto , especially if oblig'd by their word ; nor to discover their own mind freely to the Governour . Things , which amongst Women , through their natural fearfulness and modesty , easily happen . And I would to God that in our Countries , in sundry cases , as of marrying or not , and the like matters , we had not frequent examples which Women not seldom give of great resolutions , not forc'd in appearance , but indeed too much forc'd in reality , for avoiding displeasure and other inconveniencies . In the Territories of Christians , where the Portugals are Masters , Women are not suffer'd to be burnt , nor is any other exercise of their Religion permitted them . Moreover , the Indian-Gentiles believe that there is a Devil in the world , almost of the same conditions wherewith we conceive him ; but they think too , that many wretched Souls unworthy ever to have pardon from God , as the last of the great punishments which they deserve , become Devils also ; than which they judge there cannot be a greater misery . The greatest sin in the world they account shedding of blood , especially that of men ; and then , above all , the eating of humane flesh , as some barbarous Nations do , who are therefore detested by them more then all others . Hence the strictest amongst them , as the Brachmans , and particularly the Boti , not onely kill not , but eat not , any living thing ; and even from herbs tinctur'd with any reddish colour representing blood , they wholly abstain . Others , of a larger conscience eat onely fish . Others , the most ignoble and largest of all , though they kill not , nevertheless they eat all sort of Animals good for food , except Cows ; to kill and eat which , all in general abhor , saying , that the Cow is their Mother , for the Milke she gives , and the Oxen she breeds , which plough the Earth , and do a thousand other services , especially in India , where through the paucity of other Animals , they make use of these more then any for all occasions . So that they think they have reason to say , That Cows are the prop of the world , which perhaps would signifie by that Fable , common also to the Mahometans , and by me formerly mention'd ; That the world is supported upon the Horns of the Cow. Moreover , they have these creatures in great Veneration ; for Cows being kept well in India , and living with little pains and much ease , therefore they believe that the best Souls , to whom God is pleased to give little pain in this world , pass into them . All the Indians use many washings , and some never eat without first washing the whole body . Others will not be seen to eat by any one ; and the place where they eat , they first sweep , wash , and scoure with water and Cow-dung . Which , besides cleanliness , is to them a Ceremonial Right , which they think hath the virtue to purifie : But having observ'd it too in the houses of Christians , I find that indeed it cleanses exquisitly , and makes the floores and pavements of houses handsome , smooth , and bright . And if the Cows and Bulls whose dung they use , eat grass , it gives a prety green to the pavement ; if straw , a yellowish : But for the most part the floores are red , as those of Venice are , and I know not with what they give them that colour . But these and other Ceremonies which I have not seen my self , and know onely by Relation , I willingly pass over . I shall conclude therefore with saying that by the things hitherto mention'd , it appears that in the substance of Religion , and what is most important , all the Races of the Indians agree together , and differ onely , perhaps , through the necessity , which is caus'd by the diversity of humane conditions in certain Rites and Ceremonies , particularly , of eating more or less indistinctly . Wherein the Ragia puti , Souldiers , with the wonted military licentiousness , take most liberty , without thinking themselves prejudic'd as to the degree of Nobility . Next to them , the meanest and most laborious professions are more licentious in eating then others , because they need more sustinenance ; some of which drink Wine too from which the others more strict , abstain to avoid ebriety ; and so from all other beverage that inebriates . But those of other Races whose employments admit more rest and a better life , are also more sparing and rigorous in the use of meats , especially the Brachmans , as I said , dedicated wholly to Learning and the Service of Temples , and the most noble of all . In testimony whereof they alone have the priviledge to wear a certain Ensign of Nobility in their Sect , whereby they are distinguisht from others ; 't is a fillet of three braids , which they put next the flesh like a Neck-chain , passing from the left shoulder under the right arm , and so round . This fillet hath a mystery , and is given to all persons of that Race , and to a few of one other for a great favour , with many superstitious Ceremonies , of which I forbear to speak , because I have not yet any good information thereof . There was a long dispute in India , between the Jesuits and other Fathers , whether this fillet , which the Portugals call Linha , was a badge of Religion , or onely an Ensign of piety ; and whether it was not to be permitted , or not , to Indian Converts , who were very loth to lay it aside . Much hath been said , and with great contest by both parties , and at length the cause is carried to Rome , and I was inform'd of it two or three years ago in Persia. For I remember Sig : Matteo Galvano Gudigno , a Canon and Kinsman to the then Archbishop of Goa , pass'd by Sphahàn , and continu'd there many days ; being sent by the same Archbishop , who favour'd the side contrary to the Jesuits , purposely to Rome with many writings touching this affair , which he out of courtesie communicated to me . I know not whether the final determination of it be yet come from Rome ; some say it is , and in favour of the Jesuits : But at Goa we shall know these things better . The truth is , the Jesuits prove , ( on one side ) that the honour of wearing this Ribban is frequently granted not onely to the Indians , but also to strangers of different Nation and Sect ; as to Mahometans , who ( by condescension of that King , who among the Indians hath authority to do it , as Head of their Sect in spirituals ) have in recompence of great and honourable services enjoy'd this priviledge , without becoming Gentiles , or changing their Religion , but still persisting to live Mahometans ; which indeed is a strong Argument . On the other side , they prove that many Brachmans and others of the Race priviledg'd to wear it , intending to lead a stricter life , and abandon the world by living almost like Hermits ; amongst other things , in humility lay aside this Ribban , being a token of Nobility ; which 't is not likely they would do , if it were a Cognizance of Religion ; yea , they would wear it the more . But this second Argument seems not to me so cogent , because , amongst us Christians , if a Knight of the order of Calatrava , or the like , which are Ensignes of Nobility , in order to a more holy life enter into some Religion , either of Fryers , Monks , or other Regulars ; 't is clear that taking the Religious Habit , he layes aside the body of his Knight-hood , although it be that Cross , than which there cannot be a greater Cognizance of Christian Religion ; albeit 't is worn by those Knights as a token of Nobility too . 'T is enough , that the Jesuits think their opinion abundantly confirm'd by the two abovesaid Reasons ; namely , that it is rather a sign of Nobility then a Cognizance of Religion . And although the same is conferr'd with many superstitious Ceremonies , yet they will not have it taken away , alledging for example , that the Crosses of our Knights , however Ensignes of Nobility , are given with many Ceremonies and Rites of our sacred Religion , the more to authorize them . Whence it appears that the use of this Ribban may be without scruple permitted to the Indians , provided these superstitious Ceremonies be lay'd aside , and especially the End , in which alone consists the sin ; changing it in that manner as the ancient Christians chang'd many Festivals and superstitions of the Gentiles into Festivals of Martyrs , and other pious Commemorations . And this may be done by applying ( e. g. ) the signification of the three Braids to the most Holy Trinity , or in some such manner , turning it to a pious and lawful use . Nevertheless those of the contrary party impugn this opinion with no bad Reasons ; they say , 't is a thing in it self , of its own nature , wholly unlawful to Christians , as being perfectly a Gentile-superstition ; which is prov'd by the Ceremonies and words us'd in conferring it ; and that for the three Braids , 't is well known , they hold and wear them in honour of three of their chief false Gods ; and that although they be Ensigns of Nobility in the wearer , yet they are withall , and principally a manifest Cognizance of their Religion ; as Crosses are amongst our Knights , wherewith who ever hath the same on his breast , not onely ostentates his Nobility , but also firmly profess the Christian Faith. That the Gentile-Kings having honour'd with this Ensign some Mahometan , their Vassal , and remaining a Mahometan , is no more then as if in our Countries we should grant to some Jew the priviledge of wearing a black Hat without becoming a Christian ; which may be done by way of dispensation , and yet it cannot be deny'd but that the wearing a black one , or a yellow , is , besides the matter of credit , a Cognizance also of the Religion or Sect which a man professes . Many other Reasons they alledge , which I do not well remember , and which , no doubt , will be narrowly examin'd at Rome . What the determination will be , I shall know more certainly at Goa ; and for the present thus much may suffice concerning the Opinions and Rites of the Indian-Gentiles . Now in pursuance of the Narration of my Travells , I am to tell you , that after the seeing of the Temple , and visiting the Brachman abovesaid , the same day , which was Saturday the 25th of February , upon occasion of a Cafila , or Caravan , which was setting forth from Cambaia to Ahmedabàd , which is the Royal Seat and Head of the whole Kingdom of Guzaràt , we , namely , Sig : Alberto Scilling , and my self , with our attendants , were desirous to see that City ; and since the insecurity of the wayes allow'd us not to go alone , we resolv'd to go with the Cafila . And because at the same time another Cafila was setting forth for Suràt , in which some of the Hollanders , residing at Cambaia , went with their goods which they carry'd thither in order to be shipt ; we all went out of the Town together , and in a place without the Gate and the Suburbs , were the wayes divided under the shade of certain great Trees of Tamarinds , which the Indians call Hambelè , ( where also are certain Sepulchres , and a Mahometan Meschita or Temple , unroof'd and without walls about , saving a little wall at the front , and a place markt where prayers are to be made ; of which sort of Meschita's many are seen in India , especially in the Country ) we entertain'd our selves a good while with the Dutch , being diverted with Musick , singing and dancing by the same Women , which we had the night before at our house . At length taking leave , they took their way towards Suràt , and Sig : Alberto and I with our company towards Ahmedabàd , going a little out of the way to see another very famous Temple of Mahadeù . The Fabrick is small and inconsiderable ; within there is no other Idol but that of Mahadeù , which is no other but a little column or pillar of stone , thicker below then at top , and which diminishing by degrees , ends at the top in a round . Whatever 't is that would signifie thereby , the name of Mahadeù they in their language , is properly interpreted Great God. But we had enough to laugh at , when we heard that this Idol was held by the Country people for a worker of miracles ; and amongst other of his miracles , they relate that he grows every day , and becomes bigger hourly ; affirming , that many years since he was no higher then a span , or little more , and now he is above two , and perhaps three ; and thus he continues increasing every day : a folly not to be believ'd but by such fools as themselves . Having seen this Temple , we overtook our Cafila at a Town call'd Saimà , three miles distant from Cambaia , where we all lodg'd that night . The next Morning being Sunday , the Cafila , which consisted of above a hundred Coaches , besides foot-men and horse-men , and great loaden Wagons , set forth three hours before day ; and staying not to rest any where , according to the custom of the East , ( which is to make but one bout of a days journey ) having travell'd fifteen Cos by noon , or little later , we lodg'd at a Town call'd Màter , where we saw an infinite number of Squirrels leaping amongst the trees every where ; they were small , white , and with a tail less , and not so fair as those of our Countries . On Monday , about two hours before day , we resum'd our Voyage . When it was day , we saw upon the way every where abundance of wild Monkies , of which almost all the Trees were full . They put me in mind of that Army of Monkies , which the Souldiers of Alexander the Great , beholding upon certain Hills a far off , and taking to be Menintended to have charg'd , had not Taxilus inform'd them what they were , as Strabo relates . We found abundance of people too upon the way begging alms with the sound of a Trumpet , which almost every one had and sounded , and most of them were arm'd with Bows and Arrows ; two things sufficiently uncouth for beggars , and indeed , not be suffer'd by Governours , since these Ruffians under pretext of begging , rob frequently upon the way when they meet persons alone and unarm'd ; which having weapons themselves , they may easily do . This County was almost all woody , the ground unmeasurably dusty , to the great trouble of Travellers ; the High-ways were all enclos'd on the sides with high hedges of a plant always green and unfruitful , not known in Europe ; and having no leaves , but instead thereof cover'd with certain long and slender branches , almost like our Sparagus but bigger , harder and thicker , of a very lively green ; being broken , they send forth Milk like that of immature Figgs , which is very pernicious to the flesh wherever it touches . The Fields were full of Olive-trees , Tamarind-trees , and other such which in India are familiar . About noon , having travell'd twelve , or , as others said , fourteen Cos , we arriv'd at Ahmedabàd , and our journey from Cambaia hither was always with our Faces towards the North East . Being entred into the City , which is competently large , with great Suburbs , we went directly to alight at the house of the English Merchants , till other lodging were prepar'd for us , where also we din'd with them . After which we retir'd to one of the houses which stand in the street , which they call Terzi Carvanserai , that is , the Taylers Inn. For you must know that the Carvanserai , or Inns in Ahmedabàd , and other great Cities of India , are not , as in Persia and Turkey , one single habitation made in form of a great Cloyster , with abundance of Lodgings round about , separate one from another , for quartering of strangers ; but they are whole great streets of the City destinated for strangers to dwell in , and whosoever is minded to hire a house ; and because these streets are lockt up in the night time for security of the persons and goods which are there , therefore they call the Cavanserai . Notwithstanding the wearisomness of our journey , because we were to stay but a little while at Ahmedabàd , therefore after a little rest we went the same Evening to view the market-place , buying sundry things . It displeas'd me sufficiently that the streets not being well pay'd , although they are large , fair , and strait , yet through the great dryness of the Earth they are so dusty , that there 's almost no going a foot , because the foot sinks very deep in the ground with great defilement ; and the going on Horse-back , or in a Coach , is likewise very troublesome in regard of the dust ; a thing , indeed , of great disparagement to so goodly and great a City as this is . I saw in Ahmedabàd , Roses , Flowers of Iasmin , and other sorts , and divers such fruits as we have in our Countries in the Summer ; whence I imagin'd , that probably , we had repass'd the Tropick of Cancer , and re-enter'd a little into the temperate Zone ; which doubt I could not clear for want of my Astrolabe , which I had left with my other goods at Suràt . On Tuesday following , which to us was the day of Carnaval , or Shrove-Tuesday , walking in the Morning about the Town , I saw a handsome street , strait , long , and very broad , full of shops of various Trades ; they call it Bezari Kelàn , that is , the Great Merkat , in distinction from others , than which this is bigger . In the middle is a structure of stone athwart the street , like a bridge with three Arches , almost resembling the Triumphal Arches of Rome . A good way beyond this bridge , in the middle of the same street is a great Well , round about which is built a square Piazzetta , a little higher then the ground . The Water of the Well is of great service to all the City , and there is always a great concourse of people who come to fetch it . Going forwards to the end of the Market , we came to the great Gate which stands confronting the street , and beautifi'd with many Ornaments between two goodly Towers ; 't is the Gate of a small Castle , which they call by the Persian word Cut. Nor let it seem strange , that in India in the Countries of the Moghòl , the Persian Tongue is us'd more , perhaps , then the Indian it self , since the Mogholian Princes being originally Tartars and of Samarcand , where the Persian Tongue is the natural of the Country , have therefore been willing to retain their native Speech in India ; in brief , the Persian is the Language of the Moghols Court , most spoken and us'd in all publick writings . Near this Castle Gate , in a void place of the street are two pulpits handsomely built of stone , somewhat rais'd from the ground , wherein 't is the custome to read the King's Commandments publickly , when they are be proclaim'd . Thence turning to the right hand , and passing another great Gate , and through a fair Street we came to the Royal Palace ; for Ahmedabàd is one of the four Cities , amongst all the others of his Dominions , where the Grand Moghòl by particular priviledge hath a Palace and a Court ; and accordingly he comes sometimes to reside there . This Palace hath a great square Court , surrounded with white and well polish'd walls . In the midst stands a high Post to shoot at with arrows , as is also usual in the Piazzaes of Persia. On the left side of the Court as you go in , are the King's Lodgings , a small and low building . What 't is within side , I know not , for I enter'd not into it ; but without , 't is as follows : Under the King's Windows is a square place inclos'd with a rail of colour'd wood , and the pavement somewhat rais'd ; within which , when the King is there , are wont to stand certain Officers of the Militia , whom they call Mansubdàr , and they are almost the same with our Colonels : their Command extends not to above a Thousand Horse ; nor are they all equal , but from a thousand downwards , some have more , some less , under them . Within this inclosure of the Mansubdary , under the King's Balconies , stand two carv'd Elephants of emboss'd work , but not large , painted with their natural colours ; and in the front of the Royal Lodgings , are other such Ornaments after their mode , of little consideration . Some said , that a while ago in one of the Balconies stood expos'd to publick view an Image of the Virgin Mary , plac'd there by Sciàh Selim , ( who , they say , was devoted to her ) and to whom , perhaps , it was given by one of our Priests , who frequent his Court out of a desire to draw him to the Christian Faith ; but the Image was not there now , and possibly , was taken away by Sultan Chorrom his Son , ( reported an Enemy of the Christians and their affairs ) since his coming to the Government of those parts of Guzaràt . The station of the greater Captains , and of higher dignity then the Mansubdary , as the Chans and others of that rank , is in the King's Balconies ; or near hand above there within the Rooms : The inferior Souldiers , that is , such as have onely two or three Horses , stand upon the ground in the Court without the above mention'd inclosure . In the front of the Court is another building , with an inclosure also before it , but less adorned ; 't is the place where the King's Guard stands with all its Captains : And the same order , I believe , is always observ'd in the Moghòl's Court , in whatsoever place or City he happens to be . Within this Court is another on the left hand , surrounded with other buildings for necessary Offices , but not so well built nor polish'd . Having seen what we could of the Royal Palace , we return'd by the same way we came to the street of the great Market . From whence we went to see a famous Temple of Mahadeù , to which there is hourly a great concourse of people , and the street which leads to it is always full , not onely of goers and commers to the Temple , but also of beggars who stand here and there asking Alms of those that pass by . The building of this Temple is small , the entrance narrow and very low , almost under ground ; for you descend by many steps , and you would think you were rather going into a Grotto then into a Temple ; and hence there is always a great crowd there . On high hung a great number of Bells , which are rung every moment with great noise by all those who come to worship . Within the Temple continually stand many naked Gioghi , having onely their privities ( not very well ) cover'd with a cloth ; they wear long Hair dishevel'd , dying their Fore-heads with spots of Sanders , Saffron , and other colours suitable to their superstitious Ceremonies . The rest of their bodies is clean and smooth , without any tincture or impurity ; which I mention as a difference from some other Gioghi , whose Bodie are all smear'd with colours and ashes , as I shall relate hereafter . There is , no doubt , but these are the ancient Gymnosophists so famous in the world ; and , in short , those very Sophists who then went naked , and exercis'd great patience in sufferings , to whom Alexander the Great sent Onesicritus to consult with them , as Strabo reports from the testimony of the same Onesicritus . Many of them stood in the Temple near the Idols , which were plac'd in the innermost Penetral or Chancel of it , with many Candles and lamps burning before them . The Idols were two stones , somewhat long , like two small Termini , or Land-marks , painted with their wonted colours ; on the right side whereof was a stone cut into a figure , and on the left another of that ordinary form of a small pillar , according to which , as I said before , that they use to shape Mahadeù : And before all these , another like figure of Mahadeù , made of Crystal , upon which the Offerings were lay'd , as Milk , Oyle , Rice , and divers such things . The assistent Gioghi give every one that comes to worship some of the Flowers , which are strew'd upon , and round about the Idols ; receiving in lieu thereof good summs of Alms. Coming out of this Temple , and ascending up the wall of the City , which is hard by , we beheld from that height the little River call'd Sabermeti , which runs on that side under the walls without the City . Upon the bank thereof , stood expos'd to the Sun many Gioghi of more austere lives , namely such , as not onely are naked , like those above describ'd , but go all sprinkled with ashes , and paint their bodies and faces with a whitish colour upon black , which they do with a certain stone that is reduc'd into powder like Lime : Their Beards and Hair they wear long , untrim'd , rudely involv'd , and sometimes erected like horns . Painted they are often , or rather dawb'd with sundry colours and hideous figures ; so that they seem so many Devils , like those represented in our Comedies . The ashes wherewith they sprinkle their bodies are the ashes of burnt Carkasses ; and this , to the end they may be continually mindful of death . A great crew of these with their Chief or Leader , ( who conducts them with an extravagant banner in his Hand , made of many shreds of several colours , and to whom they all religiously obey ) sat by the Rivers side in a round form , as their custom is ; and in the field there were many people , who came , some to walk , and others , to wash themselves ; the Pagan Indians holding their Rivers in great Veneration , and being not a little superstitious in bathing themselves therein . From the same place , I beheld a little Chappel built upon two small figures of Mahadeù , not upright , but lying along upon the ground , and carv'd in ba●●e relief , where also were Lamps burning , and people making their Offerings . One of the Gioghi , laying aside all other care , remain'd continually in this Chappel with great retiredness and abstraction of mind , scarce ever coming forth ; although it was very troublesome abiding there , in regard of the heat of the lights ; and inconvenient too , by reason the Chappel was so little that it could scarce contain him alone as he sat upon the pavement , ( which was somewhat rais'd from the Earth ) with his Leggs doubled under him , and almost crooked . Returning home by the same way of the great Bazàr , or Market , I saw Carvanserai , or Inns made with Cloysters like those of Persia ; one greater and square of the ordinary form , and another less , narrow and long . Of divers other streets , in which I saw nothing observable , I forbear to speak . The same day after dinner , having taken leave of certain Armenian and Syrian Christians , who live in Ahmedabàd with their Wives and Families , we put our selves upon the way to return to Cambaia , with the same Cafila , with which we came ; and which every week departs thence at a set day . At our setting forth we met with a little obstacle , for by reason of the new Commotions between the Moghòl , and his Son Sultan Chorròm , who was become Master of these parts of Guznet , there was a fresh prohibition in Ahmedabàd , that no Souldiers Wives , nor other person of quality should go out of the City by Land ; and this , as I conceive , lest the rumors of the troubles should cause the people of the City to remove into other Territories , and abandon the faction of the Rebel Sultan Chorròm ; which they could not do if their Wives were restrain'd , because Husbands are in a manner necessitated to abide where their Wives and Houses are . So that by reason of this prohibition , I could not have got away , having my Sig ra Mariuccia with me , unless I had obtain'd express leave in writing from the Governour ; in order to which it was needful for me to make it appear that we were strangers and not people of the Country , and to pay some small summ of Money , besides going backward and for ward , whereby we lost much time . Having at length obtain'd permission , and being got out of the City , we went a little without the walls to see a great Artificial Lake which is there , made of stone with stairs at several angles about it ; its Diameter was , by my conjecture , above half a mile . It hath about the middle an Island , with a little Garden , to which they go by a handsome Bridge of many Arches very well built ; upon which , I believe , two Indian Coaches may go a breast . Indeed these Indian Lakes are goodly things , and may be reckon'd amongst the most remarkable structures of the world . Having seen this , we went to overtake our Cafila , which was arriv'd at a Town seven Cos distant from Ahemdabàd , call'd Barigia , or Bariza , ( for the Indians very much confound these two Letters g and z in their speaking . ) We came late to the said Town , by reason of our hindrances at our departure from Ahmedabàd ; but certain Horse-men appointed , as I conceive , to guard the way , having met us in the night , would needs accompany us thither that so we might go safely ; for which service they were contented with a very small gratuity which we gave them . The first of March , being Ash-Wednesday , we set forth by break of day ; and having travell'd fifteen Cos , an hour or little more before night , we came to lodge in a competently large Town call'd Soznitrà , where I saw Batts as big as Crows . The next day , March the second , beginning our journey early , we travell'd twelve Cos , and a little after noon arriv'd at Cambaia . The Dutch Merchants there understanding by others that we were coming with this Cafila , came to meet us a little without the Gate , and with their accustomed courtesies conducted us to lodge in their House . March the third , we went out of the walls to the top of the Tower of that Sepulchre , which I said we saw near the Garden of the King of Guzarat , to behold from thence , ( being a great prospect upon the Sea ) the coming in of the Tide , which indeed was a pleasant spectacle . 'T was New-Moon this day , and so a greater Tide then usual , and we went to observe it at the punctual time of its being at the height , which those people know very well ; because at that time it increases in less then a quarter of an hour , to almost the greatest height it is to have , and flows with greatest fury ; contrary to what happens in other Seas . Now at the due time we saw the Sea come roaring a far off , like a most rapid River , and in a moment overflow a great space of Land , rushing with such fury that nothing could have with-stood its force ; and I think it would have overtaken the swiftest Race-horse in the world . A thing verily strange , since in other places both the rising and the falling of the Sea in the flux and reflux is done gently in full six hours , and with so little motion that 't is scarce perceiv'd . After this we went to see another goodly Cistern , or Lake , without the City , formerly not seen , of a square form , and of a sumptuous marble structure , with stairs about it like the others which I had seen elsewhere . Afterwards we saw in one of the Suburbs or Hamlets near the City , call'd Cansari , a Temple of the Gentiles , peradventure the goodliest that I have seen , with certain Cupola's , and high Balconies of tolerable Architecture , but no great model . This Temple belongs to that Race of Indians who shave their heads ( a thing unusual to all others who wear long hair , like Women ) and such are call'd Vertià . The Idol in it sate on high over an Altar at the upper end , in a place somewhat dark , ascended by stairs , with lamps always burning before it . When I went in , there was a Man at his Devotions , and burning Perfumes before the Idol . At some distance from this , stands another Temple of like structure , but more plain and of a square form ; within it were seen abundance of Idols of several shapes , whose Names and Histories , the shortness of time , and my unskilfulness in their Language allow'd me not to learn. Without the Gate of these Temples , I beheld sitting upon the ground in a circle , another Troop of those naked Gioghi , having their bodies sinear'd with Ashes , Earth , and Colours , like those I had seen upon the River of Ahmedabàd ; they 〈◊〉 a ring about their Archimandrita , or Leader , who was held in such Veneration not onely by the Religious of their Sect , but also by the other secular Indians , for Reputation of Holiness , that I saw many grave persons go and make low Reverences to him , kiss his Hands , and stand in an humble posture before him to hear some sentence ; and He with great gravity , or rather with a strange scorn of all worldly things , hypocritically made as if he scarce deign'd to speak and answer those that came to honour him . These Gioghi , are not such by Descent but by Choice , as our Religious Orders are . They go naked , most of them with their bodies painted and smear'd , as is above mention'd ; yet some of them are onely naked , with the rest of their bodies smooth , and onely their Fore-heads dy'd with Sanders and some red , yellow , or white colour ; which is also imitated by many secular persons , out of superstition and gallantry . They live upon Almes , despising clothes and all other worldly things . They marry not , but make severe profession of Chastity at least in appearance ; for in secret 't is known many of them commit as many debaucheries as they can . They live in society under the obedience of their Superiors , and wander about the world without having any setled abode . Their Habitations are the Fields , the Streets , the Porches , the Courts of Temples , and Trees , especially under those where any Idol is worshipt by them ; and they undergo with incredible patience day and night no less the rigor of the Air then the excessive heat of the Sun , which in these sultry Countries is a thing sufficiently to be admir'd . They have spiritual exercises after their way , and also some exercise of Learning , but ( by what I gather from a Book of theirs translated into Persian , and intitl'd , Damerdbigiaska , and , as the Translator saith , a rare piece ) both their exercises of wit and their Learning , consist onely in Arts of Divination , Secrets of Herbs , and other natural things , and also in Magick and Inchantments , whereunto they are much addicted , and boast of doing great wonders . I include their spiritual exercises herein , because according to the aforesaid Book , they think that by the means of those exercises , Prayers , Fastings , and the like superstitious things , they come to Revelations ; which indeed are nothing else but correspondences with the Devil , who appears to , and deludes them in sundry shapes , forewarning them sometimes of things to come : Yea sometimes they have carnal commerce with him , not believing , or , at least , not professing that 't is the Devil ; but that there are certain Immortal , Spiritual , Invisible Women , to the number of forty , known to them and distinguisht by various forms , names , and operations , whom they reverence as Deities , and adore in many places with strange worship ; so that some Moorisco Princes in India , as one of these three pety Kings who reign'd in Decàn , Telengane , and Meslepaton , ( Cutbsciach , as I remember ) though a Moor ; yet retaining some reliques of ancient Gen 〈…〉 sm , makes great Feasts and Sacrifices to one of these Women in certain Grottoes under high Mountains which are in his Country ; where 't is reported , that this Woman hath a particular and beloved habitation ; and He of the Gioghi , that by long spiritual exercises can come to have an apparition of any of these Women , who foretells him future things , and favours him with the power of doing other wonders , is accounted in the degree of perfection ; and far more if he happen to be adopted by the Immortal Woman for her Son , Brother , or other Kinsman ; but above all , if he be receiv'd for a Husband , and the Woman have carnal commerce with him ; the Giogho thenceforward remaining excluded from the commerce of all other Women in the world , which is the highest degree that can be attain'd to ; and then he is call'd a spiritual Man , and accounted of a nature above humane , with promise of a thousand strange things , which for brevities sake I pass over . Thus doth the Devil abuse this miserable people . As for any thing more concerning these Gioghi , I refer you to what I have formerly written of them , and the Sami , who are another sort of Religious Indians who wear Clothes , as I saw them in Bender of Combrù . And of the Sciences of the Gioghi , and their spiritual exercises , especially of a curious way , rather superstitious then natural , of Divining by the breathing of a Man , wherein they have indeed many curious and subtle observations , which I upon tryal have found true . If any would know more , I refer him to the Book above mention'd , which I intend to carry with me for a Rarity into Italy ; and if I shall find convenience , I shall one day gratifie the Curious with a sight of it in a Translation . On the fourth of March , I went out of Cambaia to a Town two miles off , call'd Hagrà , to see a famous Temple , built of old by the Race of the Banions , and belongs to them ; but yet the Brachmans possess it , and have care of it , as if it were descended to them . This Temple is dedicated to Brahmà , who , as I said before , they hold to be the same with Pythagoras , although of the origine of Bramà , and how he was produc'd of the first Cause , or else of the first Matter , and how they take this for one of the Elements , and a thousand other extravagances ; they tell long Fables , which do not agree to Pythagoras a meer man ; but for all this they confound the two Names , and 't is no great matter to reconcile them herein , after the same manner that our ancient Gentiles agreed in their Iupiter , taken sometimes for one of the Elements , and sometimes historically for an ancient King one of Saturn's Sons ; and in divers other like names , in reference to History and Philsophy they had double , allegorical and mysterious significations . Concerning the Genealogy of Bramà , and the other fabulous Indian Gods , and what belongs to their vain Theology , I refer the Reader to the Books of Father Francesco Negrone , or Negraore , as the Portugals call him , who writes fully thereof in his Chronicles of the things done by those of his Order in India , written in the Portugal Language ; and I think he is the first , and perhaps , the onely Modern Writer who hath given account of this matter in Europe . The said Father having been assisted therein , for information by most fit and sufficient Interpreters , namely , the Fathers of his own Religion , good Divines , skill'd in the Indian Tongue , and perfectly intelligent of these matters ; who also read and interpreted the very Books of the Indians to him , and were likewise his interpreters in the discourses which he had often with the learned Indians concerning their Religion , as himself frequently told me . Besides which , he wanted not other helps , because being appointed Historiographer to his Order , he was abundantly supply'd with what was needful to that Office ; he convers'd long in the Kingdom of Bisnaga , where the Religion and Sciences of the Indians have their Principal Scat ; as also in the Island of Zeilan , which many take to be the ancient Tabrobana , and in other Countries for this very purpose . He made many peregrinations expresly to see places and things conducing thereunto , and was assisted by the Vice-Roys themselves and Governours of Provinces , subject to the Portugals , who sent him into all places accompany'd oftentimes with whole bands of Souldiers , where the wayes were not secure ; in brief , without sparing cost , pains , or diligence , he professedly intended this business for many years together , with all kind of convenience and authority . Lastly , he was some years since sent by his Order into Europe , in Order to print his Works ; and in the year 1619 , as I came through Persia , I saw him at Sphahàn ; and during his short abode there by means of a Friend got a sight of his Papers , but had not time to read them , as I desir'd . He went thence directly to Rome , whither I gave him some Letters to certain Friends and Relations of mine to be civil to him there , as I know they were ; and after some years sojourning at Rome , whilst I was at Bender of Combrù , I heard that he was coming from Rome towards Turkie , in order to return to India , where I hope to see him again ; and if he bring his Books printed with him , I shall read them , and what I find remarkable therein which may be serviceable to these writings of mine , I shall make mention of the same in its proper place , Father Ioam de Lucena a Jesuit , in his History of the Life of San Francesco Xavier , written in the Portugal Tongue , makes mention likewise of the Religion and Customs of the Indian-Gentiles , and seems to speak thereof with good grounds , although in some few particulars , if I mistake not , he is capable of a little correction . Yet that which troubles me most , is , that it clearly appears by his Book that he knew much more of the Customs of the Indians then he hath written : which perhaps he would not write , either because they were obscene and impious , or pertain'd not to his purpose . I saw Father Negrone since at Goa , but he brought not his Book printed ; either because his Fathers , as some say , would not have it printed ; or — . Yet he saith , he hath sent it to be printed in Portugal in that Language , and expects it by the next Ship ; if it comes , I shall see it . But having in Goa discours'd with him more largely then I did in Persia , I find him very little vers'd in matters of ancient History and Geography , as generally the Fryars of Spain , and especially Portugal are not , addicting themselves little to other Studies , besides what serves to Preaching ; wherefore , without good skill in ancient History , Geography , and other Humane Learning , I know not how 't is possible to write Histories well , particularly , concerning the Customs of the Indians ; of which also he hath had no other information but by interpreters ; in which way I have by experience found that many errors are frequently committed . Nevertheless we shall see what light may be had from Lucena's Book , although it be short , concerning the Religion of the Indians . In the mean time returning to my purpose , I shall tell you , that in the Temple dedicated to Brahmà in the Town of Naghrà , which is little considerable for building but in great Veneration for ancient Religion , there are many Idols of white Marble . The biggest is the Chief , and hath the worthiest place : In the middle is the Statue of Brahma , or Pythagoras , with many Arms and Faces , as they ordinarily pourtray him , namely , three Faces , for I could not see whether there were a fourth or more behind ; 't is naked with a long picked Beard , but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure , which for its bigness hath a very great Belly , I know not whether through the Artificers fault , who seems to have been little skilful ; or else because the Indians , as I have also heard of the people of Sumatra , account it a great Beauty and perfection to have a great Belly . This figure of Brahma stands upright , and at his Feet two other less carv'd figures , which , as they say , are his two Sons , Sunnet and Sunnatan . On each side of Brahma stand likewise two Statues of Women , somewhat less then Brahma himself , and they call them his Wives , Savetri , and Gavetri . On the left side of this narrow Temple , stand two other figures of the same bigness , being two naked Men with long Beards , whom they pretend to have been two religious persons , I know not whether Doctors or Disciples of Brahma or Pythagoras ; one is call'd Chescuèr , the other Ciavan de Chescuèr . On the same side downwards are many other Idolets , as one with an Elephants Head , and divers others formerly by me mention'd . All which Idols are serv'd , ador'd , perfum'd , offer'd to , and wash'd every day as for delight , ( for the Indians account it delight to wash often ) by the Brachmans , who assist at their service with much diligence . I must not forget , that the Banians say , this Town Naghera was the King's Seat and principal City , anciently the Head of the whole Kingdom of Cambaia , and that the City now properly call'd Cambaia , and rais'd to greatness by the ruine of this old , is a modern thing ; whence I have sometimes suspected that the Indian Character call'd Naghra , us'd by the learned , was denominated from this City wherein it was anciently us'd ; but 't is onely a Conjecture ; and I have learnt by long and much experience , that in the derivation and interpretation of Names , especially of Places , there is no trusting to the resemblance of Words ; because by reason of the diversity of Languages , and the casual Conformity of Words which signifie things sufficiently different , according to the variety of Places , gross errors are easily admitted . Nagher in the Indian Language signifies a Great City . Coming from Naghra , I saw some naked and besmeared Men , of deportment almost like the incinerated Gioghi , who were of a Race of Indians accounted by themselves the most sordid and vile Race of all in India ; because they eat every thing , even the uncleannest Animals , as Rats and the like ; whence they are call'd in Persian , Hhalal-chor , which signifies a Man that accounts it lawful to eat any thing ; the Indians call them Der , and all people in general abhor not onely to converse with , but even to touch them . Concerning Religion , I have heard nothing particular of them , but believe them Gentiles as the rest , or perhaps , Atheists , who may possibly hold every thing for lawful , as well in believing as in eating . They are all sufficiently poor , and live for the most part by begging , or exercising the most sordid Trades in the Common-wealth , which others disdain to meddle with ; but they , either because their Rite teaches them so , or necessity inforces them , are not at all shie of . March the fifth , We visited the King's Garden again , and many other Gardens , where we tasted divers fruits , and beheld several Flowers of India unknown in Europe ; amongst the rest , one very odoriferous which I kept in a Paper , which they call Ciompa . Without the City we saw the Saltpits , and also the Field by the Sea-side , where the Indians are wont to burn the bodies of their dead ; which may be known by the reliques of many fires and pieces of bones not wholly burnt , which are seen scatter'd about the same . The next Morning early , we return'd to this Field , and saw several Bodies burnt , and particularly observ'd the Funeral of one Woman from the beginning to the end . They carry the Corps wrapt in a cloth of Cit , of a red colour for the most part , and much in use among the Indians for other purposes . They carry it not upon a Biere , as we do , but ty'd to and hanging down like a sack , from a staff lay'd cross two Men's shoulders . They make the funeral pile of wood , lay'd together in form of a bed , of equal length and breadth , and sufficient to receive the Body ; upon which , beginning then to lament with a loud voice , they lay the carkass naked and supine , with the Face and Feet towards the Sea ; which I believe , is likewise observ'd ( where the Sea is not ) towards Rivers , Lakes , and Cisterns , the Indians having a particular devotion to the Water ; nor do I know , that herein they have respect to any Region of Heaven . They cover the privities with a piece of wood , anoint the Hands and Feet , put a coal of fire in the Mouth ; and then all things being prepar'd , they set fire first at the Throat , and afterwards to the whole pile round about , beginning first at the Head , but with their Faces turn'd another way , as Virgil saith our Ancestors did ; Then sprinkle Water on the ground round about the pile , which they continually stir up with staves in their Hands , and blow with the motion of a cloth , to the end the flame may not spread , but burn more speedily . The body being consum'd by degrees , they reduce the fire into a round form , and when all is burnt , they leave the ashes , and sometimes a piece of a bone not wholly consum'd there in the same place : The cloth wherein the body was wrapt before it was committed to the pile , they give in Charity to some poor person present . Such as have where withall , are burnt with odoriferous and precious wood , in which the rich spend much ; but they that cannot reach so high , use ordinary wood . Children under two years of age are not burnt but buried , as we saw some in the same Field . Nor let the Reader wonder , that in the same day and hour we hapned to see so many dead persons ; for , besides that Cambaia is a large City and very populous , as all the Cities and Lands of India are ; the Gentiles are wont to perform this Ceremony of the dead onely in the Morning , at a set hour , and in that place ; so that all that dye in the whole City , during the twenty four hours of the day , are brought to that place at the same hour . The same day we had News of a Jesuit's coming to Cambaia from Goa , with a Cafila of Portugal Frigats , which was going for Agrà : Whereupon in the Evening , Sig : Alberto Scilling and I , in company of a Venetian Merchant , went to visit him at the house where he lodged ; and having told him that we were to go the next day for Suràt , I desir'd him to give a letter to the Jesuits of Daman and Bassaim , where I hop'd to touch upon the way to Goa ; which he very courteously condescending to do , we went again the next Morning to see him before we departed . March the seventh , In the Morning we visited the Father Jesuit , who was not a Priest , but one of those whom they call Fratelli , Brothers , or young Fryars . He gave me Letters to F. Antonio Albertino , an Italian , and Rector of their Colledge in Daman , and to the Father Rector of their Colledge of Bassaim , desiring them that since I could not imbarque at Cambaia in the Cafila of the Portugals , because I was to return to Suràt , where I had left my goods in the Ships , they would favour me and assist me to get convenient passage for Goa in the said Cafila , either at Daman or Bassaim , where I intended to meet it as it return'd . I on the other side gave this Father a Letter to their Fathers Resident at Agrà , to whom I had written formerly from Persia , desiring them to send me some correct Copy of the Persian Books , written by their Fathers in that Court , in order to get the same printed at Rome ; and by Sig : Alberto Scilling , I had understood that my first Letter was receiv'd there , and that the said Fathers of Agrà knew me by report , and the relation of divers who had seen me in Persia , particularly of this Sig : Alberto . In this other Letter from Cambaia , I acquainted them with my Voyage to Goa ; and desiring them to write to me there , and remember to favour me with those Books . Having dispatch'd , the Father Jesuit , we return'd to the Dutch House to have a Collation ; and here we were entertain'd a good while with good Musick by an Indian , who sung tolerably well , and play'd upon a certain odd instrument us'd in India ; which pleas'd me well enough , because it was not so obstreperous Musick as the ordinary of the vulgar Indians , but rather low and very sweet , and the Musician was skilful according to the mode of the Country , having liv'd at the Court of Tisapor , in the service of Adilsiah . His Instrument was made of two round Gourds dy'd black and vernish'd , with a hole bor'd in one of them , to reverberate the sound . Between the one Gourd and the other , about the distance of three spans , was fastned a piece of wood , upon which they both hung , and the strings which were many , partly of brass , and partly of steel , were extended , passing over many little pieces of wood like so many bridges ; and these were the frets , which he touch'd with the left Hand to diversify the sounds , and the strings with the right , not with his Fingers or Nails , but with certain iron wires fastned to his Fingers , by certain rings like thimbles , wherewith he did not strike the strings strongly , but lightly touch'd them from the top downwards , so that they render'd a sound sufficiently pleasant . When he play'd , he held the Instrument at his breast by a string that went round his neck , and one of the Gourds hung over his left shoulder , and the other under his right arm , so that it was a prety sight . Collation and Musick ended , we were conducted about two Cos out of the City by the Dutch Merchants , and took the same way by which we came . We pass'd over the five Cos of wet ground , with the four Currents of Water , of which the second was the deepest ( having waited a while for a fit hour ) in company of a numerous Cafila of Coaches , Carts , Horse-men and Foot-men , in the same manner and circumstances as I writ before ; onely the Water was now much higher then we had found it at our coming , so that it came into all the Coaches , and we were fain to stand upright and hold fast by the roof of the Coaches , bare leg'd too , because the Water came above the bottom of the Coaches to the middle of the leg . The Oxen and Horses could scarce keep their Heads above Water , and the Coaches being light , if Men hir'd purposely had not gone along in the Water to hold them steady , and break the course thereof by holding great stumps of wood on that side the Tide came furiously in , without doubt , the Water would have swept them away . In this place on the left hand towards the land in the moist ground , we beheld at a distance many Fowls , as big or bigger then Turkies , go up and down , rather running then flying . They told us , they were the same which the Portugals call Paxaros Flamencos , from their bright colour ; and I think , they are those of whose beaks Mir Mahhammed in Spahàn , makes bow-rings for the King ; although he erroneously takes it for the beak of the Cocuos , or Phoenix , which good Authors describe , not a water Fowl , but rather an inhabitant of high Mountains . Having at length pass'd this dangerous foard , and following our way we came at night to lodge at Giambuser , the same Town where we had lodg'd formerly . March the eighth , We put our selves upon the way again , and foarded the little salt-water Dilavel , and at night arriv'd at Barocci , and were as formerly entertain'd in the House of the Dutch. But upon the way , before we enter'd the City , we saw a handsome structure standing upon a famous Sepulchre of I know not well who , but seems to be some great person's , and is worship'd by the Moors as a sacred thing . This Fabrick is pleasantly seated amongst Trees , something elevated upon the side of a little Lake , or Great Cistern . In the chief part of it , besides the principal Sepulchre , which stands apart in the most worthy place , are many other Sepulchres of white Marble , of an oblong form , with many carvings and works tolerable enough ; 't is likely they are the Tombs , either of the Wives and Children , or of the other kindred of the Principal , because they seem all of the same work and time . Round this greater structure stand other less , with Sepulchres of Moors in them , who cause themselves to be buried there out of devotion to the place ; whence I gather that the principal Sepulchre is not onely of some great person or Prince as it intimates , but also of one that dy'd with some opinion among the Moors of Sanctity . I know not who told me that it was the Sepulchre of a famous Tartarian King , who came to have dominion in those parts ; but I credit not the Relation , because I had it not from a good hand . March the ninth , We departed from Barocci , ferrying over the River , and at night lodg'd at Periab , where we had quarter'd before as we went. March the tenth , Having gone the short way which remain'd , and pass'd the River of Surat by boat , we came to that City about Noon , where I repair'd to the House before assign'd me by the Dutch Commendator , and there found the Daughter of one of the Armenian or Syrian Merchants , seen by us at Ahmedabàd , who was come thither with a Brother of hers , in order to be marry'd shortly to one Sig : Guilielmo , a Hollander , to whom she had been promis'd in Marriage at Ahmedabàd , and who also was in the same House , which was capable of him and more . I understood at Suràt , that Sultan Chorròm had taken and sackt the City of Agrà , except the Castle , and that his Army and himself had committed very great Cruelties there in spoiling and discovering the Goods and Mony of the Citizens ; particularly , that he had tortur'd , and undecently mangled many Women of quality , and done other like barbarities , whereby he render'd himself very odious to the people . Concerning Asaf Chan , it was said , that he was held in custody by the King , as suspected of Rebellion , although his affairs were spoken of with much uncertainty ; and that the King was hastning to come against his Son , but was not yet far off , and mov'd slowly . March the one and twentieth , Conceiving the return of the Portugal Cafila from Cambaia to Goa to be near hand , and desiring to make a Voyage with the same ; since in regard of the greatness of my luggage , and the length of the way I could not go by Land , and 't was not safe going by Sea , by reason of the continual incursions of the Mahabar Pirates ; I dispatch'd a Messenger to Daman , a City of the Portugals , a little way from Suràt , to F. Antonio Albertino , Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits , with the Letter which their above-mention'd Father had given me in Cambaia ; and giving him account of my self and my intention , I desir'd him to send me from Daman one of those Light Vessels which they call Almadiae , and are of that swiftness that they are not at all afraid of Pirates , to carry me from Suràt to Daman , where I desir'd to meet the Cafila : For I could not go by a Boat of Suràt , since the Mariners of Suràt would not have taken my Goods aboard which were in the English Ships , without first carrying them into the City to make them pay Custom ; whereby I might have been put to a great deal of trouble of going backward and forward , as also upon the account of the Moorish Books which I had with me , and reliques of Sig : Maani . Wherefore to prevent these intricacies , I pray'd the Father to send me a Boat from Daman to take me in not at the City , but at the Port where the Ships ride , and where I intended to be with my Goods ready upon the shore of Sohali . And to the end this Portugal Boat might come securely and not fear , I sent him two safe Conducts , one from the English , and the other from the Dutch ; although there was no necessity of them , because Boats come many times secretly from Daman , without such safe Conduct to sell Commodities to the English Ships . March the fifteenth , Was the first day of the Feast of the Indian-Gentiles , which they celebrate very solemnly at the entrance of the Spring , with dancings through the street , and casting Orange Water and red Colours in jest one upon another , with other festivities of Songs and Mummeries , as I have formerly seen the same in Sphahan ; where also reside constantly a great number of Banians and Indian-Gentiles . Yet the solemnity and concourse of people was greater then in Persia , as being in their own Country , and a City inhabited in a great part by Gentiles and wealthier persons . Otherwise , I saw nothing at Surat during these three Festival Days , but what I had seen already at Sphahan , and have mention'd in my Writings from that place . March the eighteenth , Being invited to the Dutch House , we there saw the Contract of Sig ra Mariam , the Daughter of the abovesaid Armenian or Syrian Merchant , Resident Ahmedabad with Sig r Guiglielmo a Dutch-man , which was follow'd by a sumptuous Dinner , at which were all the Christian Dames of Europe that liv'd at Surat to attend upon the Bride ; namely , one Portugal Woman taken in the last Ships , which were surpriz'd by the Dutch , and married likewise to a Dutch-man ; Mary Bagdadina , Wife to another Hollander , and with them also my young Mariam Tinatin ; and another born in India , and contracted to a Dutch-man ; of which Nation , many upon the encouragement of certain priviledges granted them by the State , marry Wives in India of any kind , either white Women or black , and go to people New Batavia , which they have built in Iava Major , near a place which they call Giacatora ; and they that cannot light upon Free-women for Marriage , buy slaves and make them their lawful Wives to transport thither . At this entertainment were present also the President of the English , with all those of his Nation , all the Dutch Merchants , the Brides Brother , Sig : Alberto Scilling , my self , and in short , all the Europaean Christians that were in Surat . March the one and twentieth , A Post came to the Dutch Merchants from Agra , with fresh News , that Sultan Chorròm , had besides the former , given a new sack to the said City , and the Souldiers committing the like and greater Cruelties , exasperated perhaps , at their being valorously repuls'd , in assaulting the Castle with loss of many of their Companions . March the two and twentieth , This Morning the Messenger whom I had sent to Daman , return'd to Surat with the answer which I expected . F. Antonio writ me word that there was but one of those Light Vessels belonging to Daman , and it was now at Surat , being lately come thither , the Master of which was one Sebastian Luis ; wherefore he advis'd me to agree with him for my transportation , and in case he were already gone , then I should advertise him thereof at Daman , and they would speedily send him back ; for which purpose they kept the safe Conducts , which I had sent for security of the Vessel . But having presently found the abovesaid Sebastian Luis , I have agreed with him to bring his Boat out of the River to the Sea-side , and take me in at the Port which is some distance from the mouth of the River , where I have appointed to meet him to morrow morning . It remains onely that I take leave of the Dutch Commendator and the English President , from whom I have receiv'd infinite Obligations during all my residence here , particularly to the Sig r Commendator ; the remembrance whereof shall continue with me during Life . I hope , God willing , to write to you speedily from Goa , and in the mean time humbly kiss your Hands . LETTER II. From Goa , April 27. 1623. I Now salute you ( my dear Sig : Mario ) from Goa ; in India indeed I am , but no Indian . Having pass'd through the Syrian , and afterwards the Persian Garb , I am again transvested into our Europaean . In Turkie and Persia you would not have known me , but could not mistake me in India , where I have almost resum'd my first shape . This is the third transformation which my Beard hath undergone , having here met with an odd Barber , who hath advanc'd my mustachios according to the Portugal Mode , and in the middle of my chin shaven after the Persian Mode , he hath left the Europaean tuft . But to continue my Diary , where I left off in my last Letter , which was about my departure from Suràt . March the three and twentieth , Having taken leave of all Friends , a little after Dinner I set forth to depart , but met with so many obstacles in the Dogana , or Custom-house , that they detain'd me till almost night before I could get away . The occasion was this ; In the Pass given me , ( without which none can depart ) the Governour three times expresly prohibited my Persian Servant Cacciatùr to go with me ; and this for no other cause but for that himself , ( foolishly , or rather cunningly , as appear'd afterwards ) out of a pretended vain fear , as he said , when we came first to Suràt , lest he should be known what he was by some of the Persians , who are there in the service of the Great Moghòl , and not knowing that in India there is Liberty of Conscience , and that a Man may hold or change what Faith he pleases , not the least trouble being given to any person touching Religion in the Dominions of the Moghòl ; not knowing these things , I say , and fearing to confess himself a Christian before any that might know him in Persia for a Moor , had declar'd in the Dogana , when he was examin'd thereupon , that he was a Musliman , which they interpret a Moor , although the word properly signifies safe or saved , that is , of the right Faith ; and therefore by Christians ( understanding it in their own sense ) when considerable respects oblige them to conceal themselves , perhaps is not unlawful to be assum'd . Now Cacciatùr being hereupon taken for a Moor , and not daring to deny it or discover himself more clearly , but , as I believe , intending to be a Moor really , and to do what afterwards he did ; they would not suffer that he should go along with me into the jurisdiction of Christians , where they conceiv'd he would be in danger of being perverted . And although innumerable Moors go daily into the neighbouring Territories of the Portugals , nor are they wont to be forbidden ; yet , my Cacciatùr , I know not upon what account , they prohibited very strictly , I believe by his own procurement . When I had read this prohibition in my Pass , I sent him out of the City before-hand , with order to cross the River at another place a good way off , and meet me at the Sea-side , where being among the English , he would be out of all all danger ; but through the negligence of a Man of the Country whom he took to direct him , either by his own will , as 't is most likely , because he knew not the way ; or else , not having found Boats to pass the River elsewhere , as he said , he was directed to cross it at the same place near the Custom-house , where we did ; whereupon being seen by the Officers , he was seiz'd upon , and they would not suffer him to come by any means . I us'd much instance , and try'd divers wayes , alledging by a writing that he was bound to serve me longer , and was to go to Goa to be paid his wages there , according to agreement : But all to no purpose , they still answering , ( though with great courtesie indeed ) that the accord was good , and that Cacciatùr did not break it , being for his part ready to go , but that they made him stay by force , as in zeal for Religon 't was reasonable for them to do ; that , had I been going into some Territory of Moors as I was of Christians , they should not have kept him from me ; and therefore , in short , I must be contented to leave him behind , and pay him for his service done in Suràt ; otherwise they could not give a Pass to my self . Perceiving there was no remedy , I return'd to the Dutch-House , and having consulted with the Commendator what to do , I agreed with Cacciatùr , ( who was willing not to be left at Suràt , after I had threatned to cause him to be slain there , in case he stay'd to turn Moor ) that he should shew himself desirous to stay at Suràt , and in the Governour 's own House too if he pleas'd , assuring him under his Hand , that I had fully satisfi'd him , that so my journey might not be stopt ; and after I was gone without him , the Dutch Commendator , who took this care upon him , should procure his escape , and send him by another way to the Sea-side where I took Boat ; or if he could not be sent timely enough to find me there , then he should come to Daman by Land , where he should certainly find me . Upon this agreement we went before the Governour , with the discharges of his Arrears in writing , and the Governour was contented to let me go , after he had narrowly examin'd , whether it was true that he was pay'd by me , and that his agreeing to stay in Suràt was not a fiction . But we had laid all things so together , that he did not discover the truth , or perhaps did not care much to find it out . Wherefore leaving Cacciatùr in the Governours House , where he caus'd him to stay with sundry promises , about night I departed the City , and cross'd the River with Sebastian Luis in my company , who having sent his Vessel down the River , went along with me by Land. On the other side of the River , we waited some hours for Coaches to carry us to the Sea-side , which we were fain to hire at a Town some distance off , and were slow in coming . But as soon as they came we got into them , and travell'd the rest of the night to the Sea-side . March the four and twentieth , At Day-break we got to the shore side , where we found the English President attended with all the Merchants of his Nations , who were giving order for dispatching their Ships which were ready to set sail to Muchà , or Muchàr , in the Red Sea ; namely , the two Ships , the Whale and Dolphin , wherewith I came into India ; for of the other three which I left in Bender of Kombrù , they had sold the little Frigat which was in ill plight , to the Persians , who design'd to make use of her in the enterprize of Arabia , whither they had determin'd to pass alone , now the English plainly refus'd to joyn with them in the War ; and the other two great Ships having put in likewise at Suràt , were soon after sent out again with Master Thompson , who came with them from Persia , it not being known in Suràt whither . I was receiv'd by the President in his Tent , together with my Mary Tinatim ; and soon after came Cacciatùr my Servant , and two Moors of Suràt , by the favour of the Commendator of the Dutch ; but I know not whether it were with his own good liking , though to us he pretended that it was . After my departure the Commendator went to visit the Governour , and since I was gone , and , as he said , could not carry Cacciatùr out of Suràt , he desir'd that he would give him to him , to the end he might live in his House with other Friends ; which the Governour readily granting , the same night , by the help of certain persons purposely disguis'd in Indian Habit , he sent him by a secure way to the Sea-side , where he found me in the Tent of the English President . The same Morning I went aboard the Ship call the Whale , ( wherein I came ) to visit the Captain and take leave of my Friends , with whom also I din'd ; afterwards I went aboard the Dolphin , to visit not onely the Captain who was my Friend , but especially my good Companion Sig : Alberto Schilling , who was aboard there in order to go to the Red Sea , intending to pass from thence into Aethiopia to the Court of the Abissins , in case he could get Transportation , and were not hindred in the Turkish Ports where he was to pass , upon account of being a Christian ; the Turks not willingly granting passage to Christians ( especially Europaeans ) towards Hhabese , in regard of the suspitions they have of the intelligences and converse with our Compatriots may have to their prejudice with that Prince . Wherefore taking leave of Sig : Alberto with many embraces , of Master Rosel , ( whom I had known in Persia , and who being come from thence after me , was here shipt for a Trading Voyage ) and of all my other Friends in the two Ships , I came back to sup and lye on Land in the Tent of the President . March the twenty fifth , Early in the Morning I put my Goods into the Shallop of Sebastian Luis , and also going aboard my self , whilst the President went to his own Ships to dispatch them , set sail for Daman ; at night we cast Anchor in a narrow arm of the Sea , which enters far into the Land , of which sort of inlets there are many all along the coast of India , which encompassing good portions of Land make many little Islands ; and because the said arms of the Sea are long and narrow like Rivers , and some of them have little Rivers falling into them from the continent , ( although the water is salt , and they have no current but the ebbing and flowing of the Sea ) the Portugals term them in their Language Rios , Rivers ; which I take notice of , that it may be understood that all the Rios , or Rivers , which I shall name in the coast of India , and not specifie that they are streams of fresh water , are such arms of the Sea as this , improperly call'd Rivers . This , where we staid this night , is call'd Rio di Colek , or Coleque . I have better understood that all the aforesaid inlets are not arms of the Sea , but really Rivers of fresh water ; and the Tide of the Sea at ebbing and flowing being here very strong and overcoming that of the Rivers ; hence it comes to pass that 't is hardly perceiv'd whether they have any stream or no ; and the water going far into the Land comes likewise to be salt ; but indeed they are Rivers , and form Islands by their entring into the Sea with many mouths . They are almost innumerable upon all the coast of India , and the Portugals very truly call them Rios , Rivers . Wonder not at these doubts and various informations , for I could not understand things thoroughly at first , for want of converse with intelligent persons ; nor was it easie for me to judge right in the beginning , the first appearance of things oftentimes deceiving even the wisest , as the saltness of the water did me , in my judgement of these Rivers ; making me take them for arms of the Sea ; which mistake , was further'd by the affirmation of most of the ignorant Portugals , who not knowing more of this coast then the shore where the water is salt , think that the Rivers are salt water ; but Time and better informations assist my diligence in discovering the truth of things . March the twenty sixth , About noon we arriv'd at Daman , but unseasonably , the Cafila and Fleet of the Portugals being gone in the Morning , and we discern'd them sailing afar off , but it was not possible to overtake them , I advertis'd F. Antonio Albertino , Rector of the Jesuits Colledge , of my coming , and he very courteously came forthwith to the Sea-side to receive me , and carry'd me to lodge in the Colledge , which in reference to that small City is large enough and well built . He sent Mariam Tenatim , in a Palanchino , or Indian Litter , ( wherein people are carry'd lying along as 't were in a Couch , and those of Women are cover'd ) to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman , and advis'd me that since the Cafila was departed , I should go in the same Vessel to meet it at Bassaim , where it was to touch ; and for that day rest a little in Daman as accordingly I did . The City of Daman is small , but of good building and hath long , large , and strait streets . It hath no Bishop , as neither have the other Cities of the Portugals upon this coast , being subject in spirituals to the Arch-Bishop of Goa ; but in every one of them resides a Vicar , whom they call da Vara , that is , of the Vierge or Mace , ( which is the badg of Authority ) with supream power . Besides the Jesuits and the Church of the See , ( as they call the Duomo , or Cathedral ) here are Dominicans , Franciscans , and , as I remember , Augustines too ; all , who have good Churches and Covents . The City is environ'd with strong walls of good fortification , and hath a large Territory and many Towns under it ; and because they are frequently at war with Nizamsciah , whose State ( being govern'd at this day by his famous Abissine-Slave Melik Ambar ) borders upon it by Land ; therefore the Portugals here are all Horse-men , and keep many good Arabian Horses , as they are oblig'd to do , going frequently out to war in defence of their Territory when occasion requires , though during my time here they were at peace . In Daman I first tasted at the Father Rector's Table many strange Indian Fruits , some of which are describ'd by Carolus Clusius , and others not , which , as I was told , were after the writing of his Books brought into East India from Brasil , or New Spain ; namely , Papaia , Casu or Cagiu , Giambo , Manga or Amba , and Ananas ; all which seem'd to me passibly good , and , though of different tasts , not inferior to ours of Europe , especially Papaia , which is little esteem'd in India ; and , if I mistake not , is not mention'd by the abovesaid Writer ; in shape and taste , it much resembles our Melons , but is sweeter , and consequently to me seem'd better . Ananas is justly esteem'd , being of a laudable taste , though something uncouth , inclining more to sharpness , which , with a mixture of sweetness renders it pleasant . And because the said Books mention it not , I shall briefly add , that to the outward view it seems , when it is whole , to resemble our Pine-Apple , both in the divisions and the colour ; saving that at the top it hath a kind of tuft of long strait leaves between green and white , which the Pine-Apple hath not , and which render it prety to look upon ; 't is also different from the Pine-Apple , in that the husks are not hard , but tender like the common skin of Fruits ; nor is it needful to take them off one by one , neither is any seed eaten , as the Pine-Nuts , which are within the husks , but the whole Fruit is all pulp , which is cut with the knife ; and within 't is of somewhat a greenish colour . Of temperament , 't is held to be hot , and good to promote digestion , having , in my opinion , somewhat of a winish taste and strength ; which virtue of helping digestion , is likewise ascrib'd in a higher degree to Caju , whence it always uses to be eaten with fish ; but of this and the rest , because I suppose others have written of them , I shall forbear further to speak . In Daman , I had from the Jesuits two considerable pieces of News . First , that the two English Ships , which , as I said , were sent from Suràt before my departure thence , upon some unknown design , went to Dabul , under pretext of Peace and Friendship , as if to traffick in that Port ; and that the Moors of Dabul had spread Carpets , and prepar'd a handsome entertainment for the principals upon shore : but the English having fairly landed , suddenly got to certain pieces of Ordnance which were there , and nail'd them up ; then putting their hands to their Arms , began to fall upon the people of the City ; who upon this sudden unexpected onset , betook themselves to flight , and were likely to receive great dammage ; but at length a Portugal Factor , and some few others making head against the English , and animating the Citizens to do the like , turn'd the scale of the victory , and in a short time beat out all the English , killing many of them , and constraining the rest to fly away with their Ships ; who nevertheless in their flight took two Vessels of Dabul , which were in the Port richly laden , but unprovided , as in a secure place ; which was no small dammage to the City , and afforded a rich booty to the English. This action , I conceive , was done by the English out of some old grudge against the City of Dabul , or perhaps , onely to force it to permit them free Trade ; and they use deal to thus with such ports as will not admit them thereunto . The other News , was that Prete Ianni , King of Aethiopia and the Abissins , was by means of the Jesuits reconcil'd to the Roman Church , and become a good Catholick , intending that his whole Country should do the same ; which if true , is indeed a thing of great consequence . March the seven and twentieth , About noon we departed from Daman towards Bassaim , in the same Barque or Almadia , and sail'd all the day ; at night , in regard of the contrary current and danger of Pirats , who cannot easily be seen and avoided in the dark , we cast Anchor under a place call'd Daniè . March the eight and twentieth , Continuing our course , in the Morning we espy'd some Ships , which we suspected to be Pirats of Malabar , and therefore fetching a compass we made but little way forwards . At night , we cast Anchor in a Bay call'd Kielme-Mahi , from two Towns situate upon it , one call'd Kielme , the other Mahi . On the nine and twentieth of the same moneth , we sail'd forward again ; but the Tide turning contrary , we cast Anchor about noon , and stay'd a while in a little Island near the Continent . The sails being mended , and the current become favourable , we set forward again ; and having pass'd by some Vessels , which we doubted to be Pirats of Malabar , about night we arriv'd at Bassaim . But , lest the people of the Fleet , which we found there with the Cafila , should molest our Boat , as sometimes 't is usual , and take away the Sea-men for the service of the Navy , we stay'd a while without the City , casting Anchor a little wide of the shore ; and in the mean time I sent notice to F. Diego Rodriguez , Rector of the Colledge of Jesuits at Bassaim , for whom I had Letters from the Father Rector of their Colledge at Daman , and some also for others from the Brother of theirs , whom I saw in Cambaia . The F. Rector sent presently to the Sea-side where I was , F. Gaspar di Govea their Procurator , who because 't was said the Fleet would depart that very night with the Cafila for Goa , immediately without entring into the City , procur'd me passage in a Merchants Frigat , as more commodious for passengers , in regard 't was free from the trouble of Souldiers which went in the Men of War , appointed to convoy the Merchants Ships . The Captain of the Vessel wherein I embark'd , was call'd Diego Carvaglio , with whom having agreed for my passage , I presently put my Goods aboard his Ship , together with Mariam Tinatin , in the most convenient Cabin , and Cacciatùr to take care of them . It being now night , I went alone with F. Govea to their Colledge , to visit and thank the F. Rector and the other Fathers , who very courteously retain'd me at Supper ; which ended , to avoid the danger of being left behind , I forthwith return'd to repose in the Ship. Of the City Bassaim , I cannot say any thing , because it was night both at my entrance , stay , and coming away ; I can onely intimate , that it is wholly surrounded with strong walls , and , if I took good notice , seems to me greater then Daman ; but of late years many buildings were destroy'd by a horrible tempest , and are not yet re-edifi'd . I found in the Colledge of Bassaim , F. Paolo Giovio an Italian . March the thirtieth , In the Morning the Fleet set sail , and going off the shore we came to the Island where they take in fresh water over against a City , in view at a little distance , which they call Salsette ; and the place where we stay'd ( being a large and populous Island ) is call'd in the Portugal Tongue L' Aguada ; and here we stay'd all day , because the wind was so contrary that we could not get off that point of Land ; and for that divers of the Galeots and new Frigats built to be sent and arm'd in Goa , were not in order to depart , and we were forc'd to stay their preparation . March the one and thirtieth , At Sun-rise we put to Sea for Goa , but were slow in getting forth to the Main before we could set sail ; because the Tide was still going out , and there was so little water left that our Frigat run a ground . At length the Tide turning , we row'd out of the streit between the City and the Island ; and being come into the broad Sea hoi●'d all our sails . About mid-night following , we arriv'd at Ciaùl , but enter'd not into the Port , because it stands much within Land upon a precipice , where the Sea entring far into the Bay between the Hills and the low Shore , ( into which also is descharg'd the mouth of a River ) makes an ample and secure harbour ; wherefore by reason of the darkness of the night , which in this place is no seasonable time , the Fleet would not enter , but we rode at the Rivers mouth till break of day . April the first , Entring into the Port in the Morning , we cast Anchor under the City upon the shore , where nevertheless the water is so deep , and our Galeots came so near the bank , that we went ashore by a bridge . In the entrance of the City and Haven , on the right hand , almost Southwards , we saw that famous Hill which the Portugals call Morro di Ciaùl , commanding the Harbour and all the adjacent City ; on the top of it stands a strong Castle , which was sometimes possess'd by the Moors of Dacàn ; namely , by Nizam-Schiah , to whom also the whole Territory about it belongs ; and when the said King made war with the Portugals , the Moors did great mischief to them from the top of this Mountain , and another which stands near the Harbour , but something more inwardly , discharging great Artillery from thence upon the City and the mouth of the Port , so that no Ship could enter . But at last a small number of Portugals having routed with a signal , and almost miraculous victory , a very great body of Moors , the same day they likewise took the said Morro ; whither the routed - Moors flying , it hapned that in the entrance of the Fortress , an Elephant wounded by the Portugals , in its flight fell down in the Gate , so that the Moors could not shut it ; and the victorious Portugals in that fury of pursuing the Enemy , had occasion and convenience of entring : so that they took it , and still hold it , ( having improv'd the fortifications ) and consequently , deliver'd the City of Ciaùl from the continual molestations , which it suffer'd from thence by the Moors ; and now the Citizens live in peace , and more secure . Having landed a little way from the Dogana , or Custom-house , which stands without the walls ; the first thing I saw was the Cathedral Church , which stands likewise without the walls upon the shore , and is the See not of a Bishop but of a Vicar , as Daman , Bassaim , Ormuz , and other places are ; which though they enjoy the title of Cities , are nevertheless all subject to the Arch-Bishop of Goa . I went next into the Colledge of the Jesuits , whose Church here , as also in Daman , Bassaim , and almost all Cities belonging to the Portugals in India , is call'd Saint Paul's ; whence in India the said Fathers are more known by the name of Paulists then Iesuits . Here I visited F. Antonio Pereira , who was come from Bassaim , where I fell acquainted with him in our Fleet , in order to go likewise to Goa . I likewise visited the F. Rector of the said Colledge , who caus'd me to stay dinner with him ; and being the Fleet departed not that day , I also lodg'd in the said Colledge at night . April the second , I heard Mass early in the Jesuits Church , and taking leave of them went to embark , but found that my Galeot was remov'd to the other side of the Port under the Mountain to be mended ; and having found Sig : Manuel d' Oliveira , one of our Companions embark'd in the same Galeot , and understanding that the fleet did not depart that day neither , I went with him to hear a Sermon in the Cathedral Church ; after which , we went to dine in the House of F. Francesco Fernandez , Priest and Vicar , who liv'd sometimes at Ormuz , and after the loss of that Island was retir'd hither . The Portugals call Secular Priests , Fathers , as we do the Religious or Monasticks . In the same House dwelt Signor — a worthy and grave Souldier , who being a Friend to my said Companion , we convers'd together till it was late , and then our Galeot being come back we went to embark ; but neither did the fleet depart this night , as we suppos'd it would . April the third , A rumor of departing being spread abroad about noon , we put out to Sea , and cast Anchor at the mouth of the Harbour , where many other Galeots were gather'd , expecting the setting forth of the whole fleet ; but neither did we depart this day nor the night ensuing . April the fourth , The fleet being at length in readiness , and the Sun a good height , we set sail and departed from the Port of Ciaùl . In the Afternoon we sail'd by a Fort , which is the onely one possess'd near the Sea by the Moors of Daman , that is , by Nizàm Sciàh , which Fort is call'd Danda Ragiapori ; and at night we cast Anchor under a steep shore call'd Kelsi . We did not sail in the night time , because the Cafila was numerous , consisting , by my conjecture , of above 200. Vessels , and in the dark some unwary Ship might easily have been taken by the Rovers of Malabar . The next day we sail'd gently along , onely with the sail call'd the Trinket , making but little way , that so we might go altogether and not leave many Ships behind , which being ill provided of Tackle could not sail fast . We cast Anchor again early in the Evening , to avoid the confusion which might arise by so many Ships casting Anchor together ; besides the danger of falling foul one upon another in the dark . Our course was always Southerly , and the Coast along which we pass'd on the left hand was all mountainous ; till having got out of the dominion of Nizam-Sciah , we began to coast along that of Adil-Sciàh . Now that it may be understood who these Princes are , I shall tell you that on the South of the States of the Great Moghòl , in the Confines whereof India begins to be distended into a great Tongue of Land like a Triangle , a great way Southwards into the Sea , between the Gulph of Cambaia , and the Gulph of Bengala ; the first Province of India joyning to the States of the Moghòl , is the Kingdom of Daman , whereof some part is still possess'd by the Moghòl . Next follows the Kingdom of Telengone , or Telengà , and many other Provinces divided under several Princes into little Kingdoms , which they say were anciently but one or two , and that the others who are now absolute Princes , were sometimes his Captains or Ministers , who having by degrees pull'd down the Principal ( who was , if I mistake not , the King of Bisnagà on the South , and the King of Sceherbeder ) are become equal , and all without superiority sovereign Princes . Amongst these , the nearest to the Moghòl are three Reguli , or pety Kings , all which yet have great dominion and strength , and are at this day of the Sect of the Moors ; for the Moors having at first been brought into India to serve as slaves , are by degrees become Masters , and by oppressing the Gentiles in many places have much propagated their Religion . Of these three Princes , the nearest to the Moghòl , whose Territory lyes toward the Sea on the West , and Confines with the Portugals at Giaùl and other places , and who is properly styl'd King of Dacàn , ( from the greatest Province ) is call'd by the name , or rather sirname , hereditary to all that reign in this State , Nizam Sciàh , which many interpret Rè della Lancia , King of the Lance , alluding to the Persian word Nizè , which signifies a Lance ; but I conceive they are mistaken , because his name is Nizam Sciàh , and not Nizè Sciah , as according to this interpretation it should be : Wherefore I have heard others , perhaps , better interpret it , Rè de' Falconi , King of Falcons , or Hawks , from the word Nizàm , which in the Indian Tongue , they say , signifies a Hawk or other Bird of Prey . And whosoever reigns here , always retains this sirname ; because whilest he was not an absolute Prince , but a Minister of that other great King of India , this was his Title and Office under that King. The Nizam Sciàh now reigning , is a Boy of twelve years old , who therefore doth not govern it , but an Abyssine Slave of the Moors Religion , call'd Melik Amber , administers the State in his stead , and that with such authority , that at this day this Territory is more generally known and call'd by the name of Melick's Country , then the Kingdom of Nizam-Sciàh . Nevertheless this Melik Amber governs not fraudulently , and with design to usurp , by keeping the King shut up , as I have sometimes heard ; but according as I have better understood since from persons inform'd nearer hand , he administers with great fidelity and submission towards the young King ; to whom nevertheless , they say , he hath provided , or already given to Wife a Daughter of his own , upon security that himself shall be Governour of the whole State as long as he lives . This Melik Amber is a Man of great parts , and fit for government , but , as they say , very impious , addicted to Sorcery ; whereby 't is thought that he keeps himself in favour with his King , and that for works of Inchantments , ( as to make prodigious buildings , and with good luck , that the same may last perpetually and succeed well ) he hath with certain Superstitions us'd in those Countries committed most horrid impieties and cruelties , killing hundreds of his Slave's Children , and others ; and offering them as in Sacrifice to the invok'd Devils , with other abominable stories which I have heard related ; but because not seen by my self , I affirm not for true . The Ambassador of this Nizam-Sciàh in Persia , is that Hhabese Chan , an Abyssine also , whom I saw at my being there . Of strange things , they relate that Nizam-Sciàh , hath I know not where in his Country a piece of Ordnance so vast , that they say it requires 15000. pound of Powder to charge it ; that the Ball it carries , almost equals the height of a Man , that the metal of the piece is about two spans thick , and that it requires I know not how many thousand Oxen , besides Elephants to move it ; which therefore is useless for war , and serves onely for vain pomp . Nevertheless this King so esteems it , that he keeps it continually cover'd with rich cloth of Gold , and once a year comes in person to do it reverence , almost adoring it ; and indeed , although these Kings are Moors , yet they still retain much of the ancient Idolatry of the Countries , wherein Mahometism is little , or not yet universally setled . The second of the three pety Kings , whose Country joyns to that of the Moghòl , but borders upon the Sea Eastward in the Gulph of Bengala , is he who ( for the same reasons mention'd concerning Nizam-Sciàh ) is call'd by the hereditary sirname of Cutb-Sciàh , which some erroneously expound Polo d' i Rè , the Pole of Kings , being deceiv'd by the Arabick word Cutb , which signifies the Pole , and is us'd by the Arabians and Persians , to denote supream excellency ; understanding ( e. g. ) by Polo de i Savii , ò di Sapienza , The Pole of Wise-men , or of Wisdom , the wisest Man in the world ; by Polo di Santità o della Legge , The Pole of Sanctity and the Law , the greatest pitch , and the highest observer of the divine Law ; and so in all other like Cases ; but , I say , I believe they are mistaken ; and there seems to me more truth in the exposition of others , who interpret Rè de i Cani , King of Dogs , from Cutb , which in the Language of India signifies a Dog , because he was Master of the Dogs to that supream King. Under his jurisdiction is Gulcondalàr , where , I think , he hath his Royal Seat , and Mislipatan , a famous Port in the Gulph of Bengala . Lastly , the third of the three Reguli , is he who hath his Seat in Visapor , and reigns in the Country of Telongane , bordering upon the Portugals Territories at Goa , more Southwards then the two before mention'd . Some will have Visapor and Goa belong to the Province of Dacàn , and that Telenga much more remote toward the South . The truth is , India and the Provinces thereof is very confus'd ; forasmuch as the Indians themselves being illiterate cannot distinguish it aright , and the Portugals have all their knowledge thereof from the vulgar of the ignorant Indians , whose Language they understand not well , and extreamly corrupt in pronuntiations ; therefore I cannot speak any thing certain concerning the same , as neither have the Portugal Writers been able to do , though persons very exact and sufficient . But to return to my purpose , the proper name of him that now reigns is Ibrahim , but his hereditary sirname ( as the others ) is Adil-Sciàh , or Idal Sciàh , which signifies not giusto Rè , a Iust King , as some think from the Arabick word Adil , denoting Iust ; but rather , in my opinion , as some others say , Rè delle Chiavi , King of the Keys , from Adil or Idal , an Indian word importing Keys , he having been in times pass'd Superintendent of the Keys , ( of the Treasury perhaps , or Archives ) under the supream King. Sometimes these Princes have been call'd Nizam-maluk , Adil-Chan , and so the other 's with the words , either Melek or Chan , in stead of Sciàh , which is all one ; for Melek or Maluk , ( as some corruptly read ) signifies a King in Arabick , as Chan doth also in Turkish , and Sciàh in Persian : And because these three Languages are sufficiently familiar , and almost common to the Moors , therefore they have us'd sometimes one word , sometimes another ; but in later times it seems that those who now rule , rejecting the words Melek and Chan , are better pleas'd with the Persian Title Sciàh , as being , perhaps , more modern to them ; whence they are ordinarily call'd now Nizam-Sciàh , Cutb-Sciàh , and Adil-Sciàh , which are the three Princes of whom I undertook to give an account , as persons whom I shall have frequent occasion to mention in these Writings . And to leave nothing unsaid , I shall add , that Nizam-Sciàh , or rather his Governour Melik-Ambar , makes war frequently and bravely against the Great Moghòl , upon whom he borders : Cutb-Sciàh , I know not whether he actually makes publick war against him , but at least he fails not to assist his Neighbour Nizam-Sciàh with money . The same doth also Adil-Sciàh , but secretly and by under-hand ; not daring through I know not what mean fear declare himself an enemy to the Moghòl ; I say , mean fear , because not bordering upon him , ( for the two other Princes lye between them ) and being able , as they say , upon occasion to bring into the field a hundred thousand men , he seems justly chargeable with timerousness and cowardice ; since , me-thinks , he that hath a hundred thousand men at his command ought not to fear the whole world ; or , if he doth , he is a very Poltron : But indeed , Adil Sciàh fears the Moghòl , yea , he fears and observes him so much that he payes him an annual Tribute ; and when the Moghòl sends any Letter to him , which is always brought by some very ordinary common Souldier or Slave , he goeth forth with his whole Army to meet the Letter and him that brings it , who being conducted to the Palace sits down there , whilst Adil-Sciàh stands all the time , and the Letter being lay'd upon a Carpet on the pavement , before he offers to put forth his hand to take it up , he bows himself three times to the earth , doing reverence to it after their manner . Moreover , I have heard that this Ibrahim Adil-Sciah who now reigns , some years ago poyson'd his own eldest Son , as suspected of being likely to become one day a disturber of the Common-wealth and the publick quiet , being displeas'd with him onely because he once with too much freedom perswaded him to deny the Moghòl the accustom'd Tribute ; saying , that with the Tribute alone which he pay'd voluntarily he durst undertake to make a mighty war upon him and never pay him Tribute more ; which , if true , was certainly in this Prince a strange effect of fear . This Adil-Sciah hath marry'd one of his Daughters to Cutb-Sciah , and with Nizam-Sciah he constantly maintains , and frequently renews alliance ; so that they are all three fast friends , and firmly united together . I have also heard that Adil-Sciah uses to wear his Beard very long , contrary to the other two , who are shaven after the mode of Persia and India . They say the present Ibrahim Adil-Sciah is infirm , by reason of a great hurt receiv'd by a Wolf in his hips , so that he cannot ride on Horse-back ; and hence perhaps it is that he is so peaceable and timerous , infirmities undoubtedly much dejecting the spirits of Men. All these three Princes are Moors , as I said before , although their Countries abound with innumerable Gentiles . Cutb-Sciah alone , as I have heard , is Sciani , of the Sect of the Persians ; but the other two , I conceive , are Sonni , as the Turks and the Moghòl ; which yet I affirm not , because I have not perfect certainty thereof . The King of Persia cherishes all these three Princes sufficiently , and they have great correspondence by interchangeable Ambassies and Presents ; all which is onely in reference to make greater opposition to the Moghòl upon whom they border , and whose greatness is equally prejudiciall to them all . And so much may suffice concerning them . April the fifth , We set sail again , and in the Afternoon pass'd by the City Dabùl , which belongs to the Dominions of Adil-Sciah , and stands hid amongst Hills in a low Plain ; so that 't is scarcely seen . After which , we pass'd within two Leagues of a Point or Promontory which the Portugals call Dabùl falso , because it deceives such as come from far by Sea , making them take it for the Point of Dabùl , to which it resembles . At Night we cast Anchor near another shore which they call the Gulph or Bay , or , as the Portugals speak , A Enceada dos Bramanes , because the Country thereabouts is inhabited by many Brachmans . April the sixth , We set sail , and first pass'd by Ragiapùr , then by Carapetan . About two hours before night , we cast Anchor in an Enceada , or Bay , which they call Calosi , or Calosci , not far from the Point of Carapetan . April the seventh , In the Morning we pass'd by Tambona , which was the ●ountry of the Mariners of our Ship , and toward Evening by the Rocks which the Portugals call Los Illeos quemados , that is , The burnt Rocks , because they appear such by their colour and inequality ; and we continu'd sailing all Night , every Ship going as they pleas'd , without caring for the company of the Fleet ; now that by reason of the great nearness of Goa , we were in safety . April the eighth , Arriving before Day at the shore of Goa , we began to enter into the salt River , or Rio , as they speak , of salt water which the Portugals call Barra di Goa ; upon the mouth of which River , which is sufficiently broad , stand two Forts , one on each side , with good pieces of Artillery planted upon them to defend the Entrance . 'T is to be known that the City of Goa , at this day the Head of all the Dominion of the Portugals in India , is situate here in one of these Islands , of which , as I said before , there are innumerable upon all the Coast of India , made by the several Rivers which divide them from the main-land . The City is built in the inmost part of the Island toward the Continent ; and therefore the whole Island is plentifully inhabited with Towns and places of Recreation , and particularly , upon the River ; which is on either side , adorn'd with Buildings and Houses , surrounded with Groves of Palm-Trees , and delightful Gardens . The greatest part of the Island is inclos'd with a Wall , with Gates at the places for passage , continually guarded for security against the attempts of Neighbours , and also to prevent the flight of Slaves and Thefts ; since onely that River being cross'd , you enter presently into the Territory of Adil-Sciah and the Moors ; but 't is otherwise toward the Sea-side , for all the Coast which is beset with other small Islands and Pen-insula's , for a good space belongs to the Portugals , being inhabited with Towns and divers Churches . The City which lyes on the right hand of the River , as you enter into the inmost recess is sufficiently large , built , partly , on a Plain , and , partly , upon certain pleasant Hills , from the tops whereof the whole Island and the Sea are discover'd with a very delightful prospect . The buildings of the City are good , large and convenient , contriv'd for the most part for the benefit of the wind and fresh Air , which is very necessary in regard of the great heats , and also for reception of the great Rains of the three Moneths of Pausecal , which are Iune , Iuly , and August ; which not upon account of the heat ( although it be very great at that time , but greatest of all in May , when the Sun is in the Zenith ) but of the great Rain , the Portugals call the Winter of the Earth . Nevertheless the buildings have not much ornament or exquisiteness of Art , but are rather plain , and almost all without beautifyings . The best are the Churches , of which many are held here by several Religions , as Augustines , Dominicans , Franciscans , discalceated Carmelites and Iesuits , with double , and very numerous Covents ; and indeed , half of the Religious that are here , would suffice for a City bigger then Goa : But besides these , there are also many of Secular Priests , and Parishes , and Chappels ; and lastly , the See or Cathedral , which nevertheless is neither the fairest , nor the greatest Church of that City , there being many others that exceed it . The See of Goa at the time of my being there was not finish'd , but scarce above half built , and thence seem'd to me small and less stately ; but having since seen the intire design of the structure , I conceive , that when 't is finish'd 't will be a very goodly Church . The people is numerous , but the greatest part are slaves , a black and lewd generation , going naked for the most part , or else very ill clad , seeming to me rather a disparagement then an ornament to the City . Portugals there are not many , they us'd to be sufficiently rich ; but of late , by reason of many losses , by the incursions of the Dutch and English in these Seas , they have not much wealth , but are rather poor . Nevertheless they live in outward appearance with splendor enough , which they may easily do , both in regard of the plentifulness of the Country , and because they make a shew of all that they have : however , in secret they indure many hardships ; and some there are , who , to avoid submitting to such Employments as they judge unbecomming their gravity , being all desirous to be accounted Gentlemen here , lead very wretched lives , undergoing much distress , and being put to beg every Day in the Evening ; a thing which in other Countries would be accounted unhappy and more indecent , not to say shameful , then to undertake any laudable profession of a Mechanick Art. They all profess Arms , and are Souldiers although marry'd ; and few , except Priests and Doctors of Law and Physick , are seen without a Sword ; even so the Artificers and meanest Plebeians : as also silk clothes , are the general wear almost of every body . Which I take notice of , because to see a Merchant and a Mechanick in a dress fit for an Amorato , is a very extravagant thing ; yet amongst them , very ordinary ; the sole dignity of being Portugals sufficing them ( as they say ) to value themselves as much as Kings and more . But returning to my purpose , whilst we were coming to the City by the River betimes in the Morning , we met the Vice-Roy who was going to the mouth of the Barra , to dispatch away Ruy Freira de Andrada , whom with five or six Ships ( a small preparation indeed ) he sent to the relief of Mascàt , and to make war against the Persians ; having likewise appointed divers other Ships to be sent after him from Ciaùl , Dio , and other Ports of the Portugals ; which if they go , may be sufficient for some considerable exploit : but the Orders of the Vice-Roy in other places , God knows how they will be executed in his absence . The sudden departure of Ruy Freira , made me sorry that I had not the opportunity to see him and speak with him , as I extreamly desir'd , and perhaps , it would not have been unacceptable to him . Arriving at the City , we cast Anchor under the Dogana , or Custom-house , where all Ships commonly ride , to wit , such as are not very great ; for these stay either at the barr in the mouth of the River , or in some other place thereof where they have the deepest water . Being come thither , I presently gave notice of my arrival to F. Fra : Leandro of the Anuntiation , whom I had known in Persia , and who was here Provincial Vicar of the discalceated Carmelites of India and Persia. I also advertis'd the Fathers Jesuits thereof , for whom I brought sundry of their Generals Letters from Rome , written affectionately to recommend me to them . F. Fra : Leandro came forth-with to visit me in the Ship , where after some discourse for a while together , he undertook to procure us a House and so departed ; having also offer'd me his own Covent with that same courtesie and confidence as was formerly between us . A little after , it was very great contentment to me to see and know F. Antonio Schipano , your Kinsman , now a very old man , who was saluted by me upon your account ; and so for this time I gave him a succinct Relation of you , puting him in mind of your Child-hood . He came to visit me with F. Vincenzo Sorrentino of Ischia , whom I had formerly seen in Persia , and who not living then with the Jesuits , came with the Spanish Ambassador as his Chaplain in that Voyage . These two Fathers being Italians , were sent by F. Andrea Palmeiro , Visitor of the Jesuits , and then their Superior in Goa , both to complement me in his Name , and to give him more exact information of me , whom he had never seen , nor so much as known by Fame , saving what his General 's Letters signifi'd to him . Wherefore after they had visited me , and understood what was my intention to do , they went to give account thereof to the Father Visitor , saying , that they would return again , as accordingly they did a good while after , offering me in the Name of the F. Visitor their Covent of Profess'd House , where they pray'd me to go and lodge , at least till I were provided of a House ; adding , that they would also provide a convenient residence for Mariam Tinatin , who was with me . I thank'd them , and accepted the favour as to my self , and this with the approbation also of F. Frà : Leandro , whom I acquainted therewith . But because it was late that day , and there was not time to dispatch my Goods at the Dogana , I did not land , but remain'd in the Ship with intention to do so the next day . April the ninth , Early in the Morning F. Frà : Leandro sent a Palanchino , or Sedan , to fetch Mariam Tinatin , that she might go to Mass at his Church , and afterwards repair to the House of a Portugal Gentlewoman , call'd Sig ra Lena da Cugna , living near the discalceated Carmelites , and much devoted to them , whose House also stood right over against that which he intended to take for me . And this was done , because the Portugals who in matter of Goverment look with great diligence upon the least motes , without making much reckoning afterwards of great beams , held it inconvenient for the said Mariam Tinatin to live with me in the same House ; although she had been brought up always in our House from a very little Child and as our own Daughter . For being themselves in these matters very unrestrain'd , ( not sparing their nearest Kindred , nor , as I have heard their own Sisters , much less Foster-children in their Houses they conceive that all other Nations are like themselves ; wherefore in conformity to the use of the Country , and not to give offence , it was necessary for us to be separated ; the rather too , because strangers who amongst the Portugals are not very well look'd upon , and through their ignorance held worse then in our Countries Hereticks are , may easily expect that all evil is thought of them , and that all evil may easily befall them in these parts ; so that 't is requisite to live with circumspection . And this may serve for advice to whoever shall travel into these Regions . F. Fra : Leandro sent also to invite me to Mass at his Church ; and being it was a Holy Day , and the Jesuits were not yet come to fetch me , as they said they would , I determin'd to go thither , leaving Cacciatùr in the Ship to look to the goods . I was no sooner landed , but I met F. Sorrentino , who in the Name of his Jesuits was coming to fetch me , and also with a Palanchino to carry Mariam Tinatin I know not whither . She was gone already , and so I made an excuse for her , and likewise for my self to the Jesuits , onely for that day , being I was upon the way with the Carmelites ; and although it somewhat troubled them , yet I went to F. Leandro , having agreed to return to the Ship ; and the next day after my Goods were dispatch'd at the Dogana , which could not be done now because it was Sunday , I should then go to receive the favour of the Jesuits as they commanded me . Wherefore proceeding to the Church of the Carmelites , which stands at the edge of the City upon a pleasant Hill , with a very delightful prospect , I heard Mass there , and stay'd both to dine , sup , and lodg with them . April the tenth , Early in the Morning I went to the Ship , landed my Goods , dispatch'd them at the Custom-house , and having carry'd them to the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna , where Mariam Tinatin was , I went to quarter ( till the House taken for me were emptied , clean'd , and prepar'd ) in the Covent of the Profess'd House of the Jesuits , where I was receiv'd by the Visitor , the Provincial , the Provost , and the rest , with much courtesie , and with their accustomed Charity and Civility . I found there many Italian Fathers , of which Nation the Society makes frequent use , especially in the Missions of China , Iapan , India , and many other places of the East ; besides the two above-nam'd , I found of Italians F. Christoforo Boro , a Milanese , call'd Brono in India , ( not to offend the Portugal's ears with the word Boro , which in their Language do's not sound well ) a great Mathematician ; and another young Father who was afterwards my Confessor ; F. Giuliano Baldinotti of Pistoia , design'd for Iapan , whither he went afterwards . Moreover , in the Colledge which is another Church , and a distinct Covent , F. Alessandro Leni , an ancient Roman , and Friend of my Uncles , with whom , especially with Sig : Alessandro , he had studied in our Casa Instituta , or Academy ; F. Giacinto Franceschi a Florentine ; all who , with infinite others of several Nations , Portugals , Castilians , and others , were all my Friends ; and particularly , F. Pantaleon Vincislao a German , well skill'd in Mathematicks , and a great wit , Procurator of China ; F. Per Moryad , the Vice-Roy's Confessor , and F. Francesco Vergara , both Castilians ; F. Christoforo di Giavanni a Portugal , learned in Greek and Arabick ; F. Flaminio Carlo of Otranto , Master in Divinity . Of Fryers I also found many Italians , namely , in the Colledge of Fryer Ioseph Masagna , a famous Spicerer , and a Man of much business in the Profess'd House , a Neapolitan , a Venetian , and a Thuscan , call'd Fryer Bartolomeo Pontebuoni , a good Painter , and also a Man of much employment , who were all my great Friends . April the eleventh , my Birth-day , The Jesuits shew'd me all their Covent , which is indeed a large and goodly Building , and though not much adorn'd according to our custom , yet perhaps , is the best thing that is in Goa ; as also the front of their Church . April the fourteenth , which was Holy Fryday , Being present at Holy Service in the Quire of the Jesuits , ( because I was still in my Persian Habit , the Portugal Clothes which I had bespoken being not yet made , and therefore I appear'd not in publick ) Sig : Constantino da Sà , ( a Portugal Cavalier , or Hidalgo , design'd General for the Island of Zeilan , whither he was preparing to go speedily with his Fleet ) coming also to hear the Office in the Quire , saw me there , and understanding who I was , was pleas'd to take notice of me , and after the Office was ended , came together with the Fathers very courteously to complement me , offering himself to serve me , ( as he said ) in the Island of Zeiland , if I pleas'd to go thither : Whereunto I also answer'd with the best and most courteous words I could . This Sig : Constantino had been sent with an Armado of many Ships to relieve Ormuz when it was besiedg'd ; but not arriving there till after the place was taken , he return'd back with his Fleet to Goa . April the sixteenth , being Easter-Day , I first resum'd an Europaean , to wit , a Portugal Habit , as 't is the fashion at Goa , amongst the graver sort , after I had worn strange garbs for many years together , and ever since the death of my Sig ra Sitti Maani , cloath'd my self and my servant in mourning . April the seventeenth , F. Vincislao Pantaleon , my Friend above-nam'd , ( who was skill'd in the China Language , having been many years in these parts , and intended to return thither ) shew'd me the Geographical Description of all China , written very small , or rather printed in a China Character after their way very handsomely . On which occasion , I must not omit to note that the Chineses , as the said Father shew'd me in their Books , are wont in writing to draw the line or verse of their writing , not as we and the Hebrews do cross the paper , but ( contrary to both ) from the top to the bottom , beginning to write at the right side of the paper , and ending at the left ; which to all other Nations seems a very strange way . Moreover , their Letters are not properly Letters , but great Characters , each of which denotes an intire word ; whence the Characters are as many as there are words in the Language , and they reckon to the number of eighty thousand ; a thing indeed not onely strange and superfluous , but also , in my opinion , unprofitable ; yea , disadvantageous , and onely for vain pomp ; for in learning these Characters they spend many years unprofitably , which might be imploy'd in the acquisition of other better Sciences , without being always Children , ( as Hermes Trismegistus said of the Greeks ; ) yea , in their whole life they cannot learn them all ; so that there are none among themselves , or , if any , they are very rare and miraculous , who can write and read all the words , and know all the Characters of their own Tongue , which is certainly a great imperfection ; although they say , that he who knows four thousand Characters , may speak and write well enough ; and he that knows six or eight thousand , may pass for eloquent . The Iaponeses seem to me more judicious in this point , having for ordinary , and more facile use , invented an Alphabet of few Letters , written likewise from the top downwards , wherewith they write all words , and all their own Language , and also that of China : But in the Sciences and more weighty matters , the learned amongst them most commonly make use of the China-Characters , which , as mysterious and sacred , are venerable to all these Nations ; and although they have all several Languages , yet they do and can make use of the same writing ; because being the said Characters are not Letters , but significative of words ; and the words although different in sound , yet in all these Languages are of the same signification and number ; it comes to pass that divers Nations adjacent to China , as these of Iapan , Cauchin-China , and other , ( although different in Language ) yet in writing , making use of the China-Characters , at least in matters of greatest moment , understand one another when they read these Characters each in their own Tongue , with the different words of their proper Language ; which indeed , in reference to the commerce and communication of Nations , is a great convenience . April the seven and twentieth , This Morning , being the first Thursday after the Dominica in Albis , there was a solemn Procession at Goa of the most Holy Sacrament , for the Annual Feast of Corpus Christi , as the custom is . But in Goa it is kept out of the right time upon such a day , because the right day of the Feast falls in the Moneths of great Rain ; so that at that time the Procession cannot be perform'd , and therefore they anticipate it in this manner . The Procession was made by the whole Clergy , with a greater shew of green boughs then clothes , and with many representations of mysteries by persons disguis'd , fictitious animals , dances and maskerades ; things which in our Countries would more sute with Villages then great Cities . Two Ships are now departing by the way of Persias , and therefore I have made use of this opportunity ; favour me to kiss the hands of all my Friends in my Name , amongst which I reckon in the first place with the Signori Spina , Sig r Andrea , Sig : Dottore , and Sig : Coletta ; upon whom , and your self , I pray Heaven for all felicity ; recommending my self to your prayers also for my safety . From Goa , April 27. 1623. LETTER III. From Goa , Octob. 10. 1623. HAving a sit opportunity , according to my desire to make an excursion from Goa farther into India more Southwards to Canarà , upon occasion of this Vice-Roy's dispatching Sig : Gio Fernandez Leiton , Ambassador to Vanktapà Niekà , a Gentile-Prince of that Province ; and conceiving that my journey will begin within three or four days , I have therefore determin'd to write this Letter to you , that it may be convey'd by the first occasion of the Ships which are now preparing for a Voyage from India into Europe ; for I know not certainly , how far I shall tarvel , nor how long I shall stay out before my return to Goa , whether moneths or years . As little do I know what other opportunity , or convenient place I shall meet withall to write to you ; nevertheless I shall omit none that offers it self , and in the mean time present you with the continuation of my Diary . Having been here in Goa too much shut up in the House of the Jesuits , On the first of May , I parted from them after many civil treatments and favours receiv'd of them , according to their most affectionate hospitality ; and went to the House prepar'd for me right over against that of Sig ra Lena da Cugna , which stands between the Covents of the Bare-footed Carmelites , and the Converted Nunns of S. Mary Magdalene , in a remote but not inconvenient place , nor far from the commerce of the City , and the more acceptable to me , because near the residence of Mariàm Tinatin . May the third , The City of Goa , lying , as they say , in the Altitude of fifteen degrees and forty minutes , agreeably to the good Rule of Astronomy and the Tables of Tycho , according to which , F. Christoforo Brono told me , this City is in a Meridian different from that of Francfurt , about four hours more Eastward ; yet the Sun came to be in the Zenith of Goa , that is , in the declination of the Zenith at eleven a clock of the night following the said day , ( speaking sutably to the Spanish and Portugal Clocks . ) Yet at this time it was the height of Summer , and the greatest heat of the year , as we found by experience . For there may be said to be two Summers and Winters every year in Goa , and these adjacent Regions ; because the Sun passes over their heads , and departs from them twice a year , once toward the North , and once towards the South . May the eleventh , A Portugal Gentleman coming from the Court of Spain by Land , to wit , by the way of Turkie , and , as they said , in a very short time , and with Letters from the Court dated in the end of the last October , brought news amongst other things of the Canonization of five Saints made together in one day , namely , of S. Ignatio , the Founder of the Jesuits ; S. Francesco Xaverio , a Jesuit , and the Apostle of the East-India ; S. Philippo Neri , Founder of the Congregation della Vallicella , whom I remember to have seen and spoken to in my Child-hood , and whose Image is still so impress'd in my memory , that I should know him if I saw him ; S. Teresia , Foundress of the Bare-footed Carmelites ; and S. Isidoro , a Country-man of Madrid . We had also news of the death of the Duke of Parma , Ranuccio Farnese , and how the Cardinal his Brother was gone to the Government of that State during the minority of the succeeding Duke . The Currier who went into Spain with the tidings of the loss of Ormùz , this Portugal Gentleman said he met him at Marseilles ; and concerning the Marriage between Spain and England , he brought no intelligence of any conclusion ; so that I belive , the news of Ormùz , lost chiefly by the fault of the English , will occasion much difficulty in the Treaty of that Marriage . May the seventeenth , Four Italian Bare-footed Carmelites arriv'd in Goa , being sent by their Fathers at Rome into Persia ; but having heard at Aleppo how the Fathers of Persia were troubled by the fate of those new Christians who were discover'd and slain the year before , and especially that they had nothing to live upon ; they not knowing what to do , and being terrifi'd with the Relations of divers Merchants who aggravated things sufficiently , and being so advis'd by some , who , perhaps , like not the coming of such Fathers into Persia , resolv'd to come into India , and to Goa to the Vicar Provincial , whither they brought no fresh News from Rome , having departed from thence Eleven Moneths before . They came almost all sick , having suffer'd much in the Desarts of Arabia , and other places of the journey , where they had felt great scarcity ; and for all this they would needs observe their Lent and Fasts by the way , sustaining themselves almost solely with Dates , which is a very hot food ; and withall the alteration of the Air , very hot too , and unusual to them in the hight of Summer , was the occasion of their being all sick . Two of them arriv'd this day , and the two others the day after ; because they came from Mascàt in several Ships , Of these four Bare-footed Carmelites , within a few days three dyed , and one alone after a long and dangerous sickness escap'd . May the eighteenth , The Bells of all the Churches of Goa rung out with a great noise ; and they said , it was for the News of the King's Health then brought from Spain ; but I said , I wish'd they had first recover'd Ormùz , and then rung the Bells with joy for both . A vain people ! May the twentieth , The Bare-footed Carmelites would needs make particular rejoycing for the Canonization of their S. Teresia , and not confound the same in one day with that of the Jesuits ; they sent two Portugal Children on Horse-back richly clad in riding habit , as Curriers , to declare with certain Verses to the Vice-Roy of Goa the Canonization of the She-Saint ; after which the same Boys went up and down the City with a Trumpet before them , scattering other Verses to the people with the same tidings , the Bells of theirs , and all other Churches of the City ringing in the mean time for joy , being injoyn'd thereunto by the Bishop's Order . At night themselves , and divers of their Friends , made Fire-works throughout the City . And in favour of them the chief Portugals , went the same night up and down the streets in a great Troop , clad in several disguises , after the manner of a Mascherade . I also bore a part in the solemnity , out of my devotion to the new Saint ; and according to the liberty which every one took of habiting himself as he pleas'd , I put my self into the garb of an Arabian Gentleman of the Desart , which was accounted very brave and gallant ; I accompany'd with Sig : Antonino , Son of Sig : Antonio Paraccio , my friend , a youth of about twelve years old , who was one of those who went in the day time to the Vice-Roy , and I cloth'd him in a Persian Habit of mine which I had brought from Persia , or rather like a noble Chizilbase Souldier , very odd and brave ; so that we two were a sufficiently delightful spectacle to the whole City . May the one and twentieth , In the Morning the Bare-footed Fathers sung in their Church a solemn Mass in gratiarum actionem for the above-said Canonization of Santa Teresia , upon whose praises an Augustine Father made an eloquent Sermon ; the Vice-Roy and a multitude of people being present thereat . May the three and twentieth , The Sun entring into Gemini , I observ'd that the Rain begun in Goa , and it happens not alike in all the Coast of India ; for it begins first in the more Southerly parts of Capo Comorni , and follows afterwards by degrees , according as places extend more to the North ; so that in Cambaia , and other more northern parts , it begins later then in Goa ; and the further any place lyes North , the later it begins there . Whence it comes to pass that in the Persian Ephemerides , or Almanacks , they use to set down the beginning of Parscecal , or the time of Rain in India , at the fifteenth of their third moneth , call'd Cordad , which falls upon the third of our Iune ; because they have observ'd it in the more Northern parts of India , as in Cambaia , Suràt , and the like , where the Persians have more commerce then in other more Southern places . In Goa likewise , for the most part the beginning of the Rain is in the first days of Iune ; yet sometimes it anticipates , and sometimes falls something later with little difference . 'T is observ'd by long experience that this Rain in India , after having lasted some days at first , ceases , and there return I know not how many days of fair weather ; but those being pass'd , it begins again more violent then ever , and continues for a long time together . By this Rain , as I observ'd , the heat diminisheth , and the Earth which before was very dry and all naked , becomes cloth'd with new verdure , and various colours of pleasant flowers , and especially the Air becomes more healthful , sweet , and more benigne both to sound and infirm . The arm of the Sea , or River , which encompasses the Island of Goa , and is ordinarily salt , notwithstanding the falling of the other little fresh Rivers into it , with the inundation of great streams which through the great Rain flow from the circumjacent Land , is made likewise wholly fresh ; whence the Country-people who wait for this time , derive water out of it for their Fields of Rice in the Island of Goa and the neighbouring parts , which being temper'd with this sweet moisture , on a suddain become all green . Iune the first , I spoke first to the Vice-Roy of Goa , Don Francesco da Gama , Count of Bidigucira , Admiral of the Indian Sea , and Grand-son of that D. Vasco de Gama who discover'd East-India , in which this Don Francesco was sometimes Vice-Roy , and was once taken captive in Africa with King Sebastian . I delay'd seeing him so long , because I was busi'd for a Moneth after my arrival in changing my Habit and providing a House , so that I went not abroad ; besides , that the Vice-Roy was likewise employ'd many days after in dispatching the Fleets which went to China and Zeilan ; and after they were gone , he retir'd to a place out of Goa , to recreate himself for many days ; so that I had no opportunity sooner . I presented to him two Letters from Rome , which I brought directed to his Predecessor in my recommendation , one from Sig : Cardinal Crescentio , and the other from the Duke of Albaquerque then Ambassador at Rome for the Catholick King ; and he , without reading them , in my presence said , that without that recommendation he should have express'd all fiting Civilities to me , and that he was glad to see and know me , with many other Complements and courteous offers . He had no long discourse with me , because many other Portugal Gentlemen of the Council , and other persons of the Government expected to have Audience ; but when I went away , he told F. Morigad the Jesuit his Confessor who introduc'd me , that at a more convenient opportunity he desir'd to talk with me more at length of the things of Persia , and that he would send for me ; and in the mean time desir'd a writing in discourse which I had made a few days before concerning the Warrs of Persia , of which his said Confessor who had seen it , had given him notice ; wherefore I gave it to him with my own hand , as I had written it in my Native Tuscan Tongue , and F. Morigad gave him the Translation of it , made by himself into the Portugal Tongue , being the Vice-Roy did not understand the Italian . Iune the ninth , In the Colledge of the Jesuits was pronounc'd , as 't is the custom every year , a Latin Oration , for the Inchoation of the Readings ; which , the vacations being ended with the hot weather , begin again with the Rain and cool weather . Letters from some Banians were brought to Goa , signifying that the Moghòl had enounter'd with his Rebel Sultàn Chorròm , and routed him ; and that Sultàn Chorròm after his defeat was retir'd to a strong hold in the top of a Mountain , which they call Mand● , and that his Father had besieg'd them there . Iune the four and twentieth , being the Feast of Saint Iohn Baptist , The Vice-Roy with many other Portugal persons of quality , as 't is the yearly custom in Goa , rode through the City in Habits of Masquert , but without Vizards , two and two alike , or three and three ; and having heard Mass in the Church of Saint Iohn , he came into the street of Saint Paul , which they are wont to call La Carriera de' Cavalli , and is the best place in Goa . Here , after many Companies of Canarine Christians of the Country had march'd by with their Ensignes , Drums and Arms , leaping and playing along the streets , with their naked Swords in their Hands , for they are all Foot ; at length all the Cavaliers run , two carriers on Horse-back , one downwards from the Church of Saint Paul towards the City , and the other upwards , running matches of two to two , or three to three , according as their attire agreed , with their Morisco Cymiters , and at last they came all down marching together in order , ●●d so went to the Piazza of the Vice-Roys Palace , and so the solemnity ended . I stood to see this shew in the same street of Saint Paul , in the House of one whom they call King of the Islands of Maldiva , or Maladiva , which are an innumerable company of small Islands , almost all united together , lying in a long square form towards the West , not far from the Coast of India ; of which Islands one of this Man's Ancestors was really King , but being driven out of his Dominion by his own people , fled to the Portugals and turn'd Christian , with hopes of recovering his Kingdom by their help . Yet the Portugals never attempted any thing in his behalf , and so he and his descendents remain depriv'd of the Kingdom enjoying onely the naked Title which the Portugals being now ally'd to him still give him ; and because many Merchants Ships come from those Islands to trade in the Ports of the Portugals , they force the said Ships to pay a small matter of Tribute to him as their lawful Sovereign : of which , though the Governours of Ports , to whom upon necessity he must entrust , purloin above half from him ; nevertheless he gets at this day by it about three thousand Crowns yearly , and therewith supports himself . The like Fates have befallen many other Princes in India , who hoping in the Portugals , have found themselves deluded . Wherein Reason of State is but ill observ'd by the Portugals , because by this proceeding , they have discourag'd all others from having confidence in them ; whereas had they assisted and protected them , as they ought and might easily , and with small charge have done upon sundry fair occasions , they would by this time have got the love of all India ; and themselves would by the strength and help of their Friends , undoubtedly , have become more potent , as also , without comparison , more fear'd by their Enemies . Iune the nine and twentieth , This year the Moors began their Ramadhan , according to the Rules of my Calculation . Iuly the five and twentieth , being the Feast of Saint Iames , the Protector of Spain , was solemnis'd with the same gallantry of Cariers and Dresses , as are above describ'd , saving that the Vice-Roy heard Mass in the Church of St. Iames. In the Evening , I went with Sig : Ruy Gomez Boraccio , a Priest and Brother of Sig : Antonio Baroccio to the Church of Saint Iames , which stands somewhat distant without the City , upon the edge of the Island towards the main Land of Adil-Sciàh , which is on the other side of a little River , or Arm of the Sea. For which reason , the Island is in this as well as many other dangerous places fortifi'd with strong walls ; and here there is a Gate upon the pass , which is almost full of people , going and coming from the main Land , and is call'd by the Indians Benastarni , by which name some of our Historians mention it in their writings concerning these parts , as Osorius , Maffaeus , &c. which Gate , as likewise many others , which are upon divers places of passage about the Island , is guarded continually with Souldiers , commanded by a Captain who hath the care thereof , and for whom there is built a fine House upon the walls of the Island , which in this place are very high , forming a kind of Bastion , or rather a Cavaliero , or mount for Ordnance ; not very well design'd , but sufficiently strong , wherein are kept pieces of Artillery for defence of the place . We went to visit the said Captain , who was then Sig : Manoel Pereira de la Gerda , and from the high Balconies of his House and the Bastion , we enjoy'd the goodly prospect of the Fields round about , both of the Island and the Continent , being discernable to a great distance . The Captain entertain'd us with the Musick of his three Daughters , who sung and play'd very well after the Portugal manner upon the Lute , after which we return'd home . About the Church of Saint Iames are some few habitations in form of a little Town , which is also call'd Santiago ; and the way from thence to the City is a very fine walk the Country being all green , and the way-sides beset with Indian Nut-trees , ( which the Portugals call Palms , and their fruit Cocco ) the Gardens and Houses of Pleasure on either side contributing to the delightfulness thereof , being full of sundry fruit-trees unknown to us ; as also because in Winter-time the very walls of the Gardens are all green with moss , and other herbs growing there ; which indeed is one of the pleasantest sights that I have seen in my days , and the rather because 't is natural and without artifice . The same happens , I believe , not in this Island onely , but in all the Region round about . In the field adjoyning to the City , near the ruines of a deserted building , once intended for a Church , but never finish'd , is a work of the Gentiles , sometimes Lords of this Country , namely , one of the greatest Wells that ever I beheld , round , and about twenty of my Paces in Diametre , and very deep ; it hath Parapets , or Walls breast-high round about with two Gates , at one of which is a double pair of stairs leading two ways to the bottom , to fetch water when it is very low . Iuly the six and twentieth , I went out of the City to a place of pleasure in the Island , where was a Church of Saint Anna , to which there was a great concourse of people , because it was her Festival . This Church stands very low , built amongst many Country dwellings , partly , of the Islanders who live there , and partly , of the Portugals who have Houses of Pleasure there to spend a moneth for recreation . The place is very delightful amongst Palmetoes and Groves of other Trees , and the way leading to it is extreamly pleasant , all cover'd with green . After I had heard Mass here , Sig : Giovanni da Costa de Menecas , a Friend of mine whom I found there , carry'd me to dine with him at the House of a Vicar or Parish-Priest of another Church not far distant , and of small Building , which they call Santa Maria di Loreto , where we spent the whole day in conversation with the said Vicar and other Friends . At night because it rain'd , I caus'd my self to be carry'd home in one of those Carriages which the Portugals call Rete , being nothing else but a net of cords ty'd at the head and feet , and hanging down from a great Indian Cane ; in which Net ( which is of the length of a Man , and so wide that opening in the middle , ( for the two ends are ty'd fast to the Cane ) 't is capable of one person ) a Man lyes along very conveniently with a cushion under his head , although somewhat crooked , to wit , with the feet and head advanc'd towards the Ligatures , and the middle part of the body more pendulous under the Cane , which is carry'd upon the shoulders of two men before , and two behind ; if the person be light , or the way short , two Men onely bear it , one before , and the other behind . These Nets are different from the Palanchini and the Andòr ; for in these from the Cane hang not nets , but litters like little beds , upon which a Man sits with his legs stretch'd forth , or half lying along upon cushions , and so is carry'd very conveniently . Moreover , the Palanchini and the Andòr , differ from one another ; for that in the latter , the Cane upon which they carry is strait , as it is likewise in the Nets ; but in the Palanchini , for greater ease of the person carry'd that he may have more room to carry his head upright , the said Cane is crooked upward in this form ☊ , and they bend Canes for this purpose when they are small and tender , and these are the most convenient and honourable carriages ; and because there are not found many good Canes and fit to bear such a weight , therefore they are sold dear , at a hundred or six score Pardini a piece , which amount to about sixty of our Crowns . Besides , as well the Palanchini as the Andòr , and the Nets , are cover'd for avoiding the Rain with dry Coverlets made of Palm leaves , to wit , those of the Indian Nut , and other such Trees , sufficiently handsome , which being cast over the Cane , hang down on each side , having two windows with little shutters ; They keep out the water very well , and the Coverlets may be taken off when one is minded to go uncover'd , and carry'd by a servant . Yet I never saw any go uncover'd in Goa , either in Andòr or Nets ; but out of the City in the Country , many . I have spoken more at length of these Carriages , because they are unknown in our Countries , although I remember to have seen in Italy the Effigies of a Net or Rete , engraven in certain Maps of the World , and , if I mistake not , amongst the ways of travelling in Brasil , where I believe they are us'd ; and indeed this mode of Carriage is very usual in India , not onely in Cities , but also in journeys and those of sufficient length ; wherefore to make experience of it , I was minded to have my self carry'd this day after the manner which I have describ'd ; nor must I omit , that the Men who bear such Carriages are satisfi'd with a very small reward . Going in Palanchino , in the Territories of the Portugals in India , is prohibited to Men , because indeed 't is a thing too effeminate ; nevertheless , as the Portugals are very little observers of their own Laws , they began at first to be tolerated upon occasion of the Rain , and for favours or presents ; and afterwards become so common , that they are us'd almost by every body throughout the whole year . On the tenth of August , I believe , the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa , returning from the Northern signes , and passing to the Southern ; yet for the day and precise hour , I refer my self to a better Calculation , according to the good Books which I have not here with me . On the eleventh of the same Moneth , I saw at Goa a Carnero , or Weather without horns , which they told me was of the Race of Balagàt , not great but of strong limbs , harness'd with a velvet saddle , crupper , head-stall , bridle , stirrups , and all the accoutrements of a Horse ; and it was ridden upon by a Portugal Youth of about twelve years old , as he went and came from his own House to the School of Giesù , which low School of Reading and Writing , the said Fathers keep for more convenience of Children , not at the Colledge which stands in the edge of the City where the higher Schools are , but at the Church of Giesù , which is the Profess'd House , and stands in the middle of the City , whither the abovesaid Youth rode daily upon his Martin ; and I observ'd , that the beast being us'd to the place , knew the way so well that he went alone at night from the House to the School to fetch the Youth , without any body holding or guiding him before the servant which drove him , as they do many Horses . I took the more notice of this trifle , because it seem'd a new thing to ride upon such creatures ; for although in our Countries , Dogs and Goats are sometimes seen with saddles and Horse furniture , running , leaping , and capring , yet 't is onely for sport , and with puppets upon the saddle ; but this Martin was ridden upon by such a boy as I have mention'd , although the beast was but of a very ordinary bigness . On the sevententh of August , the Gentile-Indians kept a kind of Festival , to which a great number of them came to a place in Goa , which they call Narvè , or as the vulgar corruptly speak Narvà , as it were for pardon or absolution , and many came in pilgrimage from far Countries to wash their bodies here , plunging themselves into the Arm of the Sea , Men and Women together all naked , without any respect at all , even persons of quality , and casting Fruits , Perfumes , and other things into the water , as it were in Oblation to the Deity of the water of this place , with other Ceremonies , Devotions , and the like ; which I relate not more particularly , because I was not present at them , because the great Rain kept me from going to see them , as it also was the cause that the concourse of the Gentiles was not very great . Nevertheless I could not but speak thus much in general of it , as being a considerable thing amongst them . This Feast , and their Devotion , lasts two days , but the first is most remarkable . August the one and thirtieth , A Galeon coming from Mascàt , ( being the first Ship that came to Goa this year since the Rain , and the shutting up of the mouth of the Port ) brought News how Ruy Freyra having been a few Moneths before at Mascàt with the little Fleet which he had of sixteen Ships , was gone to attempt Sohèr , which place being formerly abandon'd by the Portugals , was now fortifi'd by the Persians with a strong Garrison ; and that after he had landed , he assaulted the Fort , but could not take it , though many Moors were slain in the encounter and about twenty five Portugals ; amongst which , were three or four Captains , Men of Valor and Esteem : in which action , some conceiv'd , that Ruy Freyra had not done well in hazarding and losing so many people upon a place of small importance ; but he continuing to besiege it , it was deliver'd to him upon Articles , the Garrison which was within marching away with their Arms and Baggage ; after which he raz'd the Fortifications , and attempted another place of that Coast of Arabia , which they call Galfarcan ; and having taken it , out of indignation , as I believe , for the many good Souldiers which they had kill'd of his at Sohàr , and to cast a terror , left no person alive , sparing neither sex nor age . Which cruel manner of proceeding I cannot approve ; because on the one side , it will alienate the minds of the people of that Country ; and on the other , it will incite Enemies to fight against more obstinately and valorously , as knowing they are to expect no quarter . This is as much as hath been done hitherto in those parts about Ormùz , the doing of greater matters requiring new and greater supplies from the Vice-Roy ; but they say likewise , that Ormùz and Kesciome are extreamly well fortifi'd by the Moors . September the six and twentieth , Sig : Don Garcia de Silva y Figueroa , Ambassador in Persia from the Catholick King in my time , who by reason of sundry accidents , and the oppositions of the Portugals to him as to a Castilian , ( as himself saith ) or , ( as other say ) because it was his own mind to do so ; since the year before being sent away in a Petache or Shallop according to his own desire , he return'd back for fear of a tempest , ( though without reason ) had never return'd home into Spain to his King ; but when I arriv'd in India , I found him at Goa , where we became acquainted together ; and coming to visit me one day , amongst other things whereof we discours'd , he told me that he had heard a while since that the Prior of Savoy , to wit , the Duke of Savoy's Son who is a Prior , was made Vice-Roy of Sicily , and Generalissimo of that Sea for his Catholick Majesty : Which was News to me , and , as a rare and unaccustom'd thing for the Spaniards to place Italians in governments of States in Italy , I was not unwilling to take notice of . September the thirtieth , At evening the Dominicans with the Fryers of the Society del Rosario , made a goodly Procession in Goa , with abundance of Coaches , and Images cloth'd after their manner , and richly adorn'd with many Jewels ; all the streets where it pass'd being strew'd with green herbs and flowers , and the windows hung with Tapistry and rich Carpets ; to which shew , which is yearly made for the Feast of the Rosary , which is upon the first Sunday of October , the whole City was gather'd together . This great Procession they make the Eve before the Feast after Vespers , and in the morning of the Feast they make another less one , onely about the Gate of the Church , but with the same pomp , and besides with the most Holy Sacrament . October the tenth , The Vice-Roy of Goa dispatch'd Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leiton my Friend , Ambassador to the Gentile-Prince , whose Dominion in the Kingdom of Province of Canarà , more Southernly then Goa , borders upon Onòr , and the other Territories of the Portugals in those maritime parts . This Prince Venk-tapà Naieka , was sometimes Vassal , and one of the Ministers of the great King of Vidià-Nagàr , which the Portugals corruptly call Bisnagà ; but after the down-fall of the King of Vidià-Nagàr , who a few years ago by the Warrs rais'd against him by his Neighbours , lost together with his life a great part of his Dominion , and became in a manner extinct ; Venk-tapà Naieka , as also many other Naieki , who where formerly his Vassals and Ministers , remain'd absolute Prince that part of the State whereof he was Governour ; which also , being a good Souldier , he hath much enlarg'd , having seiz'd by force many Territories of divers other Naieki , and pety Princes his Neighbours ; and in brief , is grown to that reputation , that having had Warr with the Portugals too , and given them a notable defeat , he is now held for their Friend , and for the establishment of this Friendship they send this Embassage to him in the Name of the King of Portugal , the Ambassador being styl'd , Ambassador of the State of India ; and though he is sent by the Vice-Roy , nevertheless , as their custom is , he carries Letters written in the name of the King himself , to do the more honour to Venk-tapà Nieka to whom he is sent . This is the first Ambassador sent to this Prince in the King of Portugal's Name ; for before in Occurrences which fell out , an Ambassador was sent only in the name of some one of those Captains , and Governours of the Portugal Territories , which had business with him ; and this was sent in answer to an Ambassador of his who hath been long at Goa , negotiating with the Vice-Roy the establishment of the said Friendship . The Ambassador of Venk-tapà Naieka is a Brachman , call'd Vitulà Sinai , and having taken his leave of the Vice-Roy , the two Ambassadors departed together at this time . I having been some dayes before inform'd of this intended Embassie , and being desirous to see some Country of the Gentiles , where themselves bore sway , and observ'd their Rites without any subjection to Christians or Moors , or Princes of different Religion , as in those Lands which I had hitherto seen ; I offer'd my self to accompany my Friend Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leiton in this Embassie , and he hath been pleas'd to testifie very great liking of my company . So that I am to take Ship with him within three days , which will be the thirteenth or fourteenth of this present moneth of October . I hope I shall find matter wherewith to feed our Curiosity , and to give you an entertainment . In the mean time I heartily salute all our Friends at Naples , and most affectionately kiss your Hands . From Goa , October 10. 1623. LETTER IV. From Onòr , Octob. 30. 1623. BEing departed from Goa , and arriv'd at this Port of Onòr , I shall give you some account of what hath hapned in my observation during the few days since the last that I writ to you , October the tenth ; which because I understood lay still at Goa , with the two Ships which were to go thence for Persia , I have thought fit to send this to accompany it , and , I hope , you will receive both of them together ; and that not without some small delectation with my News , inasmuch as I am pleas'd in writing to you from several places , and ( when I can get opportunity ) from those very places which afford the novelties and matters whereof I write , which therefore may possibly be more grateful in the reception , as being native of the Country . I took Ship with our Portugal Ambassador , and Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leiton , about Evening October the fourteenth ; and departing from Goa , we remov'd to a Town call'd Pangi in the same Island , but lower near the place where the River enters into the Sea , and whither the Vice-Roys use to retire themselves frequently to a House of Pleasure which they have there , besides many other like Houses of private persons upon the River likewise ; and where also at the mouth of the Sea , or Bar , as they speak , which is a little lower , almost all Fleets that depart from Goa are wont to set sail . We might have perform'd this journey by Land along the Sea-cast , passing along the other Lands of Adil-Sciàh , till we came to those of Venk-tapà Naieka : But to avoid expences , and occasions of disgustwith many Governours of those Territories subject to Adil-Sciàh , who sometimes are little courteous , and impertinent , the Vice-Roy would have us go by Sea ; and for more security , sent five of those light Frigats or Galeots , which the Portugals call Sangessis , to accompany us as far as Onòr , , where we were to land . So that we were in all ten Ships or Galeots , to wit , one which carry'd the Portugal Ambassador and us ; an other in which the Naieka's Ambassador the Brachman went ; three others laden with the baggage of the two Ambassadors ; ( and particularly ; with Horses and other things which the Vice-Roy sent for a Present to Venk-tapà Naieka , and other Horses which I know not who carry'd thither to sell ; ) and the five Ships of War , whereof Sig : Hettor Fernandez was Chief Captain or General . Nevertheless we departed from Goa the aforesaid Evening onely with our own Ship , the rest being already fallen down lower toward the Sea , and the Ambassador Vitulà was above a day at Pangi expecting us , where we arriving the abovesaid night , did not land because it was late , but slept in the Vessel . October the fourteenth , We went a shore in the Morning at Pangi , and the two Ambassadors saw one another upon the Sea-side , where I being present with them , Sig : Gio : Fernandez told the Brachman Ambassador who I was , and that I went with them out of curiosity to see his King : wherewith he testified great contentment , but was much more pleas'd with the Pendant which I wore at my left ear , as I have us'd to do for many years past for remedy of my weak sight ; because wearing Pendants at the ears is a particular custom of the Indians , especially of the Gentiles , who all wear them in both ears : And because this is among the Portugals a thing not onely unusual , but ignorantly by some of the ruder sort of them held for unlawful , onely because 't is us'd by Gentiles , therefore the Ambassador marvelled that I being of the Portugals Religion nevertheless us'd it ; but being told that it was not forbidden us by our Law , but onely customarily disus'd , and that in Europe it was us'd by many , he commended the custom , and bid the Portugals see how well I shew'd with that Pendant , and better then they who wore none ; so powerful is use to endear things to the eye , and make that fancy'd and esteem'd by some , which others through want of custom , dislike , or value not . This day we departed not , because one of the Frigats of the Armado which was to accompany us , was unprovided with Sea-men , for which we were fain to stay till the day following , and then were not very well provided . The cause whereof was , for that there was at this time a great scarcity of Mariners in Goa , because the Governours of the maritime parts of the Continent subject to Idal-Sciàh , would not permit their Ships to come , as they were wont , to supply Mariners for the Portugal Armado ; which seem'd an argument of some ill will of that King against the Portugals , of which , were there nothing else , theirs being weaker , and more confus'd in their Government then ever , and all things in bad order , was a sufficient ground ; for remedy of which , they took no other course , but daily loaded themselves with n●w , unusual , and most heavy Impositions , to the manifest ruine of the State , taking no care to prevent the hourly exorbitant defraudations of the publick Incomes , which otherwise would be sufficient to maintain the charge without new Gabels : but if such thefts continue , both the publick Incomes and the new Gabels , and as many as they can invent , will be all swallow'd up . Nevertheless , the Portugals are heedless according to their custom , and out of a fatal blindness making no reckoning of these signs , which shew the evil mind of their Neighbour Adil-Sciàh , think he knows nothing of these disorders , and that this with-holding of his Subjects is onely an impentinence of his Officers . What the event will be , Time will shew . But to return to my purpose , Not being to depart this day , we went to dine and pass the time , with intention also to lodg the following night in the house of Sig : Baldassar d' Azevedo , who liv'd constantly in a fair House there by the Sea-side , a little distant from the Villa , or Fort , where the Vice-Roys lodg in Pangi . Whilst we were recreating our selves , Sig : Fernandez bethinking himself of what , perhaps , he had not thought of before , ask'd me whether I had the Vice-Roy's Licence to go with him this Voyage ; and I telling him that I had not , because I did not think it needful , he reply'd , that it was needful to be had by any means if I intended to go ; otherwise , he could not venture to carry me , for fear of giving malevolous persons occasion to criminate him , by saying , that he had carry'd me a stranger , and without the Vice-Roy's Licence , into suspected places , where matters of State were to be handled ; in brief , knowing the matter blameable , and the wonted Cavils of many of his own Nation , and being admonish'd by many and great troubles befallen others , and particularly , a Kinsman of his very innocently for very slight causes , and much inferior to this ; he told me resolutely , that without the Vice-Roy's Licence it was no-wise good , either for him or me , that I should go . Wherefore being we were not to depart that day , he advis'd me to return to the City , and procured the said Licence , if I intended to go , and he would stay for me till the next Morning ; but without the Licence I must not return to take Ship , nor would he by any means venture to carry me . I , who well understood the procedures of the Portugals , and what rigor they use in their Government , and to what suspitions and malevolences they are prone , which cause a thousand ill usages and injustices , was sensible that Sig : Fernandez had reason , and that the not having gotten this Licence was an inadvertency , because I accounted it not necessary ; but to obtain it of the Vice-Roy , who knew me well , and had shewn himself courteous to me , I look'd upon as not difficult . Wherefore being loath to lose my intended Voyage , as soon as I had din'd with these Gentlemen , I went by boat to the City , and having first given account of my business to Sig : Antonio , and Sig : Ruy Gomez his Brother , ( to whose House I repair'd , having left that which I had hir'd , and remov'd my goods to that of the said Sig ri Barocci ) I went with the same Sig : Ruy Gomez to speak to F. Marejao a Jesuit , and the Vice-Roy's Confessor and my Friend , whom I desir'd ( as the fittest person to do it , in the short time left me ) to get me a Licence from the Vice-Roy . He went immediately to speak to the Vice-Roy about it , and had the fortune to find him before he enter'd into a Congregation or Council which was to sit till night ; and the Vice-Roy presently writ a Licence for him with his own hand , directed to the Ambassador Gio : Fernandez , wherein he told him , that whereas I desir'd to go along with him , he might carry me , and shew me all kind of Civility and Honour as a deserving person , with other like courteous and high expressions . Having gotten my Licence , I went with F. Ruy Gomez Baraccio , to visit the Bishop of Coeni , who in the vacancy of the See administred the Arch-bishoprick of Goa , and whom I had not yet visited ; and understanding that he was desirous to know me , and was a Prelate of great merit , not onely as to Ecclesiastick matters , but also in point of Government and Warr , ( for he took divers strong places , and perform'd other exploits in India for the service of his King , with great valour ) I would not depart without first visiting him , and making my self known to him . This Prelate is call'd Frà Don Sebastiano di San Pietro , and is an Augustine Fryer . We discours'd above an hour together concerning things of India , Persia , and other matters , and I recommended to him with the F. Confessor the Augustine Fathers of his Religion in Persia , giving him an account of their necessities , and how he might help them . Night being come , I went to make a Collation in the House of Sig ri Barocci , and when it was grown dark , I return'd to imbark in the Ship which expected me , and went to the Town of Pangi to find Sig : Gio : Fernandez and my other Companions , who were very glad at my return with the Vice-Roy's Licence , so favourable and courteous to me , because they were loath to have gone without me ; and so I slept with them that night in the same House . My charge , Mariàm Tinatin , went not with me this journey because it was not expedient , being I was to return to Goa , but stay'd still in the House of Sig ra Lena da Cugna ; onely Cacciatùr went with me to serve me . October the fifteenth , A little before night we were ready to set sail , had not we been necessitated to stay for certain Mariners till the next Morning , when we went to hear Mass in a Church of Saint Agnes belonging to the Augustine Fryers , and standing in the Island of Goa ; after which , being imbark'd , we stay'd a while longer waiting for the Brachman Ambassador , for what reason I know not , unless , perhaps , he was minded to make us stay for him , as we had made him stay for us . At length being got out of the mouth of the River , we continu'd sailing all night , but with a small wind . Our course was always Southward almost directly , and we coasted along the land at a little distance . October the sixteenth , In the Morning we discern'd four Ships of Malabar Rovers , near the shore ( they call them Paroes , and they go with Oars , like Galeots or Foists ) we gave them chase for above an hour , intending to fight them , but we could not overtake them ; onely we lost much time and much of our way . Night came upon us near certain Rocks , or uninhabited little Islands , which they call Angediva , which signifies , in the Language of the Country , Five Islands , they being so many in number . We found fresh water in one of them they are all green and have some Trees . We set sail from thence the same night , but had little or no wind and violent rain . October the seventeenth , Continuing our course the next day with a very small gale , we saw the bound of the States of Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka , which is onely a brackish River , such as are frequent upon the Coast of India . The wind was but small still , so that all this day we could not arrive at Onòr ; but when it was night , because 't is no good entring into the Port of Onòr in the dark and with ebbing water , as it was now , we cast Anchor , and remain'd all night under an uninhabited small Rock , which they call the Rock of Onòr . After mid-night the Tide began to flow , but yet we stirr'd not . October the eighteenth , About break of day we mov'd along , and by the help of Oars finish'd the remainder of the way , arriving at Onòr in good time . This whole Voyage from Goa to Onòr , is not above eighteen Leagues , but it took us up so much time , because we had onely a very small wind . Onòr is a small place by the Sea-side , but a good Port of indifferent capacity , which is form'd by two arms of Rivers , which ( I know not whether both from one or several heads ) running one Southward , and the other Northward , meet at the Fortress , and are discharg'd with one mouth into the Sea. The habitations are rather Cottages then Houses , built under a thick Grove of Palms , to wit , those which produce the Indian Nuts , call'd by the Portugals , Coco ; and by the Arabians , Narghil . But the Fortress is of a competent circuit , though the walls are not very well design'd , being just as the Portugals found them made by the people of the Country . It stands upon a high Hill of free stone , and being very capacious , not onely the Captain lives there , but most of the married and principal Portugals have Houses in it , very well accommodated with Wells , Gardens , and other conveniencies . The streets within the Fortress are large and fair , besides a great Piazza sufficient to contain all the people of the place in time of a siege . There are likewise two Churches , one dedicated to Saint Catherine , and the other to Saint Anthony ; but ordinarily there is but one Priest in Onòr , who is the Vicar of the Arch-Bishop of Goa ; and therefore in Lent other religious persons always go thither . Out of the Fort , in the Country , is the Bazar or Market , but a small one and of little consideration ; nothing being found therein but what is barely necessary for sustenance of the inhabitants . Our Ambassador Sig : Gio : Fernandez lodg'd with us , not in the Fort , but without in the House of a private man ; and , I believe , it was because he had rigorous Orders from the Vice-Roy against the Captain ; and Commission to redress many Disorders which he had committed in his Government , especially to compose matters between him and the people of the Country ; as also between him and the Vicar , betwixt whom there were great Disorders , the fault of which was charg'd upon the Captain . When we were setled in our House , first the Vicar call'd F. Henrico Rabelo , and afterwards the Captain call'd Sig r Don Christoforo Fernandez Francisco , with almost all the principal persons of the place , visited Sig : Gio : Fernandez , who presently beginning to treat of business , and presenting to the Captain the Vice-Roy's Letters and Orders , the Captain being terrifi'd therewith on the one side , and on the other , oblig'd by the civil terms of Sig : Fernandez , forthwith offer'd himself ready to give the Vice-Roy satisfaction in whatever he commaded , and began immediately to put the same offer in effect ; releasing one whom he held Prisoner , and performing other things which Sig : Fernandez appointed him . October the nineteenth , The Captain inviting the Ambassador and all the company to dine in the Fort , we went first to visit him , and afterwards to hear Mass in Saint Catharine's Church , which is the Vicar's See ; which being over , the Ambassador visited a Gentlewoman who was a Kinswoman of the Vicar's , and then retir'd in private with the Captain , not without manifest signes that his re-pacification was rather upon necessity then out of good-will . Causa mali tanti , foemina sola fuit . The original of most of the Disorders between the Captain and the Vicar , they say , was occasion'd by the Captain 's Wife , who had banish'd out of Onòr a servant of his whom he had employ'd as his Instrument to other Women , and who had been formerly punish'd for the same fault . In the mean time we walk'd up and down , but saw nothing worth mentioning ; and at at dinner-time we went to the Captain 's House where we all din'd , namely , Sig : Gio : Fernandez the Ambassador , the Chief Commander of the Fleet , call'd Hettor Fernandez , F. Bartolomeo Barroso the Ambassadors Chaplain , Sig : Consalvo Carvaglio and I , who came in the Ambassador's Company . The Entertainment was sumptuous and very well serv'd ; dinner ended , we return'd to our House . October the twentieth , In the Evening the Chaplain and I went in a Palanchino a mile out of Onòr to see a fine running water , which issuing out of the Earth in a low , or rather hollow place , as it were the bottom of a Gulph , falls into a Tanke , or Cistern built round with stone ; and this being fill'd , it runs out with a stream watering the neigbouring-fields . The water is hot , to wit , not cold ; and therefore the Country-people come frequently to bathe themselves in it for pleasure . The Cistern is square , every side being five or six yards , and the water would reach to a man's neck ; but by reason of the ruinousness of the walls in some places , it is not very clean . Within it are small fishes , which use to bite such as come to swim there , yet without doing hurt , because they are small ; and the place being low , is consequently , shady , and so affords a pleasant station at all times . The Gentiles have this Cistern in Devotion , and call it Ram-tirt , that is , Holy Water , Water of Expiation , &c. The Portugals call it O Tanque da Pedre , that is , the Cistern of the Father , or Religious person , from the Gentile-Monastick who uses to remain there . We stript our selves , and spent a good while in swimming here . The fields about Onòr through which we pass'd were very pleasant Hills and Valleyes , all green , partly with very high herbage , partly with wood , and partly with Corn. October the one and twentieth , I took the Altitude of the Sun , and found it distant from the Zenith 24. degrees 20. minutes , upon which day the Sun , according to my manuscripts , was in the 27th degree of Libra , and declin'd from the Aequinoctial to the South 10. degrees 24′ , 56″ , which deducted from 24. degrees 20′ , in which I found the Sun , there remain 13. degrees 55′ , 4″ ; and precisely so much is Onòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. In the Evening the Ambassador Vitulà Sinay , who was lodg'd beyond the River more South of Onòr , came to the City to visit the Captain in the Fort. The Captain with all the Citizens , and Sig : Gio : Fernandez , with us of his Company , went to meet and receive him at the place where he landed ; three pieces of Ordnance being discharg'd when he entred into the Fort. October the four and twentieth , was the Davàli , or Feast of the Indian-Gentiles , and , I believe , was the same that I had seen the last year celebrated in Bender di Combrù in Persia : The same day , if I mistake not in my reckoning , the Moors began their new year 1033. In the Evening , I went to see another great Town of Gentiles , separate from that stands upon the Sea near Onòr , and they call it the Villa de' Brahmani , because most of the inhabitants are Brachmans , whereas they that live by the Sea-side are Fishermen , and of other like profession . This Town of the Brachmans stands about a Canons-shot within land , remote from the Fortress of Onòr towards Hordete or Greco . The inhabitants keep Cows or Buffalls , and live upon other Trades . In the entrance of the City is built for publick use a handsome square Cistern , or Receptacle for Water , each side of which contain'd about a hundred of my paces in length ; 't is fill'd with rain water , which lasts for the whole year . October the five and twentieth , came News to Onòr how on Thursday night last , October the nine and twentieth , Venk-tapà Naieka lost his chief Wife , an aged Woman , and well belov'd by him ; her name was Badra-Amà , Daughter of a noble-man of the same Race of Lingavant , which Venk-tapà himself is of . Badrà was her proper name , Amà , her Title , denoting Princess or Queen . We stay'd all this while at Onòr , because as soon as we arriv'd there , Vitulà Sinay writ to Venk-tapà Naieka his Master , giving him an account of our arrival ; and so it was necessary to stay for his Answer and Orders from the Court : we also waited for men to carry us upon the way , ( the whole journey being to be made in Litters or Palanchinoes ) together with our Goods and Baggage , which were likewise to be carry'd by men upon their shoulders . And the Davàli , or Feast of the Gentiles , falling out in the mean time , we were fain to stay till it was pass'd ; and I know not whether the Queens Death and Funerals may not cause us to stay some time longer . I will not suppress one story which is reported of this Lady . They say , thar twelve or thirteen years since , when she was about five and thirty years old , it came to her ears that Venk-tapà Naieka her Husband , being become fond of a Moorish Woman , kept her secretly in a Fort not farr from the Court , where he frequently solac'd himself with her for two or three dayes together ; whereupon Badra-Amà , ( first complaining to him not onely of the wrong which he did thereby to her , but also more of that which he did to himself , defiling himself with a strange Woman of impure Race , ( according to their superstition ) and of a Nation which drank Wine , and eat Flesh , and all sort of uncleannesses in their account ) told him that if he had a mind to other Women , he need not have wanted Gentile-Women of their clean Race , without contaminating himself with this Moor , and she should have suffer'd it with patience ; but since he had thus defil'd himself with her , she for the future would have no more to do with him ; and thereupon she took an Oath that she would be to him as his Daughter , and he should be to her as her Father : After which she shew'd no further resentment , but liv'd with him as formerly , keeping him company in the Palace , tending upon him in his sickness , and other things with the same love as at first , helping and advising him in matters of Government , wherein she had alwayes great authority with him ; and , in short , excepting the Matrimonial Act , perfectly fulfilling all other Offices of a good Wife . Venk-tapa Naieka , who had much affection for her , notwithstanding the wrong he did her with his Moor , endeavor'd by all means possible to divert her from this her purpose , and to perswade her to live a Matrimonial Life still with him , offering many times to compound for that Oath by the alms of above 20000. Pagods , ( Pagod is a gold coin , near equivalent to a Venetian Zecchine , or English Angel ) but all in vain , and she persever'd constant in this Resolution till death ; which being undoubtedly an act of much Constancy and Virtue , was the cause that Venk-tapà Naieka lov'd her always so much the more . October the eight , and twentieth , Vitulà Sinay sent to tell our Ambassador , that having sent word of our arrival to the Court , the great Ministers had acquainted Venk-tapà Naieka therewith , who being still so afflicted for the death of his Wife , that he went not forth in publick , nor suffer'd himself to be seen ; when they told him of this matter , he stood a while without answering , and at length said onely , that they might come when they please : Whereupon his Courtiers seeing him in this mood , would not reply further to him concerning provisions of the journey to be sent to the Ambassador , persons to convey his Goods , and other such things ; wherefore Vitulà Sinay said , that Sig : Gio : Fernandez might consider what to do , whether to put himself upon the way towards the Court without further waiting , or to have him write again , and stay for an Answer ; for he would do which he pleas'd . Sig : Gio : Fernandez , as well for the credit of his Embassie as to avoid charges , was desirous to have provisions for the journey , Men to carry his Goods , and other greater conveniences , although in publick , and with us of his company , he did not testifie so much , being willing to have it thought that Vitulà Sinay did this Office for him at the Court upon his own motion , and not at his request ; yet , I know , that in secret he us'd great instance with Vitulà Sinay , both by Writing and by Speech by the mediation of an Interpreter , that he would write again to the Court , and set forth to Venk-tapà how that he was the Ambassador of so great a King , the first Monarch of Christians , ( for so I heard him tell the Interpreter , though he spoke with a low voice ) and that it was not seemly for him to go in that manner , but that people should be sent to him for his journey , and persons to receive him , and commands given to Venk-tapà's Ministers that he might pass through his Territories with that conveniency and decency which was requisite ; that since he was now within two or three days journey of the Court , he would stay another week at Onòr , and longer if need were , till a better Answer came ; and that , if he thought it expedient , Vitulà Sinai himself might go before to do this Office , as he that might do it best , and who ought to arrive at the Court before him the Ambassador , who afterwards might come thither alone by easie journeys after he had sent him an Answer . The same night the Interpreter return'd with this message to Vitulà Sinay , who was lodg'd on the other side of the River in his own King's jurisdiction . October the nine and twentieth , After we had heard Mass in Saint Antonie's Aegypt , Sig : Gio : Fernandez was minded to go in person to visit Vitulà Sinay , and speak to him about the above-mention'd matter ; wherefore entring with us into one of those boats , which they call Mancive , going with twenty or four and twenty Oars , onely differing from the Almadies , in that the Mancive have a large cover'd room in the poop , sever'd from the banks of rowers , and are greater then the Almadies which have no such room ; we pass'd out of the Port , and thence from the mouth of the River Southward , went to land upon the continent , where Vitulà Sinay having been advertis'd of our coming , expected us under the shade of certain little Hills and Trees , of which all this Country is full . This was the first time that I set foot in any place of the Gentiles , where they bear sway themselves . Sig : Gio : Fernandez spoke a long while and alone with Vitulà Sinay , both of them sitting upon a Carpet spread upon the grass ; and at length , the discourse being ended , the Ambassador took boat again and return'd to Onòr . Upon the way he told us , that Vitulà Sinay said , that in either case , of his writing again , or going in person to the Court , and waiting for a new Answer , many dayes would be lost ; therefore it seem'd best to him that we should all put our selves upon the way without further waiting ; and that to carry his ( the Ambassador's ) Goods , they had appointed ten Men according to his King's Order ; wherefore Sig : Fernandez told us , he was resolv'd to go by all means , and seeing the ten men allow'd him to carry his Goods were not sufficient , they alone requiring twenty five , besides those of the rest of his company , he would hire the rest at his own charge , and rid himself of this perplexity . By this change of opinion after this interview , I understood that Vitulà Sinay had spoken in such sort that Sig : Fernandez perceiv'd that this coldness of sending him greater accommodations for his journey , was not so much through the King 's melancholy for his Wife's death , and the present confusion of the Court , as for some other cause ; and the alledging loss of time in waiting for a new Answer , was but an excuse of Vitulà ; but , in fine , the truth could be no other , then that they would not give him any greater Provisions , or because Venk-tapà was not well pleas'd with this Embassie , &c. And to confirm this , I know that before Sig : Fernandez departed from Goa , Venk-tapà Naieka writ thither to his Ambassador Vitulà Sinay , that if they sent this Embassie to urge the restitution of the State and Fortress of Banghel , which he had lately taken from a certain small Indian-Prince , neighbour to Mangalòr , who liv'd under the Portugal's protection , ( for whose defence , two or three years before , the Portugals had made warr with Venk-tapà Naieka , and receiv'd a notable defeat by him ) it was in vain , and that Sig : Gio : Fernandez , ( now first known to him ) might forbear to undertake this journey , for that he was fully resolv'd not to restore it , nor yet to give seven thousand Pagods yearly to that Prince , as he had promis'd upon agreement , if he went not to live out of those Territories taken from him either in Goa or in Magalòr , or elsewhere , he pretending at least a purpose to return to live with that annuity in the lands , once his own , privately , in hopes , perhaps , to raise some new commotion one day . So that Venk-tapà Naieka , knowing that one of the principal businesses of this Embassie was that of the Prince of Banghel , which little pleas'd him ; and seeing also that this year the Ships from Portugal were not yet arriv'd , which every year fetch Pepper out of his Dominions , and bring him in a great sum of mony , by agreement made by the Portugals , who every year were either to take it or pay for it ; and neither the Ships nor the money coming this year , they could not easily pay him for the Pepper this year , nor yet for a great part of that of the last ; for which , by r●ason of the loss of their Ships they still ow'd him : And lastly , observing the Portugals weakned and low , so that they not onely stood in need of him , but now , in some sort , began to submit themselves to him with this Embassie which they sent to him , and the disgrace of their pass'd defeat ; 't was no strange thing , that being become insolent thereupon , as 't is the manner of the Barbarians , and designing to carry it high over them , he not only shew'd no great liking of the Embassie , but made little account of it ; and , in a manner , despis'd it ; that so he might keep himself and his affairs in greater reputation . October the thirtieth , Sig : Gio : Fernandez being resolv'd to depart the next day , sent some Horses before , upon this , with some of his Family . The same Evening , one from Goa brought News of the arrival there of some Portugals of the Fleet which came this year from Portugal , consisting of four great trading Ships , two Shallops , and four Galeons of Warr ; which last come in order to be consign'd to Ruy Freira for the War of Ormùz ; the loss of which place , and the deliverance of Ruy Freira out of prison being already known at the Court of Spain , but not the loss of the Ships of the Fleet the last year . The Portugals arriv'd in Goa , according to the abovesaid intelligence , came in one of the Galeons of the Fleet which is coming , which being separated from the rest , toucht at Mozambique , and there being old and shatter'd was lost , onely all the People and Goods were sav'd , and came in other Ships to Goa ; and being the rest of the Fleet delayes so long , 't is conceiv'd to have held a course without the Island of Saint Lorenzo , which uses to take up more time . They relate also , that the Marriage between Spain and England is concluded , and that the Prince of England is now in Spain , being come thither incognito before the conclusion of the Marriage which was shortly expected . It being already very late , I shall not longer deferr concluding this Letter , because it is requisite for me to go and take a little rest , that I be may fit for my journey to morrow Morning , if it please God ; to whom I heartily commend you , and with my accustomed affection kiss your Hands . From Onòr , October 30. 1623. LETTER V. From Ikkeri , Novemb. 22. 1623. I Write to you from Ikkeri , the Royal City and Seat of Venk-tapà Naieka , whither I am come , and where I am at present ; I shall give you an account of the Audience which our Ambassador hath had of this King , who , in my judgment , should rather be call'd a Regulus or Royolet , although the Portugals and Indians give him the honor of a Royal Title ; being he hath in effect neither State , Court , nor appearance befitting a true King. I shall describe to you every particular that is not unworthy your Curiosity , and adjoyn some other of my Relations and Descriptions of the Idolatrous Gentiles , their vain Superstitions and Ceremonies about their Idols , Temples , Pagods . What I shall now set down , mine own Eyes have witness'd to ; and I shall not fear being too tedious in describing things , perhaps , over minutely in these Letters ; since I know you are delighted therewith , and out of your great erudition can make reflections upon the Rites us'd in these parts of the world , which in many things are not unlike the ancient Aegyptian Idolatry . For I am perswaded to believe , not without the authority of ancient Authors , that the worship of Isis and Osiris was common to Aegypt and this Region , as in Philostratus I find Apollonius affirming , that in India he saw the Statues not onely of the Aegyptians , but also of the Grecian gods , as of Apollo , Bacchus , and Minerva . But to return to the particulars of my journey ; October the one and thirtieth , After one a clock in the Afternoon , we departed from Onò with Sig : Gio : Fernandez in a Mancion or Barge , and the rest of the Family in a less Boat. Vitulà Sinay who was to go with us , we left in a readiness to set forth after us , I know not , whether by water or by Land. We row'd up the River which runs Southward to Onòr , against the stream , making use both of Sail and Oars ; and a little before night having gone about three Leagues , we came to Garsopà and there lodg'd . This place was sometimes a famous City , Metropolis of the Province and Seat of a Queen : in which State , as likewise in many others upon the Coast of India , to this day , a Woman frequently hath the sovereignty ; Daughters or other nearest Kinswomen begotten by what ever Father succeeding the Mothers ; these Gentiles having an opinion , ( as 't is indeed ) that the Issue by the Woman-side is much more sure of the blood and lineage of the Ancestors , then that by the Man-side . The last Queen of Garsopà fell in Love with a mean Man and a stranger , into whose power she resign'd her self , together with her whole Kingdom . In which act , ( setting aside her choosing a Lover of base blood , upon which account she was blam'd and hated by the Indians who are most rigorous observers of Nobility , and maintainers of the dignity of their ancestors in all points ) as to giving her self up as a prey to her lover , she committed no fault against her honor ; for in these Countries 't is lawful for such Queens to choose to themselves Lovers or Husbands , one or more , according as they please . But this Man who was so favour'd by the Queen of Garsopà , having thoughts as ignoble as his blood , in stead of corresponding with gratitude to the Queens courtesie , design'd to rebell against her , and take the Kingdom from her ; which for a while he executed , having in process of time gain'd the affection of most of her most eminent Vassals . The Queen seeing her self oppress'd by the Traytor , had recourse to the Portugals , offering them her whole State , on condition they would free her from imminent ruine . But the Portugals , according as they had alwayes in India done by their friends , ( whereby they have been many times the ruine of others and themselves too ) did not succour her till it was too late , and then very coldly . On the other side the Traytor , ( as his ill Fate , or rather God's just anger , would have it ) call'd to his assistance against the Queen and the Portugals , his Neighbour Venk-tapà Naieka , now Master of those Countries . Venk-tapà Naieka taking advantage of the occasion , enter'd suddenly into the Kingdom of Garsopà with great diligence and force , so that shortly becoming Master of the whole Country and the City Royal , having driven out the Portugals who came to defend it , he took the Queen Prisoner , and carry'd her to his own Court ; where being kept , although honourably , she ended her dayes afterwards in an honourable prison . But the Traytor under-went the punishment of his crime , for Venk-tapà Naieka caus'd him to be slain ; and for more secure keeping that State in his power , caus'd the City and Royal Palace of Garsopà to be destroy'd , so that at this day , that lately flourishing City is become nothing but a Wood ; Trees being already grown above the ruines of the Houses , and the place scarcely inhabited by four Cottages of Peasants . But returning to my Travel , I must not omit , that the three Leagues of this journey was one of the most delightful passages that ever I made in my life ; for the Country on either side is very beautiful , not consisting of Plains that afford onely an ordinary prospect , nor oftowring mountains , but of an unequal surface , Hills and Valleys , all green and delightful to the eyes , cloth'd with thick and high Groves , and many times with fruit Trees , as Indian Nuts , Foufel , Ambe , and such like , all water'd with innumerable Rivolets and Springs of fresh water ; the sides of the River all shady , beset with Flowers , Herbs , and sundry Plants , which like Ivy creeping about the Trees and Indian reeds of excessive height , ( call'd by the Country-people Bambù , and very thick along the banks ) make the wood more verdant ; through the middle whereof the River strayes with sundry windings . In short , the River of Garsopà , for a natural thing , without any artificial ornament of buildings or the like , is the goodliest River that ever I beheld . Our boats being large , could not go to the ordinary landing place at Garsopà , because the River , which is discharg'd into the Sea with one stream , is there divided into many , which fall from several Springs upon some neighbouring Hills , so that the water is but little . Wherefore we landed at some distance from Garsopà , which stands on the South-bank of the River , and walkt the rest of the way on foot , and our goods were carry'd upon the Men's shoulders , whom we had hir'd for that purpose . Before we got to our lodging , it was night , and we were fain to wade over one of the arms of the River which took me up to the middle of the thigh ; the bottom was stony , and not so dangerous to us , ( who were free ) in reference to falling , as to the poor men who carry'd burthens upon their heads ; so that I wonder'd not he who carry'd the hamper of my clothes fell down with it , and wetted it in the water . At length we lodg'd not within the compass of Garsopà , which was somewhat within land , but near it upon the River , in a place cover'd with a roof amongst certain Trees , where many are wont to lodge , and where the Pepper is weigh'd and contracted for , when the Portugals come to fetch it : for this is the Country wherein greatest plenty of Pepper grows ; for which reason the Queen of Garsopà was wont to be call'd by the Portugals , Reyna da Pimenta , that is , Queen of Pepper . The River is call'd by the Portugals the River of Garsopà , but by the Indians in their own Language , one branch is term'd , Ambù nidi , and the other , Sarà nidi . From the River's mouth , where it falls into the Sea , to Garsopà , the way , if I mistake not , is directly East . November the first , After dinner we departed from our station , and passing by the Cottages , and the places where the City of Garsopà sometimes stood , we walk'd a good way Southwards , or rather South South-west , always through an uneven , woody Country , irrigated with water and delightful , like the banks of the River which I describ'd . Then we began to climb up a Mountain , which the Country-people call Gat , and divides the whole length of this part of India , being wash'd on the East with the Gulph of Bengala , and on the West with the Ocean or Sea of Goa . The ascent of this Mountain is not very rough , but rather easie and pleasant like the other soil , being thick set with Groves of Trees of excessive greatness ; some of them so strait , that one alone might serve for the Mast of a Ship. With all , the Mountain is so water'd with Rivulets and Fountains , and so cloth'd with Grass and Flowers , that , me-thought , I saw the most delightful place of the Appennine in Italy . If there be any difference , the Gat of India hath the advantage in this place , because the height is much less then that of our Appennine , the ascent more easie , the wood more beautiful and thick , the waters not less plentiful and clear ; If Gat yields to it in any thing , 't is in the frequency of inhabited places , the sumptuousness of buildings ; and lastly , in the beauty which the industrious art of the inhabitants adds to the Appennine ; the Indian Gat having no other , besides what liberal , yet unpolish'd , Nature gives it . About three hours after noon we came to the top of Gat , where a little beneath the highest cliff is found a kind of barr'd Gate , with a wall in a narrow pass , which renders the place sufficiently strong ; a little further than which , in the top of all , are found earthen Bulwarks , and lines , which guard the passage ; and in this place is a sufficient Fortress , being a mile and half in circuit . It was sometimes call'd Garicota , but now Gavarada Naghar ; we lodg'd about a Musket-shot without the Fort , in a plane and somewhat low place , where are some Houses like a Village , and amongst them a Temple of Hamant , who is one of those two Scimions who were imploy'd by Ramo for recovering his Wife Sità , as their Fables relate ; for which good work , and their other miracles , the Indians adore them . Here I saw his Statue in the Temple with burning lights before it , and a consecrated Silver Hand hung up by some devout person , perhaps , cur'd of some evil of his Hands . Below this place where we lodg'd , amongst the little Valleys of the Hill , is a fair and large Cistern , or Receptacle of water , which falls thereinto from a River descending from the Mountain , and the over-plus running into the lower Valleys . At night we heard Musick at the Gate of the above-mention'd Temple , divers barbarous Instruments sounding , and amongst the rest certain great Horns of metal , fashion'd almost into a semicircle ; I ask'd the reason of this Festival , and they told me , The Idol was to go presently , accompany'd with a great number of Men and Women , in pilgrimage to a place of their devotion near San Tomè , a moneths journey and more ; and that it was to be carry'd in a Palanchino , as the custom is , and in procession with sundry sounds and songs , almost in the same manner , as amongst us Christians , the Bodies or Images of Saints are carry'd in procession when any Community or Fraternity go in pilgrimage to Loreto , or Rome , in the Holy year . At this time assisted at the service of the Idol , amongst others , a Woman , who , they said , was so abstinent that she did not so much as eat Rice ; they held her for a kind of Saint , upon a fame that the Idol delighted to sleep with her , which these silly souls accounted a great spiritual favour ; and haply , it may be true , that some Incubus-Devil ha's to do with her , and deceives her with false illusions , telling her that he is her God ; of which kind of Women , there are many among the Moors . Divers come to ask her about future things , and she consulting , the Idol gives them their answer ; one of these interrogations was made to her whilst we were present . Others came to offer Fruits and other edibles to the Idol , which one of the Priests presented to it , murmuring his Orisons ; and taking half of the things offer'd , ( which after presentation to the Idol , remains to the servants of the Temple ) , he restores the other half to him that offer'd them ; and were it but one Indian Nut , he splits it in two before the Idol , and gives half , to him that brought it ; who takes the same with reverence , and is afterwards to eat it with devotion as sacred food , and tasted of by the Idol . In the Evening , by the Captain of the Fort ( who was a Moor of Dacàn , and sometimes an Officer under one Melik a Captain of Adil-Sciàh , in the Frontiers of Goa , but being taken Prisoner in a War between Adil-Sciàh and Venk-tapà Naieka , and afterwards set at liberty , remain'd in the service of Venk-tapà ; and hath been about five and twenty years Governour of this Fortress , and is call'd Mir-Bai ) was sent a Present of Sugar Canes and other refreshments to eat , to Sig : Gio : Fernandez ; whom also the same night Vitulà Sinay , who travell'd with us , but apart by himself , came to visit , and entertain'd with the sight of two young men , who fenc'd very well a good while together , onely with Swords made of Indian Canes . On which occasion , I shall not omit that amongst the Indians , 't is the custom for every one to manage and make use onely of one sort of Arms , whereunto he accustoms himself , and never uses any other , even in time of War. So that some Souldiers fight onely with Swords , others with Sword and Buckler , others with Lances , others with Bows and Arrows , and others with Muskets ; and so every one with his own Arms , never changing the same , but thereby becoming very expert and well practis'd in that which he takes to . The way from Garsopà to Govarada Naghar was about five or six miles , and no more . November the second , Early in the Morning Vitulà Sinay first visited Sig : Gio : Fernandez , and afterwards the Captain of the Fort , accompanied with a great number of his Souldiers with several Arms , but most had Pikes , Lances in the form of half Pikes , and Swords ; onely two had Swords and Bucklers : one of them had a short and very broad Sword like a Cortelax , but the edge-part bowed inwards after a strange fashion . Those two with Swords and Bucklers came before the Captain , dancing and skirmishing after their manner , as if they fought together . The visit was receiv'd in the Porch of the little Temple above mention'd , and lasted a good while . Vitulà Sinay , who spoke the Portugal-Tongue well , serv'd for interpreter between our Ambassador and the Captain , and handsomely intimated to the Ambassador , that when he return'd back it was fit to give a Present to this Captain , and visit him in the Fort ; that the custom was so ; and he had already done the like to the Ambassador ; that since he did it not now , he had already made an excuse for it , by telling him that the baggage was gone before , and that he did not go to visit him , because he had no Present to carry him , but he would do it at his return . In the end of this visit , Vitulà Sinay caus'd a little Silver basket to be brought full of the leaves of Betle , ( an herb which the Indians are always eating , and to the sight not unlike the leaves of our Cedars ) and giving it to the Ambassador , he told him that he should present it to the Captain , the custom being so in India , for the person visited to give Betle-leaves to the visitant , where-with the visit ends . The Ambassador did so , and the Captain without taking any of these leaves , whether it were the custom , or that being a Moor he did not use it , ( which yet I believe not ) gave it to certain persons of qualitie , who stood beside him , and had accompany'd him ; neither did any of them touch the leaves , but the basket went from hand to hand till it was carry'd away as full as it was presented ; which being done , the Captain first , and then Vitulà Sinay , took leave and departed . After we had din'd , about noon or soon after , our Ambassador went away alone with his Chaplain , out of impatience to stay longer in that place ; the rest of us remain'd , expecting the removing of all our baggage , which was very slow in departing , because the Men who carry'd the same upon their heads , were not sufficient , and the burthens were too heavy ; so that it was needful to hire more , and increase the number of Porters to thirty six , besides mine , which I hir'd for my self apart ; and because neither were these enough , it was needful to lade two Oxen , who carry'd Goods for four other Men ; and this took up much time , because neither the Men nor the beasts which were hir'd were ready , but were to be sought for here and there . In the mean time , while the burthens were getting in order , I entertain'd my self in the Porch of the Temple , beholding little boys learning Arithmetick after a strange manner , which I will here relate . They were four , and having all taken the same lesson from the Master , to get that same by heart , and repeat likewise their former lessons and not forget them ; one of them singing musically with a certain continu'd tone , ( which hath the force of making deep impression in the memory ) recited part of the lesson ; as , for example , One by it self makes one ; and whilst he was thus speaking , he writ down the same number , not with any kind of Pen , nor in Paper , but ( not to spend Paper in vain ) with his finger on the ground , the pavement being for that purpose strew'd all over with very fine sand ; after the first had writ what he sung , all the rest sung and writ down the same thing together . Then the first boy sung and writ down another part of the lesson ; as , for example , Two by it self two make two ; which all the rest repeated in the same manner , and so forward in order . When the pavement was full of figures , they put them out with the hand , and if need were , strew'd it with new sand from a little heap which they had before them where-with to write further : And thus they did as long as the exercise continu'd ; in which manner , likewise they told me , they learnt to read and write without spoiling Paper , Pens , or Ink , which certainly is a prety way . I ask'd them , if they happen'd to forget or be mistaken in any part of the lesson , who corrected and taught them , they being all Scholars without the assistance of any Master ; they answer'd me , and said true , that it was not possible for all four of them to forget or mistake in the same part , and that they thus exercis'd together , to the end , that if one happen'd to be out , the others might correct him . Indeed a prety , easie , and secure way of learning . Having seen this Curiosity , and our baggage being laden , we all set forth after the Ambassador , and Vitulà Sinay set out together with us . We travell'd first East-ward , then South-ward , but many times I could not observe which way our course tended ; we went upon the ridge of a Hill , and through uneven wayes , sometimes ascending , and sometimes descending , but always in the middle of great thick Groves full of Grass and running water , no less delightful then the former Fields . A little more then half a League from the Fort , we found a Meschita of the Moors , built upon the way with a Lake or Receptacle of water , but not very well contriv'd by the Captain of the said Fort , which his King had allow'd him to make as a great favour ; for the Gentiles are not wont to suffer in their Countries Temples of other Religions . Here we found our Ambassador , who stay'd for us ; and we tarry'd likewise here above an hour in expectation of our baggage , much of which was still behind . At length continuing our journey , and having rested a good while in another place , night came upon us in the midst of a Wood , so shady , that although we had very clear Moon-light , yet we were fain to light Torches , otherwise we could not see our way . The Torches us'd in India are not like ours , but made of metal in form of those wherewith the Infernal Furies are painted , the fire of which is fed with Bitumen , and other dry materials which are put into the mouth or hollow at the top , into which also they frequently powre a combustible liquor , which the Man that holds the Torch carries in his other hand in a metalline bottle , with a long slender neck very fit for that purpose ; for when he is minded to recruit the flame , he distills a little liquor into it , the length of the neck securing his hand from hurt . By the light of these Torches we travell'd a great part of the night . At length being unable to overtake the Horses which were led before , and the baggage being behind , for fear of losing our way , we stay'd under a great Tree , where some in Palanchinoes , and others upon the ground , spent this night inconveniently and supper-less , having nothing else to eat but a little Bread , which we toasted at the fire , that we might eat it hot ; and with the same fire which we kindled , we allay'd the coldness of the night , which in the top of these Indian Mountains is very cold in regard of their height ; yet it was not sharper to us this night , then it uses to be at Rome in the beginning of September , even in temperate years . November the third , As soon as it was day we follow'd our way , and in a short time came to a Village of four Cottages , call'd Tumbrè , where the Horses were lodg'd , and we also stay'd till the baggage came up , which was much later then we ; and we stay'd the longer to rest the people that travell'd on foot : for all the servants , and I know not how many Musketiers , which our Ambassador carried with him , were on foot . Vitulà Sinay lay there likewise this night , but was gone before we came thither . From Garicota to Tumbrè , is about a League and half ; for in this Country they measure the way by Gau's , and every Gaù is about two Leagues , and they said that from Garicota to Tumbrè , was not one Gaù . When we arriv'd at this Town , we found the pavements of the Cottages were vernish'd over with Cow-dung mix'd with water . A custom of the Gentiles in the places where they are wont to eat , as I have formerly observ'd . I took it for a superstitious Rite of Religion ; but I since better understand that it is us'd onely for elegancy and ornament , because not using , or not knowing how to make such strong and lasting pavements as ours , theirs being made sleightly of Earth and so easily spoyl'd , therefore when they are minded to have them plain , smooth , and firm , they smear the same over with Cow-dung temper'd with water , in case it be not liquid , ( for if it be , there needs no water ) and plaining it either with their hands or some other instrument , and so make it smooth , bright , strong , and of a fine green colour , the Cows whose dung they use , never eating any thing but Grass ; and it hath one convenience , that this polishing is presently made , soon dry , endures walking , or any thing else to be done upon it ; and the Houses wherein we lodg'd , we found were preparing thus at our coming , and were presently dry enough for our use . Indeed it is a prety Curiosity , and I intend to cause tryal to be made of it in Italy , and the rather because they say for certain , that the Houses whose pavements are thus stercorated , are good against the Plague ; which is no despicable advantage . Onely it hath this evil , that its handsomness and politeness lasteth not , but requires frequent renovation , and he that would have it handsome , must renew it every eight or ten days ; yet being a thing so easie to be done , and of so little charge , it matters not for a little trouble which every poor person knows how 's to dispatch . The Portugals use it in their Houses at Goa , and other places of India ; and , in brief , 't is certain that it is no superstitious custom , but onely for neatness and ornament ; and therefore 't is no wonder that the Gentiles use it often , and perhaps , every day in places where they eat , which above all the rest are to be very neat . 'T is true , they make a Religious Rite of not eating in any place where people of another Sect or Race , ( in their opinion , unclean ) hath eaten , unless they first repolish the same with Cow-dung , which is a kind of Purification ; as we do by washing it with water , and whitening the wall , ( not as a Religious Rite , but through Custom ) in Chambers where any one ha's dy'd . I said , where people not onely of different Religion , but also of impure Race have eaten ; because the Gentiles are very rigorous and superstitious among themselves , for a noble Race not to hold Commerce of eating with others more base ; yea , in one and the same Race , ( as in that of the Brachmans which is the noblest ) some Brachmans , ( as the Panditi , or Boti , who are held in great esteem amongst them ) will not eat in the Company , or so much as in the House of a Brachmans , Sinay , or Naieke , and other Nobles , who eat Fish , and are call'd by the general name Mazari , and much less esteem'd then those who eat none ; yet the Brachmans , Sinay , or Naieke , or other species of Mazari , who are inferior , eat in the House of a Pandito , or Boto , without being contaminated , but rather account it an honor . After dinner , we departed from Tumbre , travelling through unequal wayes and lands like the former , but rather descending then otherwise ; we rested once , a while under a Tree , to stay for the baggage , and then proceeding again at almost six a clock after noon , we came to the side of a River called Barenghi , which in that place runs from West to East , and is not fordable , although narrow , but requires a boat to pass it . On the Southern bank , on which we came , were four Cottages , where we took up our station that Night , enjoying the cool , the shadow , and the sight of a very goodly Wood which cloaths the River sides with green ; but above all where we lodg'd , on either side the way , were such large and goodly Trees , such spacious places underneath for shade , and the place so opacous by the thickness of the boughs on high , that indeed , I never saw in my dayes a fairer natural Grove ; amongst other Trees there was abundance of Bambù , or very large Indian Canes , twin'd about to the top with prety Herbs . The journey of this day was three Cos , or a League and half . This River , they say , is one of those which goes to Garsopà . Vitulà Sinay we found not here , because he was gone before . November the fourth , We began in the Morning to pass our Goods over the River ; but because there was but one , and that a small boat , it was ten hours after noon before we had got all of them over ; then following our journey through somewhat oblique and uneven wayes like the former , we found many Trees of Myrobalanes , such as are brought into Italy preserv'd in Sugar . It hath leaves much like that which produces Gum Arabick , by me formerly describ'd ; different onely in this , that in that of Gum Arabick , the branch consisting of many leaves , is much less , round or oval , and seems one leaf made up of many other long and narrow ones : But in this Myrobalane Tree , the branch is sufficiently long , and the small leaves composing it in two rows on either side , are somewhat larger ; nor is the Myrobalane Tree prickly like that of Gum Arabick . The fruit is round , hard , of a yellowish green , smooth , shining , of little pulp , but a great stone , almost round and furrow'd with six circular lines . Being raw it hath an acid and astringent , but , in my judgment , no pleasant taste ; but preserv'd , becomes good . They say it is refrigerative and purges Choler . Having rested many times upon the way , and in all travell'd two Leagues , we ended this day's journey in the onely considerable and populous Town we had hitherto met , which is call'd Ahineli . We lodg'd in the Porches of a Temple of Idols , which had two Porches , one within , the other without , both low after their manner , with very large Pent-houses strengthened with great Posts ; the Pavement rais'd high and dung'd , but not lately ; the walls white , sprinkled in the corners and ends , with a sort of Rose-Oyle , ill colour'd ; for so is their custom always in their Religious Structures . The Idol was call'd Virenà Deurù , the latter of which words signifies God , or rather Lord , being attributed also to Men of quality ; he stood at the upper end in a dark place with Candles before him ; of what figure he was I could not see well , by reason of the darkness , but they told me 't was a Man : In the body of the Temple , were many other wooden Statues of less Idols , plac'd about in several places , as 't were for ornament ; some of which were figures of their Gods , others not of Gods , but for ornament , of several shapes . Many of these figures represented dishonest actions . One was of a Woman , lifting up her cloths before , and shewing that which Modesty oblig'd her to cover : Another was of a Man and a Woman kissing , the Man holding his Hand on the Womans Breasts : Another had a Man and a Woman naked , with their Hands at one another's shameful parts , those of the Man being of excessive greatness , and sundry such representations fit indeed for such a Temple . But these were not figures of Gods. Of Gods there was a Brahmà with five Heads , and three Arms on a side , sitting astride a Peacock , which in their Language they call Nau Brahmà , that is , the Peacock of Brahmà ; another God was call'd Naraina , with four Arms on a side : Another with an Elephant's Head , and two Hands to an Arm , whom they call Ganesù , and others Bacra-tundo , that is , Round-mouth ; for one and the same God hath divers names : Another call'd Fuenà , had the shape of a Man , holding a naked Sword in his right Hand , and a Buckler in his left : Another had a Man under his Feet , upon whose Head he trampled ; and so , many others of various sorts . I observ'd that all these Idols had the same cover of the Head , high , with many picks or peaks , all ending in one long peak , a strange and majestical Diadem not us'd now in India ; it might have been of wreath'd Linnen , or Gold , or other solid matter ; wherefore I imagine that it is a very ancient covering , at this day dis-us'd ; unless haply it be some ensign of Divinity , which I rather think , because I remember to have seen at Rome almost the same Diadems upon the Heads of some Aegyptian Statues , and , if I forget not , they were call'd Tutuli , and the Idols of Tutulati , as amongst us the Diadems of the Saints , or , as some make it , three Crowns one upon another , like the Regno , or Pontifical Crown of our Pope . In the middle of the Temple was another darker inclosure , wherein stood fastned in the ground certain slender staves , with others cross them in two rows , making a little Steccato or Palisado of a long form ; and these were to hang Lamps and Tapers upon , at more solemn dayes and hours . A Barber whom we had with us , an Indian - Gentile , but a Native of the Country of Adil-Sciàh , who was nam'd Deugi , and understood something of the Portugal-Tongue , could not well tell me the names of those figures and Idols of the Temple , when I ask'd him ; because , he said , they were not things of his Country , where they had other things and Gods , and that every Country had particular ones of their own . Within the circuit of this Temple , but on one side of the Court as you go in , were three other little Cells separate from the body of the great Temple , two of which were empty , perhaps not yet well accommodated , but in the other was an Idol of an Ox , which our Barber knew , and said was also of his Country , and that they call it Basuanà ; it was half lying , or rather sitting upon the floor with the Head erect ; like which Ox , or Basuanà , stood another in the upper part of the Temple before the Tribunal of the Idol Virenà , as if it stood there for his guard . In the Evening the Ministers of the Temple ring a kind of Bell or Shell which was within the Temple , striking it with a staff ; and it made a tolerable sound , as if it had been a good Bell : at which sound , some from without assembling together , they begin to sound within the Temple very loud two Drums , and two Pipes or Flutes of metal ; after which many Tapers being lighted , particularly , at the Steccato above-mention'd , and put in order a little quilt with a Canopy of rich Stuff , which is alwayes ready in the Temple for carrying the Idol , they put the principal Idol Virenà into it , not that of ordinary wood in the middle of the Temple , but the other at the upper end , which was of the same bigness , about two spans round between the figure and ornaments about it , but all painted with various colours , gilded and deck'd with white Flowers . Then one of the Ministers march'd first sounding a Bell continually as he went , and after him others , and at length two with lighted Tapers , after which followed the Idol in his Canopy , with a Minister before him carrying a Vessel of Perfumes , which he burnt ; and thus they carry'd him in Procession : First , into the Court without the Temple , going out of it on the left Hand , as you enter , which to them as they came forth was the right , and returning by the other opposite . After which going out of the Gate of the Court into the street , they went in the same manner in Procession , ( still sounding their Bells ) I know not whither , but 't is likely they went to some other Temple to perform some kind of Ceremony ; for in the Town there was more then one . Being at length return'd , and the Procession re-entring the Court with a great train of Men and Women of the Town , they went thrice about the inside of the Court , as they had done once before they went out : But in these three Circumgyrations they observ'd this Order , that the first time they walk'd as they had done in the street ; the second , more leisurely , and those that sounded the Flutes , left off , and sounded another kind of shriller and sweeter Pipe ; the third time , they walk'd more slowly then before , and leaving off the second Pipes , sounded others of a far lower note . Which being done , those that carry'd and accompany'd the Canopy of the Idol , stood still in the entrance of the Temple right against the Upper End , and one of the Priests or Ministers standing at the Upper End directly opposite to the Idol , ( who was held standing on his Feet by help of one of the Minister's Hands , who for that purpose went alwayes on one side near him ; ) began to salute the Idol a far off with a dim Taper in his Hand , making a great circle with the same from on high downwards , and from below upwards , directly over against the Idol , which he repeated several times ; and in the end of the circles , which were always terminated in the lower part , he describ'd a strait line from one side to the opposite , and that where the circle began ; nor did he seem to me always to begin the circles on the same part , but sometimes on the right , and sometimes on the left , with what Order I know not . This being done within , the same Priest came to the Entrance where the Idol stood , passing directly through the midst of the Palisado of Lights , ( through which , I believe , that for others , and another time , it is not lawful to pass ; because out of these Ceremonies when any one enter'd to perform other Services , I saw him always go without the Palisado on the sides ) coming along , I say , sounding a Bell , and being follow'd by a Boy who carry'd a Basin of water with Santalus , or Sanders after him , ( the same wherewith , I conceive , they are wont to paint their fore-heads ) and also with Drums and Flutes sounding all the while ; he went in this manner three times round the Idol , beginning his circuits from the left side . When he had thus done , standing on the same side of the Idol where he began , and laying aside his Bell , he offer'd the Basin of water to the Idol , and dipping one Finger in it , lay'd the same upon the Idol's Fore-head , or thereabouts ; and if I was not mistaken , taking a little in his Hand , he also dy'd himself and the other Minister who upheld the Idol on the Fore-head therewith , after which he went to powre the remainder of the water in the Basin upon the ground without the Temple , but within the inclosure or Court. Then he took a wax-Candle , and therewith describ'd within the Palanchino or Carriage before the Idol many circles with lines at the end ; and putting out the Candle , took the Idol out of the Palanchino , and carrying it through the rail'd Steccado in the middle of the Torches , plac'd it on its Tribunal at the Upper End where it usually stands . In the mean time one of the Ministers distributed to all the by-standers a little quantity of certain Fitches mingled with small slices of Indian Nut , which , I conceive , had been offer'd to the Idol ; and they took and eat the same with signes of Devotion and Reverence . He offer'd some likewise to our people , and there wanted not such as took them ; the Drums and Fifes sounding in the mean time : which at length ceasing , and the Candles being put out , the Ceremonies ended , and the people return'd to their Houses . Such Men as were not Officers of the Temple , assisted at these Ceremonies in the first entrance , where we also stood : but the Women stood more within in the body of the Temple , where the rows of lights were . For the better understanding of all which description , I shall here delineate the Plat-form of the Temple with its inclosure and Porches , as well as I could do it by the Eye without measuring it . The Plat-form of an Indian Temple . 1. The Street . 2. The Stairs of the Entrance . 3. An high Wall of Earth before the Outer Porch . 4. The Outward Porch with an high Earthen Floor . 5. Two small Idols in two Nieches on the out side of the ends of the Porch . 6. The Gate , level with the Earthen Wall. 7. The Inner Porch with an Earthen Floor higher then that of the Gate , the Wall , and the Outer Porch . 8. A Void Space between the Porch and the Temple . 9. Part of the First Entrance of the Temple , lower then the plane of the Gate and the said Void Space . 10. Part of the same , but one Step higher . 11. The said Step , dividing the first Entrance in the middle . 12. The body of the Temple , situate between the first Entrance and the Penetrale or Chancel , the pricks denoting the rows of Torches . 13. A little door to go out at . 14. The Penetrale or Chancel , where the Oval denotes the Statue of Boue or Basuanà upon the ground . 15. The Inmost part of the Chancel , where the Idol Virenà stands . 16. A high Earthen Wall encompassing the Temple , 17. Three little Cells ; in the first of which , the Oval represents the Statue of Boue or Basuanà . 18. An open square-Court or Inclosure surrounding the Temple which stands in the middle of it . 19. The Walls thereof . 20. The Houses of such Men and Women as keep the Temple . The same Evening was brought to our Ambassador a Letter from Vitulà Sinay , who writ , that arriving at the Cour on Fryday before , he had spoken with his King , who being well pleas'd with the Ambassador's coming , had prepar'd the same house for him , wherein the King of Belighi was wont to lodge when he was at his Court ; and that he would make him a very honorable Reception ; that therefore as soon as we arriv'd at the Town Ahinalà , ( where we now were ) the Ambassador should send him notice ; which was accordingly done , by dispatching the Messenger presently back again ; and we waited for his return . November the fifth , At day-break the Ministers of the Temple where we lodg'd , sounded Pipes and Drums for a good while in the Temple , without other Ceremony . The like they did again about Noon , and at Evening ; but at night they made the same Procession with the Idol , and the same Ceremonies which are above describ'd . This day came to the Town a Captain from the King with many attendants , and having visited the Ambassador , took divers of those Idols which stood in the first Entrance , and carry'd them away with him to be new made , because some were old and broken . Late in the night came another Letter from Vitulà Sinay , which signifi'd to us that we should move forwards to a Town very near the Court call'd Badrapòr , where some persons from the King were to meet us , and accompany us to the Court ; although the Ambassador had writ to him before , that he car'd not for being accompany'd at his Entrance , but onely when he should go to see the King. I style him King , because the Portugals themselves and the Indians do so ; although in truth Venk-tapà Naieka , not onely because his Predecessors were a few years ago Vassals and simple Naieka's ( that is , feudatory Princes , or rather Provincial Governours ) under the King of Vidianugher ; and though at this day he reign he absolutly by Usurpation , is in effect no other then a Rebel ; and God knows how long his House will abide in greatness ; but also much more by reason of the smalness of his Territory , ( though it be great , in respect of other Indian Gentile-Princes ) deserves not the Appellation of King ; and the less , because he pays Tribute to Idal-Sciàh , who although a greater Prince , is but small neither for a King , and payes Tribute to the Moghol . In short , Venk-tapà Naieka , although now absolute , should , in my opinion , be called a Royolet rather then a King : But the Portugals , to magnifie their affairs in India , or else to honor the persons that rule there , ( which is not displeasing in Spain , and the Court of the Catholick King , who is of the same humor ) give the Title of King to all these petty Indian Princes , many of whom have smaller Dominions then a small feudatory Marquis in our Countries ; and ( which is worse ) that of Emperor to some , as to him of Iapan , of Aethiopia , and of Calicut , who is very inconsiderable ; the quondam-Prince of Vidianagher , or Bisnagà , ( as they speak ) having in a strange and unusual manner multiply'd the number of Emperors , beyond what the fabulous books of Knights Errant have done : Albeit , in truth , there was never found but one Emperor in the world , the Roman Caesar , who , at this day , retains rather the name then the substance , in Germany . November the sixth , Two hours before noon we went from Ahinalà , and having travell'd through a Country like the former , but plain , about noon we came to the Town Badra ; where , according as Vitulà Sinay had writ to us , we thought to lodge that night , and accordingly had lay'd down our baggage , and withdrawn to a place to rest ; but after two hours being there , we found our selves surrounded by abundance of people , ( for 't is a large Town , and they go almost all arm'd ) who out of curiosity came to see us ; whereupon the Ambassador , either having receiv'd an Answer from Vitulà Sinay , or not caring for a pompous entrance , rais'd us all again ; and after a small journey further we arriv'd at Ikkeri , which is the Royal City of Venk-tapà Naieka where he holds his Court ; having travell'd since morning from Ahinalà to Ikkeri but two Leagues . This City is seated in a goodly Plain , and , as we enter'd , we pass'd through three Gates with Forts and Ditches , but small , and consequently , three Inclosures ; the two first of which were not Walls , but made of very high Indian Canes , very thick and close planted in stead of a Wall , and are strong against Foot and Horse in any , hard to cut , and not in danger of fire ; besides , that the Herbs which creep upon them , together with themselves , make a fair and great verdure , and much shadow . The other Inclosure is a Wall , but weak and inconsiderable : But having pass'd these three , we pass'd all . Some say , there are others within , belonging to the Citadel or Fort where the Palace is ; for Ikkeri is of good largeness , but the Houses stand thin and are ill built , especially without the third Inclosure ; and most of the situation is taken up in great and long streets , some of them shadow'd with high and very goodly Trees growing in Lakes of Water , of which there are many large ones , besides Fields set full of Trees , like Groves , so that it seems to consist of a City , Lakes , Fields , and Woods mingled together , and makes a very delightful sight . We were lodg'd in the House , as they said , wherein the King of Belighi lodg'd ; I know not whether Kinsman , Friend , or Vassal to Venk-tapà Naieka , but probably one of the above-mention'd Royolets ; and to go to this House we went out of the third Inclosure , passing through the inmost part of the City by another Gate opposite to that by which we enter'd . The House indeed was such as in our Countries an ordinary Artisan would scarce have dwelt in , having very few , and those small and dark Rooms , which scarce afforded light enough to read a Letter ; they build them so dark , as a remedy for the great heat of Summer . However , this must needs have been one of the best , since it was assign'd to the said King first , and now to our Ambassador ; although as we pass'd through the midst of the City I observ'd some that made a much better shew . At night they brought the Ambassador a couple of bed-steads to sleep upon , and some stools for our use , some of them made of Canes intervoven , instead of coverings of Leather or Cloth , being much us'd in Goa and other places of India ; but some others were cover'd with Leather . November the seventh , Vitulà Sinay came in the morning to visit our Ambassador , and in his King's Name brought him a Present of Sugar-Canes , Fruits , Sugar , and other things to eat , but not any Animal ; and , if I was not misinform'd , ( for I was not present ) he excus'd his Kings not sending him Sheep or other Animals to eat , by saying , that he was of a Lingavant or Noble Race , who neither eat nor kill any Creatures ; as if he should have sin'd and defil'd himself , by sending any to the Ambassador who would have eaten them . With this Present he sent a piece of Tapistry , not as a Gift , but onely for the Ambassador to make use of in his House , and it was us'd in such sort that at length it had a hole in it : The Ambassador , as not prizing it , having given it to his Interpreter to sleep upon ; as indeed , he seem'd not very well pleas'd with it or his Donatives ; for , speaking of the Reception which Venk-tapà Naieka made him , he would often say , ( according to the natural and general custom of his Nation ) ; Let him do me less honour , and give me something more , and it will be better . However , I believe Venk-tapà Naieka , who is not liberal , will abound more in Courtesie to the Ambassador then in Gifts . Vitulà Sinay said , that the next day the Ambassador should be call'd to Audience three hours after noon ; wherefore Himself and all his Attendants continued undress'd till dinner-time . I knowing the custom of Courts , and that Princes will not wait but be waited for , and that the hours of Audience depend upon their pleasure , not upon his who is to have it , dress'd my self in the morning leisurely , that I might not afterwards confound my self with haste ; and though in such solemnities others cloth'd themselves in colours , and with ornaments of Gold , yet I put on onely plain black Silk as mourning for my Wife . Before we had din'd , and whilst we were at Table , they came to call us in haste to Audience , saying , that Vitulà Sinay and other great Persons were come to conduct us to the King. The Ambassador finding himself unready and surpris'd , was forc'd to desire them not to come yet , making an excuse that we were still at dinner ; and , the Table being taken away , he and all the rest retir'd to dress themselves in great confusion ; and greater there was in getting the Horses sadled , preparing the Presents which were to be carry'd , and providing other necessary things in haste , for nothing was ready ; but the Ambassador and all his Servants were in a great hurry and confusion , calling for this and the other thing , which seem'd to me not to have too much of the Courtier . The persons who came to fetch us , stay'd a good while without , but at length were brought into the Porch of the House , that is , into the first Entrance within the Court , where Visits are receiv'd ; without seeing the Ambassador or any of his Attendants , who were all employ'd in the above-said confusion , at a good part of which these persons were present . The Pomp proceeded in this manner : Many Horsemen went formost , who were follow'd by divers Foot arm'd with Pikes and other weapons , some of them brandishing the same as they went along ; then march'd certain Musketiers with Drums , Trumpets , Pikes , and Cornets sounding ; these cloth'd all in one colour after the Portugal manner , but with coarse stuff of small value ; and amongst them rode a servant of the Ambassador's , better clad after their fashion , as Captain of the Guard. Then follow'd the Ambassador in the middle between Vitulà Sinay and Musè Bài ; and after him we of his retinue , to wit , the Chaplain , Sig : Consalvo Carvaglio , Sig : Francesco Montegro , who liv'd at Barcelòr , and whom we found at Ikkeri about some affairs of his own ; but because he wanted a horse , he appear'd not in the Cavalcade . After us came some other Horse-men ; but , in summ , there was but few people , a small shew , and little gallantry ; demonstrative signes of the smallness of this Court and the Prince . In this manner we rode to the Palace which stands in a Fort or Citadel of good largeness , incompass'd with a great Ditch , and certain ill built bastions . At the entrance we found two very long but narrow Bulwarks . Within the Citadel are many Houses , and shops also in several streets ; for we pass'd through two Gates , at both which there stood Guards , and all the distance between them was an inhabited street . We went through these two Gates on Horse-back , which , I believe , was a priviledge , for few did so besides our selves , namely , such onely as entred where the King was ; the rest either remaining on Horse-back at the first Gate , or alighting at the Entrance of the second . A third Gate also we enter'd , but on Foot , and came into a kind of Court , about which were sitting in Porches many prime Courtiers , and other persons of quality . Then we came to a fourth Gate guarded with Souldiers , into which onely we Franchi or Christians , and some few others of the Country were suffer'd to enter ; and we presently found the King , who was seated in a kind of Porch on the opposite side of a small Court , upon a Pavement somewhat rais'd from the Earth , cover'd with a Canopy like a square Tent , but made of boords and gilded . The Floor was cover'd with a piece of Tapistry something old , and the King sat after the manner of the East upon a little Quilt on the out-side of the Tent , leaning upon one of the pillars which up-held it on the right hand , having at his back two great Cushions of fine white Silk . Before him lay his Sword , adorn'd with Silver , and a little on one side almost in the middle of the Tent , was a small eight-corner'd Stand , painted and gilded , either to write upon , or else to hold some thing or other of his . On the right hand , and behind the King , stood divers Courtiers , one of which continually wav'd a white fan made of fine linnen , as if to drive away the flies from the King. Besides the King , there was but one person sitting , and he the principal Favorite of the Court , call'd Putapaià , and he sat at a good distance from him on the right hand near the wall . As soon as we saw the King afar off , the Ambassador and we pull'd off our Hats , and saluted him after our manner ; he seem'd not to stir at all ; but when we approach'd nearer , the Ambassador was made to sit down within the Tent at a good distance from the King near the wall , as Putapaià sate , but on the left side , at which we enter'd . The rest of us stood a good while before the Tent , on the left side also . Vitulà Sinay approach'd to a Pillar opposite to that on which the King lean'd , and there serv'd as Interpreter , sometimes speaking with the King , and sometimes with the Ambassador . Musè Bai stood also on our side , but distant from the King , and near one of the Pillars of the Porch . The King 's first words were concerning the Health of the King of Spain and the Vice-Roy ; and then the Ambassador subjoyn'd the causes of his coming , namely , to visit him , and continue the Amity which his Highness held with that State of the Portugals , ( who use that style to these Indian Kings , as they did also to their King of Portugal when they had one , whence this custom first arose , and is still continu'd ; although now when they name their King of Spain , so much a greater Lord then the King of Portuagl , they use not the term Highness , but Majesty , after the manner of Europe . ) The Ambassador added that in token of this Amity , the Vice-Roy sent him that Present , not as any great matter , but as a small acknowledgment ; That their King had sent him a considerable Present from Spain , which his Highness knew was lost at Sea ; That yet by the Ships which were coming this year he should receive another , as he might see in the Vice-Roy's Letter which he presented to him . And hereupon the Ambassador arising from his Seat , went to present the same to him almost kneeling upon one knee ; and he without moving a whit , took it and gave it to Vitulà Sinay , who gave it to another , probably , the principal Secretary , without reading or opening it . The Ambassador had brought a Letter to him likewise written in the King of Spain's Name , but did not present it now ; because the Portugals say , that the first time of going to Audience , they are onely to make a Visit , and not to treat of business . Then they drew forth the Present before the King , which was some pieces of cloth , within one of those wooden gilt boxes which are us'd in India ; a Lance of the Moorish shape , to wit , long and smooth like a Pike , the point of Iron gilt , and the foot embellish'd with Silver , a gallant Target , and the Horse above-mention'd cover'd with a silken Horse-cloth ; which Horse was brought into the Court where the King sate . After he had receiv'd and view'd the Present , and taken the Iron of the Lance in his hand , which the Ambassador said was of Portugal ; they caus'd the rest of us to sit down near the outer wall of the Porch on the left side , upon a rough Carpet strip'd with white and blew , ( of that sort which the Turks and Persians call Kielim ) spread upon the pavement of the Porch . The Ambassador , although he sate , yet never put on his Hat before the King , ( for so the Portugal Nobles are wont to do before the Vice-Roy , namely , to sit , but not to be cover'd ) nor did the King speak to him to cover himself , but let him continue uncover'd ; wherein , to my thinking , he committed an error ; for going as he did in the name of the State , which amongst them is as much as to go in the King of Spain's Name ; why should he not be cover'd before so small a Prince ? And the error seem'd the greater , because he was the first that went Ambassador to Venk-tapà Naieka in the name of the State ; and consequently , hath made an ill president to such as shall come after him . And in introducing such prejudicial customs , a publick Minister should have his eyes well open : but the truth is , the Portugals of India understand little , are little Courtiers , and less Polititians , how exquisite soever they be accounted here , as this Sig : Gio : Fernandez is esteem'd one of the most accomplish'd , and , I believe , not undeservedly . At night , I could not forbear to advertise some of his Country-men hereof in a handsome way , it not seeming fit for me , a stranger and the younger man , to offer to give him a Lesson . However , he never put on his Hat , and Civility oblig'd us to the same forbearance ; but indeed , it was too much obsequiousness for such a Prince ; as also for the Ambassador to tell him of the other times that he had been privately at that Court , and kiss'd his Highnesse's Feet ; with other like words little becomming an Ambassador . Nevertheless he spoke them , professing himself much the servant of Ven-tapà Naieka , out of hope that he , as Vitulà Sinay had promis'd him at Goa , would write to the King of Spain in his favor , by which means he should have some remuneration . Indeed , the Portugals have nothing else in their Heads but Interest , and therefore their Government goes as it does . As we sate down , ( being four of us that did so , besides the Ambassador , to wit , the Chaplain , Caravaglio , Montegro , and my self ) I handsomely took the last place ; because knowing the nature of the Portugals , I would not have them think that I a stranger went about to take place and preheminence of them in their solemnities ; and they conformably to their own humor , not onely us'd no Courtesie to me , as well-bred Italians would have done , by saying to me , Amice , ascende superiùs ; but I saw they were greatly pleas'd with my putting my self in the last place , Caravaglio taking the first , the Chaplain the second , and Montegro the third . I , little caring for this , or for shewing and making my self known in the Court of Venk-tapà Naieka , laugh'd within my self at their manners , and with the observation recreated my Curiosity , which alone had brought me into these parts . The King's discourse to the Ambassador was distended to divers things , and , as he was speaking , he frequently chaw'd leavs of Betle , which a Courtier reach'd to him now and then , and , when he was minded out a lump of the masticated leaves , another held a kind of great Cup to his Mouth , for him to spit into . The King ask'd concerning the flowness of the Ships this year , as that which disgusted him , in regard of the Money they were to bring him for Pepper . He inquir'd of several things of India , and desir'd to know some kind of News . The Ambassador told him all the News we had at Onòr , which were uncertain , being onely the Relations of some vulgar persons , and therefore , in my judgement , too immaturely utter'd ; affirming , for certain , the coming of the Fleet with a great Army , the Alliance between Spain and England , the passage of the Prince of England into Spain ; and moreover , ( Good God! ) the reduction of all England to the Catholick Faith by the publick command of that King , with other such levities usual to the Portugals , who are very ignorant of the affairs of the world and of State. The King further spoke long concerning things transacted with him in the War of Banghel , particularly , of the Peace that concluded it ; for which , probably , being disadvantageous to the Portugals , he said , he heard that many blam'd him the Ambassador , who negotiated it with his Ministers ; and that they not onely blam'd him for it , but said , he would be punish'd by the King of Spain , who was offended with it ; whereat being sorry , as his Friend , he had sent several times to Gao to inquire tidings concerning him . The Ambassador answer'd , that 't was true , there had been such accusations against him and greater , some alledging that his Highness had brib'd him ; but that they were the words of malevolent persons , which he had always laugh'd at , knowing he had done his duty , and onely what the Vice-Roy had appointed him ; and that in Spain they give credit to the informations of the Vice-Roy , and not to the talk of others , as well appear'd by the event . Venk-tapà proceeded to say , that that Peace was very well made for the Portugals , and that much good had follow'd upon it ; intimating that they would have made it with disadvantage , if it had not been concluded in that manner as he concluded it : As if he would have said , It had been ill for the Portugals , with manifest signes of a mind insulting over them , and that the business of Banghel was no more to be treated of . Then he ask'd the Ambassador , How old he was ? How many Children he had ? Putting him in mind of his using to come , when a very Youth , to Ikkeri with his Father to bring Horses , and shewing himself very friendly to him . Nor did the Ambassadar lose the occasion of desiring him that he would favor him with his Letters to the King of Spain , pretending to hope for much upon account of them ; a thing which I should not commend in an Ambassador , because he may thereby come to be thought by his natural Prince too partial to , and too intimate with , the Prince with whom he treats ; and also by this means disparages himself , as if he need to beg the mediation of foreign Princes to his natural Lord , and of such Princes too with whom he negotiates in behalf of his own ; which by no means seems handsome . Then Venk-tapà Naieka inquir'd concerning the rest of us , and Vitulà Sinay answer'd his Questions ; telling him of me , that I was a Roman , and that I travell'd over so great a part of the World out of Curiosity , and that I writ down what I saw ; with other things of the same nature . Venk-tapà Naieka ask'd me , Whether I understood the Language of the Moors ▪ I answer'd that I did , together with the Turkish and Persian ; but I mention'd not the Arabick , because I have it not so ready as the other two , to be able to make use of it before every body . He seem'd sufficiently pleas'd in seeing me , and understanding that I was born at Rome , and came thither so great a Traveller ; highly esteeming the ancient fame of Rome and the Empire , and its new Grandeur and Pontificate of the Christians . These and other Discourses , which I omit for brevity , lasting for some time , he caus'd to be brought to him a piece of Silk embroider'd with Gold , such as the Indians wear cross their shoulders , but with us may serve to cover a Table or such like use ; and calling the Ambassador before him , whither we accompany'd him , gave it to him , and caus'd it to be put upon his shoulders ; whereupon we were dismiss'd , and so going out to Horse again , we were reconducted home with the same solemnity and company . After this , as we were walking through the City late in the Evening without the Ambassador , we saw going along the streets several companies of young girls well cloth'd after their manner , namely , with some of the above-mention'd wrought and figur'd Silk from the girdle downwards ; and from thence upward either naked , or else with very pure linnen , either of one colour , or strip'd and wrought with several , besides a scarf of the same work cast over the shoulder . Their heads were deck'd with yellow and white flowers form'd into a high and large Diadem , with some sticking out like Sun-beams , and others twisted together and hangingd own in several fashions ; which made a prety sight . All of them carry'd in each hand a little round painted Stick , about a span long or little more , which striking together after a musical measure , besides the sounds of Drums and other instruments , one of the skilfullest of the company sung one verse of a song at once , at the end of which they all reply'd seven or eight times in number of their meter this word , Colè , Colè , Colè , which I know not what it signifies , but , I believe , 't is a word of joy . Singing in this manner , they went along the street eight or ten together , being either friends or neighbours , follow'd by many other women , not dress'd in the same fashion , but who were either their Mothers or their Kins-women . I imagin'd it was for some extraordinary Festival , and I was willing to have follow'd them to see whither they went , and what they did ; but being in the company of others , I could not handsomely do it , nor had my Companions the same Curiosity , as indeed the Portugals are not at all curious . I understood afterwards that they went to the Piazza of the great Temple , which is moderately large , and there danc'd in circles , singing their songs till it was late ; and that this was a Festival , which they keep three dayes together at the end of a certain Fast in Honor of Gauri , one of their Goddesses , Wife of Mohedaca ; and therefore 't is celebrated by girls . November the ninth , Walking about the City , I saw a beam rais'd a good height , where , in certain of their Holy-dayes some devout people are wont to hang themselves by the flesh upon hooks fastned to the top of it , and remain a good while so hanging , the blood running down in the mean time , and they flourishing their Sword and Buckler in the Air , and singing verses in Honor of their Gods. Moreover , in a close place opposite to the Temple , I saw one of those very great Carrs , or Charriots , wherein upon certain Feasts they carry their Idols in Procession , with many people besides , and Dancing-women , who play on musical instruments , sing , and dance . The four wheels of this Carr were fourteen of my spans in diameter , and the wood of the sides was one span thick . At the end of it were two great wooden Statues , painted with natural colours ; one of a Man , the other of a Woman naked , in dishonest postures ; and upon the Carr , which was very high , was room for abundance of people to stand ; and , in brief , it was so large that scarce any but the widest streets in Rome , as Strada , Giulia , or Babuino , would be capable for it to pass in . I saw also certain Indian Fryers , whom in their Language they call Giangàma , and perhaps , are the same with the Sages seen by me elsewhere ; but they have Wives , and go with their faces smear'd with ashes , yet not naked , but clad in certain extravagant habits , and a kind of picked hood or cowl upon their heads of dy'd linnen , of that colour which is generally us'd amongst them , namely , a reddish brick-colour , with many bracelets upon their arms and legs , fill'd with something within , that makes a jangling as they walk . But the pretiest and oddest thing was , to see certain Souldiers on Horse-back , and considerable Captains too , as I was inform'd , who for ornament of their Horses wore hanging behind the saddle-bow two very large tassels of certain white , long , and fine skins , ( they told me they were the tails of certain wild Oxen found in India , and highly esteem'd ) which tassels were about two yards in compass , and so long as to reach from the saddle-bow to the ground ; two , I say , hung behind the saddle-bow , and two before of equal height , and two others higher at the head stall ; so that there were six in all : between which the Horse-man was seen upon the saddle half naked , and riding upon a Horse which leap'd and curvetted all the way ; by which motion those six great tassels of skin , being very light and not at all troublesome , but flying up and down , seem'd so many great wings ; which indeed was a prety odd spectacle , and made me think I saw so many Bellerophons upon severall Pegasus's . The same Evening I saw the companies of girls again , and following them I found that they did not go into the Piazza of the Temple , as they had done the two nights before , but into one of the King's Gardens , which for this purpose stood open for every body , and is nothing but a great field planted confusedly with shady and fruit-Trees , Sugar Canes , and other Garden plants . Hither almost the whole City flock'd , Men and Women , and all the companies of the flower'd Virgins , who putting themselves into circles , here and there danc'd and sung ; yet their dancing was nothing else but an easie walking round , their snappers alwayes sounding ; onely sometimes they would stretch forth their legs , and now and then cowre down as if they were going to sit , one constantly singing , and the rest repeating the word Colè , Colè . There wanted not other Donne ballatrici , Dancing-women , who exceeded the former in skill and dexterity : But in conclusion , they gather'd into several companies to supper , with the other Women that accompany'd them ; so did the Men also , some with their Wives , and some alone , of which there wanted not who invited us , not to eat with them ( for they communicate not with strangers at the Table ) but to take some of their fare ; which we thank'd them for , but accepted not , being delighted onely to see them feast so together , dispers'd in several places of the Garden ; this being the night that the Fast ended . The same night a Post from Goa brought the Ambassador a Letter from the Vice-Roy , with another for Vitulà Sinay , and a third from the Captain of Onòr . The Ambassador imparted his intelligence to none , but forbad the Post to let it be known that he had brought Letters ; whence I conceiv'd , that the News was not good , otherwise it would have been presently publish'd ; onely I heard some obscure talk of the Malabarians , but I would not inquire further into the matter , as that which did not belong to me ; especially amongst the Portugals who are very close and reserv'd towards strangers . November the tenth , I saw passing along the street a Nephew of Venk-tapà Naieka , his Sisters Son , a handsome youth , and fair for that Country ; he was one of those that aspire to the succession of this State , and was now returning from the fields without the Town , whither he uses to go every Morning . He is call'd Sedà-Siva Naieka , and was attended with a great number of Souldiers both Horse and Foot marching before him , and behind with many Cavaliers and Captains of quality , himself riding alone with great gravity ; He had before him Drums , Cornets , and every sort of their barbarous instruments : Moreover , both in the Front and in the Rear of the Cavalcade , were , ( I know not whether for magnificence or for guard ) several Elephants carrying their guides upon their backs ; and amongst them was also carried his Palanchino or Litter . November the eleventh , The Ambassador went again to Audience , to present to Venk-tapà Naieka the Letter writ to him in the King of Spain's Name , and declare what that King requir'd of him . He went alone without any of us , or of the Portugals his Companions , either not willing that we should be present at the debating of business , or because he went in a Palanchino , and had his two Horses led before him , but there were neither Palanchino's nor Horses enow in the House for the rest of us . With those that came to fetch him , came also a publick Dancing-woman , who perform'd a prety piece of Agility in his presence ; for standing upon one foot , when the Drums and other instruments sounded , with the other she swiftly turn'd round in the Air a large Iron Ring , about a span in Diametre , without letting it fall off her great Toe , and at the same time with one hand toss'd two Cymbals or brass balls , catching one in her Hand whilst the other was aloft , and so alternately , and very nimbly without ever letting them fall ; which indeed was great dexterity , to be imploy'd at the same time with the foot and the hand , standing firm all the while on the other foot without support , and yet attending to the Musick , and this for a good space together : during which an old Man with a white beard and bald head , who brought her , stood behind her , crying all the while Ahùd , Ahùd , Ahùd , which in their Language signifies as much as Good , Good , Good. The Ambassador return'd quickly from Audience , but made not a word of any thing . The King frequently sent him things to eat ; particularly , fruits out of season , to wit , brought to him from far distant places , amongst which we had Ziacche , ( which I take to be the same with Zátte , which is a kind of Gourd ) a fruit very rare at this time ; and also Indian Melons , which how good soever , are worth nothing at any time , the Climate not being for such fruits . November the twelfth , I took the height of the Sun at Ikkeri , and found the Meridian Altitude 31. degrees . He was now in the 19th degree of Scorpio , and consequently , declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 17. gr . 29′ . 23″ . which substracted from the 31. degrees in which I found the Sun , there remain 13. gr . 30′ . 37″ . and such is the Elevation of the Pole at Ikkeri ; which must be also as many degrees , to wit , 13. gr . 30′ . 37″ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At dinner the Ambassador told us , that the King of Spain's Letter which he had presented the day before to Venk-tapà Naieka concern'd not any business , but was onely of complement , and particularly , to give him much thanks for having of late years refus'd to sell Pepper to the English and Dutch , who had been at his Court to buy it ; and also for the good Amity he held with the Portugals , which he desir'd might encrease every day : That of the affairs of Banghel , or any others , he said nothing , referring all to the Vice-Roy , and the Embassador whom the Vice-Roy had sent to him : Wherewith Venk-tapà Naieka was very well pleas'd , and he had reason ; for during the present State of the Portugals affairs , I certainly think they will not speak a word to him of Banghel , nor of any thing else that may be disgustful to him . The same day the Ambassador had been at Court ; being invited to see solemn Wrastling at the Palace . We did not accompany him , for want of Horses and Palanchinoes ; but at night he told us , Vitulà Sinay ask'd much for me , wishing I had been present at this Wrastling , which was exercis'd by Persons very stout and expert therein ; because he had heard that I writ down what I saw remarkable . However , Caravaglio , Montegro , and my self not going thither , went out of Ikkeri half a League Northwards , to see another new City which Venk-tapà hath begun to build there . 'T is call'd Saghèr , and is already prety well inhabited , with Houses all made of Earth after their manner . The Palace is finish'd , and Venk-tapà frequently goes to it ; as also a Temple built upon a great Artificial Lake , a House for his Nephews and other Grandees , with all conveniencies thereunto , particularly , great Stalls for Elephants , of which he keeps here above eighty ; we saw many of them here , some for War , large and handsome . A Market was kept this day in Saghèr , as 't is the custom every Sunday , and at Ikkeri every Fryday . There was a great concourse of people , but nothing to sell besides necessaries for food and clothing , after their manner . The way between Ikkeri and Saghèr is very handsome , plain , broad , almost totally direct , here and there beset with great and thick Trees which make a shadow and a delightful verdure . As we return'd home at night , we met a Woman in the City of Ikkeri , who , her Husband being dead , was resolv'd to burn her self , as 't is the custom with many Indian Women . She rod on Horse-back about the City with open face , holding a Looking-glasse in one hand , and a Lemon in the other , I know not for what purpose ; and beholding her self in the Glass , with a lamentable tone sufficiently pittiful to hear , went along I know not whither speaking or singing certain words , which I understood not ; but they told me , they were a kind of Farewell to the World and her self ; and indeed , being utter'd with that passionateness which the Case requir'd and might produce , they mov'd pity in all that heard them , even in us who understood not the Language . She was follow'd by many other Women and Men on foot , who , perhaps , were her Relations ; they carry'd a great Umbrella over her , as all Persons of quality in India are wont to have , thereby to keep off the Sun , whose heat is hurtful and troublesome . Before her , certain Drums were sounded , whose noise she never ceas'd to accompany with her sad Ditties or Songs ; yet with a calm and constant Countenance , without tears , evidencing more grief for her Husband's death then her own , and more desire to go to him in the other world than regret for her own departure out of this : A Custom , indeed , cruel and barbarous , but withall , of great generosity and virtue in such Women , and therefore worthy of no small praise . They said , she was to pass in this manner about the City , I know not how many dayes , at the end of which she was to go out of the City and be burnt , with more company and solemnity . If I can know when it will be , I will not fail to go to see her , and by my presence honor her Funeral , with that compassionate affection which so great Conjugal Fidelity and Love seems to me to deserve . November the thirteenth , I took the Altitude of the Sun at Ikkeri , and found it 31. gr . 40′ . The Sun was now in the 20th degree of Scorpio , and declin'd Southwards 17. gr . 45′ , 40″ . which taken from 31. gr . 40′ . leave 13. gr . 54′ , 20″ . The former time , I found Ikkeri to be in 13. gr . 30 , 31″ ; but now I found it to be in 13. gr . 54′ , 20″ . between which there is onely the difference of 23′ , 43″ , which is a small matter : And therefore I account my observation right ; for the small variation between the two times is no great matter , in regard the declination of the Sun not being punctually known , may cause the difference . At night , walking in the City , I saw in the Piazza of the great Temple ( which I understood was dedicated to an Idol call'd Agore Scuarà , who , they say , is the same with Mahadeù , although they represent him not in the same shape with that I saw of Mahadeù in Cambaia , but in the shape of a Man , with but one Head and Face , and sixteen Arms on each side ( in all thirty two ) ; which is not strange , since our Antients call'd many of their Idols by names sufficiently different , and pourtray'd them in several shapes ; and wherein also I understood there was an Idol of Parveti , who is the Wife of Mahadeù , though the Temple be not dedicated to her ) : I saw , I say , in the Piazza one of their Fryers or Giangami , clad all in white , sitting in an handsome Palanchino , with two great white Umbrellaes , held over him , one on each side , ( which two were for the more gravity ) and a Horse led behind , being follow'd by a great train of other Giangami , clad in their ordinary habits . Before the Palanchino , march'd a numerous company of Souldiers , and other people , many Drums and Fifes , two strait long Trumpets , and such brass Timbrels as are us'd in Persia , Bells and divers other Instruments , which sounded as loud as possible , and amongst them was a troop of Dancing-women adorn'd with Girdles , Rings upon their Legs , Neck-laces , and other ornaments of Gold , and with certain Pectorals or Breast-plates , almost round , in the fashion of a Shield , and butting out with a sharp ridg before , embroyder'd with Gold , and stuck either with Jewels or some such things which reflected the Sun-beams with marvellous splendor ; as to the rest of their bodies , they were uncover'd , without any Veil or Head-tire . When they came to the Piazza , the Palanchino stood still , and the multitude having made a ring , the Dancing-women fell to dance after their manner , which was much like the Moris-dance of Italy , onely the Dancers sung as they danc'd , which seem'd much better : One of them , who , perhaps , was the Mistress of the rest , danc'd alone by her self , with extravagant and high jumpings , but alwayes looking towards the Palanchino : Sometimes she cowr'd down with her hanches almost to the ground , sometimes leaping up she struck them with her Feet backwards , ( as Coelius Rhodiginus relates of the ancient dance call'd Bibasi ) continually singing and making several gestures with her Hands ; but after a barbarous manner , and such as amongst us would not be thought handsome . The Dance being ended , the Palanchino with all the train went forward , the Instruments continually playing before them . I follow'd to see the end , and found that they went into the chief street , and so out of the City by the Gate which leads to Saghèr , stopping in divers places of the street to act the same , or the like dances over again ; and particularly , in the Entrance of the said Gate , where , amongst many Trees and Indian Canes which make the City-Wall , there is a small Piazza , very eeven , and shaded about , like a Pastoral Scene , and very handsome . At last the Giangamo with his Palanchino and train , enter'd into certain Gardens without the Gate , where his House stood ; and after the last Dance he remain'd there , and the rest went away . They told me , this Honor was done him , because they had then cast water upon his Head , and perform'd some other Ceremony , equivalent to our ordaining one in Sacris , or creating a Doctor . As I was going along the streets to behold this Pomp , I saw many persons come with much devotion to kiss the Feet of all those Giangamoes , who on Foot follow'd the principal Giangamo who was in the Palanchino ; and because they were many , and it took up much time to kiss the Feet of them all , therefore when any one came to do it , they stood still all in a rank to give him time ; and whilst such persons were kissing them , and for more reverence touching their Feet with their Fore-heads , these Giangamoes stood firm with a seeming severity , and without taking notice of it , as if they had been abstracted from the things of the World ; just as our Fryers use to do when any devout persons come out of reverence to kiss their Habit ; but with Hypocrisie , conformable to their superstitious Religion . Returning home , I met a Corps going to be burn'd without the City , with Drums sounding before it ; it was carryed sitting in a Chair , whereunto it was ty'd that it might not fall , cloth'd in its ordinary attire , exactly as if it had been alive . The seat was cover'd behind , and on the sides with red and other colours , I know not whether Silk or no. It was open onely before , and there the dead person was to be seen . By the company , which was small , I conjectur'd him to be one of mean quality . But they told me , All dead people are carry'd thus , as well such as are buried , ( as the Lingavani , whom they also put into the Earth sitting ) as those that are burn'd ; and that he , whom I saw , was to be burn'd , we gather'd from the Fire and Oyle which they carry'd after him in vessels . The night following there was a great solemnity in all the Temples , by lighting of Candles , singing , Musick , dancing , about twenty Dancing-women , who went in Procession with the Idol into the Piazza , dancing before the great Temple ; but , as I was told , they began very late , namely , at the rising of the Moon , which was about an hour before mid-night ; so that I was gone to bed before I knew of it , although in the Evening I saw the lights in the Temple . But though I saw nothing , yet I heard of it as I was in bed , being awaken'd by the noise ; and hearing the same was to be acted over again the next night , I purpos'd with my self to see it . November the fourteenth , I went at night to the Temple to see whether there was any extraordinary solemnity ; but there was nothing more then usual , nor did the Idol come forth : onely in the great Temple and its Inclosure or Court , into which they suffer not strangers to enter , they made their accustom'd Processions with musical instruments , singing , and other Ceremonies , which , I conceive , were the same with those I saw in Ahineli : onely they are celebrated here every night , because as 't is a more eminent Church , so consequently the service is more pompous ; besides that , they told me Venk-tapà Naieka had a great and particular devotion to the Idol Agoresuàr , who is here worship'd . On the fifteenth of the same moneth , came first in the day-time and afterwards at night to our House twelve or fifteen publick Dancing-women , who by consequence , are also publick Strumpets , although very young , being conducted by certain of their men . In the day time they did nothing , but talkt a little ; and some of them made themselves drunk with a certain Wine made of dry'd Raisins , or a sort of Aqua Vitae and other mixtures , call'd in India , Nippa ; I say some of them , because certain others of less ignoble Race , as they are more abstinent in eating , so they drink not any thing that inebriates . At night , they entertain'd us a good while with Balls , or Dancing , after their mode , accompany'd with singing , not unpleasant to behold ; for they consist of a numerous company of Women , all well cloth'd and adorn'd with Gold , Jewels , and Tresses of several fashions , who sing and snap their wooden instruments . They begin all their Balls slowly , and by degrees growing to a heat , at last end with furious and quick motions , which appear well enough : Amongst their other Dances two pleas'd me well , one in which they continually repeated these words — and another wherein they represented a Battel , and the actions of slaughter ; in the conclusion , the Master of the Ball , who directs all , and was one of those that brought them , dancing in the midst of them with a naked Ponyard , wherewith he represented the actions of slaughter as the Women did with their short sticks . But the end of this shew was more ridiculous : For when they were dismiss'd , they not onely were not contented with the largess of the Ambassador , although I added as much of my own to it , but went away ill satisfi'd , testifying the same by cholerick yellings , which to me was a new Comedy . November the sixteenth , I was told that the above-mention'd Woman who had resolv'd to burn her self for her Husband's death , was to dye this Evening . But upon further enquiry at the Womans House , I understood that it would not be till after a few dayes more , and there I saw her sitting in a Court or Yard , and other persons beating Drums about her . She was cloth'd all in white , and deck'd with many Neck-laces , Bracelets , and other ornaments of Gold ; on her Head she had a Garland of Flowers spreading forth like the rayes of the Sun ; in brief , she was wholly in a Nuptial Dress , and held a Lemon in her Hand , which is the usual Ceremony . She seem'd to be pleasant enough , talking and laughing in conversation , as a Bride would do in our Countries . She and those with her , took notice of my standing there to behold her , and conjecturing by my strange Habit , what the meaning of it was , some of them came towards me . I told them by an Interpreter , that I was a Person of a very remote Country , where we had heard by Fame , that some Women in India love their Husbands so vehemently , as when they dye to resolve to dye with them ; and that now having intelligence that this Woman was such a one , I was come to see her , that so I might relate in my own Country that I had seen such a thing with my own Eyes . These people were well pleas'd with my coming , and she her self , having heard what I said , rose up from her seat , and came to speak to me . We discours'd together standing , for a good while . She told me that her Name was Giaccamà , of the Race Terlengà , that her Husband was a Drummer ; whence I wonder'd the more ; seeing Heroical Actions , as this undoubtedly ought to be judg'd , are very rare in people of low quality . That it was about nineteen dayes since her Husband's death , that he had left two other Wives elder then she , and whom he had married before her , ( both which were present at this discourse ) yet neither of them was willing to dye , but alledg'd for excuse that they had many Children . This argument gave me occasion to ask Giaccamà , ( who shew'd me a little Son of her own , about six or seven years old , besides an other Daughter she had ) how she could perswade her self to leave her own little Children ? And told her , that she ought likewise to live rather then to abandon them at that Age. She answer'd me , that she left them well recommended to the care of an Uncle of hers there present , who also talk'd with us very cheerfully , as if rejoycing that his Kins-woman would do such an action ; and that her Husbands other two remaining Wives would also take care of them . I insisted much upon the tender Age of her Children , to avert her from her purpose , by moving her to compassion for them , well knowing that no argument is more prevalent with Mothers then their Love and Affection towards their Children . But all my speaking was in vain , and she still answer'd me to all my Reasons , with a Countenance not onely undismay'd and constant , but even cheerful , and spoke in a such manner as shew'd that she had not the least fear of death . She told me also , upon my asking her , that she did this of her own accord , was at her own liberty , not forc'd nor perswaded by any one . Whereupon I inquiring , Whether force were at any time us'd in this matter , they told me , that ordinarily it was not , but onely sometimes amongst Persons of quality when some Widow was left young , handsome , and so in danger of marrying again ( which amongst them is very ignominious ) , or committing a worse fault ; in such Cases the Friends of the deceas'd Husband were very strict , and would constrain her to burn her self even against her own will , for preventing the disorders possible to happen in case she should live ; ( a barbarous , indeed , and too cruel Law. ) However , that neither force nor perswasion was us'd to Giaccamà , that she did it of her own free will ; in which , as of a magnanimous action , ( as indeed it was ) and amongst them of great honor , both her Relations and her self much glory'd . I ask'd concerning the Ornaments and Flowers she wore , and they told me , that such was the Custom , in token of the Masti's joy ( they call the Woman , who intends to burn her self for the death of her Husband , Masti ) in that she was very shortly to go to him , and therefore had reason to rejoyce ; whereas such Widows as will not dye , remain in continual sadness and lamentations , shave their Heads , and live in perpetual mourning for the death of their Husbands . At last Giaccamà caus'd one to tell me , that she accounted my coming to see her a great good fortune , and held her self much honour'd , as well by my visit and presence , as the Fame which I should carry of her to my own Country ; and that before she dy'd she would come to visit me at my House , and also to ask me , as their custom is , that I would favour her with some thing by way of Alms towards the buying of fewel , for the fire wherewith she was to be burnt . I answer'd her , that I should much esteem her visit , and very willingly give her some thing ; not for wood and fire wherein to burn her self , ( for her death much displeas'd me , and I would gladly have disswaded her from it , if I could ) but to do something else therewith , what her self most lik'd ; and that I promis'd her , that so far as my weak pen could contribute , her Name should remain immortal in the World. Thus I took leave of her , more sad for her death then her self , cursing the custom of India , which is so unmerciful to Women . Giaccamà was a Woman of about thirty years of age , of a Complexion very brown for an Indian , and almost black , but of a good aspect , tall of stature , well shap'd and proportion'd . My Muse could not forbear from chanting her in a Sonnet , which I made upon her death , and reserve among my Poetical Papers . The same Evening Lights being set up in all the Temples , and the usual Musick of Drums and Pipes sounding , I saw in one Temple , which was none of the greatest , a Minister or Priest dance before the Idol all naked , saving that he had a small piece of Linnen over his Privities , as many of them continually go ; he had a drawn Sword in his Hand , which he flourish'd as if he had been fencing ; but his motions were nothing but lascivious gestures . And indeed , the greatest part of their Worship of their Gods , consists in nothing but Musick , Songs , Dances , not not onely pleasant but lascivious , and in serving their Idols as if they were living Persons ; namely , in presenting to them things to eat , washing them , perfuming them , giving them Betlè-leavs , dying them with Sanders , carrying them abroad in Procession , and such other things as the Country-people account , delights and observances . In rehearsing Prayers , I think they are little employ'd , and as little in Learning . I once ask'd an old Priest , who was held more knowing then others , grey , and clad all in white , carrying a staff like a Shep-herds crook in his Hand , What Books he had read , and what he had studied ? Adding that my self delighted in reading , and that if he would speak to me about any thing , I would answer him . He told me , that all Books were made , onely that Men might by means thereof know God , and God being known , to what purpose were Books ? as if , he knew God very well . I reply'd , that all thought they knew God , but yet few knew him aright ; and therefore he should beware that himself were not one of those . November the seventeenth , By Letters brought from Barcelòr , with News from Goa , we heard that the Prince of England was gone incognito into Spain to accomplish his Marriage with the Infanta ; and that his arrival being known , and the King having seen him , preparations were making for his publick Reception . That the Fleet was not yet arriv'd at Goa , except one Galeon ; and that the News from Ormuz was , that Ruy Freyra was landed in that Island , and having entrench'd himself under the Fort , held the same besieg'd with that small Armado he had with him : Whence 't was hop'd , that great supplies being to be sent to him from Goa , and the enmity of the English ceasing in consideration of the Marriage between the two Crowns , and consequently , their assistance of the Persians , Ormùz would shortly be recover'd ; and indeed , in respect of the above-said circumstances , I account it no hard matter . November the twentieth , In the Evening , either because it was the next night after Monday , or that 't was their weekly custom , or perhaps , for some extraordinary solemnity , Tapers were lighted up in all the Temples of Ikkeri ; a great noise was made with Drums and Pipes , together with the Dancings of the Ministers of some Temples before the Gates , as is above described . Wherefore I went to the great Temple , where , being the principal , I thought to see the greatest and most solemn Ceremonies . After the people were call'd together by the sounding of several Trumpets a good while without the Temple , they began to make the usual Procession within the Yard or Inclosure , with many noises of their barbarous instruments , as they are wont to do here every Evening : Which after they had done as often as they pleas'd , they went forth into the street , where much people expected them , carrying two Idols in Procession , both in one Palanchino , one at each end , small , and so deck'd with Flowers and other Ornaments , that I could scarce know what they were . Yet , I think , that in the back-end was Agorescuèr , to whom the Temple is dedicated ; and the other Parveti , or some other Wife of his . First march'd the Trumpets , and other instruments of divers sorts , continually sounding ; then follow'd amongst many Torches a long train of Dancing-women , two and two , bare-headed , in their dancing dress , and deck'd with many Ornaments of Gold and Jewels . After them , came the Palanchino of the Idols , behind which were carryed many Lances , Spears with silken Streamers , and many Umbrella's garnish'd with silken tufts and fringes round about , more stately then those us'd by others , even the King himself ; for these are commonly the Ensignes of Grandeur . On each side the Palanchino went many rows of Women , either publick Dancers or Whores ; but because these were not to dance , they went bare-fac'd indeed , ( as the Pagan Women here little care for covering their Faces ) but with a cloth bound about their Heads , and hanging down both behind upon their Shoulders , and before upon their Breasts . Some of them next the Palanchino , carryed in their Hands certain little Staves , either of Silver , or Silver'd over ; at the end of which hung thick , long , and white tufts of the hair of Horses tails , with which ( as 't is the custom of great Persons in India to use them ) they went fanning the Air , and either drove away the Flies from the Idols in the Palanchino , or at least performing this Office as a piece of Grandeur , as with us the same is done to the Pope , with fans made of the tails of white Peacocks , when he goes abroad in Pontificalibus . Neither were there wanting about the Idols many of their Priests or Ministers of the Temple who accompany'd them ; particularly , one who seem'd the chief and Archimandrita of the rest ; besides , abundance of Torches whose light dispell'd the darkness of the Moon-less night . In this order they came into the Piazza , and there after they had made a large ring , the dancing began ; first , two Ballatrici , or Dancing-women , one from one side of the circle , and another from another , yet both with their Faces always turn'd towards the Idols , walk'd three steps forward , and then three backward ; and this they did innumerable times . I suppose , it was a way of saluting the Idols . After the said two Dancers alone had done thus , two others from the several sides joyn'd with them , and they did the same again , three and three . This Salutation , or Preamble of the Ball , being many times repeated , they began to dance , namely , two that danc'd better then the rest , one on the right side of the circle , and the other on the left , both with their Faces , never with their back towards the Palanchino of the Idols , though often in the Dance they retir'd backwards as well as went forwards . Their dancing was high , with frequent leapings and odd motions , sometimes inclining their posteriors as if they meant to sit down , sometimes rising very high , and displaying the Coat wherewith they are cover'd from the girdle downwards , and almost holding one Arm stretch'd out before them , wherewith they now and then made as if they were thrusting or fencing ; besides other mad gestures which were all accompany'd with words which they sung , and sometimes with cries more apt to give horror then delight . Hence , while all the other Dancing-women , ( that is , those who were uncovered and loose for dancing ) danced all in a company together further distant from the Idols , snapping their little sticks and singing , being guided by a Man who danced with them and was their Master . But the other Dancers who were clothed , stood about the Idols , but danced not , nor ever moved from their place ; onely they accompanyed the Shew , very fine with Ornaments of Gold and Jewels , and some of them having Flowers , others , leavs of Betle , or other Odoriferous Herbs in their Hands . This Dance being ended , the Procession went forwards with the same Pomp , and a numerous Train of Men and Women of all sorts . They went round about the outermost walls of the Temple , which is surrounded with very large streets , inhabited for the most part by the said Dancers , or publick Strumpets . The circuit of the Procession began from the right Hand as you come forth of the Temple , which comes to be the left as you enter in ; and in the same manner I saw the Procession begin at the Temple of the Town Ahinelà , which I have described above ; so that it must needs be one of their usual Ceremonies . This stop'd at the several places of the streets through which it past ; and at every such stopping , the above-mention'd Dancings , Preambles , and other Circumstances were again repeated ; whence the Shew lasted a good while , and concluded at length with the last Dance in the Piazza before the Temple-Gate ; which ended , the Procession with the Idols re-entered the Temple , where being replaced according to their accustomed Ceremonies , the solemnity ended , and all the people departed . I was told by one of the spectators , that this Ceremony was practised every Monday at night , and every New Moon , and every Full , as also upon certain other extraordinary solemnities with more or less Pomp proportionably to the Festivals : And he added , that the night following there would be a greater solemnity then this , because the New Moon , and another of their Feasts were then co-incident , and that the King himself would be there ; Wherefore I resolved with my self to see it . November the one and twentieth , This night were an infinite company of Torches and Candles lighted , not onely in all the Temple , but also in all the Streets , Houses , and Shops of Ikkeri , which made a kind of day-light over all the City . In each of the Temples was its Idol , which in some was a Serpent ; and they had adorned the outward Porches not onely with lights , but also with certain contrivances of papers , on which were painted Men on Horse-back , Elephants , people a fighting , and other odd figures ; behind which papers , lights were placed in certain little Arches , like those which we make in our Sepulchres ; these , with other gay Ornaments of Silk hung round about , made a sufficiently prety Shew . In the great Temple , not onely the inside , in the middle whereof is a very high and slender Cupola , ( which appears without too ) but also all the outer walls , and all those round about the Piazza which lies before it , as also the Houses of the adjacent sides were all full of lights . The concourse of people of all sorts and degrees , both Men and Women was very great ; and they appeared to go about visiting all the Temples . When it was very late , the King came to the great Temple , accompanied onely with his two Nephews , to wit , Seda-Siva Naieka , ( whom I had formerly seen ) Son of one of his Daughters , and Vira-badrà Naieka , a young boy his Son's Son , and is he whom he designs for his Successor , if his other kindred elder then he , to wit , the above-said Sedà-Siva , and two other of Venk-tapà's Nephews by another of his Brothers whom he keeps prisoner , do not disturb him . The King came in a Palanchino a great pace , his two Nephews on Horse-back , and so did Vitulà Sinay who rode by the King's side , with appearance of a great Favourite . Likewise Putapaia came in a Palanchino , and other of his Grandees , some in Palanchino's , and some on Horse-back , following him at a great distance , with some number of Souldiers and Servants on Foot ; but , in summ , the whole train was not very considerable . The King stay'd in the Temple about an hour , being entertain'd with Musick , Dancing , and other things which I could not see , because I was without . At length he came forth , and with the same company , and running in as much haste as he came , return'd home ; the like did all the other people of whom the Piazza was full , some on one side , some on the other . After the King was come out of the Temple , they carry'd the Idols a while in Procession about the Piazza , but with small pomp and company ; so that I car'd not for staying to see them , but went to another Temple standing at the end of the Bazar , or Market , in the view of a large and goodly street , where , besides the shew of lights which was gallant , I stay'd a good while with my Companions , ( for all the Ambassador's Family was come abroad this night to see the solemnities ; the Padre Capellano not excepted , but disguis'd ) to see two great companies of Dancing-women dance , they all being sent for thither by a great Captain , ( who , perhaps , had the care of the solemnities of this Temple ) after the King was gone from the great Temple , they danc'd here a good while , in numerous companies ; after which , we return'd home , it being after mid-night . November the two and twentieth , Ven-tapà Naieka had already given our Ambassador an answer concerning the affairs which he negotiated , and the Ambassador had prepar'd a dispatch to be sent to the King of Banghel ; also another for the Vice-Roy of Goa , giving him an account of his negotiation ; when a Currier arriv'd from Banghel with new Letters , both for Venk-tapà Naieka and the Ambassador : Whereupon consultation was held , what Answer to return him , which was soon concluded on the part of Venk-tapà Naieka to this effect , ( being no other then what he had before resolv'd upon ) namely , that he would pay the King of Banghel 7000 Paygods yearly , according to the Treaty of the Peace , provided the said King would come and live in his Court , or in some other place of his Country , ( excepting such Lands as were formerly his , for fear he might make new insurrections ) or else in Goa , or any of the adjacent places , namely , in the Island of Salsette , or some place there without the City ; but however , such wherein he may be subject to the Vice-Roy of Goa ; so that Venk-tapà might be secure that the said Banghel would live peaceably without making new commotions . But in case ( as he seem'd to intend ) he would live neither in Venk-tapà's Country , nor in that of Goa , but would continue in Cagnoroto where he was at present , ( which is a place beyond Mangalòr Eastwards , and belongs to another small but free Prince , alli'd to Banghel , whither , being near to his quondam-Territories , he had betaken himself ) or else would remove here and there like a Fugitive and Invader , disquieting these Countries ; then Venk-tapà was resolv'd not to give him any thing at all . Therefore let him either accept the above-said Offer , or never speak more to him , for he would not hear him . That he hath been mov'd to make this offer of paying him the said summ , by the instance of the Portugals , who had interpos'd in his behalf by this Embassie : And that for Banghel's assurance that he would perform this , he gave the Ambassador ( and accordingly he did so ) a Copy of the Letter containing these promises , which he writ to the said King of Banghel , to the end the Ambassador might send it to the Vice-Roy , and be a witness of what he promis'd and was to observe . He ha's further told the Ambassador , that this King had formerly writ to him that he would come and live in his Dominion , and repented of what he had done heretofore through evil counsel ; that yet , for the future , he would be at his devotion , receiving that Pension which he had promis'd him , and the like : Nevertheless he had now chang'd his mind , and refus'd both to come into his Dominion , and to go into that of Goa : That therefore seeing him so unconstant , he had much reason not to trust him , and , in short , would neither trust him , nor give him any thing saving upon the above-said terms ; and that not for his own sake , but in regard of the instance which the Portugals made for him : That this was his last Answer , and that nothing more was to be expected or hoped from him . From Spain , they say , Orders are sent to the Vice-Roy to re-establish Banghel by all means in his State , and to make war upon Venk-tapà , unless he restore the same intirely . However , being that Country is remote , and in the time that is spent in the going and coming of dispatches , many things may happen which may render it necessary for the Vice-Roy in the present conjuncture to proceed in sundry particulars differently from what Orders he receives from Spain , and to have authority in this business of Banghel to deliberate of Peace or War , as shall to him seem most expedient , endeavouring to comply no less with the time and the State of things , than the advertisements from Spain : Therefore the King of Spain , in the Letter which he writ to Venk-tapà Naieka , making onely general complements to him , referrs all matter of business to the Vice-Roy , to guid himself therein as he shall think most fit . Accordingly the Vice-Roy , though he knows the King of Spain's intention and order to make war upon Venk-tapà ; yet it not seeming to him a fit time , whilst the Portugals are engag'd in the war of Ormùz , and also in Malacca , ( which is reported besieg'd either by the King of Acem , ( which is Sumatra ) , or by him and the Dutch together ) and much perplex'd in a thousand other intricacies in India ; hath therefore given Order to the Ambassador to seem satisfi'd with what-ever Answer Venk-tapà Naieka gives , and to return without making further instance ; it sufficing the Vice-Roy t● 〈…〉 ve made this complement for the service of the King of Bangh●● and shown that he hath done therein what was in his power ; as well-knowing that Venk-tapà would not be moved by the Embassie alone , and that the conditions he requires of the King of Banghel , upon which to give him what he had promis'd , are but excuses ; being certain this King will not venture himself in his Dominions , ( as neither is it reasonable ) much less go and subject himself in the Territories of Goa , and so will not admit of the Proposals . Wherefore seeing 't is not time now to constrain Venk-tapà Naieka to greater things by war , he dissembles till a better occasion , for fear of drawing this new Enemy upon him at an unseasonable conjuncture ; and orders the Ambassador to depart with shew of good Friendship . The Ambassador hath accordingly done so , and seeming satisfi'd with Venk-tapà's Answer , hath added other Letters to those formerly written to the King of Banghel , certifying him of Ventapà's Resolute Mind ; that he must either accept of the Agreement , or must speak no more of any ; and that he onely expects at Ikkeri this his last Resolution before his return to Goa . He hath written the same to the Vice-Roy of Goa ; and the dispatches being seal'd , he hath order'd both Curriers to depart , and also a Brachman call'd Mangasa , together with the Currier , to the King of Banghel , sending likewise with them a Christian of Barselòr , nam'd Lorenzo Pessoa , who was at Ikkeri with Montegro , that he might either in Mangalòr , Banghel , or other places thereabouts procure Mariners for a Ship remaining at Barselòr unprovided of Men ; giving the said Pessoa a Licence to hire some , which he had obtain'd of the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka , to levy them in his Territories if need were . Being by this time sufficiently inform'd of remarkable things in Ikkeri , I am desirous of divers others , especially , to see the person of the Queen of Olaza , whose History and many valiant exploits I read , when I was in Persia ; for which I have a fair opportunity by accompanying these Men sent from the Ambassador , of whom when I have taken leave , I shall ( God willing ) depart tomorrow . LETTER VI. From Mangalòr , Decemb. 9. 1623. HAving already seen in Ikkeri as much as was there remarkable and being very desirous of seeing Barselòr , Mangalòr , and also principally the Q. of Olaza , whose Dominion and Residence is contiguous to Mangalòr ; as well for that she is Sovereign of those parts , ( a matter in other Countries not ordinary ) and a Princess famous in our dayes , even in the Indian Histories of the Portugals , as because she is a Gentile in Religion , as likewise all her Subjects are ; ( whence , I conceiv'd , I might possibly see some considerable curiosity there ) I lay'd hold of the occasion of going thither in company of these Men who are sent by the Ambassador , by whose favour , being provided of a good Horse , ( in regard there were no Palanchino's to be hir'd in Ikkeri ) and a Man to carry my baggage upon his Head , I prepar'd to set forth the next Morning . November the three and twentieth , Before my departure from Ikkeri , I was presented from Vitulà Sinay , ( of whom I had before taken leave ) with a little Book written in the Canara-Language , which is the vulgar in Ikkeri and all that State. It is made after the custom of the Country , not of paper , ( which they seldom use ) but of Palm-leavs , to wit , of that Palm which the Portugals call Palmum brama , i. e. Wild-palm , and is of that sort which produces the Indian Nut ; for so do those commonly in India , where Palms that produce Dates are very rare . In the leavs of these Palms they write , or rather , ingrave the Letters with an Iron style made for the purpose of an uncouth form ; and , that the writing may be more apparent , they streak it over with a coal , and tye the leavs together , to make a Book of them after a manner sufficiently strange . I being desirous to have one of these Books to carry , as a curiosity , to my own Country for ornament of my Library , and not finding any to be sold in the City , had entreated Vitulà Sinay to help me to one ; but he , not finding any vendible therein , caus'd a small one to be purposely transcrib'd for me , ( there being not time enough for a greater ) and sent it to me as a gift just as I was ready to take Horse . What the Book contains , I know not , but I imagine 't is Verses in their Language , and I carry it with me , as I do also ( to shew to the curious ) divers leavs not written , and a style or Iron Pen , such as they use , together with one leaf containing a Letter Missive after their manner , which was written by I know not who to our Ambassador ; of whom taking leave with many complements , as also of Sig : Carvaglio , the Chaplain , Montegro , and all the company , I departed from Ikkeri a little before noon , going out at the same Gate whereat I had enter'd ; and having no other company but a Veturino , or Hackney-man , and a Pulià who carry'd my luggage , without any other servant ; for as for Galàl the Persian , aliàs Cacciatùr , I was constrain'd to dismiss him for some uncommendable actions , and send him back from Ikkeri to Goa . I will not omit to tell you , that this my brave God-son , ( whom I had brought so carefully out of Persia , and trusted so much , and who alone of all my ancient servants remain'd with me ) one day cunningly open'd a light box or basket , ( Canestri the Portugals call them ) wherein I kept my Clothes , and which , after the fashion of the Country , was not of wood , but of hoops lin'd with leather , and clos'd with little Pad-locks , like those which are us'd at Rome for Plate ; and they are thus contriv'd that they may be of little weight , because in these parts , carriages and baggages for travel are more frequently transported upon Mens shoulders then upon beasts backs ; and one of these baskets or Canestri is just a Man's load . Now the good Cacciatùr having open'd mine , without hurting the lock , or medling with the linnen which he found therein , took out onely all the little mony which I then had , and had put into it , to avoid carrying its weight about me ; it was in one of those long leathern purses , which are made to wear round the waste like a girdle , and was full of Spanish Rialls , a Coyn in these parts , and almost in all the world current enough . His intention , I conceive , was to leave me ( as they say ) naked in the Mountains in the center of India , and peradventure , to go into some Territory of the Gentiles or Mahometans , there to pass a jovial life upon my expence . But it pleas'd God , the theft being done in my Chamber , where none but he resorted , we had vehement suspition of him ; and therefore the Ambassador making use of his Authority , caus'd him to be laid hold on , and we found the theft in his breeches ty'd to his naked flesh ; and thus I recover'd my money . I was unwilling any hurt should be done to him , and withall , to keep him longer ; nevertheless that he might not go into the Infidel-Countries , lest thereby he should lose his Religion and turn to his native errors , I sent him away with some trusty persons to Goa , giving him Letters also to Signora Maria , but such as whereby they might know that I had dismis'd him , and that he was not to be entertain'd there , though otherwise indempnifi'd . By this Story you may see how much a Man may be deceiv'd in his trusting ; how little benefits prevail upon an unworthy nature ; and withall , you may consider to what misfortunes a Stranger is subject in strange Countries ; so that if I had had nothing else , being thus depriv'd of all , I should have been left to perish miserably amongst Barbarians . But leaving him to his Voyage , I departed from Ikkeri , and having pass'd the Town Badrapor , I left the road of Ahineli , and by another way more towards the left hand , went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses , which they call Bamanen coppa . After dinner we continu'd our way , and foarded a River call'd Irihalè , not without being wet , by reason of the smallness of my Horse ; and having travell'd near two Gau's ( one Gau consists of two Cos , and is equivalent to two Portugal Leagues ) we lodg'd at night in a competent Town , the name whereof is Dermapora . In these Towns I endeavor'd to procure me a servant , as well because I understood not the Language of the Country , ( for though he that carry'd my Goods could speak Portugal , yet he could not well serve me for an Interpreter , because being by Race a Pulià , which amongst them is accounted vile and unclean , they would not suffer him to come into their Houses , nor touch their things ; though they were not shie of me , albeit of a different Religion , because they look'd upon me as a Man of noble Race ) ; as for that I found much trouble in reference to my dyet : For these Indians are extreamly fastidious in edibles , there is neither flesh nor fish to be had amongst them ; one must be contented onely with Rice , Butter , or Milk , and other such inanimate things , wherewith nevertheless they make no ill-tasted dishes ; but , which is worse , they will cook every thing themselves , and will not let others either eat or drink in their vessels ; wherefore instead of dishes they gave us our victuals in great Palm leavs , which yet are smooth enough , and the Indians themselves eat more frequently in them then in any other vessels : Besides , one must entreat them three hours for this , and account it a great favor ; so that , in brief , to travel in these Countries requires a very large stock of patience . The truth is , 't is a most crafty invention of the Devil against the Charity so much preach'd by our Lord Jesus Christ , to put it so in the heads of these people , that they are polluted and become unclean , even by touching others of a different Religion ; of which superstition , they are so rigorous observers , that they will sooner see a person whom they account vile and unclean , ( though a Gentile ) dye , then go near him to relieve him . November the four and twentieth , In the Morning before day , the Brachman Nangasà , and the Ambassador's other Men , being in haste , advanc'd before ; but I , desirous to go more at my own ease , remain'd alone with my Pulià and the Hackney-master ; as I might well enough do , since the High-ways of Naieka's Country are very secure . The road lay over pleasant clifts of Hills , and through Woods , many great streams likewise occurring . I descended the Mountain Gat by a long precipice , some of which I was fain to walk a foot , my Horse having fallen twice without any disaster , and by a third fall almost broke my Knee to pieces . I din'd , after I had travelled one Gau and a half , in a good Town called Colùr , where there is a great Temple , the Idol whereof , if I mis-understood not , is the Image of a Woman ; the place is much venerated , and many resort to it from several parts in Pilgrimage . After dinner , my Horse being tired , I travelled not above half another Gau ; and having gone in all this day but two Gau's , went to lodg at a certain little village , which they said was called Nalcàl . Certain Women who dwelt there alone in absence of their Husbands , courteously gave us lodging in the uncovered Porches of their Houses , and prepared supper for us . This Country is inhabited not onely with great Towns , but , like the Mazandran in Persia , with abundance of Houses scattered here and there in several places amongst the woods . The people live for the most part by sowing of Rice ; their way of Husbandry is to overflow the soil with water , which abounds in all places ; but they pay , as they told me , very large Tributes to the King , so that they have nothing but the labour for themselves , and live in great Poverty . November the twenty fifth , I travelled over great Mountains and Woods like the former , and foarded many deep Rivers . Having gone three Cos , we din'd in two Houses of those people who sow Rice , whereof the whole Country is full , at a place call'd Kelidi . In the Evening , my Pulià being very weary , and unable to carry the heavy load of my baggage further , we stay'd at some of the like Houses which they call'd Kabnàr , about a mile forwards ; so that the journey of this whole day amounted not to a full Gau. November the twenty sixth , I pass'd over clifts of Hills and uneeven and woody places . At noon I came to a great River , on the Northern bank whereof stands a little village nam'd Gulvari , near which , the River makes a little Island . We went to this Island by boat and foarded over the other stream to the far side . Thence we came by a short cut to Barselòr , call'd the Higher , i. e. within Land , belonging to the Indians , and subject to Venk-tapà Naieka , to difference it from the Lower Barselòr , at the Sea-coast belonging to the Portugals . For in almost all Territories of India near the Sea-coast , there happens to be two places of the same Name , one call'd the Higher , or In-land , belonging to the Natives ; the other , the Lower near the Sea , to the Portugals , where-ever they have footing . Entring the Higher Barselòr on this side , I came into a fair , long , broad , and strait Street , having abundance of Palmeto's and Gardens on either hand . The soil is fruitful and well peopled , encompass'd with weak walls and ditches , which are pass'd over by bridges of one or two very great stones , which shew that there is good and fair Marble here , whether they were dig'd thus out of the Quarry , or are the remains of ancient Fabricks . It stands on the South side of the River , which from the Town Gulvàn fetches a great circuit , seeming to return backwards ; and many Travellers , without touching at the Upper Barselòr , are wont to go to the Lower Barselòr by boat , which is soon done ; but I was desirous to see both places , and therefore came hither . Having din'd and rested a good while in Higher Barselòr , I took boat and row'd down the more Southern stream ; for a little below the said Town , it is divided into many branches , and forms divers little fruitful Islands . About an hour and half before night , I arriv'd at the Lower Barselòr of the Portugals , which also stands on the Southern bank of the River , distant two good Cannon-shot from the mouth of the Sea ; having travell'd this day in all , one Gau and a half . The Fort of the Portugals is very small , built almost in form of a Star , having no bad walls , but wanting ditches , in a Plain , and much expos'd to all sort of assaults . Such Portugals as are married , have Houses without the Fort in the Town , which is prety large , and hath good buildings . I went directly to the House of Sig : Antonio Borges , a former acquaintance , who came from Goa to Onòr , together with us , and to whom the Ambassador at Ikkeri had recommended me . I found sitting before his House in the streets the Captain of Barselòr , call'd Sig : Luis Mendes Vas Conti. We discours'd together for a good while , and he seem'd a gallant man , though but young . Here was an Armado , and a Cafila of Ships , which came from Goa , and went to Mangalòr and Cocin , or further ; they were to depart the next day , and therefore I prepar'd my self to go with them to Mangalòr . This night I supp'd at the House of Sig : Antonio Borges , with some other Portugals who came in the Fleet ; and went to lodg by his direction in another good House , together with some Souldiers of the same . November the seven and twentieth , That I might not go alone , without any body to serve me in the Ship , I took into my service a Christian of Barselòr , recommended to me by Sig : Antonio , and nam'd Manoel de Matos , with whom alone I went aboard about noon , having first din'd with many Portugals of the Fleet in the House of Sig : Rocco Gomes , the chief Portugal in Barselòr , who entertain'd us at his Gate in the street very well . Among others that din'd with us , there was one Sig : Neittor Fernandez , by me elsewhere mention'd , who came from Goa to Onòr with us ; the Captain Major of the whole Armado , Sig : Francesco de Lobo Faria , who commanded a Galley and six other Ships , besides the Cafila of Merchants . I imbarqu'd in the Ship of Sig : Neittor Fernandez , who in the street express'd much courtesie to me . Being gone a good way upon the Sea , and it being now night , the Captain Major of the Galleys sent our Ship back to fetch certain of his Men , and the other Ships which were not yet got out of the Port of Barselòr ; whereinto we designing to enter in the dark , and not hitting the narrow channel which was to be kept , struck upon land , and , the wind growing prety stiff , were in great danger of being over-set and lost ; and the more , for that when we perceiv'd it , and went to strike fail , we could not for a good while , because the ropes , either through moistness , or some other fault , would not slip ; so that the Ship being driven forceably against the ground , not onely became very leaky , but gave two or three such violent knocks , that had she not been new , without doubt she had been split . The Sea-men were not onely confounded but all amaz'd , nothing was heard but disorderly cryes ; the voice of him that commanded could not be heard , every one was more intent upon his own then the common safety ; many of the Souldiers had already strip'd themselves to leap into the Sea ; some ty'd their Money at their backs , to endeavour to save the same together with their lives , making little account of their other goods ; divers made vows and promises of Alms , all heartily recommended themselves to God ; one embrac'd the Image of our Lady , and plac'd his hope in that alone . I could not induce my self to believe , that God had reserv'd me after so many dangers to such a wretched and ignoble end , so that I had I know not what secure confidence in my heart ; nevertheless seeing the danger extream great , I fail'd'not ●o commend my self to God , his most Holy Mother , and all the Saints . By whose favour at length , the sail being let down by the cutting of the rope , and the Sea not rough , ( for , if it had , it would have done us greater mischief ) the Mariners freed the Ship , having cast themselves into the Sea , and drawn her off from the ground by strength of Arm ; the remainder of the night we spent in the mouth of the Haven , soliciting the other Ships out , and mending our own . The whole Fleet being set forth before day , we return'd , where the Captain General with the Galley and the rest of the Ships stay'd at Anchor for us ; and thence we set sail all together . November the eight and twentieth , We sail'd constantly Southwards , coasting along the Land which lay on the left hand of us . Half way to Mangalòr , to wit , six Leagues from Barselòr , we found certain Rocks or little desart Islands , which the Portugals call Scogli di Santa Maria ; one of which we approach'd with our Ship , and many of our Men landed upon it to take wild Pigeons , ( of whose nests there is great abundance ) wherewith we made a good supper . Afterwards continuing our course , we pass'd by Carnate ; and at night safely enter'd the Port of Mangalòr . This Port is in the mouth of two Rivers , one more Northern runs from the Lands of Banghel ; the other more Southern from those of Olaza , which stands beyond the River Southwards , or rather beyond the bay of salt-water ; which is form'd round and large like a great Haven , by the two Rivers before their entrance into the Sea , whose flowing fills the same with salt water . Mangalòr stands between Olaza and Banghel , and in the middle of the bay right against the Mouth of the Harbor , into which the Fort extends it self , being almost encompass'd with water on three sides . 'T is but small , the worst built of any I have seen in India , and , as the Captain told me one day when I visited him , may rather be term'd the House of a Gentleman than a Fort. The City is but little neither , contiguous to the Fort , and encompass'd with weak walls ; within which , the Houses of the inhabitants are inclos'd . There are three Churches ; namely , the See or Cathedral within the Fort ; our Lady Del Rosario , La Misericordia , and San Francesco without . Yet in Mangalòr there are but three Ecclesiastical Persons in all ; two Franciscan Fryers , and one Vicar Priest , to whose charge , with very small revenews belong all the other Churches . I went not ashore because it was night , but slept in the Ship. November the nine and twentieth , Early in the Morning I landed at Mangalòr , and went together with Sig : Neittor Fernandez , and others of our Ship to dine in the House of Sig : Ascentio Veira , a Notary of the City . After which , I was provided of an empty House belonging to a Kins-man of his , by Sig : Paolo Sodrino , who was married in Mangalòr , and came for Goa , in our Ship. The next night the Fleet departed from Cocin , but I remain'd in Mangalòr with intention to go and see the Queen of Olaza . November the thirtieth , After hearing of Mass in the Church Del Rosario , I visited the Captain of Mangalòr , not in the Fort , but in a cover'd place without the Gate , which is built to receive the cool Air of the Sea , and where he was then in conversation . He was an old Man all gray , by Name Sig : Pero Gonies Pasagna . The first of December , in the Morning I went to see Banghel , by the Indians more correctly call'd Bangher , or Banghervari ; 't is a mile or little more distant from Mangalòr , towards the South and upon the Sea ; and the King that rul'd there , and in the circumjacent lands being at this day driven out , 't is subject to Venk-tapà Naieka . A Musket-shot without Mangalòr , on that side , is a small River which is pass'd over by a ruinous stone bridg , and may likewise be forded ; 't is the boundary of the Portugals jurisdiction . The above-said mile is through cultivated fields , and then you come to Banghel , which is a rich soil , and sometimes better peopled then at present ; whence the Houses are poor Cottages of earth and straw . It hath been but one strait street , of good length , with Houses and Shops continu'd on both sides , and many other sheds dispers'd among the Palme-to's . The King's House stood upon a rais'd ground , almost like a Fort , but is now wholly destroy'd , so that there is nothing left standing but the posts of the Gate ; for when Venk-tapà Naieka took this Territory , he demolish'd what-ever was strong in it . The Bazàr , or Market-place remains , although not so stor'd with goods as it was in the time of its own King ; yet it affords what is necessary , and much Areca or Fofel , whereof they make Merchandize , sending the same into divers parts , that of this place being better then others ; here are also in the Bazàr , some Gold-smiths who make knives and cizzers adorn'd with Silver very cheap , and other like toys , of which I bought some , and having seen all that was to be seen return'd on foot , as I came , though somewhat late , to Mangalòr . December the second , This Morning I went to see Olaza , which is about the same distance from Mangalòr as Banghel is , but the contrary way towards the South , and stands on the other side of a great River , which was to be pass'd over by boat . The Queen was not here , and seldom is , but keeps her Court commonly in another place more within land ; yet I would not omit to see Olaza , the rather because in the Portugal Histories it gives name to that Queen , as being that Land of hers which is nearest and best known to the Portugals , and perhaps , the richest and fruitfullest which she now enjoyes . I found it to be a fat soil , the City lying between two Seas , to wit , the Main-sea and the Bay , upon an arm of Land which the Port incloses ; so that the situation is not onely pleasant , but might also be made very strong if it were in the hands of people that knew how to do it . It is all open , saving on one side towards the mouth of the Haven between the one Sea and the other , where there is drawn a weak wall with a ditch and two inconsiderable bastions . The Bazàr is indifferent , and besides necessaries for provisions , affords abundance of white and strip'd linnen cloth , which is made in Olaza , but course , such as the people of that Country use . At the Towns end is a very pleasant Grove , and at the end thereof a great Temple , handsomely built for this Country , and much esteem'd . Olaza is inhabited confusedly , both by Gentiles who burn themselves , and also by Malabar-Moors . About a mile off Southwards , stands the Royal House or Palace amongst the above-said Groves , where the Queen resides when she comes hither sometimes . 'T is large , enclos'd with a wall and trench , but of little moment . In the first entrance it hath a Gate with an open Porch , where the Guard is to stand ; and within that a great void place like a very large Court , on the far side whereof stands the House , whose inside I saw not , because the Court was not there ; yet for this place , it seem'd to have something of wild Majesty ; behind , it joyns to a very thick wood , serving both for delight and security in time of necessity . The way from the Palace to the City is almost wholly beset with Houses . Having seen as much as I desir'd , I stay'd not to dine , but return'd to Mangalòr ; there being always a passage-boat ready to carry people backwards and forwards . December the third , Arriving not timely enough to hear Mass in the Church Del Rosario , I went to San Francesco , where I heard Mass , and a tolerably good Sermon , made by an old Father call'd Francesco dos Neves . In the Evening , I prepar'd to go to see the Queen of Olaza at her Court , which was the design of this litle peregrination . And not finding Sig : Paolo Sodrino my friend at Mangalòr , I was help'd to a boat by Sig : Luis Gomes a Native of Cananòr , but who had liv'd long at Mangalòr . I went up the River which comes from the Territories of Olaza , but another more Northern , different from the above-mention'd little one , over which I pass'd by a bridg to Banghel , and falling into the Port of Mangalòr . I took with me also a Brachman call'd Narsù , a Native of Mangalòr , to serve me for an Interpreter with the Queen , ( although my Christian Servant spoke the Language well ) partly , that I might have more persons with me to serve me , and partly , because the Bachman being a Gentile , known and vers'd in this Court , might be more serviceable to me in many things : than my own Servant ; so having provided what was needful , and prepar'd victuals to dine with upon the River by the way , which is somewhat long , I determin'd to set forth the next Morning . December the fourth , Before day-light I took boat at Mangalòr , in which there were three Water-men , two of which row'd at the Prow , and one at the Poop with a broad Oar , which serv'd both for an Oare and a Helm . Having pass'd by Bronghel , we enter'd into the great Northern River , in which on the left hand is a place where passage-boats laden with Merchandize pay a Tole to the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka , to whom the circumjacent Region is subject . Rowing a great way against the stream , the water whereof for a good space is salt , at length we stay'd to dine at a Town call'd Salè , inhabited for the most part by Moors , and situate on the right bank as you go up the River . This Town with others round it , is subject to an Indian-Gentile Lord , call'd Ramo Rau , who in all hath not above 2000 Pay-gods of yearly Revenew , of which he payes about 800. to Venk-tapà Naieka , to whom he is Tributary . Nevertheless he wears the Title of King , and they call him Omgin Arsù , that is , King of Omgiù , which is his chief place . Having din'd and rested a while , we continu'd our Voyage , and after a good space enter'd into the State of the Queen of Oloza , to whom the Country on either side the River belongs . The River is here very shallow , so that though our boat was but small , yet in many places we struck against the ground ; at length about Evening we arriv'd at Manèl , so they call the place where the Queen of Olaza now resides , which is onely a Street of a few Cottages or Sheds rather then Houses ; but the Country is open , fair and fruitful , inhabited by abundance of little Houses and Cottages here and there of Husband-men , besides those united to the great Street call'd the Bazàr , or Market ; all which are comprehended under the name of Manèl , which lies on the left side of the River as you go against the stream . Having landed , and going towards the Bazàr to get a Lodging in some House , we beheld the Queen coming alone in the same way without any other Woman , on foot , accompany'd onely with four or six foot-Souldiers before her , all which were quite naked after their manner , saving that they had a cloth over their shame , and another like a sheet worn cross the shoulders like a belt ; each of them had a Sword in his hand , or at most a Sword and Buckler ; there were also as many behind her of the same sort , one of which carry'd over her a very ordinary Umbrella made of Palm-leavs . Her Complexion was as black as that of à natural Aethiopian ; she was corpulent and gross , but not heavy , for she seem'd to walk nimbly enough ; her Age may be about forty years , although the Portugals had describ'd her to me much elder . She was cloth'd , or rather girded at the waste with a plain piece of thick white Cotton , and bare-foot , which is the custom of the Indian-Gentile Women , both high and low , in the house and abroad ; and of Men too , the most and the most ordinary go unshod ; some of the more grave wear Sandals or Slippers , very few use whole Shoos covering all the Foot. From the waste upwards the Queen was naked , saving that she had a cloth ty'd round about her Head , and hanging a little down upon her Breast and Shoulders . In brief , her aspect and habit represented rather a dirty Kitchin-wench or Laundress , then a delicate and noble Queen ; whereupon , I said within my self , Behold by whom are routed in India the Armies of the King of Spain , which in Europe is so great a matter ! Yet the Queen shew'd her quality much more in speaking then by her presence ; for her voice was very graceful in respect of her Person , and she spoke like a prudent and judicious Woman . They had told me that she had no teeth , and therefore was wont to go with half her Face cover'd ; yet I could not discover any such defect in her , either by my Eye or by my Ear ; and , I rather believe , that this covering the Mouth , or half the Face , as she sometimes doth , is agreeable to the modest custom which I know to be common to almost all Women in the East . I will not omit , that though she were so corpulent as I have mention'd , yet she seems not deform'd , but I imagine she was handsome in her Youth ; and indeed , the report is , that she hath been a brave Lady , though rather of a rough then a delicate handsomeness . As soon as we saw her coming , we stood still , lay'd down our baggage upon the ground , and went on one side to leave her the way to pass . Which she taking notice of , and of my strange habit , presently ask'd , Whether there was any among us that could speak the Language ? Whereupon my Brachman Narsù step'd forth and answer'd , Yes ; and I , after I had saluted her according to our manner , went near to speak to her , she standing still in the way with all her people to give us Audience . She ask'd who I was , ( being already inform'd , as one of her Souldiers told me , by a Portugal who was come about his businesses before me from Mangalòr to Manel , that I was come thither to see her ) I caus'd my Interpreter to tell her , that I was Un Cavaliero Ponentino , A Gentleman of the West , who came from very farr Countries ; and because other Europaeans than Portugals were not usually seen in her Dominions , I caus'd her to be told , that I was not a Portugal but a Roman , specifying too that I was not of the Turks of Constantinople , who in all the East are styl'd and known by the Name of Rumi ; but a Christian of Rome , where is the See of the Pope who is the Head of the Christians . That it was almost ten years since my first coming from home and wandring about the world , having seen divers Countries and Courts of great Princes ; and that being mov'd by the fame of her worth , which had long ago arriv'd at my Ears , I was come into this place purposely to see her , and offer her my service . She ask'd , What Countries and Courts of Princes I had seen ? I gave her a brief account of all ; and she hearing the Great Turk , the Persian , the Moghol , and Venk-tapà Naieka nam'd , ask'd , What then I came to see in these Woods of hers ? Intimating that her State was not worth seeing , after so many other great things as I said I had seen . I reply'd to her , that it was enough for me to see her Person , which I knew to be of great worth ; for which purpose alone I had taken the pains to come thither , and accounted the same very well imploy'd . After some courteous words of thanks , she ask'd me , If any sickness or other disaster had hapned to me in so remote and strange Countries , How I could have done being alone , without any to take care of me ? ( a tender Affection , and incident to the compassionate nature of Women ) . I answer'd , that in every place I went into , I had God with me , and that I trusted in him . She ask'd me , Whether I left my Country upon any disgust , the death of any kindred or beloved person , and therefore wander'd so about the world , ( for in India and all the East some are wont to do so upon discontents either of Love , or for the death of some dear persons , or for other unfortunate accidents ; and if Gentiles , they become Gioghies ; if Mahometans , Dervises and Abdales ; all which are a sort of vagabonds , or despisers of the world , going almost naked , onely with a skin upon their Shoulders , and a sttaff in their Hands , through divers Countries , like our Pilgrims ; living upon Alms , little caring what befalls them , and leading a Life suitable to the bad disposition of their hearts ) . I conceal'd my first misadventures , and told the Queen that I left not my Country upon any such cause , but onely out of a desire to see divers Countries and customs , and to learn many things , which are learnt by travelling the World ; men who had seen and convers'd with many several Nations , being much esteem'd in our parts : That indeed for some time since , upon the death of my Wife , whom I lov'd much , though I were not in habit , yet in mind I was more then a Gioghi , and little car'd what could betide me in the World. She ask'd me , What my design was now , and whither I directed my way ? I answer'd , that I thought of returning to my Country , if it should please God to give me life to arrive there . Many other questions she ask'd , which I do not now remember , talking with me standing a good while ; to all which , I answer'd the best I could : At length she bid me go and lodg in some house , and afterwards she would talk with me again at more convenience . Whereupon I took my leave , and she proceeded on her way , and , as I was afterwards told , she went about a mile off to see a work which she had in hand of certain Trenches to convey water to certain places , whereby to improve them . I spoke to the Queen with my head uncover'd all the while ; which courtesie , it being my custom to use to all Ladies my equals , onely upon the account of being such , I thought ought much rather to be us'd to this who was a Queen , and in her own Dominions , where I was come to visit and to do her Honour . After she was gone her way , I with my people enter'd into a little village , and there took a lodging in an empty house belonging to a Moor of the Country , and near the Palace ; but I caus'd my diet to be prepar'd in an other house of a neighbour Moor , that so I might have the convenience of eating flesh , or what I pleas'd ; which in the houses of Gentiles would not be suffer'd . The inhabitants of Manèl are partly Gentiles , and partly Malabar-Moors , who have also their Meschita's there ; which was of much convenience to me . The Name of the Queen of Olaza is Abag-deui-Ciautrù ; of which words , Abag is her proper Name ; Deui signifies as much as Lady , and with this word they are also wont to signifie all their gods ; nor have they any other in their Language to denote God but Deù , or Deurù , which are both one , and equally attributed to Princes ; whereby it appears that the gods of the Gentiles are for the most part nothing else but such Princes as have been famous in the world , and deserv'd that Honour after their deaths ; as likewise ( which is my ancient opinion ) that the word [ God ] where-with we by an introduc'd custom denote the Supream Creator , doth not properly signifie that First Cause , who alone ought to be ador'd by the World , but signifi'd at first , either Great Lord , or the like ; whence it was attributed to Heroes and signal persons in the world , suitable to that of the Holy Scripture , Filii Deorum , Filii Hominum ; and consequently , that the gods of the Gentiles , though ador'd and worship'd both in ancient and modern times , were never held by us in that degree wherein we hold God the Creator of the Universe , and wherein almost all Nations of the world always held and do hold him ; ( some calling him , Causa Prima ; others , Anima Mundi ; others , Perabrahmi , as the Gentiles at this day in India : ) But that the other gods are and were always rather but as Saints are amongst us ; of the truth whereof , I have great Arguments , at least amongst the Indian - Gentiles ; or if more then Saints , yet at least Deifi'd by favour , and made afterwards Divi , as Hercules , Romulus , Augustus , &c. were amongst the Romans . But to return to our purpose , they told me the word Ciautrù , ( the last in the Queen of Olaza's Name ) was a Title of Honour peculiar to all the Kings and Queens of Olaza ; and therefore possibly signifies either Prince , or King , and Queen , or the like . As for this Countries being subject to a Woman , I understood from intelligent persons of the Country , that in Olaza Men were and are always wont to reign , and that 't is a custom receiv'd in India amongst the greatest part of the Gentiles , the Sons do not succeed the Fathers , but the Sons of their Sisters ; they accounting the Female-line more certain , as indeed it is , than the Male. Yet that the last King of Olaza , having neither Nephews nor other Legitimate Heirs , his Wife succeeded him ; and she also dying without other Heirs left this Abag-Deui , who was her Sister to succeed her . To whom , because she is a Woman and the descent is certain , is to succeed a Son of hers , of whom I shall hereafter make mention ; but to him , being a Man , not his own Sons , but the Son of one of his Sisters , hereafter likewise mention'd , is to succeed . Not to conceal what I know of the History of this Queen , I shall add , that after her Assumption to the Throne upon the death of her Sister , she was married for many years to the King of Banghel , who now is a fugitive , depriv'd of his Dominions , but then reign'd in his own Country which borders upon hers . Yet , though they were Husband and Wife , ( more for Honors sake then any thing else ) they liv'd not together , but apart each in their own Lands : in the Confines whereof , either upon Rivers , where they caus'd Tents to be erected over boats , or in other places of delight , they came to see and converse with one another ; Banghel wanting not other Wives and Women , who accompany'd him where-ever he went. 'T is reported , that this Queen had the Children , which she hath , by this Banghel , if they were not by some other secret and more intimate Lover ; for , they say , she wants not such . The Matrimony and good Friendship having lasted many years between Banghel and the Queen , I know not upon what occasion discord arose between them , and such discord that the Queen divorc'd Banghel , sending back to him , ( as the custom is in such case ) all the Jewels which he had given her as his Wife . For this , and perhaps for other causes , Banghel became much offended with the Queen , and the rupture proceeded to a War : during which , it so fortun'd that one day as she was going in a boat upon one of those Rivers , not very well guarded , he sending his people with other boats in better order , took her and had her in his power : Yet , with fair carriage and good words , she prevail'd so far that he let her go free and return to her Country . In revenge of this injury , she forth-with rais'd War against Banghel , who relying upon the aid of the neighbouring Portugals , because he was confederate with them , and ( as they say of many Royolets of India ) Brother in Arms to the King of Portugal , the Queen to counterpoize that force call'd to her assistance against Banghel , and the Portugals who favour'd him , the neighbouring King Venk-tapà Naieka , who was already become very potent , and fear'd by all the Neighbours , and under his protection and obedience she put her self . Venk-tapà Naieka sent a powerful Army in favour of the Queen , took all Banghel's Territories and made them his own , destroying the Fort which was there ; he also made prey of divers other pety Lords thereabouts , demolishing their strength , and rendring them his Tributaries ; one of which was the Queen of Curnat , who was also confedrate with the Portugals , and no friend to her of Olaza : he came against Mangalòr , where in a battel rashly undertaken by the Portugals , he defeated a great number ; and , ( in short ) the flower and strength of India , carrying the Ensigns , Arms , and Heads of the slain to Ikkeri in triumph . He did not take Mangalòr , because he would not , answering the Queen of Olaza , who urg'd him to it ; That they could do that at any time with much facility , and that 't was best to let those four Portugals remain in that small place , ( which was rather a House then a Fortress ) in respect of the Traffick and Wares which they brought to the benefit of their Countries : After which he came to a Treaty with the Portugals , by which he restor'd the Colours he had taken from them , and by their means Banghel surrendred the Fort , which Venk-tapà , as I said before , demolish'd ; besides other conditions which are now under consideration , according as is above-mention'd in my Relation of the Ambassie to Ikkeri . This was the War of Banghel , in which the Queen got the better of him and the Portugals , of which she was very proud ; yet with-all , her Protector Venk-tapà Naieka who is very rapacious and little faithful , sufficiently humbled her , and she got not much benefit by him , saving quiet living ; for besides his subjecting her to his obedience in a manner , she was necessitated , whether by agreement or violence I know not , to resign to him Berdrete , which is the best and richest City she had , together with much Land in those Confines of Venk-tapà , and of the inner part of her Country , which amounted to a good part of her Dominions ; however , at present she lives and governs her Country in Peace , being respected by all her Neighbours . This Queen had an elder Son then him that now lives ; he was call'd Cic-Rau Ciaue●ù , and dy'd a while since . The Portugals say , that she her self caus'd poyson to be given him , because the young man being grown up , and of much spirit , aspir'd to deprive her of the Government , and make himself Master : Which is possible enough : for divers other Princes in the world have procur'd the death of their own Children upon jealousie of State ; so prevalent is that cursed enormous Ambition of ruling . Yet such an impiety not being evident to me concerning the Queen , I will not wrongfully desame her , but rather believe , that the young man dy'd a natural death , and with regret to her . So neither do I believe what the Portugals incens'd against her further report , namely , that she hath attempted to poyson this second Son ; but it succeeded not , he being advertis'd thereof by his Nurse who was to give him the poyson ; since I see that this Son lives with her in the same place and house peaceably , which would not be , if there were any such matter : Nor can I conceive , why she should go about to extinguish all her own Issue in this manner , having now no other Heir born of her self . December the fifth , The Queen of Olaza's Son , who though he govern not , ( for the Mother administers all alone , and will do as long as she lives ) yet for honor's sake is styl'd King , and call'd Celuuà Rairù , ( of which words , Celuuà is his proper name , and Rairù his title ) sent for the Brachman my Interpreter in the Morning , and discoursing long with him , took a particular information of me , telling him that he understood I was much whiter then the Portugals who us'd to trade in that Country , and of a very good presence , and consequently , must needs be a person of quality . In conclusion , he bid him bring me to him when my conveniency serv'd ; for he was very desirous to see me and speak with me . This Message being related to me , I let pass the hour of dinner , ( because , having no appetite , and finding my stomack heavy , I would not dine this day ) and when it seem'd a convenient time , I went ( with my Interpreter ) cloth'd in black after my custom ; yet not with such large Breeches down to the heels , as the Portugals for the most part are wont to wear in India , in regard of the heat , ( for they are very commodious , covering all the Leg , and saving the trouble of Stockins , so that the Leg is naked and loose ) but with Stockins and Garters and ordinary Breeches , without a Cloak , ( though us'd by the Portugal-Souldiers in India , even of greatest quality ) but with a large Coat or Cassock , open at the sides , after the Country fashion . The Palace , ( which may rather be call'd Capanna Reale , a Royal Lodge ) is entred into by a Gate like the grate or lattice of our Vine-yards at Rome , ordinary enough , seated in the midst of a field , which like them is divided by a small hedge from the neighbouring fields . Within the Gate is a broad Walk or Alley , on the right side whereof is a spacious plot sown , at the end of which , the Walk turns to the right hand , and there upon the same plot stands the Royal Mansion , having a prospect over all the said great green field . In the middle of this second Walk , you enter into the House , ascending seven or eight wooden stairs , which lead into a large Porch , the length of which is equal to the whole fore-part of the House . This Porch was pav'd with Cow-dung after their manner , the walls about shining , and painted with a bad red colour much us'd by them . The fore-part of it , which is all open , is up-held by great square posts , of no great height , ( for 't is their custom to make all buildings , especially Porches , but low in respect of the breadth and length , with very broad Pent-houses ; which is , I believe , by reason of the great heat of the Country , where they have more need of shadow and coolness , than of air or light . Directly opposite to the stairs in the middle of the Porch , was another small Porch , which was all the entrance into the inner part of the building . Within the little Porch was a small room long and narrow , where the King sate near the wall on the left side ; and he sate upon the ground after the Eastern manner upon one of those coarse clothes , which in Persia and Turkie are call'd Kielim , and serve for poor people ; nor was it large , but onely so much as to contain the Person of the King , the rest of the room being bare , saving that it was pollish'd with Cow-dung . Beside the King , but a little farther on his left hand , sate upon a little matt , sufficient onely to contain him , a Youth of about fifteen or eighteen years of age , call'd Balè Rairù , who was his Nephew , and is to succeed him , being the Son of his deceased Sister , who was Daughter to the present Queen . The Father of this Youth was a neighbour Gentile Prince , whom they call the King of Cumbià , ( or perhaps more correctly , Kunblè ) call'd by his proper name Ramò-Nàto Ari ; of which words , Ramò-Nàto is the proper name , and Ari the title . They said he was still living , though others at Goa told me afterwards that he was dead . But being this young Balè Rairù was not to succeed his Father , but had Right of Inheritance in Olaza , therefore he liv'd not in his Father's Country , but here at Manèl with his Grand-mother and his Uncle . None other sate with the King , but three or four of his more considerable servants stood in the room talking with him ; and in the great Porch , without the little one , stood in files on either side other servants of inferior degree , two of which nearest the entrance ventilated the Air with fans of green Taffeta in her Hands , as if to drive away the flyes from the King or the entrance ; a Ceremony us'd , as I have said elsewhere by Indian Princes for Grandeur ; and they told me , the green colour was a Ceremony too , and the proper badg of the King of Olaza , for the King of Banghel uses Crimson ; other Princes , white , as I saw us'd by Venk-tapà Naieka ; and others , perhaps other colours : A small company indeed , and a poor appearance for a King ; which call'd to my remembrance those ancient Kings , Latinus , Turnus , and Evander , who , 't is likely , were Princes of the same sort . Such as came to speak with the King , stood without in the Porch , either on one side , or in the middle of the little Porch ; either because the room was very small , and not sufficient for many people ; or rather , as I believe , for more State. The King was young , not above seventeen years of age , as they told me , yet his aspect spoke him elder ; for he was very fat and lusty , as I could conjecture of him sitting , and besides , he had long hairs of a beard upon his cheeks , which he suffer'd to grow without cutting , though they appeared to be but the first down . Of Complexion he was dusky , not black , as his Mother is , but rather of an earthy colour , as almost all the Malabars use to be . He had a lowder and bigger voice then Youths of his age use to have , and in his speaking , gestures , and all other things he shew'd Judgment and manly gravity . From the girdle upwards he was all naked , saving that he had a thin cloth painted with several colours cast cross his shoulders . The hair of his head was long after their manner , and ty'd in one great knot , which hung on one side wrapt up in a little plain linnen , which looks like a night-cap fallen on one side . From the girdle downwards I saw not what he wore , because he never rose from his seat , and the Chamber was something dark ; besides that , the painted cloth on his shoulders hung down very low . His Nephew who sate beside him was not naked , but clad in a whole white garment ; and his Head was wrapt up in a greater volume , white , like a little Turbant . When I came before the King , his Men made me come near to the little Porch in the midst of them , where standing by my self , after the first salutations , the King presently bid me cover my head ; which I forth-with did without further intreaty ; though with the Mother , because a Lady , I was willing to super-abound in Courtesie , speaking to her all the time uncover'd : But with the Son who was a Man , I was minded to enjoy the priviledg of my descent , and receive the favour which he did me , as due to my quality . To sit upon at first they offer'd me nothing , nor was it fitting to sit down upon the bare ground : Yet to shew some difference between my self and the by-standers , after I had put on my Hat , I lean'd upon my Sword , and so talk'd as long as I was standing , which was not long ; the King , who at first sat side-wise , turning himself directly towards me , although by so doing he turn'd his back to his Nephew . He ask'd me almost all the same questions as his Mother had done ; Whence I came ? What Countries I had travell'd through ? What Princes I had seen ? Whether I had left my own Country upon any misfortune ? Or why ? How I would have done thus alone in strange Countries , in case of sickness or other accidents ? To all which I answer'd , as I had done to his Mother ; and upon my saying , that I wander'd thus alone up and down trusting in the help of God ; He ask't me , Who was my God ? I answer'd him , ( pointing upwards ) the God of Heaven , the Creator of the Universe ; whereupon certain Souldiers there present , ( in all likelyhood Moors ) as if applauding me , said , Ah Chodia , Chodia , which in the Persian Tongue signifies Lord , and is meant of God ; inferring that I worship'd the true God , whom they Moors pretended to know , in opposition to the Idols of the Gentiles of the Country ; And they us'd the Persian word Chodia , because that probably the Sect of Mahomet came into these parts from Persia , ( which is not very remote from India ) as also from Arabia ; or perhaps , because the Indians of the Territory of Idal-Sciàh and Dacàn , being in great part Moors , use much the Persian Tongue which is spoken in the Courts of those Princes no less then their natural Language ; whence these other Indians more inwards to the South have , by reason of neighbourhood , communication both in Religion and Speech . The King told me several times that he had very great contentment in seeing me , and that no Europaean of my quality had ever been in his Country ; that my person well shew'd of what quality I was : Nor was he mistaken herein ; for what other would ever go out of Europe into his Country ? unless some Portugal Merchantello of those who come hither for the most part to seek wood to make masts and sails for Ships ; these Woods abounding with very goodly Trees . I told him , I was sorry I had nothing worthy to present to him ; that in my Country there wanted not gallant things for his Highness ; but it being so many years since my departure thence , and my Travels so far , I had nothing left as I desir'd ; yet , as a memorial of my service , I should venture to give him a small trifle of my Country : Whereupon I caus'd my Interpreter , ( who carried it ) to offer him a little Map of the World , which I had brought with me out of Italy ; telling him what it was , and how all the Countries , Lands , Seas , and Islands of the world were exactly delineated in it , with their Names set to each place in our Tongue , and all that was necessary to make him understand what it was . The King was hugely pleas'd with it , and desir'd to see several Countries , where they lay , and how great they were , asking me sundry questions about them ; but being he understood not our Letters written therein , he satisfi'd himself with the sight onely , and with shewing it to all the by-standers as a curious and ingenious piece of Art. Then he ask'd me , whether I could eat in their Houses , or of their meats ; for he desir'd to give me something to eat : I answer'd that I could , and that the purity of our Religion consisted not in the eating or touching of things , but in doing good works . He earnestly desir'd me , that I would stay a while till some meat were prepar'd for me ; for by all means he would have me eat something in his House , and himself see me eating . I told him , that if his intention were onely to give me meat , the time was already past , nor was I dispos'd to eat ; but if it were to see me eat , I could not eat in that place after the fashion of my Country , not having there the preparations necessary thereunto , so that his Highness should not see what , perhaps , he desir'd ; and therefore I beseech'd him to excuse me : Nevertheless he was so urgent for it , that , not to appear discourteous , I consented to obey him . And , till the meat came , the King commanded some of his Servants to conduct me to sit down by them in the Porch , where I might sit after our manner , but not in the King's sight . Hereupon I with-drew with some of his Men to entertain me , and in the mean time the King remain'd talking with the rest of them concerning me , commending me much for several things , but above all , for a good presence , for speaking truly and discreetly , like a Gentleman , and for my civil deportment . But before I proceed further , I will here present you with a rough and unmeasur'd draught of the King's House , and the place wherein he was ; so far as may suffice for the better understanding of what is already spoken , and is to follow after . 1. At the foot of this design is the Gate of the Palace . 2. The Walk leading to it , and included within the House . 3. A great plain and sown field . 4. The turning of the Walk before the House , where the short lines intersecting the outward line towards the field , re-represent the Trees planted at equal distances and in order . 5. Seven or eight wooden Stairs leading up to the Porch . 6. The Porch of the House , in which the little squares near the outer lines are the wooden pillars which support it , and the ambient lines the walls . 7. The King's Servants standing on either side without the little Porch of the Chamber . 8. I Pietro Della Valle , when I first talk'd with that King , standing . 9. The Room wherein the King was . 10. The King sitting on the ground upon a little coarse Cloth. 11. The King's Nephew sitting on the ground upon a little matt . 12. The King's Servants standing . 13. I Pietro Della Valle sitting in the said room on the ground upon a little low Table , whilst I eat and discours'd with the King a very long time together ; the place mark'd with the number 13 , being that where they set the meat before me . 14. A small open Court. 15. A small mount or bank in the said Court , leading from the more inward Chambers to that where the King was . 16. Inner Chambers and Lodgings , which , what they were , I saw not ; but they were of very bad earthen buildings , low , and coverd with thatch-like Cottages , that is , with Palm-leavs ; which are always to be understood when I speak of Cottages or Houses cover'd with thatch in India . 17. I Pietro Della Valle sitting between two of the King's Servants upon the side of the Porch , ( after having spoken the first time with the King ) entertaining me while the meat was preparing . The meat was not long in preparing , and being now in order , the King call'd for me again to enter into the room where it stood ready ; and one of the Brachmans who spoke Portugal , and was wont to accompany me , ask'd me , Whether it would not be more convenient for me to ungird my Sword , and put off my Cassack ? I answer'd , that my Cassack gave me no trouble , nor was there occasion to lay it off ; but my Sword might be laid aside , and therewith ungirding it , I gave it him to hold : which I did , the rather because all Princes being commonly suspicious , I imagin'd the King would not like my entring in with Arms ; and he that goes into another's House , to visit him and do him honour , is not to disgust , but to comply with him in all points . So I enter'd without a Sword , but yet with shoes and stockins on , though with them it be unusual ; for none should enter into that place but bare-foot , and the King himself is so there , according to their custum : Nor did I scruple their taxing me of uncleanliness , as undoubtedly they would have done in Turkie and Persia , if I had enter'd into their rooms with shoes or slippers on , because there all the rooms are cover'd with Carpets , but there was not any in these of the King , onely the pavement was gloss'd with Cow-dung . Wherefore as to have put off my shoes , ( besides that they are not so easily slip'd off as Pantofles , nor does it shew well ) would have been an exorbitant and unnecessary humility ; so to enter with them on , was to me convenient and decorous , without any lyablenes , to be accus'd of uncleanliness , being the floore was not cover'd ; if it had been so with Carpets or the like , as 't is usualin Turkie and Persia , then , ( to avoid seeming slovenly by soiling the place with my dirty shoes , and my self by sitting upon them , which indeed is not handsome ) I should have caus'd my shoes to be pull'd off ; for which purpose , I had accordingly caus'd a pair of slippers of our fashion to be brought along with me , in case there should have been need of them ; our kind of shoes being not so easie to be put off by shaking the foot alone without the help of the hand , as those which for this end are us'd by all the Eastern people . Entring in this manner , and saluting the King as I pass'd , I went to sit down at the upper end of the Chamber , ( as t is above describ'd ) where they had prepar'd a little square board of the bigness of an ordinary stool , which might serve for asingle person , but rais'd no more then four fingers above the ground ; upon this I sat down , crossing my Legs , one over the other ; and that little elevation help'd me to keep them out from under me , with such decency as I desir'd . Right before the seat upon the bare floor , ( the Indians not using any Tables they had spread instead of a dish , ( as their custom is , especially to us Christians , with whom they will not defile their own vessels ; it not being lawful for them ever to eat again in those wherein we have eaten ) a great Leaf of that Tree , which the Arabians and Persians call Mouz ; the Portugals in India , Fichi d' India , Indian Fig-trees ; and upon the said leaf they had lay'd a good quantity of Rice boyl'd after their manner , onely with water and salt ; but for sauce to it , there stood on one side a little vessel made of Palm-leavs , full of very good butter melted . There lay also upon another Leaf one of those Indian Figgs , clean and par'd ; and hard by it a quantity of a certain red herb , commonly eaten in India , and call'd by the Portugals Brèdo , ( which yet is the general appellation of all sort of herbs ) . In another place lay several fruits us'd by them , and , amongst the rest , seven of the Bambù , or great Indian Cane ; all of them preserv'd in no bad manner , which they call Acciaò ; besides one sort pickled with Vinegar , as our Olives are . Bread there was none , because they use none , but the Rice is instead of it ; which was no great defect to me , because I am now accustom'd to want it , and eat very little . The King very earnestly pray'd me to eat , excusing himself often that he gave me so small an entertainment on the sudden ; for if he had known my coming before-hand , he would have prepar'd many Caril , and divers other more pleasing meats . Caril is a name which in India they give to certain Broths made with Butter , the Pulp of Indian Nuts , ( instead of which , in our Countries Almond Milk may be us'd , being equally good , and of the same virtue ) and all sorts of Spices , particularly , Cardamoms and Ginger , ( which we use but little ) besides herbs , fruits , and a thousand other condiments . The Christians who eat every thing , add Flesh or Fish of all sorts , sometimes Eggs , which , without doubt , make it more savory , especially , Hens or Chickens cut in small pieces : With all which things , is made a kind of Broth , like our Guazzetti , or Pottages , and may be made many several ways ; this Broth with all the abovesaid ingredients , is afterwards poured in good quantity upon the boyled Rice , whereby is made a well-tasted mixture , of much substance and light digestion , as also of very little pains ; for it is presently boyled , and serves both for meat and bread together . I found it very good for me , and used it often , as also the Pilào else-where spoken of , and made of Rice boyled with butter and flesh fryed therein , besides a thousand other preparations of several sorts which are so common to every body in Asia ; and I account it one of the best and wholsomest meats that can be eaten in the world , without so many Artificial Inventions as our gutlings of Europe ( withall , procuring to themselves a thousand infirmities of Gouts , Catarrhs , and other Maladies , little known to the Orientals ) daily devise to the publick damage . But to return to my Relation , the King told me , he would have given me a better entertainment , but yet desired me to receive this small extemporary one , and eat without any respect or shiness of those that were present ; for thereby he should understand that I liked it . I answer'd , that the Favour and Courtesie which his Highness shew'd me , was sufficient : But as for eating , the time being now past , I did it onely to obey him ; and so , to comply with him , although I had little will to eat , I tasted lightly here and there of those fruits and herbs , where-with my Hand was but little soiled , which upon occasion I wiped with my handkerchief , being they use no other Table-linnen , nor had laid any for me . The King seeing that I touched not the Rice , spoke to me several times to eat of it , and to powre upon it some of that butter which stood by it prepared . I did not , because I would not grease my self , there being no spoon ; for the Indians eat every thing with the Hand alone , and so do the Portugals ; I know not , whether as having learnt so to do in India of the Indians ; or , whether it be their own natural custom ; but they too , for the most part eat with the Hand alone , using no spoon , and that very ill-favouredly ; for with the same Hand , if need be , they mingle together the Rice , the Butter , the Caril , and all other things how greasie soever , daubing themselves up to the wrist , or rather washing their Hands in their meat before they eat it ; ( a fashion indeed sufficiently coarse for people of Europe ) : and thought at their Tables , which are handsome enough , there want not knives , spoons , and silver forks , and some few sometimes make use thereof ; yet the universal custom is such , that few use them , even when they lie before them . The truth is , they wash their Hands many times during one dinner , to wit , as often as they 〈◊〉 them , but they wipe them not first ; for neither do they make use of napkins , whether they have any before them ( as for the most part they have ) or not ; but b●sides the trouble of 〈…〉 g so often , in my judgment , there is but little neatnesse in w●●hing their anointed Hand after that manner ; and , I know not , whether the washing cleanses or de 〈…〉 s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being inur'd to the neatness of Italy , could not conform to slovenliness : and , let them cover this barbarous custom with what pretence they please , either of military manners , or what else they think fit ; 't is little trouble for a civil Man to carry , even in the Warr and Travels , amongst other necessary things , a spoon , knife , and fork , where-with to eat handsomely : The Turks themselves , as barbarous as they are , yet are so much observers of this , that amongst them there is not the meanest Souldier , but who , if he hath not other better convenience , at least carries his spoon ty'd to the belt of his sword . In short , the King frequently urg'd me to eat of the Rice , and I as often deny'd with several excuses ; at last he was so importunate , that I was fain to tell him , I could not eat that meat in that manner , because I had not my Instruments . The King told me , I might eat after my own way , and take what Instruments I would , which should be fetch'd from my House . I reply'd divers times , that there was no need , and that my tasting of it was enough to testifie my Obedience : However , by all means he would have what was necessary fetch'd from my House . So I sent my Brachman and my Christian Servant with my key , and they , the King so enjoyning , went ; and return'd in a moment , for my Hou●e was directly over against the Palace . They brought me a spoon , a silver-fork and a clean and fine napkin , very handsomely folded in small plaits ; this I spread upon my knees which it cover'd down to my feet , and so I began to eat Rice , powring the butter upon it with a spoon ; and the other things with the fork , after a very cleanly manner , without greasing my self , or touching any thi●g with my Hands ; as 't is my custom . The King and all the rest admir'd these exquisite , and to them unusual , modes ; crying out with wonder Deuru , Deuru , that I was a Deuru , that is , a great Man , a God , as they speak . I told the King , that to eating according to my custom , there needed much preparation of a table , linnen , plates , dishes , cups , and other things ; but I was now travelling through strange Countries , and treated my self , alla Soldatesca , after the Souldiers fashion , leading the life of a Gioghi , and consequently , had not with me such things as were necessary . The King answer'd , that it suffic'd him to see thus much , since thereby he easily imagin'd how all my other things would be ; and that , in brief , he had never seen any Europaean like me ; and that it was a great contentment to him to see me . He desir'd me several times to eat more , perceiving that I rather tasted of things to please him , than to satiate my self . He caus'd divers other Fruits pickled with Vinegar and Salt to be brought me , by a Woman who came from the inner rooms through the little Court ; as also for my drink , ( in a cup made likewise of Palm-leavs ) a kind of warm Milk , to which they are accustom'd , and which seem'd to me very good . Both before and after , and whilst I was eating , I had much discourse with the King , who entertain'd me sitting there above two long hours ; but not remembring it all , I shall onely set down some of the most remarkable particulars . He ask'd me concerning our Countries , all the Christian Princes , with the other Moors and Pagan-Princes whom I had seen ; concerning the power and Armies of each , and their Grandeur in comparison of others . On which occasion I told him , that amongst us Christians the prime Prince was the Pope my Lord , the Head of the Church , and the High-Priest , to whom all others gave Obedience ; the next , was the Emperour , in dignity the first of Souldiers , or secular Princes ; that the first Nation was France ; and that for Territory and Riches , Spain had most of all ; with many other circumstances too long to be rehearsed . Which discourse led me to tell him , as I did , that the King of Portugal , as they speak , that is , the King of Spain , so much esteem'd in India , pay'd Tribute to our Lord the Pope for the Kingdom of Naples , which he held of his Holiness in homage ; for which he had a great conceit of the Pope . Amongst the Moorish Princes , I said concerning the Moghòl , whom he much cryed up to me , that we held him indeed for the richest in treasure , but otherwise had greater esteem of the Turk and the Persian ; because though the Moghòl hath not an infinite number of people , and , without doubt , more then others , yet they were not people fit for war ; and that Sciàh , amongst the rest , did not value him at all , as manifestly appear'd in the late war. Of Sciàh Abbas , the King profess'd to account him a great Prince , a great Souldier , and a great Captain ; and I related to him , how I had been for a great while together very familiar with him , and that he had done me many favours , having me with him in divers notable occasions : whereto he answer'd , that he did not doubt it , and that , being such a person as I was , there was no Prince but would highly favour me . He ask'd me also concerning the commodities of our Countries , and of those which are brought from thence into these Oriental parts ; and ( being that in India they are accustom'd to the Portugals , who , how great Personages soever they be , are all Merchants , nor is it any disparagement amongst them ) he ask'd me , whether I had brought from my Country any thing to bargain with all , either Pearls or Jewels , for I knew very good ones came from thence ? I answer'd him ; that in my Country the Nobles of my rank never practis'd Merchandize , but onely convers'd with Arms or Books , and that I addicted my self to the latter , and medled not with the former . He ask'd me , how I was supply'd with Money for my Travels , in so remote Countries ? I answer'd , that I had brought some along with me , and more was sent me from time to time by my Agents , either in Bills or in ready Money , according as was most expedient in reference to the diversity of places . He ask'd me , whether I had either a Father or a Mother , Brothers or Sisters , Wife or Children , remaining by that Wife , who , I said , was pass'd to a better life ? I answer'd , that I had not ; whereupon he said , it was no wonder then that I pleas'd my self in wandring thus about the World , being so alone and destitute of all Kinred . And indeed , the King did not ill inferr ; for had any of my dearest Relations been living , as they are not , perhaps , I should not have gone from home , nor ever seen Manèl or Olaza ; but since 't is God's Will to have it so , I must have patience . The King told me , that if I could procure a good Horse out of my Country , he would pay very well for it , for the Indians have none good of their own breed ; and the good they have , are brought to them either from Arabia or Persia , and the Portugals make a Trade of carrying them thither to sell , even the greatest Persons , as Governours of places , and Captains General , not disdaining to do the same . I standing upon the point of my Italian Nobility , which allows not such things , answer'd the King , that to sell Horses was the Office of Merchants , not my profession ; that I might present some good one to his Highness , there being in my Country very good ones , and would gladly do it , if it were possible . The King was much pleas'd with this Answer of mine , and said to his Men , that I spoke like a right Gentleman , plainly and truly ; and did not , like many , who promise and say they will do many things , which afterwards they perform not , nor are able to do . He ask'd me concerning Saffron , which is much esteemed among them ; they use it mix'd with Sanders to paint their fore-heads withall , as also for Perfumes , for Meats , and for a thousand other uses . I answer'd , that I might be able to serve his Highness , that it was a thing that might be transported ; and that in my Country , there was enough , and that , if it pleas'd God I arrived there alive , I would send him a Present of it , with other fine things of my Country , which perhaps , would be acceptable to him . And indeed , if I arrive in Italy , I intend to make many Complements , with this and divers other Princes , whom I know in these parts ; for by what I have seen , I may get my self a great deal of Honour amongst them with no great charge . Ever now and then , the King would talk with his Servants , and all was in commendation of me and my discreet speaking , and especially of my white complexion , which they much admired , although in Italy I was never counted one of the fair , and , after so many Travels , and so many sufferings both of Body and Mind , I am so changed that I can scarce acknowledge my self an Italian any longer . He prayed me once with much earnestnesse and courtesie , ( out of a juvenile curiosity ) to unbrace one of my sleeves a little and my breast , that he might see whether my body were correspondent to my face . I laughed , and , to please him , did so : When they saw that I was whiter under my clothes ( where the Air and Sun had not so much injured me ) than in the face , they all remained astonished , and began to cry out again that I was a Deurù , that I was a Heroe , a god , and that blessed was the hour when I entered into their House , ( I took my self to be Hercules , lodged in the Country of Evander ) and the King being much satisfied with my courtesie , said , that he knew me to be a Noble Man by my civil compliance with his demands ; that if I had been some coarser person , I would not have done so , but perhaps , have taken ill , and been offended with those their curious Questions . As for the Ceremonies of eating , I must not omit , that after he saw that I had done eating , notwithstanding his many instances to me to eat more , he was contented that I should make an end ; and because most of the meat remained untouch'd , and it was not lawful for them to touch it or keep it in the House , they caused my Christian Servant to come in and carry it all away ( that he might eat it ) ; which he did in the napkin which I had used before : for to fling it away , in regard of the discourtesie it would be to me , they judged not convenient . At length when I rose up from my seat and took leave of the King , they caused my said Servant to strew a little Cow-dung , ( which they had got ready for the purpose ) upon the place where I had sat , which , according to their Religion , was to be purified . In the mean time as I was taking leave of the King , he caused to be presented to me , ( for they were ready prepared in the Chamber ) and delivered to my Servants to carry home four Lagne , ( so they call in India , especially the Portugals , the Indian Nuts before they be ripe , when instead of Pulp they contain a sweet refreshing water , which is drunk for delight ; and if the Pulp , ( for of this water it is made ) be begun to be congealed , yet that little is very tender , and is eaten with much delight , and is accounted cooling ; whereas when it is hard and fully congealed , the Nut remaining without water within , and in the inner part somewhat empty , that matter of the Nut which is used more for sauce then to eat alone , is , in my opinion ; hot , and not of so good taste , as before when it was more tender . ) Of these Lagne he caus'd four to be given me , besides I know not how many great bunches of Moùl , or Indian Figs , which , though a small matter , are nevertheless the delights of this Country ; wherefore as such I received them , and thanking the King for them , ( who also thank'd me much for my visit , testifying several times that he had had very great contentment in seeing me ) at length taking my leave , I departed about an hour or little more before night . I intended to have visited the Queen also the same time , but I understood she was gone abroad , whilst I was with her Son , to the above-mention'd place of her Works . Wherefore being desirous to make but little stay in Manel , both that I might dispatch as soon as possible , and withall not shew any dis-esteem of the Queen by visiting her , not onely after her Son , but also on a different day , I resolv'd to go and find her where she was , although it were late ; being also perswaded so to do by that Brachman to whom I gave my Sword when I went to eat , and who sometimes waited upon the Queen ; and the rather , because they told me , she was little at home , but rising at break of day , went forth-with to her Works , and there stayed till dinner ; and as soon as dinner was done , return'd thither again , and remain'd there till night . By which action , I observ'd something in her of the spirit of Sciàh Abbas King of Persia , and concluded it no wonder that she hath alwayes shew'd her self like him , that is , active and vigorous in actions of war and weighty affairs . Moreover , they said that at night she was employ'd a good while in giving Audience , and doing Justice to her Subjects : so that it was better to go and speak to her there in the field while she was viewing her Work-men , then in the house . Accordingly I went , and , drawing near her saw her , standing in the field , with a few Servants about her , clad as the other time , and talking to the Labourers that were digging the Trenches . When she saw us , she sent to know wherefore I came , whether it were about any business ? And the Messenger being answer'd that it was onely to visit her , brought me word again that it was late and time to go home ; and therefore I should do so , and when she came home she would send for me . I did as she commanded , and return'd to my house , expecting to be call'd when she thought fit ; but she call'd not for me this night , the cause whereof I attributed to her returning very late home , as I understood she did . The same day , December the seventh , Being return'd home before noon , I took the Altitude of the Sun at Manèl with an Astrolabe . I found him to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees ; he was this day in the fourteenth degree of Sagittary . His Southern Declination was 22 degrees 30′ . 34″ . which substracted from 35 degrees , ( the Altitude which I took , leave 12 degrees 29′ . 36″ . which is the Declination of the Aequinoctial , Southwards from the Zenith of Manèl , and also the height of the Northern Pole in that place . So that Manèl , where the Queen of Olaza now resides , lyes 12 degrees 29′ . 36″ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. At night , having waited all the day , and not hearing of the Queens sending for me , as she had promis'd , I thought not good to importune her further , but imagin'd she was not willing to be visited more by me . Wherefore I gave Order for a Boat to carry me back to Mangalòr the next day . Of the Queens not suffering her self to be visited more by me , certain Men of the Country who convers'd with me , gave sundry Reasons : Some said , the Queen imagin'd I would have given her some Present , as indeed I should , which would require a requital ; but , perhaps , she had nothing fit to requite me with in these wretched places , or was loath to give : So that to avoid the shame , she thought best to decline the visit . Others said , there was no other decent place to give Audience in , but that where her Son was ; and for her to come thither , did not shew well ; as neither to send for me into some other unhandsome place , nor yet to give me Audience in the Street , when it was no unexpected meeting but design'd , for which reason she avoided speaking with me . The Brachman , not my Interpreter , but the other who held my Sword , had a more extravagant , and ( in my opinion ) impertinent conceit , to wit , that there was spread such a Fame of my good presence , fairness , and handsome manner of conversation , that the Queen would not speak with me , for fear she should become enamor'd of me , and be guilty of some unbecomming action , at which I heartily laugh'd . 'T was more probable , that she intended to avoid giving people occasion to talk of her , for conversing privately with a stranger that was of such Reputation amongst them . But let the Cause be what it will , I perceiv'd she declin'd my visit , and therefore caus'd a Boat to be provided , which ( there being no other ) was not row'd with Oars , but guided by two Men with Poles of Indian Cane or Bambu , which serv'd well enough for that shallow River . The next day , December the eighth , A little before Noon , without having seen the Queen or any other , I departed from Manèl . In a place some-what lower , on the left bank of the River , where the Queen receives a Toll of the Wares that pass by , ( which for the most part are onely Rice , which is carried out , and brought into her Country ) I stay'd a while to dine . Then continuing my way , I arriv'd very late at Mangalòr , where the Shops being shut up , and nothing to be got , I was fain to go supperless to bed . Occasion being offer'd for sending this Letter to Goa , whence the Fleet will depart next Ianuary , I would not omit it ; so that where-ever I may happen to reside , the Letter may at least arrive safe to you , whose Hands I kiss with my old Affection . LETTER VII . From Goa , January 31. 1624. IN this my excursion and absence from Goa , ( which was short , but the pleasantest three Moneths Travel that ever I had ) besides the Royal Seats of Ikkeri and Manèl , describ'd in my last to you , I had the fortune to go as far as Calecut , to the other Royal Seat of Vikirà , call'd by his proper Title , il Samorino , where I have erected the Pillars of my utmost peregrination towards the South . Now in my Return , before I describe to you the Court of this Samorino and his Princesses , following the Order of my Journeys , I shall first inform you of my going to the famous Hermitage of Cadiri , and visiting of Batniato , call'd King of the Gioghi , who lives at this day in his narrow limits of that Hermitage , impoverish'd by Venk-tapà Naieka . December the tenth , Being yet in Mangalòr , I took the Altitude of the Sun , whom I found to decline from the Zenith 35 degrees and 20 minutes . He was now in the 18 degree of Sagittary , and declin'd towards the South 22 degrees 55′ . 28″ . which , detracted from the 35 degrees 20′ . wherein I found him , there remain 12 degrees 24′ . 33″ . and so far is Mangalòr distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North , and hath the Northern Pole so much elevated . At this time the heat at Mangalòr is such as it is at Rome in the moneth of Iune , or the end of August . December the eleventh , I went in the Morning about half a League from Mangalòr to see the Hermitage , where lives and reigns the Archimandrita of the Indian Gioghi , whom the Portugals ( usually liberal of the Royal Title ) style King of the Gioghi , perhaps because the Indians tearm him so in their Language ; and in effect he is Lord of a little circuit of Land , wherein , besides the Hermitage and the habitations of the Gioghi are some few Houses of the Country people , and a few very small Villages subject to his Government . The Hermitage stands on the side of a Hill , in this manner . On the edge of the Plain , where the ascent of the Hill begins , is a great Cistern or Lake , from which ascending a pair of stairs , with the face turn'd towards the North , you enter into a Gate , which hath a cover'd Porch , and is the first of the whole inclosure , which is surrounded with a wall and a ditch like a Fort. Being enter'd the said Gate , and going strait forward through a handsome broad Walk , bes●t on either side with sundry fruit-trees , you come to another Gate , where there are stairs and a Porch higher then the former . This opens into a square Piazza or great Court , in the middle whereof stands a Temple of indifferent greatness , and for Architecture like the other Temples of the Indian-Gentiles ; onely the Front looks towards the East , where the Hill riseth higher , and the South side of the Temple stands towards that Gate which leads into the Court. Behind the Temple , on the side of the Court , is a kind of Shed or Pent-house with a Charriot in it , which serves to carry the Idol in Procession upon certain Festivals . Also in two or three other places of the side of the Court , there are little square Chappels for other Idols . On the North side of the Court is another Gate opposite to the former , by which going out and ascending some few steps , you see a great Cistern or Lake of a long form , built about with black stone , and stairs leading down to the surface of the water ; in one place next the wall 't is divided into many little Cisterns , and it serves for the Ministers of the Temple to wash themselves in , and to perform their Ceremonies . The Gate of the Temple , as I said , looks Eastward , where the Hill begins to rise very high and steep . From the Front of the Temple to the top of the Hill , are long and broad stairs of the same black stone which lead up to it , and there the pla●e is afterwards plain . Where the stairs begin , stands a high , strait , and round brazen Pillar , ty'd about in several places with little fillets ; 't is about 60 Palms high , and one and a half thick from the bottom to the top , with little diminution . On this Pillar are plac'd about seventeen round brazen wheels , made with many spokes round about like stars : they are to support the lights in great Festivals , and are distant about three Palms one from another . The top terminates in a great brazen Candlestick of five branches ; of which the middlemost is highest , the other four of equal height . The foot of the Pillar is square , and hath an Idol engraven on each side ; the whole Engine is , or at least seems , all of a piece . The Temple , to wit , the inner part where the Idol stands , is likewise all cover'd with brass : They told me , the walls of the whole Inclosure , which are now cover'd with leavs , were sometimes cover'd with large plates of brass ; but that Venk-tapà Naieka carry'd the same away , when in the war of Mangalòr his Army pillag'd all these Countries ; which whether it be true or no , I know not . The walls of a less Inclosure ( wherein according to their custom the Temple stands ) are also surrounded on the outside with eleven wooden rails up to the top , distant one above another little more then an Architectical Palm ; these also serve to bear Lights in Festival occasions ; which must needs make a brave Shew , the Temple thereby appearing as if it were all on fire . This Temple is dedicated to an Idol call'd Moginàto ; of what form it is I know not , because they would not suffer us to enter in to see it . Having view'd the Temple , I ascended the Hill by the stairs , and passing a good way forward on the top thereof , came to the habitations of the Gioghi and their King ; the place is a Plain , and planted with many Trees , under which are rais'd many very great stone-pavements a little height above the ground , for them to sit upon in the shadow . There are an infinite number of little square Chappels with several Idols in them , and some places cover'd over head , but open round about , for the Gioghi to entertain themselves in . And lastly , there is the King's House , which is very low built ; I saw nothing of it , ( and believe there is nothing more ) but a small Porch , with walls round about colour'd with red , and painted with Elephants and other Animals : Besides , in one place a wooden thing like a little square bed , somewhat rais'd from the ground , and cover'd with a Cloth like a Tent ; they told me it was the place where the King us'd to reside , and perhaps also to sleep . The King was not here now , but was gone to a Shed or Cottage in a great plain field , to see something , I know not what , done . The Soil is very good , and kept in tillage ; where it is not plain , by reason of the steepness of the Hill , 't is planted with high goodly Trees , most of which bear fruit : And indeed , for a Hermitage so ill kept by people that know not , or cannot make it delightful , it seem'd to me sufficiently handsome . I believe , it was built by the Kings of Banghel whilst they flourish'd , for it lyes in their Territory , and that the place and the Seignory thereof was by them given to the Gioghi ; who , as they have no Wives , so the Dominion of this Hermitage and the adjacent Land , goes not by Inheritance but by Elective Succession . I thought to find abundance of Gioghi here , as in our Covents , but I saw not above one or two ; and they told me , they resort not together , but remain dispers'd here and there as they list , abide in several places in Temples where they please , nor are subject to their King in point of Obedience , as ours are to their Superior , but onely do him Reverence and Honour ; and at certain solemn times great numbers of them assemble here , to whom during their stay , the King supplies Victuals . In the Hermitage live many Servants of his and Labourers of the Earth , who till these Lands , whereby he gets Provision . They told me , that what he possesses within and without the Hermitage , yields him about five or six thousand Pagods yearly , the greatest part whereof he expends in Feasts , and the rest in diet , and in what is needful for the ordinary service of the Temple , and his Idols ; and that Venk-tapà Naieka had not yet taken Tribute of him , but 't was feared he would hereafter . At length I went to see the King of the Gioghi , and found him employed in his business after a mean sort , like a Peasant or Villager . He was an old man with a long white beard , but strong and lusty ; in either ear hung two little beads , which seemed to be of Gold , I know not whether empty or full , about the bigness of a Musket-bullet ; the holes of his ears were large , and the tips much stretched by the weight ; on his head he had a little red bonnet , such as our Galley-slaves wear , which caps are brought out of Europe to be sold in India with good profit . From the girdle upwards he was naked , onely he had a piece of Cotton wrought with Lozenges of several colours cross his shoulders ; he was not very low , and , for an Indian , of colour rather white then otherwise . He seemed a man of judgement , but upon tryal in sundry things , I found him not learned . He told me , that formerly he had Horses , Elephants , Palanchinoes , and a great equipage and power before , Venk-tapà Naieka took away all from him , so that now he had very little left . That within twenty dayes after , there was to be a great Feast in that place , to which many Gioghi would repair from several parts ; that it would be worth my seeing , and that I should meet one that could speak Arabick and Persian , and was very learned , who could give me satisfaction of many things ; and extolling the qualities of this Giogho , he told me that he had a very great Head ( to signifie the greatness of which , he made a great circle with his arms ) to wit , of hair , ruffled and long , and which had neither been cut nor combed a great while . I asked him to give me his Name in writing , for my Memory ; since I was come to see him . He answer'd me , ( as the Orientals for the most part do to such curious demands ) To what purpose was it ? and , in fine , he would not give it me ; but I perceiv'd 't was through a vain and ignorant fear , that it might be of some mischief to him . Nevertheless at my going away , I was told by others that he is call'd Batniato ; and that the Hermitage and all the adjacent places is call'd Cadirà . Having ended my discourse with the King , I came away , and , at the foot of the Hill , without the first gate of the Hermitage , rested to dine , till the heat were over , in the House or Cottage of one of the Peasants , ( there being a small Village there ) whose Wife set before us Rice , Caril , and Fish , which themselves also eat , being of a Race allow'd so to do . When the heat was past , I return'd fair and softly , as I went , to Mangalòr ; and arriv'd at home a good while before night . December the eighteenth , I prepar'd my self to go to Carnate to see that Queen ; whose Territory and City is , as I have said else-where , two or three Leagues distant from Mangalòr , upon the Sea-coast towards the North. The City stands upon a River which encompasses it , and over-flowes the Country round about , it was wont to be very strong both by Art and situation ; but during the war of Mangalòr , Venk-tapà Naieka coming with a great Army to subdue and pillage all these Countries , sent for this Queen to come and yield Obedience to him . The Queen , who , as I have heard , is a Lady of much Virtue and Prudence ; being unwilling to render her self to Venk-tapà , summoned her Captains together , told them , that she was ready to spend and give them all the Money and Jewels she had , and not to be wanting on her part to her utmost power , if they would prepare themselves to defend the State : But these Ministers , either through Cowardize or Treachery , would not attempt a defence : Whereupon the poor Queen , who as a Woman could do little by her self , ( her Son also being very young ) seeing her people disheartned , resolv'd by their advice to surrender her self to Venk-tapà Naieka ; and accordingly prepar'd to go to him with a good Guard of Souldiers . Which he hearing , sent to her to come alone without other company then her Attendants ; which she did , not voluntarily , but constrain'd thereto by her hard Fortune , and the little Faith of others . Venk-tapà receiv'd her honourably , and took her into his Friendship and Protection ; but withall he caus'd the City to be dismantled of the strong walls it had , to prevent her rebelling against him afterwards , and left her , as before , the Government of the State , tying her onely to Obedience , the payment of a Tribute , and the professing of a noble Vassallage to him . When they dismantled the City , the Queen ( they say ) unable to endure the sight , retir'd into a solitary place a little distant , cursing in those her solitudes the Pusillanimity and Infidelity of her own people , no less then the unfortunateness and weakness of the Portugals her defenders , to whom she had been always a faithful Friend . At this time she lives with her young Son , either in Carnate , or some other place thereabouts . Being mov'd by the Fame of this Queens Virtue , I was desirous to go and do her Reverence ; for which purpose I had gotten a Palanchino ready , and Men to carry me thither . But in the Morning of the above-said day , there put in to Mangalòr a Fleet of Portugal Ships , which they call l' armata del Canarà , because it coasts along the ruines of the Province Canarà ; or else l' armata della Colletta , for that it is maintain'd with the Money of a New Impost lay'd upon , and collected by the Portugals in their Indian Plantations . The General of this Fleet was Sig : Luis de Mendoza , a principal Cavalier or Fridalgo , ( as they speak ) young , but of very good parts . The Captain of one of the Ships was Sig : Ayres de Siqueira Baraccio , formerly my Friend at Goa , whom I expected that I might return thither in his Ship. Whereupon hearing of his Arrival , I went to seek him , and finding him already landed , I understood by him that this Fleet was to go to Calecut , in order to carry thither two Men of Samori King of Calecut , ( Samori is a Title given to all those Kings , like our Emperour or Caesar ) which Men he had a little before sent to Goa in the same Fleet , in another Voyage which it had made upon those Coasts , to try the Vice-Roy about a Peace ; ( for he had been many years , if not at War , yet at enmity with the Portugals ) saying , that if the Vice-Roy inclin'd to Peace , he would afterwards send Ambassadors with more solemnity , and treat of Articles . Now these Men were returning to Calecut with the Vice-Roy's Answer ; and , as Sig : Ayres said , the Fleet would depart from Mangalòr the same night , yet would return very shortly , because the General had Orders not to stay at Calecut above four and twenty hours , onely till he had landed these Men , and understood what Resolution the Samori gave in Answer , without giving him more time to think thereupon . That in their return the Fleet would touch at Mangalòr , and all the other Ports of that Coast , to take with them the Merchants Ships laden with Rice , ( which were now prepar'd , or a preparing ) and convoy them according to their custom to Goa , where , by reason of scarcity of provision , they were much desir'd . Hearing this News , I was ●●ath to lose the opportunity of seeing Calecut , ( the King whereof is one of the most famous among the Gentile Princes of India , and is likely to be at Peace but a little while with the Portugals ) and therefore resolved to go aboard the Ship of Sig : Ayres the same day , putting off my Journey to Carnate , whither I had hopes to go at my return . Accordingly dismissing the Palanchino , and the Men that were to carry me , together with the Servant I had taken at Barselòr , ( because he was not willing to go further with me ) , I went aboard alone without any Servant , assuring my self I could not want attendance , and what-ever else was needful in the Ship ; wherein I found Sig : Manoel Leyton , Son of Sig : Gio : Fernandez Leyton , embarqu'd as a Souldier ( which course of life he was now first enter'd upon ) , besides many other eminent Souldiers , who were afterwards very friendly to me , and with whom I spent many days in good conversation . December the nineteenth , We departed from Mangalòr , and went formost of all , because our Ship was Captain of the Vanguard . This day we pass'd by a high Hill discover'd within Land , call'd Monte Deli ; and the next day , ( December the twentieth ) by another , call'd Monte Fermoso . At night , we anchor'd under Cananòr , but enter'd not the Port , having sail'd from Mangalòr hither always Southwards eighteen Leagues . December the one and twentieth , Once in the Morning , and once in the Evening , we met with Paroes , which are very light Ships of the Malabar Rovers , of whom this Coast was full ; for at Mangalòr ends the Province of Canarà , and that of Malabar begins : We made ready our Arms both times to fight them , but they fled from us , and recover'd the mouths of the Rivers , whereof that Coast is full , where by reason it was their own Territory , and well guarded in those narrow and difficult places , we could not pursue them to take them ; onely we discharg'd some Guns against them at distance to no purpose , which were answer'd from that Land with the like ; we might easily have attempted , if not to take that which we saw in the Evening , yet at least to shatter it a far off with our Cannon , if the General had not had regard to the Land they recover'd , which belong'd to the Samori , to whom upon account of the Peace in agitation , he was willing to have respect . At night we came to Anchor under Calecut , which is twelve Leagues Southwards beyond Cananòr . December the two and twentieth , Early in the Morning the Samori's two Men landed at Calecut , and with them a Portugal common Souldier , but well clad and attended , whom the General sent to the King with the Vice-Roy's Answer , which was ; That the Vice-Roy was contented to treat of a Peace , and would gladly conclude it ; but on condition that the Samori made Peace too with the King of Cocin , the Portugals Confederate , whom it was not fit to léave out of the said Peace ; and the rather , because the greatest differences between the Portugals and the Samori were touching the King of Cocin , whom the Portugals justly defended as their faithful Friend , and had alwayes , to the dammage of the Samori , his perpetual Adversary , much supported ; That if the Samori were contented to make Peace with both , he should send his Ambassadors to Goa with power to treat of the conditions , and they should be receiv'd very well . Within a short time the Portugal return'd to the Fleet ; for the City of Calecut stands upon the shore , and the Samori's Royal Palace is not far off : And together with the Portugal , the Samori sent to the General a Portugal Boy , eight or ten years old , call'd Cicco , who in certain Revolutions of Cananòr , had been taken Prisoner , and was brought up in his Court ; he sent him well cloth'd , and accompany'd not onely with many persons , but also with Pipes and Drums , that he might visit the General in his Name , and give him a Present of Refreshments to eat , namely , Indian Figgs , Lagne , and other fruits . His Answer to the business was , that the Peace should be first made between himself and the Portugals , and afterwards the Interests of the King of Cocin should be taken into consideration ; withall , desiring the General that he would vouchsafe to stay a while till he had better advis'd with his Ministers , and deliberated about sending Ambassadors to Goa in the same Fleet ; with other Reasons , which were judg'd rather excuses to put off the time , and hold the Portugals in a Treaty of Peace , till some very rich Ships of his which he expected from Meccha were return'd , lest the Portugals should molest them at Sea ; than real intentions for a Peace , especially with the King of Cocin , with whom he hath long and intricate discords , not so easily to be terminated . The Portugals also demanded , that the Samori would remove a Garrison which he had plac'd in certain Confines , where they for their own security , and the defence of the King of Cocin , were fain to keep a Fort continually , with a great Garrison and at much expence : And because he shew'd not much inclination thereunto , it was not without cause judg'd that his Treaties were Artifices , to hold the Portugals in suspence ; wherefore the General sent him word , That he had express Order from the Vice-Roy not to stay longer at Calecut then twenty four hours , and so long he would stay : If within that time the Samori took a Resolution sutable to the Vice-Roy's Propositions , he would carry his Ambassador with a good will ; otherwise , he intended to depart the next night , all the intermediate day being allow'd his Highness to determine . With this Reply he re-manded the young Child Cicco , honor'd with some small Presents , and the other Men that came with him , without sending any of his Portugals on purpose , or going ashore to refresh himself and visit the Samori , as he was by him invited ; the Vice-Roy having given him secret Instruction not to trust him too far , because these Kings Samori had never been very faithful towards the Portugals . Nevertheless the General forbad not any Souldiers to land that were so minded , so that many of them went ashore , some to walk up and down , some to buy things , and some to do other business ; as also many people came to the Fleet in little boats , partly , to sell things , and partly , out of curiosity to see the Portugals , who in regard of their almost continual enmity with the Samori , seldom us'd to be seen in Calecut . The same day , ( December the two and twentieth ) whilst we were aboard in the Port of Calecut , I took the Sun's Altitude with my Astrolabe , and found him to decline at Noon from the Zenith 34 degrees and 50 minutes . The Sun was this day in the thirtieth degree of Sagittary ; whence according to my Canon of Declination , which I had from F. Frà Paolo Maria Cittadini , he declin'd from the Aequinoctial towards the South 23 degrees and 28 minutes , which according to that Canon is the greatest Declination ; if it be not really so , the little that is wanting may be allowed for the anticipation of four hours , if not more , that the Noon-tide falls sooner at Calecut than in any other Meridian of Europe , according to which my Canon of Declination shall be calculated ; so that if from the 34 degrees 50 minutes in which I found the Sun , you substract the 23 dgrees 28′ . which I presuppose him to decline from the Aequinoctial towards the South , the remainder is 11 degrees 22′ . and so much is the Elevation of the North Pole in this place ; and consequently , the City of Calecut lyes 11 degrees 22′ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North. After dinner , I landed also with the Captain of my Ship , and some other Souldiers ; we went to see the Bazar , which is near the shore ; the Houses , or rather Cottages are built of Earth and Palm-leav's , being very low ; the Streets also are very narrow , but indifferently long ; the Market was full of all sorts of provision , and other things necessary to the livelihood of that people , conformable to their Custom ; for as for Clothing , they need little , both Men and Women going quite naked , saving that they have a piece either of Cotton or Silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees , and covering their shame ; the better sort are wont to wear it either all blew , or white strip'd with Azure , or Azure and some other colour ; a dark blew being most esteem'd amongst them . Moreover , both Men and Women wear their hair long , and ty'd about the head ; the Women , with a lock hanging on one side under the ear becommingly enough , as almost all Indian-Women do ; the dressing of whose head , is , in my opinion , the gallantest that I have seen in any other Nation : The Men have a lock hanging down from the crown of the head , sometimes a little inclin'd on one side ; some of them use a small colour'd head-band , but the Women use none at all . Both sexes have their arms full of bracelets , their ears of pendants , and their necks of jewels ; the Men commonly go with their naked Swords and Bucklers , or other Arms in their hands , as I said of those of Balagate . The Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Calecut , and the In-land parts , especially the better sort , are all Gentiles , of the Race Nairi for the most part , by profession Souldiers , sufficiently swashing and brave : But the Sea-coasts are full of Malabari , an adventitious people , though of long standing ; for Marco Polo who writ four hundred years since , makes mention of them ; they live confusedly with the Pagans , and speak the same Language , but yet are Mahometans in Religion . From them , all that Country for a long tract together is call'd Malabar , famous in India for the continual Robberies committed at Sea by the Malabar Thieves ; whence in the Bazar of Calecut , besides the things above-mention'd , we saw sold good store of the Portugals commodities , as Swords , Arms , Books , Clothes of Goa , and the like Merchandizes taken from Portugal Vessels at Sea ; which things , because stollen , and in regard of the Excommunication which lyes upon us in that case , are not bought by our Christians . Having seen the Bazar , and stay'd there till it was late , we were minded to see the more inward and noble parts of the City , and the out-side of the King's Palace ; for to see the King at that hour we had no intention , nor did we come prepar'd for it , but were in the same garb which we wore in the Ship. Accordingly we walk'd a good way towards the Palace , for the City is great , and we found it to consist of plots beset with abundance of high Trees , amongst the boughs whereof , a great many of wild Monkies ; and within these close Groves , stand the Houses , for the most part at a distance from the common Wayes or Streets ; they appear but little , few of their outsides being seen , besides the low walls made of a black stone surrounding these plots , and dividing them from the Streets , which are much better than those of the Bazar , but without any ornament of Windows ; so that he that walks through the City , may think that he is rather in the midst of uninhabited Gardens , than of an inhabited City : Nevertheless it is well peopled , and hath many Inhabitants , whose being contented with narrow buildings , is the cause that it appears but small . As we walked in this manner , we met one of those Men who had been at Goa with the Vice-Roy ; and because he saw us many together , and imagin'd there was some person of quality amongst us , or because he knew our General , he invited us to go with him to his King's Palace ; and going before us as our guide , conducted us thither . He also sent one before to advertise the King of our coming , and told us , we must by all means go to see him , because his Highness was desirous to see us and talk with us : Wherefore , not to appear discourteous , we were constrein'd to consent to his Request , notwithstanding the unexpectedness of , and our unpreparedness for , the visit . The first and principal Gate of the Palace opens upon a little Piazza , which is beset with certain very great Trees , affording a delightful shadow . I saw no Guard before it , it was great and open ; but before it , was a row of Balisters , about four or five foot from the ground , which serv'd to keep out not onely Horses and other Animals , but also Men upon occasion . In the middle was a little pair of Stairs without the Gate leading into it , and another within on the other side . Yet , I believe , both the Stairs and the Balisters are moveable , because 't is likely that when the King comes forth , the Gate is clearly open ; otherwise it would not be handsome , but this is onely my conjecture . We enter'd this Gate , ascending the Stairs upon the Rails , where we were met by the Messenger whom the above-said person had sent to the King , and who again invited us into the Palace by the Kings Order . Within the Gate we found a great Court , of a long form , without any just and proportionate figure of Architecture ; on the sides , were many lodgings in several places , and in the middle , were planted divers great Trees for shadow : The King 's chief apartment , and ( as I believe , by what I shall mention hereafter ) where his Women were , was at the end of the Court , opposite to the left side of the Entrance . The Edifice , in comparison of ours , was of little consideration ; but , according to their mode , both for greatness and appearance , capable of a Royal Family . It had a cover'd porch in that form , as all their structures have , and within that was a door of no great largeness leading into the House . Here we found Cicco the Portugal youth , become an Indian in Habit and Language , but , as himself told us , and as his Portugal Name , which he still retain'd among the Gentiles , demonstrated , no Renegado but a Christian ; which I rather believe , because indeed the Indian-Gentiles admit not , nor care to admit other strangers to their Religion , as I have elsewhere noted ; for conjoyning so inseparately , as they do , their Religion to the Descents or Races of Men , as a Man can never be of other Race then what he was born of ; so they also think that he neither can nor ought to be of any other Religion , although in Habit , Language , and Customes , he accommodate himself to the people with whom he lives . With the said Cicco we found many other of the King's Courtiers who waited for us , and here we convers'd with them a good while before the Gate , expecting a new Message from the King , who , they told us , was now bathing himself , according to their custom , after supper . Nor was it long before Order came from the King for us to enter , and accordingly we were introduc'd into that second Gate ; and passing by a close room like a chamber , ( in which I saw the Image of Brahmà upon his Peacock , and other Idolets ) we enter'd into a little open Court , surrounded with two rows of narrow and low Cloysters , to wit , one level with the ground , and the other somewhat higher . The pavement of the porch was also something rais'd above the plane of the Court , so much as might serve for a Man to sit after our manner . The King was not in this small Court , but they told us we must attend him here , and he would come presently : Whereupon we betook our selves to sit down upon that rais'd pavement of the porch , the Courtiers standing round about us ; amongst which , the Portugal Cicco , and another Indian Man , ( who , as they said , was a Christian , and being sometimes a slave to the Portugals , had fled hither for Liberty , and was entertain'd in the King's Guard ) serv'd us for Interpreters ; but not well , because the Man spoke not the Portugal Tongue so much as tolerably , and Cicco having been taken when he was very young , remembred but little of his own Language . No sooner were we seated in this place , but two Girls about twelve years old enter'd at the same Gate whereat we came in ; they were all naked , ( as , I said above , the Women generally go ) saving that they had a very small blew cloth wrap'd about their immodesties , and their Arms , Ears , and Necks , were full of ornaments of Gold and very rich Jewels . Their colour was somewhat swarthy , as all these Nations are , but in respect of others of the same Country , clear enough ; and their shape no less proportionable and comely , than their aspect was handsome and wel-favour'd . They were both the Daughters , as they told us , of the Queen , that is , not of the King but of his Sister , who is styl'd , and in effect is , Queen ; for these Gentiles using to derive the descent and inheritance by the line of the Women , though the Government is allow'd to Men , as more fit for it , and he that governes is call'd King ; yet the King's Sister , and , amongst them , ( if there be more then one ) she to whom , by reason of Age , or for other respects it belongs , is call'd , and properly is Queen , and not any Wife or Concubine of the King , who ha's many . So also when the King , ( who governes upon the account of being Son of the Queen-Mother ) happens to dye , his own Sons succeed him not , ( because they are not the Sons of the Queen ) but the Sons of his Sister ; or in defect of such , those of the nearest Kins-women by the same Female line : So that these two Girls , whom I call the Nieces of the Samori , were right Princesses or Infantaes of the Kingdom of Calecut . Upon their entrance where we were , all the Courtiers present shew'd great Reverence to them ; and we , understanding who they were , arose from our seat , and having saluted them , stood all the time afterwards before them bare-headed . For want of Language we spoke not to them , because the above-said Indian-slave was retir'd at a distance upon their coming , giving place to other more noble Courtiers : And Cicco stood so demurely by us , that he durst not lift up his eyes to behold them , much less speak ; having already learnt the Court-fashions and good manners of the place . Nevertheless they talk'd much together concerning us , as they stood , and we also of them , and all smil'd without understanding one another . One of them being more forward could not contain , but approaching gently towards me , almost touch'd the Sleeve of my Coat with her hand , making a sign of wonder to her Sister , how we could go so wrap'd up and intangled in clothes as we seem'd to her to be : Such is the power of Custom , that their going naked seem'd no more strange to us , than our being cloth'd appear'd extravagant to them . After a short space the King came in at the same door , accompany'd with many others . He was a young Man of thirty or five and thirty years of Age , to my thinking ; of a large bulk of body , sufficiently fair for an Indian , and of a handsome presence . He is call'd ( as a principal Courtier , whom I afterwards ask'd , told me ) by the proper name of Vikirà . His Beard was somewhat long , and equally round about his Face ; he was naked , having onely a piece of fine changeable cotten cloth , blew and white , hanging from the girdle to the middle of the Leg. He had divers bracelets on his Arms , pendants at his Ears , and other ornaments with many Jewels and rubies of value . In his Hand he carry'd a painted staff , ( if it were not an Indian Cane ) like a Shep-herd's staff , upon which fix'd in the earth , just as Shep-herds are represented in our Comedies , he stood leaning for a while . When he was saluted by us , he receiv'd us smiling , and with much courtesie ; and whilst his two Neeces stood by him leaning against a high banck to sit upon , we stood orderly in the Court just before the King ; and the whole Court and the Porches being full of other Courtiers who came in , partly , with the King , and partly , by some other little entrances . I will not omit the manner how those that entred saluted the King ; for I saw more then one do it , and particularly , a Youth who enter'd a good while after the King by one of those little Gates ; to whom in particular the King spake much , and of whom he seemed to make great account . In his salutation he advanced his joyned Hands over his Head , then parting them a little , so extended and exalted , he smote them lightly together twice or thrice , to wit , the palm of one Hand with the four longest Fingers of the other joyned together ; which whole action he repeated twice or thrice . Such as had weapons , lifted up their joyned Hands above their Heads , with their Swords , Ponyards , Bucklers , or other Arms in them ; and instead of striking with their Fingers , as by reason of their Arms they could not , they bowed down their Hands so conjoyned , and made the points of their Swords touch the ground . No less full were the higher Cloysters round about of Women , who stood there to behold us ; amongst whom stood apart in the most eminent place the Queen , Sister to the King , a Woman of ripe Age , cloth'd in blew Cotton as to her lower parts , and abundantly adorned with Jewels . The King desiring to talk with us , caused the youth Cicco to draw near , and afterwards called for the Indian Slave above-mentioned ; because Cicco , either out of excessive Reverence , or for that he had forgotten the Portugal-Tongue , durst not undertake to interpret . He asked our Captain who he was , and how called ? The Captain would not confess himself Captain of a Ship , and so become known , but counterfeiting another Name , said , he was a private Souldier , and Companion to the rest of us ; which the King seemed not to believe . He enquired likewise concerning the other Souldiers present ; and above all , very particularly concerning me , pointing at the pendant which I wore in my Ear , almost like their Custom of India , and looking upon me for it with some wonder , as a thing which he knew not-usual among the Portugals ; whereupon I told him who I was , to wit , of what Country , and something I said briefly concerning the curiosity of my Travells ; that I had run through so many Countries onely to see the world , and was at length come to his Court , being no Portugal , but of Rome , a different and remote Nation from Portugal ; with all which he seem'd well pleas'd . He bid us several times put on our Hats ; but our Captain , whose example 't was fit for 〈◊〉 to follow , being resolv'd not to make himself known , not onely would not do it , but refus'd it both by gestures and words , which I liked not well ; for shaking his Head and smiling , he answer'd that he would not , that they should not cause him to commit that false Latine , what ever else he did ; that indeed it was not a thing to be jeasted in , with other such gallantries ; he conceiving , as I believe , that herein consisted all the punctuality of this Audience on his part : So that none of the rest of us cover'd himself ; but it would not have been ill done , if the favour had been with better Answers then by saying , as the Captain did twice or thrice , ( with greater Courtship , as he thought ) that it was hot , and therefore he would not put on his Hat , which his smiling betray'd to be but an excuse ; though he conceiv'd he thereby shew'd himself an excellent Courtier , Then the King began to speak to our Captain , ( whom he well perceiv'd to be the Chief of the company ) concerning the Peace ; yet saying no more then what he had signifi'd to our General , and desiring him to perswade the General not to depart so soon from Calecut , but to stay till he had consulted better with his Ministers , and had time to give a better and more determinate Resolution . The Captain answer'd cuningly , that these matters did not belong to him , who was a private Souldier , and was come thither onely to see the City and the Palace , whither he had been unexpectedly invited by his Highness ; that as to the Peace , it was to be treated of with the General , who had already answered his Highness as far as he could , according to the Orders given him by the Vice-Roy ; nevertheless that in Obedience to his Highness , he would deliver this Message to him in the Evening . The King saw that a Souldier of ours had one of those Harquebuzes , which the Portugals call Baccamarti , which are very short , of a large bore , and with a Fire-lock after the English-fashion . He asked to have it brought to him to look upon ; whereupon a Courtier taking it out of the Souldier's Hand reach'd it to the King , not giving it into his Hand , ( for 't is not lawful for them to touch a thing at the same time with the King ) but ( because it would neither have been handsome to have lay'd it down on the ground for the King to take it up ) therefore he took this course ; He set the but-end of the Harquebuz upon the ground at a little distance from the King , and then giving the bore-end a gentle cast from himself , made it fall into the Hands of the King , who held them ready for that purpose . The King taking the Harquebuz in his Hand , presently shaked the powder out of the pan upon the ground , lest any disaster should befall him , ( for he perceived it was charged ) then lifting it up to his Eye , he looked through the sight , shewing thereby that he was a good markes-man , as they told us afterwards he was . He look'd much upon the Fire-lock as a thing unknown to them , for their Guns have onely match ; and being he seemed much taken with this piece , I told the Captain it would be handsome to present it to him , and indeed had it been mine , I should willingly have given it him . The Captain spoke to the Souldier , who , uncapable of such noble thoughts , answered that he would give it to the King if he might have forty Piasters for it , which was above twice the value . So that the King not offering to buy it , nor the Captain to lay out so much Money in order to present it to him , the pleasuring him therewith was waved ; nor was it otherwise offered to him , as in my opinion Civility required . Nevertheless the King never let it it go out of his Hand so long as we were with him . Afterwards he shewed us a little Parrot standing in an open Cage under the Cloyster , he endeavoured to cause it to speak in our presence ; and because our Interpreters were not very good , he sent to call an eminent Servant of his , who spoke the Portugal-Tongue better , to come and interpret in this Conversation . The Signori Portoghesi my Companions , little accustomed to Princes Courts , though otherwise well bred , gave me occasion to laugh within my self at two things . The first was , that it appearing to them unhandsome , that the King stood all the while he discoursed with us , as he did ; or at most , leaned onely on the wall or his staff ; they took upon them to speak to his Highness to sit down , and not put himself to such trouble . I disswaded the Captain from it by all means , because Kings are Kings , and sit or stand when they please , and do what they list , 't is their part to command ; nor are we to use those Complements with them which we do to our equals , but always leave them to their own will and pleasure , for this is the breeding of the Court : But my counsel prevailed little , for the Captain was resolved to speak and desire him to sit down , as he did , not once , but twice or thrice ; of which , nevertheless the King made little account , and answered onely with a smile . The second thing that made me laugh , was , that when the King enter'd into the little Court , the door whereat he and we had enter'd before , was immediately made fast with an Iron barr , people also standing continually to guard it ; and so likewise when any one came in , or was sent out by the King , it was presently shut with diligence . The Captain and the other Portugals did not like this shutting of the door , and began presently to mutter amongst themselves , and to suspect that the King intended to detain them prisoners there , or to put some trick upon them ; and what would the General and others say in Goa ; for their coming to put themselves in a Cage thus , without the order and leave of their General , onely upon meer curiosity ? I advis'd them to be quiet , telling them that it was not befitting a King to do such an act , nor was there any occasion why the King should be so treacherous ; that we were not so many , nor so considerable that the doing thereof would be of any profit to him , or damage to the Portugal Nation . That it was fit the doors should be shut whilst the King was there in that manner giving Audience to so many strangers together , arm'd , and of so little confidence with him as we were : That on the contrary , he had done us much Honour in inviting and admitting us to his presence with all our weapons , there being no Ambassador , nor publick person , or so much as known amongst us . This partly quieted them , although they very ill indur'd to see themselves shut up . I told them further , that it belong'd to the King to dismiss us when he pleas'd , and that , should we be late , the General would excuse us for our delay , at least , if not for our too-great Curiosity , which yet was no high crime as the case stood , almost all the Souldiers being come a shore this day . Nevertheless they twice or thrice demanded of the King that he would let them go , alledging that it was already late to return aboard , as indeed it was ; but the King alwayes exens'd it , and would not dismiss them , saying , That we must stay till the Man he had sent for was come , because he was desirous to talk a little better with us , and that he would send us aboard in his own Boats , at any time when it should be needful ; for , there being no form'd Harbour at Calecui , but an open shoare , the Ships rode at a good distance from the Land. At length came the expected Interpreter , who was a prime Brachman , and a Man of great Authority with the King ; for I observed , that he alone of all that were present , leaned upon his staff as the King did , and , as himself said , he had sometimes treated of weighty affairs on his Kings behalf with the Portugals in the enterprize of Cognale , perhaps not in the dayes of this Samori , but of his Predecessor : So that he said , he was very well known to the Vice-Roy , and the chief Captains of Goa vers'd in those parts . Upon the entrance of this Man , the King call'd our Captain to come up to him upon the raised pavement of the Porch ; he refused at first twice or thrice , but at length was prevailed with by the instances both of the King himself , and of this Brachman . Here the King fell largely to discourse with him , and with us about the Peace , about his desire to have the Fleet stay a while longer for establishing a firm Friendship with the Portugals , and about divers other things ; many of which were the same that he had spoken before . In short , the Audience lasted till night , the two little Ladies his Neeces , being present almost all the time , ( for they went and came now and then ) and the Queen in the upper Cloyster ; in beholding of whom , to speak truth , I was more attentive than in all hearing these discourses , which I well saw were of little importance , and therefore I cannot relate more punctually . At length it growing dark , upon our Captain 's importunity the King dismiss'd us , and the door being open'd , we were suffer'd to go forth ; but first he caus'd many branches of Indian Figs and Lagne , to be brought and presented to us ; the Courtiers giving them to our Captain and the other Souldiers , not by stretching forth the Hand , but by tossing them in the Air , as their custom is , I believe , to avoid being contaminated by our contact . The King did the like , when at our departure he restor'd the Harquebuz to its owner ; for he cast it after the same manner into the Hands of one of his Courtiers as it was cast to him , but gently , and with much care lest it should fall , bowing himself almost to the ground for that purpose , as it was necessary to do by reason of the shortness of the piece . These Ceremonies , of not being touch'd , and the like , of which in publick demonstration they are so rigorous , yet in secret and when they please , they do not so exactly observe . And 't was told us of this King , that he is a great drinker of Wine , though rigorously prohibited by his Religion , and that he hath sometimes eaten and drunk at the same Table with Portugals very familiarly ; and that he is a Man of very affable humour , and a great friend to a jovial life , as also his carriage towards us demonstrated . Besides the Lagne and Figs which he appointed some of his Servants to carry for us even to the Boats , he gave our Captain a wild Pig alive , which he caus'd to be brought from some inner rooms of the Court , and being ty'd with a rope to be carry'd likewise to the Sea-side , whither also he sent many , and some of the principal of his Courtiers , to accompany us . A little after us he sent again to the General , one of those two Men which had been at Goa , ( to wit , he who conducted us to the Palace , and was present at the whole Audience ) to visit the General in his Name , carry him new refreshments of Fruits , and desire him not to depart so soon . But before I proceed further , for the better understanding of what I have already written , I will here present to your view a rough and unmeasur'd Plat-form of the Samori's Palace , and the place where he gave us Audience . numbered floorplan of palace platform 1. The little Piazza without the first Gate of the Palace . 2. The first Gate guarded with Balisters . 3. A great Court within the first Gate , which should be longer in proportion to the bredth , but is drawn thus in regard of the scantness of the paper , it hath lodgings about it in several places . 4. The King's House , and the Apartment of his Women . 5. The Porch of the said House . 6. The second Gate . 7. A dark Room lock'd up 8. A Door leading into the little Court. 9. Several Lodgings . 10. The little Court. 11. The place whence the wild Swine was brought . 12. The King denoted in several places , according as he mov'd whilst he was speaking . 13. The King 's two Neeces . 14. A great Man of the King 's , who serv'd for Interpreter . 15. The Queen in the higher Cloyster . 16. Our Company , with a greater number of Courtiers on each side of us , than the place allows to be here denoted . 17. Our Captain in the close of the Audience , and when he receiv'd the Lagne . Being dismiss'd by the Samori , as is above-said , we return'd to the Sea-side to go aboard , it being now night ; but because there were but two or three very small boats , in each of which not above two or three could go at a time , in regard the Sea was some-what rough , and we were many , it came to be above one a clock in the night before we all got aboard . Our Captain was one of the first , and he went presently to give an account of what had pass'd this day between us and the Samori to the General , who was minded to depart forth-with ; but understanding that the Souldiers were not yet all embarqued , and particularly , the Captain telling him that I was still on shore , he gave order to move but slowly in expectation of me . In the mean time the Samori's Messenger went to him to desire him to stay a little longer ; whereupon the General , though he knew it would be of little importance in reference to the Treaty of Peace , yet not to appear discourteous , and perhaps also upon account of some expediency in order to our Navigation , he determined to stay all this night in the Port of Calecut . The Messenger returning ashoar with this answer , found me alone of all the Fleer , still there , where some of the principal Nairi kept me company all the while , and left me not till they saw me in the Boat , using much diligence , to dispatch all others as soon as possible ; and in the mean time that we waited , which was above an hour , holding me by the hand , and expressing many other caresses and demonstrations of kindness to me . Before I leave Calecut , I shall here observe one strange custom of the people of these parts . The Gentil Nairi have no peculiar Wives ; but all Women are common amongst them ; and when any man repairs to visit one of them , he leaves his weapons at the door , which sign sufficiently debars all others from entring in to disturb him ; nor does this course beget any disgust or jealousie . The Women are maintained by those men that have to do with them . The children neither seek nor many times know , who their Father is , but that descent by the Mother's side is alone considered , and according to that all inheritances are transferred . The same is observed among Princes and their Wives ; the Queens , who are the King's Sisters , use to marry other neighbouring Kings , and go into their States to have children , who are to succeed in the Kingdoms of their Uncles , and by this means are of Royal blood both by Father and Mother . These Princesses are held in great esteem by the Kings their Husbands ; yet if they are minded to try other men , they are not prohibited , but may and oftentimes do so , making use of whom they fancy for their pleasure , but especially of some Brachmans or other of their Husband 's principal Courtiers , who with their privity and consent are wont to converse and practise with them most intrinsecally in the Palace . The King , and all others , as I have said , commonly go naked ; only they have a cloth wherewith they are girded , reaching to the mid-leg . Yet when upon any occasion the King is minded to appear much in Majesty , he puts on only a white Vestment of very fine Cotton , never using either Cloth of Gold or Silk . Others also when they please may wear the like garment but not in the King's presence , in which 't is not lawful for any to appear otherwise then naked , saving the Cloth above-mentioned . The Arms which every one wears , must not be laid aside at any time , especially not before the King ; and , as I have elsewhere noted , every one keeps to one sort of Arms , which he first takes to , without ever changing . When two Kings happen to war together , each Army takes great heed not to kill the contrary King ; nor so much as to strike his Umbrella wherever it goes , which is amongst them the Ensign of Royalty ; because , besides that it would be a great sin to have a hand in Royal blood , the party or side which should kill or wound him , would expose themselves to great and irreparable mischiefs , in regard of the Obligation the whole Kingdom of the wounded or slain King hath to revenge him with the greatest destruction of their enemies , even with the certain loss of their own lives if it be needful . By how much such Kings are of greater dignity among them , so much longer this obligation of furious revenge endureth . So that if the Samori should be killed or wounded by the Army of the King of Cocin , who is his enemy , but of greater dignity ; the people of the Samori stand obliged to one day of revenge , ( others say three days ) during which , every one is obliged to act their utmost to the utter destruction of those of Cocin , even with the manifest hazard of their own . But if the King of Cocin , who hath a greater repute , for honour at least , if not for power , should happen to be slain or wounded , by the people of the Samori ; the fury of revenge is to last in those of Cocin all the time of their lives , ( others say once a year ) which would cause a great destruction of both sides . They call this term of time , or manner of revenge , Amocò ; so that they say , the Amocò of the Samori lasts one day ; the Amocò of the King of Cocin lasts all the life , and so of others . Of the Malabars who live mixt with the Nairi in the Maritime Parts , and are Moors in Religion and all other Customs ; I heard onely this Remarkable , That by a receiv'd and universal practise amongst the Women , they will never lie under the Men in the Act of Coition ; which , because a thing extraordinary , I would not omit to mention . December the twenty third , A good while after Sun-rise we departed from Calecut , but had the wind all day against us , and made but little way . At night we cast Anchor , because there is seldom wind enough for sailing in the night time ; and being we coasted along the shore , we might cast Anchor at any time we pleas'd . December the twenty fourth , We had the wind contrary again , making very little way ; so that we cast Anchor many times , and in the Evening , because it was Christmass-Eve , the Litanies were sung in all the Ships ; and afterwards we had Collations of Sweet-meats , and celebrated the Feast as well as the place afforded . In our Ship , some Souldiers , who were employ'd to make a sort of sweet fritters of Sugar , for sport put into many of them certain powders which caused giddiness ; so that almost all the Souldiers that ate of them , after the Collation seem'd drunk , and were constrain'd to betake themselves to sleep , which they did all night much more then that time and place requir'd ; for , had Enemies come , the greatest part of the Souldiers being in this manner , I know not how we should have done . December the twenty fifth , By break of day we arriv'd at Cananòr , where we presently landed to hear the divine Offices . Cananòr is a little place upon the shore , but near a Promontory , which makes a kind of Haven . The City is surrounded with walls , not very strong and well made , but in some places I know not by what negligence decay'd . It hath four Churches , to wit , La Sede , or the Cathedral ; La Misericordia , which is a Confraternity , and much like our Monte della Pieta , Santo Spirito , and other such ; it hath correspondence with an other : There are of them in all the Plantations of the Portugals , and they do many good works ; for almost all the pious works , which amongst us are done by divers Houses and Societies , this one place of La Misericordia do's amongst the Portugals ; as , keeping of things Deposited ; transmitting Bils of Exchange safe ; relieving the poor , the sick , and imprisoned ; maintaining expos'd Children ; marrying young Maids ; keeping Women of ill Lives when converted ; redeeming Slaves ; and , in short , all works of Mercy , whereof a City or Country can have need . A pious thing indeed , and of infinite benefit to the Publick ; the rather because they are in all Territories of the Portugals , and hold correspondence together , even those of India with those of Portugal ; so that they all seem but one body extending its members and influences incredibly profitable to several Countries . This pious Place is govern'd by Secular Confreres ; to which Confraternity none are admitted but worthy Persons , upon certain decent Conditions , and to a set number . So that the good Works which they do , and the great sums expended therein every year , accrew to the benefit not only of the Confreres , but of the Publick in general , with much Charity ; so that I do not account my time lost in making this little Digression . The third Church of Cananòr is San Francesco , where the Fryers of that Order reside ; and the fourth , if I remember right , is Santa Maria della Vittorià . Without Cananòr is an entrench'd Fort , contiguous to the walls of the City , and under the Portugals jurisdiction : But about a musket-shot distant , or more , is a great Village , which they call the Bazàr , where all sorts of Provisions and other Merchandizes are sold ; the Building is like that of Calecut , and perhaps better ; yet this is under the jurisdiction of the Gentiles , ( though the Inhabitants are in great part Malabar-Moors ) and by derivative Authority from a King of this Country whom they call the King of Cananòr , and who resides far from the Sea ; 't is govern'd by a famous Malabar-Moor , nam'd Agà Begel , whose House I saw , but not himself , having spent this whole day in walking up and down Cananòr , and the Bazar of the Gentiles ; for I dined with our Captain on shore in the House of a Portugal married there : At night having viewed all , and bought abundance of dried Indian Figgs , and many Vessels of Conserves of the Pulp of young Indian Cane or Bambù , ( which is very good to eat after this manner ) of green Pepper , Cittrons , and other Fruits wont to be pickled by them in Vineger , and vendible here , very good , and in great plenty , at length we returned a Ship-board . December the twenty sixth , We set sail from Cananòr ; but for three dayes together sailed but little by reason of the accustom'd contrary wind , and our casting Anchor frequently as well in the day time as the night . December the twenty ninth , We passed before Cagnarotto , whence some Men came in a Boat from the King of Banghel , ( who lives there in Sanctuary with the King of that place his Friend and Kinsman ) to visit and present our General in the Name of their Lord. December the thirtieth , About noon we entred the Port of Mangalòr . I had a desire to go to Carnate to see that Queen , and had already given Money for a Boat to carry me thither , being I might sooner and better go so then with a Palanchino ; but this journey was disappointed as well as my former , I know not by what unhappy destiny ; for I understood that the Fleet was by all means to depart from Mangalòr the next day , so that I could not have time to go and return ; and if I lost the opportunity of this Fleet , God knows when I should have another of passing to Goa , whither other considerations of my business required me to repair as soon as might be . So I deferr'd my going to Carnate , but with no small regret ; for being deprived of the knowledge of that Queen , who was reported to me for a Lady of great Worth and Valour . Whilest we stayed ashore , I went to the Church of San Francesco to visit those Fathers , where I found the General of our Fleet , Sig : Luis de Mendoza , whom I had never seen before . I found him a very compleat and gallant Cavalier , and , having been bred in the Court of Spain the Queens Page , a much better Courtier then other Portugal Cavaliers of India , who have not seen other Countries , are wont to be . December the one and thirtieth , I heard Mass in the fore-noon and dined a shore with the Brother of Signor Tomè de Barrios , my Friend in Goa , at the House of the Padre Vicario of Mangalòr , named — , and known to me likewise at Goa . In the Evening I went aboard , and when it was dark we went out of the mouth of the Port to put our selves before the whole Cafila , which here began to joyn with our Fleet , very numerous indeed , consisting of above a hundred and fifty Ships , laden with Rice , which were going to Goa , from whence all that Provision is dispersed abroad ; of which Cafila , our Ship being Captain of the Vant-guard , it behooved us to go first ; but being the Cafila was so great , we cast Anchor just without the mouth of the Port , there expecting the day , and a sign to be given us by the General with his Canon : For it was requisite for all to keep as close together as possible , to the end that so many Ships of Merchandize , ( disarmed and without Souldiers , saving the Convoy of the few Ships of our Fleet , some of which went before , some in the middle , and some alwayes behind ) might go secure from the assaults and surprizes of Pirates ; and indeed , to guard so many disarmed and laden Ships , that took up so much room at Sea , with so few armed Vessels , was no easie matter . But so it was , that we above all the rest were to take particular care that no Ship got before us , or separated from the Company , lest some disaster might befall them . On the first of Ianuary , 1624. We set sail from Mangalòr towards Goa , with the whole Cafila , which encreased hourly ; other Merchant Ships joyning with us at all the Ports by which we passed , we giving them a sign with our Canon , and many times waiting for them till they came out . This first day we sailed not above three Leagues , and anchored under Carnate , but not in such a place and time that I could go to see the Queen as I desired . Ianuary the second , We set forth again very early , but a contrary North-West wind arising caus'd us to anchor among the Rocks , which they call Scogli di Santa Maria ; whence some Men that went on shore , brought me some Jasmen , of a very goodly Scarlet-colour , of which sort I had never seen any Jasmen before , in any other place of the world ; but for smell , it had little or none at all . Ianuary the third , We set forth again at our usual hour , and the wind began to blow from the land , which in that place is on the East . We pass'd by Barselòr , and , a League beyond , anchored at the Rock of Camboli , where we waited for the Cafila of Barselòr ; we not entring there our selves , that it might dispatch the sooner . Ianuary the fifth , Whilst we stay'd at Camboli expecting the coming forth of all the Cafila of Barselòr , in the Morning we discover'd twelve Ships coming towards us from the South ; and knowing that they were not Merchants but Men of War , and having no News of any Armado that was to come from Goa at this time , we judg'd them to be Paroes of Malabar-Pirats , as indeed they appear'd ; for the said Paroes are almost like the Ships of the Portugals , but somewhat lighter . And because we saw them make directly up to us , we prepar'd for fight , and sailed forwards to meet them ; assuring our selves , that if they were Paroes , they came to assault us ; since they could not but know that the Ships of our Armado , which alone were fit for fight , were fewer then theirs , and that the other Merchants Ships of the Cafila , whom we convoy'd , could serve for nothing else but either to fly away , if they were able , or to increase their booty in case our few arm'd Vessels should be beaten . The Ship wherein I was , being the Captain of the Vant-guard , was far before the rest , and alone towards that part whence the abovesaid Ships were coming . Having betaken our selves to our Arms , ( which yet was not done without some confusion , because the things in the Ship were out of order , and the Souldiers unprovided of Powder , which was to be fetch'd out of the place where it was kept and distributed thus hastily in small quantities , being our store was but small ) we consulted a while what to do , whether to wait for our other Ships which were behind , and so joyn all together in encountring the Enemy ; or else to begin the fight , as we were , alone , till the rest came up to us . The first course seem'd safest and most considerate ; the latter was more magnanimous , but with-all temerarious , because we were so distant from our company , that before they could come to succor us , our Ship might be wholly destroy'd ; as being but one it might very easily be by so many , especially in that extreme furious way of fighting practis'd here , wherein there is great use of fire-works . Yet our Captain and the rest of us thought it was no time to demurr longer and consult ; because the Enemy was so near , that to wait for our Company would have little advantag'd , but might much have prejudic'd us , giving them thereby presumptions of our weakness and fear : Wherefore we all cry'd out to go on ; that since we were come to this pinch , 't was better to incurr our loss alone with a valorous temerity by doing our duty , then to hazard the loss of the whole Armado and its Reputation , if the Enemy perceiving us timorous and weak should take heart against us from our imprudent fear : That as it was our duty to go forwards , so it was the duty of our Companions to follow us and succor us , and not let us perish alone ; that this care belong'd to them ; that if they did otherwise , the fault would lie upon them , not upon us ; that ( in fine ) let us give the onset , and leave Heaven to take can of the rest . Thus resolv'd , we desperately sail'd forward . Our Companions that were nearest would have done the like ; but the General , who was far behind in another place of the Cafila , shot off a Piece to command all to stay for him , reasonably conceiving it the best way to attaque the enemy altogether ; whereupon all the other Ships of the Fleet which were behind us , stood still awhile ; but we alone , seeing our selves so far engag'd and so near the Enemy , whatever the others did , would by no means stay but continu'd our course . Which Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of one of the nearest Ships , beholding , and misliking that we should charge thus alone , and he quietly look on at a little distance , he lost all patience , and began again to make up after us , though a far off ; the same did all the rest soon after , conceiving it the best way . We were now within Falcon-shot ( for greater Pieces then Falcons these Ships carry not ) but forbore to fire till a nearer approach might make the shot more certain ; which seem'd also to be the Enemie's design : when being come so neer as to speak and be heard , and standing ready to give fire both to the Ordnance and Musket , by the voices and cries on either side we found each other to be friends : for these Ships were an unexpected and extraordinary Fleet of Portugals sent to Cocin to convey securely from thence to Goa certain moneys of the Confraternity della Misericordia , and other Provisions . Hereupon the feud ceasing , the mortal thunder was turn'd into joyful salutations , with chearful noise of Drums and Trumpets ; at the sound whereof the Morning beginning to clear up , seem'd also to hasten to rejoyce with us and part our erroneous fray . I have mentioned this passage at large , to the end the successes , inconveniences , counsels and resolutions ensuing suddenly thereupon may be known ; from all which , prudent adviso's for other occasions may be deduced ; and also to make known to all the world the demeanour of the noble Portugal Nation in these parts ; who indeed , had they but as much order , discipline , and good government as they have valour , Ormùz and other sad losses would not be now lamented , but they would most certainly be capable of atchieving great matters . But God gives not all things to all . It being now broad day , we set sail with the whole Cafila ; but by reason of contrary wind , sail'd no more then three leagues , and late in the evening came to anchor , in the place where we hapned to be ; the contray Northwest wind beginning to grow more boisterous . Ianuary the sixth , We had the wind still contrary , and having saild three other leagues , at the usual hour we cast anchor near the Rocks of Baticalà . On the seventh , the said wind blowing somewhat favourably , about noon we pass'd by Onòr , and without staying discharg'd only one Gun to give notice for the Ships to come forth of the port , if any were there that would accompany us ; for greater diligence was not needful , because few come from thence . In the Evening the usual contrary North-west wind arising , we came to an anchor , a little distant from Mirizeo . At the second watch of the night , a good stiff South-wind arose ; and in the forenoon next day we pass'd by the Rocks call'd Angediva , and at night came to an anchor somewhat Southwards of Capo falso . Ianuary the ninth , the wind was contrary , our way short ; and because we could not proceed forwards , we cast anchor neer Rio del Sale ; also the next day , for the same reason we could get no further then an Enieda ( as they speak ) or Bay , call'd Mormogòn , in the Island of Salsette contiguous to that of Goa on the South , but greater and divided from the same only by a River . This Island of Salsette is full of very fair Towns , and abundance of Houses . Above all , the Jesuits have the goodliest places , and 't is counted that perhaps a third part of the Island is theirs ; for besides three good Towns which belong wholly to them , they have also dominion and government in all the other Towns too which are not theirs ; they have Churches everywhere , Lands and store of Goods ; and I believe all the Parishes are govern'd by them in Spirituals with supreme Authority ; whence this people acknowledg more Vassallage ( upon the matter ) to the Jesuits then to the King himself . The case is the same in another Island call'd Bardeos , adjacent also to that of Goa , but more Northward , which is under the government of the Franciscans . Nor is it otherwise in almost all the other Territories of the Portugals ; so that it may justly be said that the best and perhaps too the greatest part of this State is in the hands of Clergy-men . Having anchor'd in the Bay of Mormogòn in good time , and knowing that we were not to depart the night following , our Captain with some others of us went ashore to see a Place and Church of the Jesuits call'd S. Andrea , which they told us was hard by : yet we sound it not so near , but that we walk't about a league to get to it , because we knew not the right way , but mistook it , and were fain to leap over very broad and deep ditches of water , into one whereof one our Company hapned to fall , to the great laughter of the rest , besides many other inconveniences . We found the Church large , neat and well built , with a fair square Court or Yard before it , surrounded with handsom Stone-walls , and within with some great Trees , under which were Banks rais'd to sit upon in the shadow . On one side of the Church was a very fair and well-built House for the Padre Rettore , who hath the present superintendency thereof ; which Church and Building would be very magnificent not only for this place but for the City of Rome it self . We stay'd a good while discoursing with the F. Rector , who told us sundry news from Goa , and invited us to Supper ; but fearing to arrive too late at the Fleet if we stay'd to sup here , we wav'd the Courtesie , and taking leave of him at Sun-set return'd to the place where we had left our Ships ; and though we had a Guide to conduct us by the best and nearest way , yet we got not thither to imbarque till after two hours within night . Ianuary the eleventh , at our departing from the Port of Mormogòn this day , in which we were to arrive at Goa , the General , who was wont to go in the Rear-guard , being now minded to go in the middle of the Armada , commanded our Ship , ( hitherto Captain of the Vant-guard ) to remain behind all the rest for guarding the Rear-guard : where great diligence was to to be us'd , both that no stragling Ship might be in danger of being surpriz'd by Rovers , or any of the Merchants Vessels slip aside to avoid paying Custom at Goa , and go to unlade in other places of Counterband . Wherefore having sail'd the little remainder of the way , and caus'd all the other Ships to enter , which were in number more then two hundred and fifty ; we at length enter'd the Bar or Mouth of the Rio of Goa , where we anchor'd under a Port hard by , without going further to the City ; it being the custom for no Fleets to arrive in the City without the advice and Licence of the Viceroy . Here we found the Ship , which alone was to go this year to Portugal already laden and ready to sail ; as also some Galeons in readiness likewise , whether to be sent to Ormùz or elsewhere I know not . Sig. Ayres de Siqueida Captain of our Ship , having got leave of the General , went to Goa with a Manciva or Boat which came to him for that purpose ; and I with Sig. Francesco Pesciotto Captain of another Ship , Sig. Manoel Leyera and some few Soldiers accompani'd him . We arriv'd at Goa when it was dark night , because 't is three leagues from the mouth of the Bar to the City , almost directly from South to North ; so that there is a considerable difference between the altitude of the Pole at Goa , and the mouth of the Bar. Having landed , every one went to his own home ; and I , who had no house ready for me , nor yet any servant , went alone , as I was , to lodg in the House of Sig. Antonio Baracio my friend , according as himself & Sig : Ruy Gomes his Brother had promis'd I should when I departed from Goa . As I was going thither I was unexpectedly met by the said two Brothers , who receiv'd me with their wonted courtesie . My Bed and Goods which I had in the Ship were soon after brought to the same place by the procurement of Sig. Ayres . I understood here that my quondam servant the honest Cacciatùr coming hither from Ikkeri to Goa after his false dealing with me , had attempted to put a trick upon Signora Maria also , but it did not succeed . He feign'd that I had sent him beforehand to take order for a house against my return , and was importunate for mony to prepare and provide things necessary . My letter he ventur'd not to present but pretended a misfortune at Sea , whereby it was lost , with other such inventions . Hereupon Signora Maria suspected him , and , without my Letters , gave no credit to him , as neither did Signora Maria da Cugna . So that seeing his devices to get mony from them , prov'd ineffectual , he came no more in sight ; and we believe is gone into the Territories of the Moors amongst the Mahometans , having heard no more news of him . Ianuary the twentieth , a Proclamation was put forth by the Vice-roy for all Portugal Soldiers ( they call all such as have not Wives , Soldati ) and also all Dispacciati , though marri'd , to prepare to go to Ormùr ; it being given out that the Vice-roy intended to pass thither in person with a great Armada and Galeons . Amongst the Portugals , those are call'd Dispacciati , who having ended their services , which every one is oblig'd to perform for eight years , only with that small pay and maintenance which is given to Servants ( which indeed is very slender ) , upon petition to the King in Spain and representation of the faithfulness of their services , according as the same are greater or less , are dismiss'd by the King with some honourable and profitable Charge , as Captain of a Fort , and the like ; to injoy the same for three years or some other determinate time . Which Charges they enter not upon as soon as the same are granted , but when it falls to them of course according to the time of their dismission : whereby it comes to pass that some never enjoy them as long as they live , nor yet their sons sometimes , unless very late , ( in case the favour extend to their sons too ) because all the said Charges or Offices go by seniority , every man ' time beginning from the day of their dismission ; and oftentimes it happens that forty or fifty are dismiss'd at the same time with him , all who must first enjoy the same Office or else dy to make way for him . In brief , 't is an invention of the Kings of Portugal , much for their own interest ; for not having much to give in recompence of services , they by this means pay the greatest part of those that serve them with hopes alone ; which also prove very well to them ; the men of this nation being of such an humor that they not only are contented with these bare hopes , and hold themselves well requited for many great and toilsom service , but make great account thereof ; for these Reversions , which are to fall God knows when , are the estate and support of many , the portions of many Daughters , and in brief , in respect of the little other estates they have in India , one of the best and most considerable advantages that they possess , besides their being of much reputation and honour . Now to all such as were in this manner dismiss'd was this Proclamation directed , obliging them to go to Ormùz with the Vice-roy under penalty of losing all their Reversions . But for all this , intelligent men did not believe that the Vice-roy would undertake this Expedition , both because they did not hold him a man likely to take up such a resolution , and because there were not such preparations made in Goa for his voyage , as was requisite . Ianuary the two and twentieth , a Galeot under the command of Sig. Manoel de Paiva ; our friend , arriv'd at Goa from Sindi , in which were many persons that had come to Sindi with other Ships from Mascàt ; amongst the rest there was a considerable Soldier belonging to Ruy Freira , who brought certain news of his own knowledge , how the said Ruy Freira having held Ormùz closely besieg'd for a long time , and brought the Defendants to great distress for want of all things ; at length , no relief coming to him , no provisions wherewith to continue the Siege , ( his Victuals failing him ) was constrain'd to raise the Siege and return to Mascàt with all his Army ; yet with intention to make new provisions , and get new succours and ammunitions , and then to return again to besiege the place ; which in the mean time the Moors omitted not to supply with all sort of necessaries for a long time , to repair the fortifications and re-inforce it with fresh Soldiers . All which consider'd , I hold the retaking of Ormùz very difficult , both in regard of the courage the enemy hath resum'd by this action , and because the same scarcity of Victuals will happen frequently , and in a short time to the besiegers no less then to the besieged , being the Island affords nothing of it self , and our provisions must be fetcht from greater distance then those of the enemies : wherein not much diligence being us'd on our part , I doubt not but it will be very difficult for them to hold the Siege long ; and when they intermit the same never so little , as they have done now , that short time is sufficient to secure the place from famine ; because having the Continent so neer hand , and provisions there in much plenty , it may be in one day alone supply'd for many months . As for taking it by battery or otherwise ; the Portugals being so few and little skill'd in such Arts , and on the other side the enemies so numerous and indefatigable in undergoing toil and pains , I hold it very difficult . The Viceroy of Goa , who had been so cold in sending succours to Ruy Freira ; because he would not that he should take Ormùz , but only hold it streightned till himself went in person to reap the fruit of others labours ; that so he might with the glory of this victory cover the pass'd neglect he had committed in the shameful loss of the Ships in the Voyage when he came into India : now hearing this news , and how Ormùz , which he thought he had in his clutches , was by the retreat of Ruy Freira ( who would infallibly write into Spain of the wrong done him in not sending him any forces or succour during a year's time that he had been upon the attempt , and heinously charge the Viceroy for it ) escap'd out of his hands , and become very difficult to be taken , was infinitely troubled thereat ; and indeed I know not how he can excuse himself to his Master for so great negligences ; and some have heard him lament himself much , and say that it was his own fault . However it were , the talk of his going to Ormùz became very cold upon these news ; and if it was not believ'd at first , after this it was held wholly desperate ; although to encourage others to the expedition , he still kept up the report . The same Ship brought news , how Ruy Freira , whilst he was at the Siege of Ormùz with his few Ships , sent two to the streight of Mecha , to see whether they could get any booty which might serve to support his forces ; another to Sindi to fetch provisions , and advertise the Mogul's Ministers there not to send any Ships into Persia , otherwise he should take them ; yet neither those of Mecha , nor this of Sindi ever return'd to him ; neither did this Captain send him any thing from Maschàt : so that he was constrain'd to remove his quarters . Besides , during his being before Ormùz , he had sent some other Ships to fall upon the Country of those Arabians whom they call Nactrilù , living upon the Coasts of Persia in the gulf above Mogostàn ; and that this enterprize succeeded well enough , they having made great destruction , and taken much spoil : but afterwards the Captains of the same Ships being greedy of prey , contrary to the order of Ruy Freira , and against the judgment of one of them who was the head of all the rest ( little obedience is an ordinary thing among the Portugals , and causes infinite disorders ) design'd to set upon another place , whose Governour , who was an Arabian Sceich , at first attempted to make them forbear with good words , saying that he was their Vassal , &c. but when he saw , that courtesie prevail'd not against their rapacity , he got his men together , and made head against them ; so that assaulting them in a convenient place as they were out of order , he defeated them , killing many , and amongst those , divers Captains and Soldiers of valour ; which was no small loss . It was further related , that during the Siege of Ormùz , the besieg'd being in great streights for all other things , and which was most important , of water also , which within fail'd them and was corrupted ; yet Ruy Freira could not hinder them from ferching plenty of very good water as often as they pleas'd at a place of the Island without the Garrison , which they call Trumbàk ; where , not through want of Soldiers , ( for he might have had Arabians enough and others of those Countries ) but for want of money to pay and support them , he could never place a guard to prevent the enemies from fetching as much water as they pleas'd . They said lastly , that Ruy Freira was at Massàt soliciting for aid , and preparing to return to Ormùz as soon as he should be provided of what was needful . By the same Ship a Jew came from Sindi who had lately dwelt in Ormùz and came to Sindi by sea from Guadèl , which is a Port of the Kingdom of Kic and Macran , and was come to Guadal by land from Sphahàn . He was a sagacious person , and affirmed to me for certain that the Prince of Kic and Macran was a friend and obedient to the Persians , and that there passed through his Country infinite Cafila's of Merchandize which came from India to Guadèl by Sea , and from thence were transported into Persia upon Camels ; and that this way was not only frequented since the taking of Ormùz which was declined during that War , but was also very secure and afforded much profit to the said Prince of Macran , because at Guadèl he received divers Customs of the abovesaid Merchandizes ; and before this pass was open , he had no profit at all . Yet this Jew could not tell me , whether this friendship and obedience of the Macranite to the Persian , was because the Prince , who raigned there , was dead and succeeded by his younger Brother , who many years ago had fled into Persia to this Sciàh , as I have elsewhere mentioned in this Diary ; or else because the two Brothers ne'r agreed together , and that he who raigned still , either for his own interest upon account of the said pass of the Cafila's , or through fear since the taking of Ormùz , or perhaps forced by War or other like Accidents , had disposed himself to be friendly and obedient to the Persian . Ianuary the twenty fifth , The Jesuits of the Colledge of Saint Paul , ( this day being the Feast of their Colledge ) began to make part of their Solemnities , which were to be made for joy of the Canonization of their Saints Ignatio and Sciavier ; the Celebration of which was deferred till now , that more time might be allotted for preparation . They came forth with a Cavalcade of all their Collegians divided into three Squadrons under three Banners , one of which represented the Asiaticks , one the Africans , and another the Europaeans ; those of each Squadron being clothed after the manner of their respective Countries . Before the Cavalcade , went a Chariot of Clouds with Fame on the top , who sounding her Trumpet with the adjunction of Musick , published the News of the said Canonization . Two other Chariots accompany'd the Cavalcade , the hindermost of which represented Faith or the Church ; the other in the middle was a Mount Parnassus , with Apollo and the Muses representing the Sciences professed in the said Colledge ; both which Chariots , were also full of very good Musick and many people . Moreover , they remov'd from place to place amongst the Cavalcade five great Pyramids upon wheels , drawn by Men on foot , well cloth'd after the Indian fashion . Upon the first were painted all the Martyrs of the Order of Jesuits ; upon another , all the Doctors and Writers of Books ; upon another , figures of Men of all such Nations in their proper habits , where the said Order hath foundations , to represent the Languages in which the Fathers of it preach : Another had abundance of Devises relating to all the Provinces of the said Religion ; and lastly , another had all the Miracles both of Sant ' Ignatio , and San Francesco Sciavier . All of these Pyramids had Epitaphs , Statues , and other Ornaments both at the pedestal and at the top ; so that passing in this manner through the principal streets of the City , they planted and left the said Pyramids in several places ; one before the See or Archiepiscopal Church ; one before the profess'd House of Giesù ; one before the Church of San Paolo , where at first they kept the Colledge ; but by reason of the badness of the Air , remov'd it from thence , yet the Church remaining to them , which was sometimes much frequented and magnificent , but at this day is but meanly provided for ; so that they are still in contest with the City about it , who unwillingly consent to this changing of the Colledge . The last they left before the new Colledge , the Church whereof they are wont to call San Rocco , and by the other Name also ; but the Jesuts , resolute to keep their Colledge by reason of the fairness of the place , notwithstanding the opposition of the Augustine Fryers , who by long and intricate suits , use their utmost endeavor to hinder them from it ; onely to the end not to have them Neighbours , under pretext that they deprive them of the fresh Air , and the prospect of the Sea : The Jesuits , I say , resolute to abide there , prevailing hitherto , both against the City , which re-calls them back to Sàn Paolo Vecchio , for greater convenience of the Students , and against the Augustines , and against the King himself , who hath many times ordained their removal and the destruction of their new Colledge ; nevertheless maintain themselves in possession of their new and sumptuous Fabrick , which also they daily inlarge , and nominate San Paolo Nuovo ; for in India they will have all their Colledges dedicated to Saint Paul , the Doctor of the Gentiles . Ianuary the nine and twentieth , I went together with the Signori Baracci my entertainers and other friends , to see and spend a day at Guadalupe , which is a place of Recreation in the Island of Goa , distant from the City about two leagues , populous and full of Houses and Gardens of several Portugal Signori , who for pleasure go to dwell there some time of the year , as you at Rome do to Frascati which is the ancient Tusculanum . Guadulupe lies at the foot of a certain Precipice in a plain soil upon a spatious Lake , which at one time of the year is quite dry'd up and sown with Rice , so that the prospect is always very lovely ; because the Lake is either full of water , in which grow abundance of pretty Flowers and aquatick Plants ; or else 't is all green with Rice , which is sown before the Lake is totally dry and grows up to maturity before the Water return ; so that it makes a very pretty Shew , and the more because this Water being collected in great rain , is fed also by a small but constantly running River ; and though so kept there for many months , yet causes not any bad affection of the Air ; but through the ' goodness of the Climate the Air is always better here then any where else . Nor is the Sea far distant , to wit the shore of the other more Southern River which forms the Island of Goa on the other side opposite to the City ; and the mouth of that River which makes a secure and spacious Harbour , where sometimes even the greatest Portugal Shipsride , and in old time the City stood there , so that they call the place at this day Goa Vecchia , or old Goa . As we return'd , we saw abundance of Villages and Palmeta's full of all sort of fruits , and many fair and well-kept Churches , as San Lorenzo , and others within a small distance ; so that I had reason to judge this place to be held the most delicious of Goa . Ianuary the thirtieth , Being in Guadalupe , in the Garden of the House where we were , which belong'd to Signor Simon Gomes our Friend , and Kinsman to the Sigg : Baracci , I saw a Canella , or Cinamon Tree , of which some are found in Goa , but strangers . 'T is as big a Tree as any , not a shrub as I imagin'd ; some of the leaves , which have a taste of Cinamon , and are pleasant to be masticated , I keep among my baggage , to shew the same in Italy ; as also some of the Tree Trisoe with its odoriferous Flowers , which blow every day and night , and fall at the approach of day , as I my self saw and observ'd of one that was planted before the Gate of our House . This Flower is very like the Iasmin of Catalonia , but the Canella — hath a yellow one , which is us'd by the Country-people instead of Saffron with their meats , and upon other occasions . Moreover , I saw and observ'd in the Lake two sorts of Flowers , one great , the other very small , both white , with something of yellow in the midst ; the lesser hath no green leaves on the stalk to be seen , and the inner part of the white leaves is full of thick and long Doun : The greater Flower hath smooth , long , and strait leaves , and grows on a Plant whose leaves are large , and almost perfectly round , swimming on the surface of the water , totally expanded almost like those of a Gourd . Both these Flowers have a strange property ; in the night they are alwayes clos'd , in the day alwayes open , displaying themselves at the rising , and closing at the setting of the Sun ; besides , that they are of a very excellent fragrant smell . I could not keep any to shew , because they are so tender and so full of moisture , especially the lesser sort which is the fairest , that they fade presently upon being kept in papers , as the Custom is . The Indians call them — and tell a Fable of Brahma's being born of one of these Flowers , and afterwards re-entring into one again , wherein he hath spent ten-thousand years . You see what fine Stories we have here ; I leave them with you and kiss your Hands . LETTER VIII . From Goa Novemb. 4. 1624. MY last I writ to you by the Ship which departed from Goa to Portugal the first of February , and was the only Ship of that Kingdom that was sent hither this year : On which Day the Bells rung at Goa , and many rejoycings were made , particularly , in the Churches of the Jesuits , the Augustines , the Dominicans , upon News brought of many Martyrs lately Martyred in Iapan , amongst which were many Religious of the abovesaid Orders ; and particularly of Jesuits , were Martyred three Italians , to wit , F. Carlo Spinola , a Genouese of principal quality : F. Camillo Costanzo , a Calabrese , or rather a Neapolitan , of a Family whose Estate lyes in Calabria : And F. Pietro Paolo , a Neapolitan likewise , if I mistake not . February the eighth , A Council of State was held concerning the Vice-Roys going to Ormùz ; in which , I know not what was resolved , because some talked one thing , and some another ; but as for the Souldiers , it was determined that all should go , and he that refused was imprisoned , as some were to my knowledge . February the tenth , As a beginning of the solemnities for the Canonization , the Jesuits sung a Vespers in the Church of the Profest-house of Giesù . The night following , they caused a numerous Maskerade of young Students , not Collegians but Out-liers , to pass through the streets on Horse-back , cloth'd in several rich habits , and following a Standard whereon was pourtrayed the Effigies of the Saints . The next day there was a solemn Mass in the same Church , and a Sermon made by the F. Visitor , Andrea Palmuro , at which the Vice-Roy was present . In the Evening upon a very great Theatre , erected without the Church in the Piazza , for representing many dayes together the Life of San Francesco Sciavier ; they caused a Squadron of young men mask'd in the habits of Peasants , to dance many gallant Balls with Musick . On the twelfth of February , in the presence of the Vice-Roy and of all the Nobility and People of the City , ( for whose conveniency scaffolds and seats were erected in the Piazza round about the Theatre both for Men and Women ) the first Act of the above-said Comedy or Tragedy , ( as they said ) of the Life of Santo Sciavier was represented . Of which Tragedy , which was represented by about thirty persons , all very richly clothed and decked with Jewels ; the vast and no less extravagant Machin whereinto they entered to act the rare Musick , gallant Dances , and various contrivances of Charriots , Ships , Gallies , Pageants , Heavens , Hells , Mountains , and Clouds , I forbear to speak , because I have the printed Relation by me . On the eighteenth of February , The Vice-Roy being indispos'd , the proceedings were superseded . But in the three following dayes , by two Acts a day , the whole Tragedy was rehearsed . It comprehended not onely the whole Life , but also the Death of San Francesco Sciavier , the transportation of his Body to Goa , his ascension into Heaven ; and lastly , his Canonization . On the seventh of the same moneth , Mass was sung in the Colledge of San Paolo Nouvo , and a predication made by F. Flaminio Calò an Italian , upon the Beatification of the Blessed Luigi Gonzaga , who was also a Father of the Society . In the Evening , the Portugals of quality passed about the streets in a Maskerade , accompanyed with Chariots and Musick ; about twelve of us went out of the House of Sig : Antonio Baraccio , all clothed in the same Livery , which I took care to get made according to my Phansie , and I ordered it after the fashion of the ancient Roman Warriers , just as the ancient Emperours use to be pictur'd ; the colours were Carnation and White , with several Impresses on the breast , every one after his own Phansie ; it appear'd very well by night , and was the best and greatest Body of the whole Maskerade . I bore for my Impress a Blaze of Flames , with this Italian Word of Tasso , Men dolci si , ma non men calde al core . Which Impress I have been wont to use frequently since the death of my Wife Sitti Maani ; the Work of my clothes was wholly together Flames , onely distinguished here and there with Tears which shewed my grief . February the eighteenth , In the Morning solemn Mass was sung , and a Sermon made upon the Canonization of the Saints in San Paolo Vecchio . In the Afternoon , Lists and a Ring being prepared before the Church of Giesù , many great Portugal Gentlemen richly clothed , came as to run Carreers both at the one and the other , giving Divertisement to the Ladies who stood beholding them on Balconies and Scaffolds . The like they did afterwards in the street of San Paolo Vecchio . February the nineteenth , A very solemn Procession was made from San Paolo Vecchio to Giesù , through the principal streets of the City ; which Procession exceeded all the rest , in number of Pageants , Chariots , and Ships , and other Engins filled with people who represented several things , and good Musick , accompanyed with several Dances on Foot , and many other brave devices : Of all which things I speak not , because I have a printed Relation thereof by me . In the end of the Procession , was carried by many of the Fathers in their Copes the Body of San Francesco Sciavier , inclos'd in a fair and rich Silver Coffin , with a Silver Canopie over it made very gallant , and the Effigies of the Saint behind : Then came a great Standard with the pourtraytures of the Saints , carry'd likewise by some of the Fathers ; and after that , all the Crosses of their Parishes of Salsette , and onely one company of the Fryers of Saint Francis. Of the other Religions that are in Goa , none appear'd here ; because they said they would not go in the Processions of the Jesuits , since the Jesuits went not in those of others . With this Procession , which ended about noon , ended also the solemnities for the abovesaid Canonizations . February the twenty fifth , This day being the first Sunday of Lent this year , the Augustine Fathers , according to custom made a solemn Procession , which they call de i Passi , in reference to the steps which our Lord made in his Passion , being carry'd to several places . They carry'd in Procession a Christ with the Cross on his shoulders , and many went along disciplining themselves , being cloth'd with white sack-cloth , gallant and handsome , very gravely , according to the humor of the Nation . In several places of the City certain Altars were plac'd , where the Procession stood still ; and after some time spent in singing , the Christ turn'd backwards , representing that passage , Conversus ad Filias Ierusalem , dixit illis , Nolite flere super me , &c. At which turning of the sacred Image , the people who were very numerous , and fill'd the whole streets , lamented and utter'd very great cryes of Devotion . At length , the Procession being come to the Church , Della Gratiae , whereit ended ; after the Augustine Nunns ( whose Covent stands near that of the Fryers in the same Piazza ) had sung a while , an Image of del volto Santo , of our Lord's Countenance like that at Rome , was shown to the people gather'd together in the said Piazza , from a window of one of the Bell-turrets which are on either side the front of the said Church ; and so the Solemnity ended . But the above-mention'd Altars in the streets are every Fryday during Lent adorn'd in the same manner , and visited by the people every day , and also many hours of the night ; just as the Church of Saint Peter at Rome is visited every Fryday of March ; and they call this visiting , Corror os Passos , that is , going about and visiting the steps of our Lord ; which serves the people , during this time of Lent , no less for devotion then for pastime . March the first , There was also another Procession in Goa of the Disciplinanti , which I went not to see ; the like is made every Fryday during all Lent , and therefore I shall not stand to describe it . I believe there is no City in the world , where there are more Processions made then in Goa all the year long ; and the reason is , because the Religious are numerous , and much more then the City needs ; they are also of great authority and very rich , and the People being naturally idle , and addicted to Shews , neglecting other Cares of more weight , and perhaps more profitable to the Publick , readily imploy themselves in these matters ; which , however good , as sacred and parts of divine worship , yet in such a City as this which borders upon Enemies , and is the Metropolis of a Kingdom lying in the midst of Barbarians , and so alwayes at Warr , and where nothing else should be minded but Arms and Fleets , seem according to worldly Policy unprofitable and too frequent , as also so great a number of Religious and Ecclesiastical persons is burdensome to the State , and prejudicial to the Militia . In the Evening of every Fryday of Lent , there is a Sermon upon the Passion , in the Church of Giesù ; and so likewise in other Churches , but upon other dayes and hours . At the end of these Sermons certain Tabernacles are open'd , and divers figures , representing some passages of the Passion , ( according to the subject of the Sermon ) are with lighted Tapers shew'd to the People ; as one day that of the Ecce Homo ; another day , Our Lord with the Cross upon his shoulders ; and the last day , the Crucifix ; and so every day , one thing sutable to the purpose . Oftentimes they make these figures move and turn , as they made the Robe fall off from the Ecce Homo , and discover the wounded Body ; at which sight the devout People utter prodigious Cryes , and the Women force themselves to shreek out ; and the Signore , or Gentlewomen , are so zealous , that they not onely cry out themselves , but make their Maids do so too , and beat them even in the Church if they do not , and that very lowdly , whether they have a will to it or no. Strange devotion indeed ! March the third , Ten Ships of Warr were at length sent from Goa to the barr or mouth of the Sea , in order to depart ( as they did ) within two or three dayes towards Ormùz to Ruy Freira ; the General of which was Sig : Sancho de Toar , Brother to Veedor da Fazenda , who was Treasurer and Captain of one of the Ships . Our Friend Sig : Michel Pereira Boralho , who was sometimes Captain of the Galeons , went also ; his Brother Giovan Boralho , was kill'd under Ruy Freira , in the battle with the English at Giàsk last year , being Admiral of that Fleet , which next the General is the prime charge , having been many times before Capitan Maggiore , as they speak , or General , in the Streight of Ormùz ; I make particular mention of him upon account of his relation to Sig : Michel our Friend . But such a succour for Ormuz after so long a time , is indeed a very inconsiderable matter . Yet , they say , other Ships are preparing to be sent after these . March the one and twentieth , I took the Altitude of the Sun at Goa with my Astrolabe , and found him decline at noon from the Zenith towards the South fourteen degrees , and forty minutes . He was this day in the thirtieth degree of Pisces , and consequently , in the Aequinoctial without any Declination ; so that without making any Substraction or Addition to this number , Goa , that is , the City , will lye just so many degrees ( 14. gr . 40′ . ) from the Aequinoctial towards the North , and also have the Northern Pole elevated as many . March the eight and twentieth , News was brought to Goa how the great Moghòl had caus'd all the English that were at his Court to be slain , and imprisoned all the rest that were at Suràt . As for those that were slain , some say it was by the Moghòl's Order in way of punishment , and that they were hang'd and otherwise executed ; Others say , it was by chance , as they endeavour'd to defend themselves by Arms , when he sent onely to arrest them prisoners , as he did those of Suràt ; and this seems most likely . Be it as it will , this Accident may easily disturb their Commere something in that Country . The occasion is reported thus . A few dayes , or moneths agoe , the English in Suràt apprehending themselves aggriev'd to a considerable summ by the Mogòl's Ministers , ( whether by exaction of Customs , or in Accounts , I know not ) to repair the loss by force , since otherwise they could not , made reprisal of some of the Moghol's ships , which were come abroad full laden ; and being the Mogòl's people were not able to deal with the English at Sea , they were constrain'd for recovering their surpris'd Vessels , to grant the English every thing demanded , and satisfie them so far as they pretended to be aggrieved . Which thing coming afterwards to the King's knowledge , he caus'd all of that Nation to be apprehended where-ever found in his Dominions , hereupon hapned the slaughter above-mention'd . For my part , I think the English have not manag'd their business discreetly in this case ; for how is it possible for a few strangers and inmates to contestwith , and get the better of , a great King in his own Country ? And upon rising of the like differences , I should account it the best course to accord them with good words , and amicably with the said King , by complaining of his Ministers , and procuring him to provide in such cases as well as may be ; and this course may succeed happily : Otherwise , if redress can be obtain'd , then , before a manifest feud , 't were best to get out of his power , and warr upon him securely , not in his own Country where there are so many people , and the King , undoubtedly , hath more power then any other . I believe , the English made this attempt , upon supposition that the Moghòl hath great need of the Sea , and that to the end his Ships might have free passage therein , without being molested by the English , he would suffer what they pleas'd . But herein , in my opinion , they are grosly mistaken ; because the Moghòl is a very great and wealthy King , whose Revenews arise from his own Lands , and not from the Sea ; and to whom that little which is to be had from the Sea , ( how great soever it may be ) is nothing , and nothing he accounts it ; because it accrues rather to some small Captain of his , as the Governour of Suràt , and the like , then to the King himself : So that , What is he concern'd for it ? But indeed he will be concern'd for such an injury done to him in his own jurisdiction , as the English have done by making reprisal of Ships , which Princes much inferior to the Moghòl would not have suffer'd from any admitted as Friends into their Countries . Besides , the grievances alledg'd by the English were but pretences , and the Moghòl's Ministers had their Reasons for them ; wherefore the case ought to have been heard before falling to violence ; and let the matter be how it will , 't was just for him to be Judge in his own Country , and that this respect should be shewn him , if the English would have taken this course ; if not , or if he would not do them Justice , they were alwayes at liberty to go out of his power , and so make Warr against him by Sea upon better terms . Concerning the Affairs of the Moghòl with his Son , they said that Sultàn Chorròm having been twice routed , was at last retreated with some few followers into the Dominions of Cutab-Sciàh ; and that his Father had given over pursuing him , and being retir'd to his own Court , left him there in quiet ; that Cutab-Sciàh did not assist him out of awe to the Father , nor yet drive him out of his Territories out of respect to himself , but let him enjoy the possession of a certain small circuit in his Country to which he had retir'd . Concerning Persian affairs , we heard a while since , and it was verifi'd , that not only the English Ships were gone thither according to their custom for the Trade of Silk , but also those of the Hollanders which come to Suràt ; perhaps because the Hollanders are minded to set up a Traffick thither too , as I understood from a good hand last year at Suràt . In the mean time other Ships and Galeons are preparing at Goa to be sent to Ormùz . April the tenth , Three Galeons fraighted with Victual departed from Goa to Ruy Freira for the war of Ormùz , as two other Ships had done a few days before besides the above-mention'd ten ; and order was given for three other Galeons to go from Mozambique with people sufficient to arm all the six ; because the former three of Goa carri'd no Soldiers but only Sea-men . They carri'd also from Goa a Petard , wherewith they said they intended to attempt the little false Gate of Ormùz which stands towards the Sea ; and several other preparations of War. On the twenty ninth of the same month , being the day of S. Pietro Martire , who , they say , was the Founder of the Inquisition against Hereticks , the Inquisitors of Goa made a Solemnity before their House of the Inquisition which is in the Piazza of the Cathedral , and was sometimes the Palace of Sabaio Prince of Goa when the Portugals took it , whence it is still call'd la Piazza di Sabaio . After solemn Mass had been sung in the Church of San Dominico , as Vespers had been the day before , in presence of the Inquisitors , who coming to fetch the Fryers in Procession , repair'd thereunto in Pontificalibus ; in the evening many carreers were run on hors-back by the Portugal-Gentry , invited purposely by the Inquisitors ; and a day or two after ( for this Evening was not sufficient for so many things ) there was in the same Piazza a Hunting or Baiting of Bulls after the Spanish fashion ; but the Beasts being tame and spiritless afforded little sport ; so that I had not the curiosity to be present at it . This is a new Festival lately instituted by the present Inquisitors , who , I believe , will continue it yearly hereafter . May the tenth , a Packet-boat from Mascàt arriv'd at Goa with Letters dated April the twenty fourth , confirming what had some dayes before been rumor'd , that the King of Persia had taken Baghdàd , and the Persians were about to go against Bassorà by Sea , but were diverted from their design by the Portugal Fleet which they heard was preparing to succour that City ; besides some Ships of theirs which they continually keep there in favour of the Turks against the Persians to guard the Mouth of the River , which is Euphrates and Tigris joyn'd together . The same Boat brought news also that twelve Ships were already departed from Mascàt under the conduct of my friend Sig. Michele Pereira to begin a new Siege of Ormùz ; and that Ruy Freira waited for the Galeons that he might go thither too with the greater Fleet. If it be true , that Sciah-Abbas ha's taken Baghdàd , I am confident that at the long run Bassorà will fall into his hands too : if the Portugals may hinder him by sea , they cannot by land ; and 't is a clear case , that if he hath Baghdàd , he intends also to have the port of Bassorà , which is of great importance . That he ha's taken Baghdàd may very well be true , during the present ill State of the Turkish Affairs , after the late tumults in that Court , and the death of Sultàn Suleiman who was lately murder'd and his formerly depos'd Uncle Sultàn Mustafà restor'd to the Empire , as I was lately assur'd here , by an Armenian who told me that he was at Constantinople in the time of these Revolutions ; and that Sultàn Mustafà was very loth to re-assume the Government by reason of the ill deportment of the Ministers ; and that he would have no more Women or Concubines , but had married and dismiss'd all that were in the Seraglio ; that , if any woman came into his presence , he ran at her with his Ponyard , professing to lead a chast and religious life , not meaning to have other Successors then his Brother's two Sons , the elder of which is Sultàn Mahomad Son of Sultanà Kiosmè , who , I alwayes believ'd , would by his Mother's Arts one day come to rule , and now without doubt , whether she be living or not , ( if the abovesaid relations be true ) will at least reign after his Uncle Mustafà . Now forasmuch as in these violent mutations of Empires , the Government alwayes suffers deterioration , because without some evil disposition of the Government such violences in Royal Families cannot arise ; therefore , I say , perhaps this ill posture of affairs hath afforded the Sciàh occasions making himself Master of Baghdàd , especially if the Tyrant Bechir Subasci , who had in a manner usurp'd it to himself , have given it into his power ; ( which is an easie thing even in the good State of the Turkish Affairs ) being perhaps afraid of Sultan Mustafà , who , they say , is very prudent and wholly intent to reform the Disorders of the Empire without caring to attend forreign enterprises ; whence perhaps having an eye too upon the Disorders of Baghdàd , he was about to raise a strong Army for removing the said Tyrant , who by this means became necessitated to yield it to the Sciàh . Nevertheless in these matters I have some doubt , because the same Armenian told me , that Sultan Mustafa had made peace with the Persian for twenty years ; and if the taking of Baghdàd be true , it is a breaking of the peace ; which amongst the Moors , and considering the Customs of Sciàh Abbas is not impossible . At present I suspend my belief , and desire to have more certain and particular informations of these matters , of which in Goa there is little plenty . By the same Vessel came a Letter from Sig. Nicolao de Silva Veador da Iazenda , or Treasurer at Mascàt , to one of the Inquisitors , wherein he signifi'd to him that he understood by the Letters of the French Consul at Aleppo , that at Rome Gregory XV. was dead , and a new Pope already chosen , Card. Masseo Barberini , about fifty four years old , who had assumed the name of Urban VIII . The same Letter further advertis'd that in Spain the Marriage between the Prince of England , and the Infanta was celebrated upon the day of our Ladie 's Nativity in September ; and that the Infante Don Carlo was to accompany her into England , and from thence pass to his Government of Flanders ; that in England the Catholicks had publick Churches open , and enjoy'd Liberty of Conscience : That in Italy the business of the Valtolin had been referr'd to his Holiness ; but Pope Gregory dy'd without determining it : That the King of Spain kept a great Army ready in Milan about it ; and that a League was made against him in Italy by other Princes ; that some said Don Carlo of Spain was to marry the Heiress of Lorrain ; and other like news , which being of things either uncertain or future , I makesmall account of , till I see the issue . May the seventeenth , By a Merchants Ship from Bassora , we had more certain intelligence by Luigi Medices , of Ramiro the Venetian Consul at Aleppo , that Pope Gregory X V. dy'd on the twenty ninth of Iuly 1623. having been sick only five dayes . The Relation of the Conclave saith that the Pope dy'd on the eight of Iuly , the Cardinals enter'd into the Conclave on the nineteenth , and that on the sixth of August Urban VIII . was created Pope . That Card. Montato dy'd a little before the Pope , and Card. Ludovisio was made Vice-Chancellor in his stead ; and the Chamberlainship , being vacant by the death of Aldobrandino , was conferr'd upon the young Cardinal of the same name . That the new Pope Urban was sick for some dayes after his Election ; but afterwards recovering was crown'd upon the day of S. Michael the Archangel . That besides the Pope , almost all the Cardinals fell sick through the inconveniences of the Conclave in so hot a season ; and many of them dy'd , as Pignatelli , Serra , Sauli , Gozzadino , and Sacrati ; and the Card. Gherardi and Aldobrandino remaining still grievously sick ; and that of the Conclavists there dy'd about sixty ; which indeed was a great number , for a Conclave that lasted so short a while . That Telli ( Tilly ) the Emperor's General , had given a great rout to Alberstat ; and the Emperor's Affairs in Germany pass'd very well . That 't was true , a confederacy was made against Spain about the business of the Valtolin between France , Venice , and Savoy , but that it will proceed no further , because Spain had deposited the Valtolin in the hands of the Pope . That the Prince of Urbin was dead , and consequently that State would fall to the Church ; which is a thing of much importance . That at Venice the Doge Pruili was dead , and a new Doge already elected , one Contarini an eminent Person . That there was a great Plague , and that the King of France had subdu'd almost all the Garrisons of the Hereticks , except Rochel , which he also hop'd shortly to reduce to obedience . That the Espousals were pass'd between the Infanta of Spain and the King of England's Son , with hope that he is already a Catholick . That they have given her in dower the pretensions of Holland and Zealand , and money , on condition that Liberty of Conscience be granted in England and four Churches for Catholicks built in London , which was already executed , publick Writings thereof going about in print ; besides divers other Affairs of Europe of less consideration . May the nineteenth , One Ventura da Costa , a Native of Canara was married . He was a domestick servant to Sig : Alvaro da Costa , a Priest and our Friend , Lord of a Village near Goa ; for whose sake , who was willing to honour his servant's wedding in his own House , I and some other Friends went thither to accompany the Bride and the Bride-groom to the Church of San Blagio , a little distant in another Village , which was the Parish of the Bride , where the Ceremonies were perform'd in the Evening for coolness sake . The Company was very numerous , consisting of many Portugal Gentlemen , such , perhaps , as few other Canarini have had at their Marriages . The Spouses came under Umbrella's of Silk garnish'd with silver , & in other particulars the Ceremonies were according to the custom of the Portugals ; onely I observ'd , that according to the use of the Country , in the Company before the Married Persons , there march'd a party of fourteen or sixteen men odly cloth'd after the Indian fashion , to wit , naked from the girdle upward , and their Bodies painted in works with white Sanders , and adorn'd with bracelets and necklaces of Gold and Silver , and also with flowers and turbants upon their heads , in several gallant fashions and streamers of several colours hanging behind them : From the girdle downwards , over the hose which these Canarini use to wear short like ours , they had variously colour'd clothes girt about them with streamers , or flying laps , hanging down a little below the knee ; the rest of the leg was naked , saving that they had sandals on their feet . These fine fellows danc'd all the way both going and returning , accompanying their dances with chaunting many Verses in their own Language , and beating the little snappers which they carry'd in their hands , after the fashion of the Country , formerly taken notice of at Ikkeri . And indeed the dances of these Canarini are pleasant enough ; so that in the Festivities made at Goa for the Canonization of the Saints Ignatio and Sciavier , though in other things they were most solemn and sumptuous ; yet , in my conceit , there was nothing more worthy to be seen for delight , then the many pretty and jovial dances which interven'd in the Tragedy . The Marry'd Couple being return'd from Church to the Bride's House , we were entertain'd with a handsome Collation of Sweet-meats in the yard , which was wholly cover'd over with a Tent , and adorn'd with Trees and green boughs , the Company sitting round , and the Marry'd Couple on one side at the upper end upon a great Carpet under a Canopy . After which we all return'd home , and the Husband stay'd that night to sleep in his Wife's House . May the twentieth , A Galley of the Fleet expected from Mozambique arriv'd at Goa . It brought Sig : Don Nugro Alvares , ( sometimes General there , and Supream Governour of all that Coast of Cafuria , comprising under his Government the Rivers of Coama , Mombace , and as much of Africk as the Portugals have from Capo di Buono Esperanza , to the Streight of Meka ) and with him a Jesuit that was a Bishop , one of those that were to go into Aethiopia . The Patriarch design'd thither , being also a Jesuit , remain'd behind in another Galeot , as likewise did the Ships of the last years Portugal Fleet , which came on by little and little . They brought News of the miserable wrack of a Ship call'd San Giovanni , which two years before set forth from Goa for Portugal very rich ; and meeting with the Dutch by the way , after a long fight being totally shatter'd , ran a ground upon the Coast of Cafuria ; so that , saving the people remaining after the fight , and the Jewels , all was lost : Which people , after this disaster , refusing both the offer of good entertainment made them by the Lord of the place , who was a Friend to the Portugals , all upon advice sent to Mozambique they might have passage thither ; and also his counsel to travel far within Land , where he said , they would have less trouble in passing many Rivers , which otherwise they would meet with , and find an unarmed , and more hospitable people ; but unadvisedly after the inconsiderate humor of the Portugals resolving to go by land to Mozambique , and travel always far from the Sea amongst barbarous inhospitable people who eat humane flesh ; and with-all , not behaving themselves well with them in their passage , but out of a foolish temerity giving many occasions of disgusts , they were assaulted in many places by the said Cafiri , often spoyl'd and rob'd , and many of them kill'd ; so that of the Women that were with them , some were taken , others strip'd naked , till , after a thousand inconveniences and sufferings , and , as some say , about eight moneths travelling on foot , during which they were fain to wade through abundance of Rivers , at last no more of the company arriv'd at Mozambique but twenty seven persons ; all the rest being either slain by the way , or dead of hardships , excepting some few that were kept slaves by the Cafiri ; amongst which , was a Portugal Gentlewoman of quality , whom they kept to present to their King , without hope , I believe , of ever being deliver'd . A misery indeed worthy of compassion . The Jewels sent from Goa to be sold in Portugal , were almost all sav'd and deposited at Mozambique in the Misericordia ; some say to be restor'd to the owners , and others say , at the instance of the King's Officer , who pretends the King 's Right to them as shipwrackt goods ; yet most conclude , that the case will not be so judg'd , but that they will be restor'd to the owners , upon payment of some small matter to those that sav'd them . May the three and twentieth , I visited the above-mention'd Bishop now arriv'd in Goa , at the Colledge of San Paolo Novo . He was call'd Dom Ioanno da Rocha , and nominated but not consecrated Bishop of Heliopoli . On the twenty sixth , I visited in the Covent of our Lady della Gratia , F. Fra : Manoel della Madre di Dio , formerly known to me in Persia , and now Prior of the Covent of Sphahan , who the day before arrived at Goa in a Shallop which had been long expected and judg'd lost , having been seven moneths in coming from Mascat . He said , he came about Affairs of his Order and the Covents of Persia , ( for besides that which I left at Sphahan , they have since made one at Sciraz , and another at Bassora , and daily multiply ) yet with-all it was rumored , that he was sent by the King of Persia , to treat with the Vice-Roy about According the matters of Ormuz ; and I believe it , although he spoke nothing of it himself ; otherwise , me-thinks 't is not likely they would have let him come out of Persia without the King 's express Licence , or that the King would have granted it in time of Warr , unless he had come about some particular business of his . He informed me that all my friends in Persia were well , and so did a Letter of F : Fra : Giovanni to his Provincial at Goa , wherein mention was made of me , giving me intelligence of the well-fare of all my Friends , and how Sitti Laali my Cousin , had brought forth a Son whom she had nam'd Avedik , from Chogia Avedik his Father's Uncle ; which News was stale , for I knew it before my coming out of Persia ; and indeed , all the Letters F. Manoel brought were of a very old date ; to me he brought none , because my Friends there conceiv'd I was gone out of India into Europe . May the seven and twentieth , A Ship of the Portugal Fleet that was coming from Mozambique , arrived in the Port of Mormogon ; it entred not into the River of Goa , because the mouth of the River , by reason of the lateness of the season was unsecure , and began to be stopped ; for every year all the mouths of the Rivers and Ports of this Coast are fill'd with sand during the time of Rain , wherein the West wind blows very tempestuously , and are open'd again in September when the Rain ends . The Port of Mormogon , as I have elswhere said , is in the same Island of Goa , in the other mouth of the more Southern River , where sometimes old Goa stood , by which goods are convey'd by Boat from the Ships to the City , but by a longer way , going behind round the Island . May the twenty eighth , In the Evening at the time of Ave Maria , the Bells of almost all the Churches of Goa , saving that of the Jesuits , were rung for the Beatification of two Fryers , of the Order of San Domenico , whereof this Ship had brought News . May the twenty ninth , Another Portugal Ship of the Fleet arrived , and within two or three dayes after , all the other Ships expected from Mozambique ; and in one of them , the Jesuit design'd Patriarch into Aethiopia , whither he with two Bishops , whereof one was dead by the way , and many other Jesuits , was fent at the instance of the King of the same Country , who , they say , is called Sultan Saghed , and professes himself a Roman-Catholick already , with great hopes of reducing all that Kingdom to the Church in short time . As for the progress which the Jesuits affirm daily to be made in those Countries , being I know nothing of them , but by the information of others , I refer you to their Annual Letters ; and it suffices me to have touched here what I saw concerning the same , to wit , the expedition of this Patriarch , Bishops , and many Fathers who were sent thither by several wayes , attempting to open a passage into those Countries , lest such Commerce might be hindred by the Turks who are Masters of some of those Passes ; So that the F. Visitor of the Jesuits told me , they had this year sent many people for Aethiopia , not onely by the Arabian Gulph , and the Territories of the Turks bordering upon it , but also by Cascem a Country of Arabia govern'd by Arabians themselves ; by Mozambique and Mombaza , Countries of the Portugals , in the Coast of Africk ; by Cafaria , Angola , and Congo ; that so by these several wayes they might send enough , being the King demanded at least two hundred of their Fathers . And 't is manifest , that if the Conversion goes forward , as they presuppose , the Country is so large that there will be work enough for a greater number of Fathers and Religious Catholicks . Iune the second , We accompany'd , with a solemn Cavalcade , Sig : Andrea de Quadro , from the House of his God-father Sig : Gasparo di Melo , Captain of the City , to the Jesuits Colledg ; where , by the hands of the same Fathers , was given him the degree of Master of Arts , that is , of Philosophy ; the said Fathers having by Apostolical Authority jurisdiction in India to confer the said degree , and that of Doctorate ; for which reason I here have taken notice of this action . Iune the seventh , I visited in the said Colledge the Patriarch of Aethiopia one of the society , nam'd Don Alfonso Luigi de Santi ; he told me much News from Rome , and of several of my Relations whom he knew ; but it was stale News . The Patriarch and his Fathers had been inform'd of me , both by the Fathers of Goa , and by a Portugal Souldier call'd Pero Lopez , whom I knew in Persia , and who went to Rome with my Letters , where he lodg'd many dayes in my House , from thence pass'd into Spain , and at length return'd into India ; and came from Mozambique to Goa , in the same Ship with the Patriarch . To gratifie whose desires of seeing me , upon their informations , I visited him ; he not onely shew'd me many courtesies , and offers of serving me , with like ceremonious words , but himself and all his Fathers enter'd into an intimate Friendship with me , condition'd to hold mutual correspondence of Letters from Aethipia to Rome , and where ever else I should happen to be . We discours'd of many things , and he inquir'd of me concerning his Voyage , and how Fathers might pass at any time into Aethiopia from other parts , particularly , from Aegypt . I inform'd him of the Aethiopick Language , and some good Books for learning it , &c. Iune the sixteenth , If I mistake not in Computation , for which I refer my self to better diligence ( which I shall use with their Ephemerides of this year , in case I can procure the same ) the Moors were to begin their Rasandhan or Fast of their 1633 year of the Hegira . Iune the twenty fourth , Being in a Window to see the careers of the Cavaliers who ran in the Street before the Vice-roy according to the yearly custom in Goa upon S. Iohn's Day , I hapned to meet with Sig. Luis de Mendoza General of the Fleet wherewith I went to Calecut , and Sig. Bento or Benedetto , or Freites Mascarenhas , in a Portugal Habit , who a few years before was taken by Pirats of Algiers , and carried a slave to Barbary ; whence being redeemed and return'd into his own Country , he was favourably look't upon by his King , and sent again into India Captain of a Galeon . This Cavalier , besides the relation of his own misadventures told me how Qara Sultan , ( who in my time was sent Embassador from the King of Persia into Spain in answer to the Embassy of Don Garcia de Silva Figueroa , and travailed in the same Ship , before it was taken by the Pirats ) died by the way , having first substituted another of his company to perform his charge ; which other Embassador was taken with the said Ship , and carried a slave into Argiers ; whereof notice being given to the Persian Embassador at Constantinople , order was expected from thence what to do with him ; which not coming before this Gentleman was delivered he could not tell what the issue was , but left him still a prisoner in Argiers . August the fifth , The Indians were to celebrate their solemn Festival of Washing and other Ceremonies accustomed to be performed at Narva , and mentioned by me in the last years relation to be celebrated on the seventeenth of the same Month. And because this year the Feast-day fell twelve dayes sooner in our year then in the last , I perceived that the Indian year must be Lunar ; or if it be Solar , as I think I have heard , it cannot be just or equal , but to be adjusted requires some great and extravagant intercalation . I went not to Narva to see the Feast , because the place lies beyond the River in the Territory of the Moors , who at this time stood not upon good Terms with the Portugals . Neither did the Gentiles of Goa go thither , for the same reason ; and if I was not mis-enformed , they expected a safe conduct from Idal-Sciah from Vidhiapor , to go thither another day . August the ninth , Two hours and forty minutes before Noon ( if the Calculation and Observation of Christofero Borano or Boro be true ) the Sun was in the Zenith of Goa , and began to decline towards the South . August the twenty fourth , On which day the Feast of St Bartholomew uses to be celebrated , certain Officers deputed for that purpose with other Principal Persons entrusted with the superintendency of the Fields and Agriculture , offered to the Cathedral Church , and afterwards also to the Vice-roy , the first-fruits of the Fields , to wit , of Rice newly eared , which is the most substantial of the fruits of the Territory of Goa . I was told likewise that they made a Statue of an Elephant with Rice-straw , which I know not whether they carry'd about with them or set up in some Piazza . This custom is practis'd annually upon the said day , because at that time precisely the said fruit begins to ripen . August the twenty seventh , One Galeon ( of four that were coming from Mascat , whither they had been sent last April with Provisions ) arriv'd at Goa ; they came , by the Vice-roy's Order , to transport , if occasion requir'd , new succours to be sent to Ormuz . This Ship related , that the other three were possibly return'd back again to the streight of Ormuz , for fear of some Dutch Vessels which hover'd thereabouts ; but this being driven out to Sea , and having lost its company in the night , was forc'd to come directly forwards . It related further , that Ormuz had been again besieg'd a good while by the Captains of Ruy Freira , to wit , first by Michel Pereira Boraglio our friend , and afterwards by another , whom he sent thither by turns , because thereby the task would be easier to the besiegers : but that , at the parting of these Galleys from Mascat , Ruy Freira himself was upon the point to go to the said Siege with all the Men and Vessels with oars he had , which were about twenty or twenty five Galeots , and many less Morisco Vessels call'd Ternata's : a small preparation indeed to take Ormuz withall . September the second , a little before day-light , The safe arrival of the annual Portugal Fleet was congratulated by all the Bells of Goa . It consisted of two Merchant's Ships , lesser and lighter then the Carracks which use to come other years ; one Galeon laden also with Merchandize , and order'd to return with the same Ships , in case it should not be necessary at Goa for the war ; and five other Galeons equip'd for war which were to remain at Goa with all the Soldiery which was numerous and good , to be imploy'd as occasion should require . The General of this Armada was Sig. Nugno Alvares Botelho ; the Admiral Sig. Giovan Pereira Cortereal , to whose diligence the happy and speedy arrival of this Fleet is attributed ; the like not having come to pass in many years , and that through the fault and greediness both of the Pilots and Merchants : for before , without keeping order or rule in the voyage or obedience to the General , every one endeavor'd to have his Ship arrive first and alone . But this Sig. Gio. Pereira Cortereal having written and presented a printed Discourse about this matter to the King , his Majesty approv'd the same and gave strict charge that his Prescription should be observ'd with all exactness ; and hence proceeded the good success of this Voyage . This Fleet brought news , that the Prince of England was departed from Spain without effecting the marriage between the two Crowns , because the Parliament of England would not consent to it : which considering all the preceding transactions seems to me a strange case , and perhaps the like hath scarce hapned between Princes ; unless possibly there be some unknown mysterie in the business : That the Frosts having obstructed the mouth of a River in Holland had caus'd a great inundation , which broke the banks or dikes whereby they keep out the sea , and done much damage to the Country : That twelve Ships which set forth from thence for India , being beset by the Spanish Fleet of Dunkirk , were partly sunk and partly shatter'd , so that they could not come to India . That the Catholicks , in August last , upon the precise day whereon Urban VIII . was created Pope , had obtain'd a signal victory in Germany against the Hereticks . That great Fleets were preparing in England , Spain , and France , for unknown designs . That the King of Spain was at Sevil , and the Queen had brought him forth a Daughter who was dead ; but the Daughter of the Conte di Vidigueira , present Vice-Roy here in India , had brought him forth a Son ; at which the Queen was much displeas'd with the King. And that in Portugal it was expected that the Arch-Duke Leopold should go to govern that Kingdom . September the fifth , the other three Galeons , which I said were to come from Mascat , arriv'd at Goa . The cause of their delay was , as was rightly conjectur'd , that they had discover'd an English Ship upon those Coasts , and spent some time in giving her chase , but in vain , through the fault perhaps of the Portugal Captain who was loth to fight her : for one of them made up to her , and fought a while with her Artillery , but perceiving her companions came not to do the like , gave over , and having given and receiv'd many shots , let her go without doing her hurt , and return'd to her company . The English Ship shew'd much bravery ; for seeing three Vessels coming against her , she waited to give them battle without flying . The above-said Galeons brought Letters which signifi'd that Mascat was molested with wars by the neighbouring Arabians ; which , I conceive , may be upon some confederacy with the King of Persia , thereby to divert the Portugals from the Siege of Ormuz . That Ormuz was well provided with Men and Victuals ; that nevertheless they hop'd it would be taken , if good succour were sent from Goa , particularly of Galeons to fight with the Dutch Ships which were expected to come to the Ports of Persia to assist Ormuz , and recruit it with fresh soldiers . Of the English there is no speech , because considering the late transactions in Spain , it is not known whether there will be War or Peace with them henceforward , though perhaps the Vice-roy may know something in private . September the twenty ninth , A Jesuit , whose name I know not , was consecrated here in their Church of Giesu , Arch-Bishop of Angamali , and as they speak in the Portugal Language , da Serra , that is , of the Mountain , where live the Christians whom they call di San Tome , of the Chaldean Rite , and sometimes subject to the Schismatical Patriarks of Babylonia , but now of late years ( by the diligence of the Portugals ) Catholicks , and obedient to Rome ; his residence is in Cranganor , five leagues from Cocin Northwards . October the one and twentieth , Proclamation was made by the Vice-Roy's Order for the Souldiers to come and receive Pay , in Order to their going to Ormuz . The Armado wherein they were to go , was very long in preparing through want of mony ; which the Vice-Roy was very diligent to raise , both from the Merchants , and also from the Gentiles , who consented to pay a certain Annual Summ , ( or else a greater once for all ) that Licence might be granted them to celebrate Marriages in Goa , according to their own Rite , which ordinarily was not allowed them : But all these courses were not sufficient to dispatch the Fleet with that diligence which was desired ; and in the mean time it was said , that many Dutch or English Ships infested the Ports of Ciaul , Bassaim , and Dabul , without controll ; by all which it appears to me , that matters in India go every day from bad to worse . October the one and thirtieth , News came to Goa that Melik Ambar , who a good while had succesfully warr'd against Adil-Sciah , at length in a victory had taken one Mulla Muhhamed , General of Adil-Sciah's Army , and much favor'd by him ; who by his ill demeanor towards the said Melik , ( even so far as to endeavor to get him poyson'd ) was the occasion of the present Warr , wherein Melik's chief intent was to revenge himself of the said Mulla Muhhamed : Whom being thus taken , they say , he beheaded and caus'd him in that manner to be carry'd about his Camp with this Proclamation ; That this Traytor Mulla Muhhamed , the cause of the Warr , and present discords between Adil-Sciah and Nizam-Sciah , ( to whom this Melik is Governour ) otherwise Friends and Allies , was thus in the Name of his Lord Adil-Sciah , as a Traytor and disturber of the publick Peace , put to death . By which act Melik meant to signifie that he had no evil intention against Adil-Sciah , but onely took up Arms for the mischiefs done him by Mulla Muhhamed , whom he desir'd to remove from the Government of Adil-Sciah and the world . Yet it was not known how Adil-Sciah receiv'd this action , and what end the business would have . In this Warr , they say , the Moghol favor'd Adil-Sciah against Melik , and supply'd him with 20000. Horse : but , be that how it will , Adil-Sciah hath hitherto always gone by the worst , and some-times been in great danger ; M●lik , who is a brave Captain , having over-run all the State almost to the Gates of Vidhiapor , which is the Royal City of Adil-Sciah , where he hath sometimes been forc'd to shut himself up as 't were besieg'd . A few moneths before , Adil-Sciah put one of his principal Wives to death , for intelligence which she was said to hold with Melik , and for having been a party in promoting this Warr , out of design to remove Adil-Sciah from the Government , as one become odious to his own people , either through his covetousness or inability ( being infirm ) and place his Son in his room , who therefore was in danger too of being put to death by his Father , when the conspiracy was discover'd . Further news came that Adil-Sciah had deposed from the government , and imprison'd the Governour of the maritime Territories bordering upon Goa , who had lately given the Portugals so many disgusts ; which seem'd to signifie that he was minded to give them some satisfaction : that he had given the place to Chogia Riza or Rezeb a Persian , lately Governour of Dabul , who being in greater imployments at Court will send a Deputy , and from whom being prudent , and formerly a friend to the Portugals , they hope better dealings . November the first , The Confraternity della Misericordia made a solemn Procession in the evening ( as they use to do yearly upon this day ) going with two Biers from their own Church to the Church of our Lady de la Luz , to fetch the bones of all such as had been executed this year , and buried under the Gallows ; which they carry in Procession , first to this latter , and then to their own Church to bury , where also they make solemn Exequies for them . November the second , In the Evening the Dominicans made their solemn Procession del Rosario with much Solemnity , and so also the next morning , having deferr'd the same from the first Week of October till now , because the rain uses to disturb it in October . This day news came to Goa , that a Ship belonging to the Mogul's subjects , at her departing for Gidda from the Port of Diu , had there given security to return to the same Port to pay the usual Customs to the Portugals which would have amounted to above five thousand Scierifines ; but the Ministers of Diu contented with small security , which was no more then four thousand Scierifines : yet when the said Ship came back very rich , she would not touch at Diu , little caring to discharge the small security , but put in at a place upon that Coast belonging to the Mogul between Diu and Cambaia . The Portugals , understanding this , sent the Armada of Diu consisting of small Vessels with Oars , to fetch her in to Diu by force ; and the Ship refusing to obey , they fell to fighting . In the fight those of the Ship kill'd amongst others the chief Commander of the Portugal Armada ; yet the Armada so beset the Ship that they first forc't her to run on shore , and then burn't her . It was not true that the General was slain ; the Ship was taken indeed , but empty ; the Moors having had time to save most of their wealth upon Land , but however they suffer'd much dammage . By this accident it may be doubted whether some disgust be not likely to ensue between the Mogul and the Portugals ; and I know not whether it may not somewhat retard the Portugal Armada and Cafila which was ready to set sail for Cambaia . November the fourth , The Armada of Colletta departed from Goa to fetch provision ; it was to go to Cocin , and therefore the newly consecrated Arch-Bishop of Serra , imbarqu'd in it to go to his residence ; so also did F. Andrea Palmiero , Visitor of the Jesuits , my friend , to visit that his Province ; and F. Laertio Alberti an Italian , with many other Jesuits who came out of Europe this year to go and reside there . The same day , an Almadia or small Boat of Ciaul came to Goa with news of a Vessel arriv'd there from Mascat , and also a Ship from Bassora ; both which reportted that Ormuz was in much distress by the Siege , so that many Moor 's , soldiers , escap'd out of the Town to Ruy Freira ; after whose arrival , the Siege proceeded prosperously for us , with good order and much hope ; yet in case the succours were sent from Goa , which Ruy Freira very importunately desir'd . At Bassora , they said , all was quiet . This will be the last that I shall write to you from Goa , being ready to depart out of India ( if it please God ) within a few dayes , and desirous to return to my Country , where I may see and discourse with you the first object that I propound to my self at my revisiting our dear Italy . However I shall not omit in my way to acquaint you with my adventures , to the end my Letters may forerun me , and be the harbingers of my arrival . I reserve many things to tell the Sig. Dottore , and Signor . Colletta , and those other Gentlemen my friends , who , I am confident , accompany my prayers to God for my prosperous arrival ; from whom wishing of you all happines● , I rest , &c. LETTER IX . From Mascat January 19. 1625. HAving determin'd to return to my Country , not by way of Portugal but by that of Bassora , and from thence by land to Aleppo , which seem'd to me the best and shortest ; and having accordingly obtain'd licence of the Viceroy , ( who in this and other matters hath always done me many favours ) which licence was necessary , because in Goa 't is rigorosly prohibited to all to go into Europ by this way of Turky ; and being prepared with every thing necessary by the opportunity of the Cafila and Armada which went from Goa for Cambaia , in which there was one Ship which was to go from Ciaul to Bassora , I resolv'd to embarque in a Ship of the Armada that was to go to Ciaul , intending there to go aboard that which was to go to Bassora . In order whereunto having taken leave of all my friends , and at last got the Viceroy's licence , who was then at Pangi , and gave me certain Letters of importance written to his King , which I was to consign to the Portugal Agent at Rome , that he might transmit the same to his Master ; on the fifteenth of November about evening , I went down the River in a Mansina or Wherry to the mouth of the Sea , and there went aboard the Ship I had taken , whereof Francesco Gomez was Captain . In this Voyage there came with me Marian Tinatin , Eugenia Cingala her servant , a Venetian Merchant , my Friend nam'd Marc ' Antonio Lanza , whom I took for my company , with his servant nam'd Giovanni , Michael a servant given me by Sig : Antonio Baracho , to accompany me to Rome , a trusty person , to whom he had therefore given liberty ; and another servant of his nam'd Giovan Boracho , who was to accompany me onely to Ciaul , whither also his Master Antonio intended shortly to follow him . November the sixteenth , Before day we set sail , and met the Armada of Chebore , Diu Bossaria , and Ciaul , ( Countries on the North of Goa ) sailing to Goa ; at night we cast Anchor short of the Rocks , call'd Los Ilheos quemados . Our course was alwayes Northwards , the Land alwayes winding from us on the Right Hand . November the twentieth , We set sail about day-break , and at three a clock after noon cast Anchor a little short of Ciaul , because the wind was contrary , in a Bay , where there is a Village call'd Pascet ; here we stay'd three dayes in expectation of some ill-arm'd Vessels of the Cafila , which lagg'd behind . On the four and twentieth at night , We enter'd the Port of Ciaul , which is within the jaws of a fair River . I sent my servant to look for a House , and in the mean time remain'd for this night in the Ship , but the next day we landed with all our Goods . November the nine and twentieth , News came to Ciaul that Dutch Ships were gone from Surat to Ormuz , with intent to help the Persians against the Portugals ; it being suspected that they have made some agreement with the King of Persia , to have a share of that place , and to inhabit it . Some said the Ships were four ; others , that seven more were preparing at Surat , with a Petache for the same design , either all Dutch , or Dutch and English together . Be it as it will , the arrival of Enemy-Ships at Ormuz , before the Portugal Armada , I account very prejudicial to the Portugals design upon the place ; for 't is difficult for Ruy Freira to hinder them only with an Armada of Oars from relieving it , which may be done in one day ; and being done , 't is sufficient to prolong the Warr and the Siege for another year . And if it be true , that so many Ships of those Hereticks are going not onely to Ormuz , but also to Mascat and all the Coasts of India , I look upon it as a matter of dangerous consequence ; it being rumor'd not without ground that they are agreed with the Persians to make Warr upon Mascat , and to do great matters against the Portugals , which God forbid . December the second , I went to view a Town of the Moors , subject to Nizam-Sciah , and his Governour Melik Ambar , and because near Ciaul , call'd Ciaul di Riba , that is , Upper Ciaul . The way leading to it is fair and handsome , amongst Groves of Palms and other Fruit-trees , and it stands on the same bank of the River more Northwards with Ciaul of the Portugals . 'T is a large Town well inhabited both by Moors and Gentiles , especially near the Bazar or Market-place , where the Shops afford plenty of all things necessary for Food and Clothing , according to the fashion of the Country , as also very fine Cotton Clothes of several sorts , with other commodities which are brought thither from the more inward parts . Beyond the Bazar , the Houses stand not so close together , but scatter'd here and there amongst Gardens , or rather woods of Palmes and other Fruit-trees , which are very thick , tall , and handsome , affording shadow to the streets all the way , which are broad , long , green , and very delightful . A little distant from the Bazar is a great Artificial Lake or Cistern , surrounded , as their custom is , with stone stairs ; they call it Tanle Nave Nagher . The Moors for the most part dwell near the Bazar towards the River , which passes not far off , and is navigable seven or eight leagues upwards : Here also the Mahometans have their Meschita's , hot Baths , ( which the Gentiles use not , because they wash themselves publickly in their Cisterns ) , and places of Sepulture ; a Dogana , or Custom-house ; and lastly , a Divan , or Court of Justice , and what-ever belongs to their Government . Most of the Gentiles , who are the greatest part , live in Houses remote from the Bazar , amongst Gardens and Trees , where in several places they have sundry Temples of their Idols , as one principal , which I saw , of Zagadanba a Goddess , who , they say , is the same with Leksemi , Wife of Visenu ; another good one dedicated to Amrut Suer , who , they say , is the same with Mahadeu , and is figur'd by a round stone like him of Cambaia . Other Temples I saw of Neraiena , and others of their Idols ; but the greatest and chiefest of all , both for esteem and devotion , stands remote from the Bazar upon the way to Ciaul of the Portugals , and is dedicated to Rami , or Ramisuer ; it adjoynes to a great Artificial Lake or Cistern , each side whereof is about 73 of my paces , environ'd after the usual fashion with banks and stairs of stone , leading down to the surface of the water ; there are also round about it very broad walks shadow'd with high , thick , and goodly Trees , which make the place opacous and very lovely . In the front of the Temple next the Cistern , under a Cupolet supported by four Pilasters , is the statue of an Ox or Bull sitting with all the four Legs gather'd under it , being the same that I saw in Canara , call'd Basuana , but here Nandi ; they told me , it was a Male , and different from Gaietry Vasca , which was the Wife of Rama . The head and breast of this figure looks towards the Gate of the Temple , the back and tayl towards the Cistern ; and the Gentiles who come to visit this Temple , first go down to wash their Face , Hands , and feet in the Cistern , and then come to kiss and touch with their Head in token of Reverence , ( or at least with their Hands reverently bow'd down after their manner ) the tayle of the said Nandi ; after which they put off their Pantofles , and so enter the Temple bare-foot to pray and worship after their manner ; of which I have else-where spoken . Some go round about the Temple before they enter , beginning from the right side , and coming about to the left , as I said before they did also at Canara in their Processions and Ceremonies . Others offer Fruits and other things to the Idols , or else strew grains of Rice before them in Oblation : The like they do to the Statue of the Ox Nandi , and also to a Sprig of Basil , planted there upon a square Pedestal of earth , on one side of the little Chappel of Nandi . There stand also upon the Lake , and other-where about the Temple , many other little Chappels inclos'd with walls , having several Idols in them . In one behind the Temple stands the Idol of the Scimione Haniment , in his usual and ridiculous Figure of an Ape , and sitting like a Man ; and indeed , 't is strange that these wretched people are not asham'd to worship such things . This Haniment was one of those Scimioni , or Apes which helped Rama to recover his Wife , for which service they merited Divine Honours ; and therefore 't was reason he should here have a place near the Temple of Rama , which resembles the subjoyned Plat-form . numbered floorplan of temple platform 1. The Street or High-way . 2. The Gate leading to the Cistern . 3. The place about the same . 4. Gardens and Groves about the said Street . 5. The Cistern or Artificial Lake . 6. Stairs about it . 7. Another Gate leading out of the Street or High-way to the Temple . 8. The open space where the Temple stands , enclos'd towards the Street with walls , and else-where with Gardens . 9. The Statue of Bue Nandi , under his Cupolet upon a pavement some-what rais'd from the ground . 10. A Pedestal with a sprig of Basil. 11. The Entrance of the Temple . 12. A little Porch of the same . 13. The Temple-Gate . 14. The Temple , empty within , saving that it hath a few wooden figures of Idolets , or other things . 15. A wall'd Inclosure or Penetral within the Temple , which I saw not , wherein is the Statue of Rama . 16. The little Chappel of the Idol Haniment . 17. Little Chappels of other Idols , to which certain Gioghi , who stand there to beg Alms , sometimes repair . 18. Other little Houses , perhaps , belonging to the Ministers of the Temple . 19. A great Tree with a round bank of Earth about it , where oftentimes some Gioghi sit reading and contemplating after their manner ; of which sort of Trees many are planted in this inclos'd space . I was one day at this Temple , ( whither I often went for Recreation ) and I saw many Men and Women come to worship , and wash themselves in the Lake ; some of the Women were young and handsome , yet shun'd not being seen by any one that pass'd by . There came also many Mainati , that is , Washers , both Men and Women to wash their clothes here , and , in brief , I took much pleasure , and sometimes dined and spent the whole day here , enjoying the shadow of the Trees , and the coolness of the Lake . It would be too long to speak here of the Idols of these Gentiles , how many , and what they are ; perhaps I shall one day communicate something to the world about the principal of them in another Language . December the seventh , My Friend Sig : Antonio Baracho arrived at Ciaul as I expected ; he came by the Vice-Roy's Order to make provision for the Galeoons which were sending to Ormuz , being seven well armed Ships , daily expected to arrive there . December the ninth , Sig : Antonio having dispatched his business at Ciaul , and taken Order for my imbarquing in the above mentiond Vessel that was going to Bassora , whereof one Antonio Giovanni was Captain ; and his much business which he had to do for the Armada at Bassaim , requiring haste in the Evening he departed in the same Almadia or Shallop wherein he came : Our separation was not without tears , and much regret on both sides ; but I was something comforted , by his promise of visiting me at Rome as soon as he could get leave to go to Portugal about his other Affairs . December the fifteenth , The Galeoons of the Armada of Goa arrived at Ciaul ; they were but six , and said that two more were coming after them , and that they had Orders , in case they understood the Ships of the Enemies were already departed from Surat to Ormuz , ( as indeed they were ) not to go after them , ( because it would be a vain thing to think of hindering the supplying of Ormuz with Victuals , since it might be done if they arrived there but one day before the Portugals ) but to go directly to Surat to try what dammage they could do there . But in case the Enemies Ship were not yet gone from Surat to Ormuz , then to go directly to Ormuz as speedily as they could , and get thither before them , and hinder the besieged place from being succoured ; which 't was impossible for Ruy Freira to do only with his small Vessels of Oars . Now according to these orders ( the Dutch Ships being already gone from Surat to Ormuz , as is abovesaid ) it was held fit at Ciaul that the Galeoons should without more ado go to Surat , and after they had there done what mischief they could to the Enemies , then sail to Ormuz . December the sixteenth , The Ship wherein I was to imbarque , being to set sail the night following , I put my Goods aboard , and having taken leave of my Friends , I was accompanied to the Sea-side by Sig. Luigi Cabreira , from whom I separated with many embraces , and much regret on either side . As soon as I was in the Ship the Captain weighed Anchor , intending to set sail as soon as we should have a good wind , although the Captain of Ciaul sent a publick Notary to the Captain of our Ship not to go out of the Port this night , the service of the King so requiring ; I believe it was , that we might stay for some other Ships which were to go out the next morning , to the end we might go altogether more secure from the Malabars , the greatest dangers of whom is at the going out of Ports , about which they lie waiting , and near the Land where they ply up and down , more then in the main Sea. We had no wind in the night , and therefore went not out of the Port. December the seventeenth , In the morning we set out of the Port with a small gale , and at the same time three or four other Ships set forth for several parts . We had not sail'd far , but we descry'd some Vessels coming towards us , which we took for Pirats , and therefore prepar'd to fight them ; but at length we lost sight of them , and hois'd the great sail , directing our course almost Northwest ; having first rehears'd the Litanies of our Lady , and invok'd the Divine Assistance , and her's , propitious to our Voyage . December the twenty third , Having hitherto sail'd prosperously , we came to the altitude of twenty three degrees and a half , under the Tropick of Cancer , leaving the Torrid Zone , under which I had been travelling in sundry parts for about a year and ten Months . Here the wind fail'd us , and we had as quiet a Sea as uses to be at the shores of Italy in the Month of August . We began to find the Sky , which hitherto we had seen constantly clear , ( as it uses to be in India during these Months ) now interstinguish'd with clouds : and , in short , the mutation of the Climate was manifest . The Coast of Arabia , for which we were bound , could not be far off ; but we could not get to discover it for want of wind . December the twenty seventh , Having hitherto been becalm'd , without advancing but rather being driven backwards by the contrary current of the water ; the Portugals , as their custom is , after reciting the Litanies , and praying to God , and Sant ' Antonio of Padua , ( to whom they bear great devotion ) to give us a good wind , intended to bind a little Image of the said S. Anthony which they carry'd in the Ship , as if to imprison it : for thus they use to do , when they would obtain any favour , as if they meant to force it , threatning not to loose it till he grant them what they demand . They intended , I say , to bind S. Anthony that he might give us a good wind ; but forbore to do it upon the Pilot's instance , who pass'd his word for the Saint , telling them that he was so honest that without being bound or captivated , he would do what they desir'd . This manner of demanding of favours of S. Antonio of Padua , is much in use amongst the Portugals , especially the meaner sort of ignorant and superstitious Mariners ; though amongst us 't is a vain thing . A barbarous Superstition indeed ; but yet such as sometimes , through the faith and simplicity of those that practise it , uses to be heard . December the twenty eighth , We had a wind sufficiently brisk and impetuous , yet not only not favourable but altogether contrary ; so that we could neither bear up against it , nor yet cast anchor because we were in the main Sea , which growing rough and tempestuous , we were forc't to furl our sails , and suffer the Ship to be driven whither the wind pleas'd , which was Southwards , not without fear falling upon Mombaza , or some other remote Coast of Africk , and consequently suffering shipwrack , and a thousand other Dysasters . December the twenty ninth , The Captain , with the others of the Ship resolv'd at length to bind S. Anthony , and as chance would have it , it prov'd well ; for the wind chang'd , and we sail'd prosperously in our right course all day , and part of the night . A little before mid-night we discover'd the Coast of Arabia so neer that we cast anchor in haste for fear of the Shallows which are thereabouts . In the morning we saw the Land naked both of Trees and Grass , but rather stony in appearance and Desart , although it was part of that Arabia which they call Happy . December the thirtieth , We began to move forward East South-East , having the Land on the left hand ; but a sudden contrary wind arising forc't us to cast anchor again in the place where we were , not without danger ; for in the furling of the sail , through the negligence of the Sea-men , it wrapt about the Mast , the wind blowing very furiously against the fore-deck ; so that had the Vessel been less sound and strong-sided , or some of the Passengers less diligent to help , it had been overturn'd and sunk , like the Ship of Orontes in the shipwrack of Aeneas , which Virgil describes to have been lost by the like casualty . At night , the contrary wind ceasing , we proceeded in our intended course . Dece●●●r the one and thirtieth , The wind failing , we cast anchor , but in an unsecure place , not without danger of being split upon the shore , whither in spight of our anchors the wind hurri'd us ; but tacking about , we got to a more secure place , near that from whence we had mov'd the day before . On the first of Ianuary , and of the year 1625 , We stood at anchor till night , and then made a little progress ; but all the next day we stood at anchor again , and took very good fish ; and at night a little wind blowing from the Land , we went forwards now and then , but very little . Ianuary the eighth , Having all the preceding days been about the Coast of Arabia , casting anchor every day , and weighing again at night ; ( during which , a Boat of Arabians brought us much fresh fish , and an Arabian came swimming to us a great way only to beg a little Rice and Bisket , which we gave him ) at length having a good wind this day afternoon , we pass'd a Cape which they call Capo falso , because 't is neer and resembles the Cape Raselhhad , but is not it . At night we passed by the True Cape call'd by the Arabians Raselhhad , that is , the Cape of the Confine , because 't is the last and most Southern Cape of Arabia , being , as they say , in the latitude of twenty two degrees and a half from the Aequinoctial Northwards , and distant from Mascat , whither we were going , forty leagues ; the Portugals call it corruptly Capo di Rosalgate . Having pass'd this Cape , we steer'd Northwest , still upon the coast of Arabia which lies all the way on the left hand , and enter'd the Persian Gulph , but saw not the opposite Continent of Persia , because for a good way inwards the Gulph is very broad . Ianuary the seventh , Having in the night foregoing had a good wind , by day-light we were got eighteen leagues beyond the Cape , near the place where the City of Calatat , which Albuquerque destroy'd , sometimes stood , upon a good River , at the foot of certain little Mountains , of which almost the whole coast consists . Here the wind fail'd us , and having labour'd with the oar all day , we got no further then Teive , a place inhabited by Arabians . At night we were troubled with rain , which passing through all covers , wetted us sufficiently , and kept us from sleeping . The next day we hois'd sail , and had scarce dry'd our Clothes , but more rain surpriz'd us ; and through want of wind all the day , we did not get so far as Curiat , which lyes eight Leagues forward , and twelve short of Mascat . On the eleventh of the same Moneth , having no wind , we made use of Oars , till we came to an Anchor a little beyond Curiat ; and the next day hoising sail , we pass'd by an Island call'd Scoglio di Curiat , sailing through a narrow arm of the Sea which divides it from the Continent , which is all stony and full of Cliffs , like the fair Mountain Posilippo near Naples in Italy . Before night we cast Anchor a little beyond ; for our Oars helpt the Ship but little ; being only serviceable to such heavy Vessels to surpass a Cape , or get into a Port , or the like , in case of 〈…〉 d for a short way . At night we weigh'd Anchor , and soon afterwards cast it again , having made but little way . Ianuary the thirteenth , Having sail'd all day , and pass'd the Tropick of Cancer , we enter'd the Northern Temperate Region , and towards night arriv'd at the Port of Mascat , which is well clos'd and encompass'd about with little Mountains , but lyes open to the North-west , whereby it receives much dammage . The Town , whereof the least part are wall'd Houses , and the greatest onely sheds made of Palm-boughs , stands directly in the innermost recess of the Port , surrounded behind with Mountains ; amongst which , nevertheless , there want not wayes of access to it from the in-land parts ; so that , to secure their Houses from the incursions of the Arabians , they had in my time begun to raise an earthern wall , but plain and weak , with a few Bastions , very distant one from another ; which wall , drawn from Mountain to Mountain , incloses and secures their Houses on that side , as the Sea doth on the opposite and inaccessible little Mountains on the two other sides . On the top of one of these Mountains , on the right hand as you enter the Port , stands the Castle , difficult indeed to be taken by assault or otherwise then by Famine , if well defended ; for though the wall be not very strong , yet the natural situation secures it , and it hath a Plat-form levell'd to the Sea , whereby it defends the Port with Artillery , and is descended to from the Castle by a cover'd Ladder , which is very good . On the other side of the Port , upon another Mountain stands another Port of less consideration , having been anciently the Castle ; yet it hath Artillery , and may be of some advantage . The Town is small , but for its bigness sufficiently peopled , especially since the loss of Ormuz , from whence many repair hither . The people is mix'd of Portugals , Arabians , Indians , Gentiles , and Iews . It hath onely two Churches ; one which is the See of the Vicar , who is no Priest but an Augustine Fryer ; one of their Covent , alwayes coming to officiate there , and to discharge the place of Vicar and Parish-Priest : the other is of Augustine Fryers , where live about four of that Order , and both are dedicated to our Lady , with several Titles ; to wit , that of the Fryers Della Gratia ; and the other , Del Rosario . The Captain lives not always in the Castle by reason of the inconvenience of its situation , but onely during the hotter monthes of Summer for coolness ; for upon the lower ground the heat is insupportable , both because the Climate is of it self hot , and because the dwellings lie in a low and inclos'd place , encompassed , as I said , with Mountains , which keep off all wind , and reverberate the Sun more strongly ; besides that , the Soil is dry and saltish , which consequently increases the heat . The Captain whom I found there , was call'd Sig : Martino Alfonso de Melo . I also found dwelling here a Nephew , or Brother's Son of the Captive King of Ormuz , whose Father was also King of the same place before this Brother of his , who is at this day prisoner in Persia. This Nephew , they told me , was call'd after his Uncle's Name Muhhamed-Sciah ; and the Portugals make him be acknowledg'd Prince in Arabia by all the Arabians that were lately subject to the King of Ormuz , and are now exempt from the oppression of the Persians or Rebellion , as nearest Kinsman and lawfullest Heir ( of any now at liberty ) to the imprison'd King. At the same time of our Arrival , there was also at Mascat upon his journey Hhabese-Chan , Ambassador of the King of Dacan , Nizam-Sciah , who was returning to his Master from Persia , where he had been many years with Sciah-Abbas . It being night when we arriv'd at Mascat , we went not ashore ; onely the Captain of the Ship was sent for by the Governour to speak with him , and give him account of his purposes . Ianuary the fourteenth , Having procur'd a Lodging , about noon I landed with my people , and went to possess it . In the Evening I visited the Veador de Fazenda , or Treasurer , Sig : Nicolo da Silva my Friend , and known to me many years in Persia ; who at first not knowing me , was afterwards much pleas'd to see me here safe and sound . Ianuary the fifteenth , I visited the Captain or Governour of Mascat , in whose House I found lodg'd Sig : Don Francesco Contigno Covacio , my Friend , at Goa , who upon some disgusts between himself and the Vice-Roy , came in the same Armada that I did to Ciaul , and from thence hither , in Order to go to the siege of Ormuz . Ianuary the seventeenth , I was visited by the F. Provincial of the Augustines in Manil , whom I had seen , but not convers'd with at Goa , and who was going onely to Bassora . His conversation was very pleasing to me , because he was a person of much and various Erudition , both in Mathematicks and History ; besides that he was also an excellent Preacher . Ianuary the eighteenth , At noon I took the Altitude of the Sun , whom I found forty four degrees distant from the Zenith , being this day in the 27th degree of Capricorn , according to Origanus , and declining from the Aequinoctial towards the South 20 degrees 23′ . 53″ . which taken from 44 degrees , leave 23 degrees 36′ . 7″ . So that Mascat lyes 23 degrees 36′ . 7″ . distant from the Aequinoctial towards the North ; and consequently , hath the North-Pole so much elevated . The same day a Petache arriv'd from Ormuz , bringing News of the Arrival there of ten Ships from Surat , namely , six Europaean Men of War , and four Merchant Ships of Moors and other people ; so that with those formerly arriv'd , ther were at Ormuz between English and Dutch ten Ships of War , and the Portugal Armada not yet arriv'd . This Petache , they say , Ruy Freira sent to Mascat , to avoid falling amongst so many Enemies , being alone . He stay'd still there with his Vessels of Oars , yet with no hope of hindring Ormuz from being reliev'd both with Men , Ammunition , and Victual at their pleasure . Ianuary the nineteenth , I went to see a Village of the Arabians , a little distant from Mascat , and call'd Kelbuh ; it lyes without the Mountains that incompass the Castle and Houses of Mascat on the side towards Sohar ; the way that leads to it , is a narrow passage , and because dangerous for the letting in of Enemies , the Portugals have wisely guarded it with a rampart , and some few pieces of Artillery . The Town is small , consisting onely of cottages or sheds made of Palm-boughs , and so low that one cannot stand upright in them , but onely sitting upon the ground after the manner of the Moors : yet for its bigness , it hath people enough ; because this miserable sort of Men very wretchedly , but easily accommodate themselves to their own mode in any little place . LETTER X. From Bassora , May 20. 1625. OUr Ship being ready to depart for Bassora , and being to touch by the way about Ormuz , in order to consign some things to the General Ruy Freira , pertaining to the service of the Armada ; after all the rest that were to go were imbarqu'd , ( amongst which were Don Francesco Contigno Covacio , who intended for Ormuz ; two bare-footed Carmelites , who were for Bassora ; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia in the Philippine Islands , who was passing into Europe ) I went aboard with my people at night , Ianuary the six and twentieth . Yet the Vessel went not off till the next day , and with no favourable wind we sail'd about six Leagues , casting Anchor at night not far from the shore . Ianuary the eight and twentieth , Having sail'd a while , a contrary wind forc'd us to Anchor again ; and indeed in this Persian Gulph , the wind is so inconstant , and with-all so strong , that if it happen to be contrary , there is little good to be done by contesting against it in this narrow Sea , but those that sail in it must in such case either cast Anchor , or be driven backwards . We anchor'd so near land , and in so little water , under a place call'd Sibo , about seven Leagues from Mascat , that the contrary wind increasing , and the Anchor not sufficing to retain the Ship , we were in great danger of being split upon the shore , to the loss of all our goods and perhaps lives too , the Coast being very craggy , and the Sea extremely rough . We were so near being lost , that the Ship almost toucht the ground ; but a small sail , hanging on the rope which runs from the top of the Mast to the Stern , and is call'd by the Portugal's Sabaco sav'd us ; which sail alone we could make use of , to keep off the shore ; though it being small , and the Vessel heavy , it suffic'd not to move it much . The Arabians were already gathered together in great number upon the shore to get the booty , and perhaps also to take our persons in case the Ship should be split ; for in these troublesom times of war they were here but little friends to the Portugals of Mascat . But at length , as it pleas'd God , by the help of Oars and the diligence of Sig. Franc. Contigno Covacio ( who in many things supply'd the ignorance or negligence of other Officers of the Ship ) we turn'd-about the Stern of the Ship to the Sea , and being deliver'd from imminent danger , had time to hoise the Trinket to the wind , as before we could not , because it was on the other side of the Mast , which they call Under-the-wind , and could not be brought about without more time then our sudden and present danger permitted . After which , because the wind so requir'd , and it was dangerous going ashore for water among the Arabians , we determin'd to return to Mascat ; and having pass'd the Island della Vittoria , ( so call'd from a notable Victory obtain'd by the Portugals against an Armada of Turkish Galleys which came to make war upon Mascat ) about evening we re-entred the port of Mascat ; where our Ship falling foul upon another Ship that rode there at anchor , we became in a new danger of suffering shipwrack or at least , some considerable dammage . Many went ashore to sleep there all night ; but being our departure was to be speedily , I only sent my servants to fetch me some refreshment . Ianuary the thirtieth , The Ship having taken water , and all our company imbarqu'd , at four a clock afternoon we set sail again from Mascat , and about Ave-Mary-time repass'd the Island della Vittoria ( which lies only two leagues from Mascat ) sailing between it and the Continent : as we had done before . Ianuary the one and thirtieth , As we were sailing with a small wind , we descry'd a Sail a far off , which seeing us , discharg'd a Gun , as a sign for us to stay till it came up to us : whence we understood it to be one of Freira's Fleet ; for by custom the Ships of war in India do thus , and other Merchant-Ships are oblig'd to stay and obey ; if not , the War-ship may sink them . Accordingly we stay'd , and by the help of Oars it presently made towards us . Wherein I observ'd the little Military Discipline , and good order practis'd by the Portugals in India ; for there was all the reason in the world , that , if we stay'd the coming up of this Ship , according to the custom , yet we should not have trusted it till we knew what it was ; for it might have been an Enemy or a Rover , as there are many in these Seas , who being Portugals by Nation , and banish'd for some misdemeanors , betake themselves to carry Pepper , Arms , and other prohibited things to the Territories of the Moors . Wherefore to secure our selves from all deceit and dammage , which such a Ship feigning to be of Freira's Armada might have done us , we should have stay'd indeed , but it ought to have been with our Arms in our Hands , Falcons , Corchabuses , and Muskets loaden ; and , in short , in a posture of defence and fighting , as occasion requir'd . On the contrary , this good Discipline was observ'd neither on our part , nor by the Vessel which came to see who we were ; which imprudent confidence , though it succeeded well in this case , yet was undeniably a great and perillous error ; and had the event been ill , it could not have been excus'd otherwise then by saying , Nonputaram , a word ) ( according to Cicero , very little befitting Prudent Men. This Vessel of the Armada demanded of us water and Mariners . Now amongst the Portugals , t is a custom for these War-ships to take from Merchants which they meet what they please , either by fair means or by foul ; although 't is but a disorderly thing , and many inconveniences happen by it . Of water we gave them two barrels , but no Mariners , because we had few enough for our selves , and they took them not by force , ( as they would perhaps have done from others ) out of respect to Sig : Coutigno , who was in the Ship with us ; and the rather because we told them , we were going to carry Provisions to Ruy Freira , who , they informed us , was retreated into the Island of Larek , and that the Armada of Goa was not yet arriv'd , and also that themselves were going to Mascat for Provisions . In the Evening , we met a Terrada , or Bark of Freira's Fleet , going likewise to Mascat , by which we understood the same News . February the first , The wind turning contrary , we cast anchor at distance from land for more security , the shore being all the way on our left hand . February the second , Though the wind became somewhat favourable , we weigh'd not anchor , because we were to land an Augustine Fryer at Sohar , of which place he was Curate ; and neither we nor the Pilot knowing whether we had pass'd Sohar , or not ; nor yet what Land it was where we were , therefore we sent our Boat ashore to inquire ; it brought word that Sohar lay a little more forward , and thereupon it was remitted to carry the said Fryer on shore , that so he might ride thither on a Camel by Land. This business took up all the day . At night we set sail , but with no favourable wind , so that we were constrain'd to ancho● again a little further ; till about midnight , the wind rising a little in our favour we set forwards . The land in this place is a low Plain , as the word Sohar signifies ; yet we saw abundance of hills at a great distance from the shore . Sohar is four and twenty leagues from Mascat . February the sixth , Having by the help of Oars with much difficulty come to Chursakan , which is twelve leagues beyond Sohar , in the morning we sail'd under Doba which lies three leagues further . The Portugals had not so much confidence in the people as to think fit to enter into the Port , but resolv'd to go three leagues onwards to a secure place of friendly Arabians call'd Lima. The coast of Doba is mountainous , and the Town stands behind a Promontory which runs far into the Sea. Here we first discern'd the opposite coast of the Persian Gulph , from whence rather rowing then sailing , by Sun-set we came to an anchor under Lima. Many of our Ships went ashore , some to fetch provisions , of which they found but little store , and others to refresh themselves . I was not in a condition to do the like , being in bed under deck by reason of an Ague ; as also was Mariam Tinatim ; so that neither of us could so much as look up to behold the Land. February the seventh , We pass'd by the Cape of Mosendom , at the point of which stand two or three Rocks one further then another into the Sea. That nearest the Cape is greatest , and the remotest is the least , which they call Baba Selam ; the Moorish Sea-men when they pass by it , salute it with many shouts of joy . Having pass'd by this Cape , ( which is , as I believe within ten or twelve leagues of Ormuz ) leaving Ormuz and Bender di Kombra on the right hand , ( because we presum'd the Dutch and English Ships to be there ) we directed our course towards Larek , hoping to find Ruy Freira there , as we had understood by the way ; but a little after , we descry'd two Ships of Freira's Armada ( as we suppos'd ) in two several places towards the Land ; each of which gave us a Gun ; whereby we apprehended that they intended either to receive or give us some necessary Advertisement . Wherefore quitting our course to Larek , we turn'd the Stern to the coast of Arabia , towards which one of the said Ships about Sun-set seem to be retir'd . We approach't near the Land about Evening , and passing amidst certain Rocks , went to cast anchor within a little bay which was there ; but in the narrow streight between a Rock and the Continent , a most impetuous current of the Sea hurri'd us away so furiously , that without giving us time to let down the sail , it had almost dash't us against the foot of certain high Rocks , where , if we had touch't , without doubt our Ship had been split in a thousand pieces , nor had any one of us escap't with life unless by miracle : nevertheless by plying our Oars stoutly , and at length letting down the sail , by God's mercy we were delivered from this imminent and manifest danger . Yet not so fully , but that we had like to have been cast upon another Rock , not so much through the violence of the Current , as the negligence of the Sea-men who did not govern the Sails and Helm well . But at length , being by the Divine Assistance freed from both dangers , we got to the place we design'd , and there found one of Freira's Ships which had given us a Warning-piece in the preceding day ; and also an armed Bark of that sort which they call Terrankim , and are almost such as our Caichi or Shallops ; which Bark Ruy Freira sent to the Rock Baba Selam there to wait for the Armada of Goa , and advertise him when it arriv'd . In the Ship was Sig. Sancho di Toar , who the last year had been sent from Goa General of certain Ships to assist Ruy Freira , and being weary of the war , now with his licence ( obtain'd , as may be thought , by importunity ) was returning to Mascat , and so to Goa , with seventy or eighty soldiers that accompani'd him . After we had cast anchor , although it was very dark , yet some of the said soldiers , and the Captain of the Terranquim came to our Ship to speak with Don Francesco Cavacio ; so also did the Captain of the Ship , the abovesaid di Toar , next morning . Don Francesco disswaded the soldiers from deserting the war in a time of so great need , and of so fair an occasion as would be at the coming of the Armada of Goa , which was approaching hourly ; telling them that at Goa it would be held an action little honourable , and that the Vice-Roy would severely punish whoever return'd thither abandoning Ruy Freira : In short , he said so much to them , that being assur'd of the coming of the Fleet of Goa , which before they disbeliev'd and accounted only a report to keep the soldiers in suspence ) almost all of them chang'd their purpose , and resolv'd to continue at the war , after they had been at Mascat only to provide themselves some necessaries . Of such moment to the publick good is the authority and prudent discourse of a worthy person amongst people . We had news from them , that Ruy Freira had quitted Larek , because the English at the instance of the Persians had gone thither with their Ships to drive him thence ; whereupon having first destroy'd certain Shops of Provision , which he had made there for convenience of the soldiers , and a weak Trench , he remov'd with his Armada of Oars to a desart station of Arabia a little beyond the place where we were , and there we should find him ; that if we had gone to Larek , we should have incurr'd the danger of falling into the enemies hands ; and therefore , as soon as they saw us , they shot off a Warning-piece to recall us from that bad way . They told us moreover , that before the Portugals were driven from Larek , Ruy Freira going one day with the greatest part of his Ships to make an appearance about Ormuz , a great Tempest arose , by which four Ships which he left at Larek , were driven upon the Rocks of the Island , and lost , with the death of many people ; and that it was a great mercy of God that Ruy Freira was not there with his other Ships , because they would have been all lost , although they wanted not a share of trouble too by the tempest in the place where they were . Hence I concluded that misfortunes every day increas'd upon the Portugals in India , so that I know not what good judgment can be made of their affairs for the future . February the eighth , in the morning , We departed from the place where we were , and coasting along in less then an hour , we arriv'd at a little Island which they call delle Capre or delle Gazelle , near the Continent of Arabia , almost within a Bay which affords an ample and secure Port for small Vessels . This place lies almost directly over against Ormuz , so that Ormuz will come to be sixty leagues distant from Mascat , and consequently eighteen from Lima. Here we found Ruy Freira with part of his Ships , of which some were mending ; I say , Part , because he had sent some to the Cape of Giask to wait for the Armada of Goa , some to Mascat for Provision ( of which he had but small store ) and some to the Port of Guadel to scout , and some about other services . Assoon as we had cast anchor , Ruy Freira came in person to our Ship acompani'd by some of his Captains , and stay'd there between two and three hours receiving and distributing amongst them certain small provisions of Victual and Arms which were brought him ; reading the Viceroy's Letters and many other which came to him from Goa , and discoursing with Don Francesco Contigno Cavacio , and others , giving them account of all his successes , and inquiring concerning the Armada and other things which we knew . And because we assur'd him , the Armada could not be long before it arriv'd , since we came all together from Ciaul at the same time ; he sent forth another Ship to meet it , with order to inform them where he was , and presently to return and advertise him of his arrival , that he might go out and joyn with it . I could not be present at all the Conversation , because I had my Ague and was in bed . Yet upon his coming , I arose and dress'd my self to wait upon him , as I did so long as I was able ; but at length I was forc'd to retire , and only return'd to take leave of him when he departed . He made many complements to me , telling me that he had long since had knowledg of my person by fame , and should always be ready to serve me upon any occasion ; with other like Civilities . I offer'd him to shew him the Pass I had from the Viceroy , because I had heard him say in discourse how strictly the Viceroy had charg'd him not to let any one pass into the Territories of the Turks without his licence ; but he would not look upon it , and told me it needed not for me , re-iterating that he was ready to serve me ; to which civil language I answer'd in the best terms I could , signifying to him how great a while I had been desirous to see his person , and to serve him ; The fame of his actions testifi'd to me by the mouths of his very enemies , and how he was spoken of at Goa both by the Viceroy and all others ; all which he receiv'd as kindly as I did his obliging expressions . At length he return'd to his own Ship , taking with him Don Francesco Contigno Cavaccio , the F. Provincial of Maniglia , and divers others , to be entertain'd there with him all the day ; but I remain'd in bed with my Ague . February the ninth , Having taken a Persian Pilot which Ruy Freira gave us , ( because the Portugal Pilots are not very skilful in the Persian Gulph , by reason of the multitude of shelves , and the inconstancy of the winds , which make it needful to have a Pilot of the Country ) at night we put off from the abovesaid Island steering our course outwards . Almost at the same time Ruy Freira went with some of his Ships , leaving order for the rest to follow him as soon as they should be repair'd ; and by the inner way , to wit , by the channel between the Island and the Continent , went I know not where to take in water , intending afterwards to see how matters were at Ormuz , where there rode ten Ships of War , Dutch and English , partly under the Castle , and partly in Bender di Kombru , having already put what relief they pleas'd into the place . February the tenth at evening , We arriv'd at a Bay which they call de ' i Limoni , from the multitude of Lemons growing in a Village hard by . And on the fifteenth of the same Month , having pass'd the Island call'd Tombo , another call'd by the Portugals Piloro , that is , the Ball ; and lastly that which they call Cais , once famous for its competition with Ormuz , both in War , and the Traffick of India , but now altogether desolated by war , we wereby a contrary wind forc't to return somwhat backwards , and cast anchor under the said Island Cais , which is forty Leagues from Ormuz . Some of our people went ashore to refresh themselves , but found nothing except a few Herbs , and a fruit like Goos-berries ; which yet to us that were ill furnish'd with Provision were not unwelcome . I must not omit here , that when we pass'd by the Bay of Lemons , we left the Coast of Arabia , and crost over to sail along the opposite Coast of Persia , which is the better way from from thence forward . February the sixteenth , We departed from Cais , and at night certain Armenians who were in our Ship , were set a shore on the Persian side , in order to go to Nachilu , which was not far from thence , to meet certain companions of theirs who had gone before Mascat in another Ship with much common Merchandize . February the seventeenth , A contrary wind repell'd our course backwards , so that we anchor'd under an uninhabited Island call'd Andreve , where we stay'd till the twentieth of the same Moneth , when the above-said Armenians , not finding their companions at Nachilu , return'd to the Ship , and brought two Letters from the Governour of that place ; one to the Captain and all the rest in general , offering the Ship a free Port , and desiring us to sell our Merchandize there , because they had suffer'd much by war ; that they would shew all good usage to the Portugals as Merchants ; and in case we trusted him not so much as togo a shore , we might ride at Anchor in the open Sea , and they would send people and money to buy many things . The other Letter was directed to the Religious that were in the Ship , some of whom he had understood were minded to go to Sphahan ; and therefore he promis'd them good and secure passage with all courtesie . But neither did the Ship stay to sell any thing , nor the Religious think good to land in that place , for all those promises . February the two and twentieth , Being at Anchor in a certain place , at night we descry'd some Vessels afar off , which we knew not what they were ; and therefore weighing Anchor , and putting our selves in a posture for fight , we row'd up to them . When we came near , we found them to be of those Persian Vessels , which they call Terrats , ( a kind of great bark , frequent in these Seas ) laden with Dates and Victuals . Yet because they neither stay'd for us nor obey'd , we discharg'd some Falcons and many Muskets at them , without doing any hurt , because of those that shot none knew how to do it as they ought , but all was done with great confusion and disorder , as is usual amongst the Portugals , especially in our Ship , which was a Merchant and not a Man of War. So that the Persian Terrats went away untouch'd , and we not onely took them not , as we might easily have done , had our Ships been well arm'd and well-govern'd ; but it seem'd also , that , had those Vessels had armed people , and a mind to assault us , they might easily have taken us , considerng the little order and preparation for fight that I saw in our Sihip . February the seven and twentieth , The wind not being good , our Marriners , who were Indians , but of the Mahometan Religion , ty'd a bundle of clothes , which they said was the Old Man ( but I know not what Old Man they meant ) to one of the Ropes of the sails , and there fell to beat it vehemently , crying out to it , to give them a good wind ; in the mean time , other Mariners desir'd him that beat it , to desist , saying that it would give them a good wind . This superstitious Ceremony , not unlike that above-mention'd of the Portugals binding S. Anthony of Padua , I was willing to insert for its strangeness ; although through the ignorance of the Mariners themselves , who could give no other reason for it but that the custom was so ; or because they would not tell us ; I could not understand what Old Man it was that they beatt , under the figure of a bundle of Clothes , or from whom they demanded a good wind . February the eight and twentieth , We were minded to take in water in the Country of Verdistan ( a part of Persia ) , of which we had great need ; but the people of the place prohibited us , repelling the boat from the shore with many Musket-shots . And being we had not Souldiers to land and take water by force , it behov'd us to have patience and depart without . March the first , We put out to Sea , to avoid certain shelves that were neer the Persian shore , which here we found low and flat , whereas hitherto it had been all mountainous ; at night , we came under Riscel , a Port of Persia in the state of Siraz , but no good one . March the second , A little before night we came to an Anchor under the Island of Charg , which lyes distant from Cais 24 Giam . ( A Giam is a measure us'd by the Arabian and Persian Pilots in the Persian Gulph , containing three leagues ; so that from Cais to Charg we had sayl'd 70 Leagues . ) From Charg to Bassora , they told us , there remain'd eight Giam ; and as many from Charg to Bahhaerein : The part of the Continent nearest Charg , is Bender Rich , belonging , as I conceive , to the Country of Loristan , from which this Island is distant two Giam . We cast Anchor between Charg and another little Island which lyes to the North-west , and is call'd Chargia . Charg is a little Island having a Town of forty or fifty Houses , wherein there is a Meschita with the Sepulchre ( venerated by the Moors ) of one Muhhammed Anefia , who , the people of the Island say , was one of the Descendents of Muhhammed . Because the Sea was very rough we did not go a shore ; but a Portugal Ship belonging to the Captain of Ciaul and bound for Bassora , put in at the same Island . March the fourth , We went on the other side of the Island to get water , of which we stood in great need ; and my Ague having left me , I landed with the rest upon the Island , where I saw little besides the above-said Sepulchre , and others less venerable , which they said were of some of the familiars of him that was buried in the greater ; there was also a Grotta cut out by hand in stone , which by some carv'd work of the Frontis-piece , and the form within , seems to have been made for a Temple or place of burial , but now 't is used onely as a stall for Cattel . The Island it self is low and plain ; the Peasants sow it with Corn , Onyons , and a few other such things ; but 't is poor enough , the wealth of the Inhabitants consisting for the most part in the fish which they take . They speak the Persian Language , and indeed are Vassals of Persia , though by reason of their poverty they pay no Tribute to the Persians . They told me , that they are govern'd by a Chief , called , according the custom of the Arabians , Sceich , which dignity descends from Father to Son ; that in the war between the Persians and the Portugals , the former had intended to have built a Fort here , whereby to hinder the Portugal Ships from watering here as they passed by ; but the Inhabitants excused themselves from it by their poverty ; and by treating all parties alike friendly , they have escaped unmolested by any , and enjoy their sweet Liberty upon no other account but their poverty . They told me also that free Trade was granted to all the Inhabitants of this Persian Coast between Charg and Bassora , both by the Portugals and the people of Bassora , so that they were not molested by any party ; the ground of which I take to be , because Bassora hath not sufficient Victuals , the greatest part being brought thither from these Lands of Persia ; and on the other side , the Portugals need Provision for their Fleet which they keep at Bassora , to assist the place against the Persians . At night we return'd aboard , having exchanged the Persian Pilot , which Ruy Freira gave us for one of Charg , it being the custom so to do . It rained in the night , and the Sea grew high ; wherefore for more security , we put off from the land further to Sea. March the sixth , Very early in the Morning we departed from Charg , together with the other Ship of Ciaul , yet each taking its own way ; and we proceeded coasting along Persia , which lay on the right hand : The next day the wind failing we cast Anchor , so far from the Persian shore that it was out of sight ; yet we found no more water than about ten fathom ; and indeed , we were fain to sail when the wind arose , with plummet constantly in hand , by reason of the shallow which are hereabouts . March the eighth , We sailed still out of sight of land , yet had but four fathom of water ; and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together , the Persian Pilots call it Meidan , that is , the Plain . The next day we sailed a little , but most of the day lay at Anchor , because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora , although it seem'd to us to be very near ; and indeed , 't is no easie matter to find it , the shore being so low that it is not discerned , unless very near hand ; and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River , is not safe by reason of the shallows . March the eleventh , In seeking the mouth of the River , opinions were so various , and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion , that the rudder strook on ground , not without some danger ; but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship , and got into more water ( the Ship of Ciaul , which , as lighter , drew less water , going before us as guide , and entring into the River's mouth before we knew it . ) The River of Bassora ( which is Euphrates and Tygris joyned together ) is call'd by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab , that is , the Arabian River , and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other . The most Easterly , which is the biggest and securest , lyes on the side of Ormuz and Persia , whose name it borrows : The more Westerly , and less frequented by great Ships , lyes on the side of Buhhreim , or Cutifu of Arabia , from whence it assumes a name . And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora , I know not how many leagues from the Sea ; hence it forms a no small Trianguler Iland , called at this day Cheder ; which I hold to be the gift of the River ( like the Delta of Egypt ) and that it will increase every day by the sand brought down by the River , considering the many flats and shallows , which as I said above are found in these places . Now we being entred by the Eastern mouth , and having sailed a good way against the stream , at length came to the place of the division ; and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand , continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields , which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile . At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora , ( which lies on the west bank a good way from the River ) is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots , which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house , where a bridg of planks laid upon boats , and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike ; on the South-part of which bridg stands a Castle , and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage . The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea , and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridg ; yet Ships go no further then the bridg , where they ride as in a secure Haven . From this trench are derived some other little channels on eitherside to several places of the City ; and in some of them they make use of small Boats , which they call Donec , with great convenience to the houses ; besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot . The City of Bassora is large and populous , but ill built , and till of late without walls ; for by reason of these wars with the Persians they have almost inclosed it with an earthen Rampart ; within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths , and for linnen Cloth , and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an indifferent large Piazza , where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance , amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mascat when they infested the seas with their Galleys , which afterwards were destroy'd by the Portugals . Another Piazza there is before the Basha's House , which is always full of heaps of Corn , Rice , and other Fruits , which are to be sold here ; being kept night and day without other shops or inclosure then ordinary mats , without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exercis'd by the Turks in matter of Theft . The people are Arabians with some Turks intermix'd , so that the Arabian Language is most spoken , although the Turkish and Persian are not unfrequent . As for Religion , the Moors are partly Sonai's , and partly Scinai's , with Liberty of Conscience to both ; yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's , and also all publick Ceremonies are perform'd after the Rite of the Sonai's , which is that which the Great Turk , who is King of this Country , observes at Constantinople . There are also some Houses of Chaldean Christians , call'd Christians of S. Iohn , or Sabeans ; though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians ; for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest , who was there in my time , and he a very Idiot ; nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service . They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh , but eat every day alike . Nor have they any Sacraments , except some shadow of them ; and 't is a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be , and not rather the Baptism of S. Iohn then of Christ. And because in this , and many other things , they observe S. Iohn Baptist more then any other , and have him in greatest Veneration , therefore they are call'd Christians of S. Iohn , with no small suspition of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. Iohn baptiz'd with the Baptism of Repentance , and who , without caring for any thing else , have continu'd in that Rite ever since . The Gospels , and other sacred Books , 't is not known ( at least ) in Bassora , that they have or use ; but they have a Book which they call Sidra , according whereunto they govern themselves in matters of Religion ; but who is the Author of it , I know not . They speak a harsh Chaldee , besides Arabick which is generally in use ; which Language of theirs they call Mendai , as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styl'd Mendai , besides the two other names of Christians of S. Iohn and Sabeans , by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans , and by the latter to the Moors . What Mendai signifies , and whence it is deriv'd , I could not learn. They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian , both ancient and modern , wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books , but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest , who byan Arabick word is usually styl'd Sceich , that is , Old Man. I could not learn any thing more concerning them , because they are few and very Idiots ; only I think they may be those Sabean Heretick mention'd in Histories , and particularly in the Elenchus Alphabeticus Haereticorum of Gabriel Prateolus , who relates their Original and Rites . Besides these of Bassora , there are other at Hbaveiza , which is neer Bassora , at Durec , Sciuscter , and many other places of Persia ; amounting , as they say , to many thousand Families : yet in Hhaveiza there are more then in any place else , where they have a place inhabited only by themselves , call'd Kiumalava , or , as themselve pronounce it , Chiumalava , reading the Letter K with the sound of Ch. Here live certain of their chief Priests , Monks , and Bishops , whom they all Chanzaba , and by whom they are govern'd in Religion . I believe they have there some kind of Church , Sacrifice , and all other things better then at Bassora ; yet because I cannot speak either upon my own knowledg , or any sufficient & credible information , I shall not relate any thing more of them ; although I had once a servant of the same Nation , born in Kiumalava near Hhaveiza , who amongst them was call'd Roheh , but being afterwards re-baptiz'd by our Religious , was nam'd Giovanni Robeh . I shall only add concerning Bassora , that of late dayes the City hath been more frequented with the trade of the Portugals of India , ( to wit , since the loss of Ormuz ) five of whose Ships at my being there continually rode in the River to defend the place from the attempts 〈◊〉 the common enemy the Persian . Upon the conflux of many Europaean Christians hither , the bare-footed Carmelite-Fathers of Persia first , and afterwards the Portugal Augustines of Goa have built two Churches , either Order one , wherein the Catholick and Roman Rite is publickly observ'd . That of the Carmelites , the Seat whereof was partly given them by the B●sha , and partly bought by themselves , I found already finish't with a small Cloister , and some Cells for the Fathers that live there : of its Dedication which hapned in my time , I shall speak below . The Church of the Augustines had not its foundation yet fully laid , and they were in suspense whether to go on with the building or no , for fear lest the Persians should one day take Bassora in these wars which were on foot . So that in my time the said Fathers lived in an hired house , which the Basha paid for ; yet they had a Church , or rather an Oratory there , wherein Mass , and all Divine Offices were publickly celebrated . Of Augustines , there were two at Bassora ; one with the Title of Prior , was also Vicar to the Archbishop of Goa ; likewise an Augustine Fryer , who , for the sake of the Portugals that resort to the City of Arabia , pretends to a Jurisdiction , which he usurps not without some intrusion upon the Bare-footed Carmelites , notwithstanding the Briefs of most ample Authority which they have obtain'd of the Pope for that purpose ; insomuch that in my time the said Augustine-Vicar publish't an Excommunication against all such as should not confess at Easter in their Church , although they did it in that of the Carmelites ; and publish'd his Church to be the Parish-Church , and not the other , besides other like contentions between them ; not without some prejudice to the Affairs of Religion . The Basha , who for the assistance which he had of the Portugals in the war , us'd not only them , but all Europaeans that came thither , very well ; gave a Pension or Alms to either Church every Month sufficient for Provision ; and he also well paid the five Portugal Ships which lay at Bassora for his service in the War. Having entred the above-mention'd Like , and cast anchor for fear of being carri'd back again by the violence of the ebbing water ; we met with two of the said Portugal Ships at anchor , in one of which was the General himself : the other three were abroad in the great River near the place where the Basha had pitch't his camp to make head against the Persian Army , which was upon the Confines , and was rumor'd to intend an attempt against Bassora . Marcch the twelfth , Early in the morning , before we stir'd , I was visited in the Ship by F. Basilio a Bare-footed Carmelite , and by F. Fra. Paolo di Giesu an Italian Franciscan whom I had known at Goa , and who was now in his passage to Italy , lodg'd at Bassora by the Carmelites . At night , upon the coming in of the Tide , we tow'd the Ship up to the City . On either side of the Dike , were abundance of Houses and Gardens , which render the passage very delightful . Having cast anchor within the City , near the Southern bank , which is most inhabited , I went ashore after dinner to seek a House ; but not finding one to my mind return'd back to rest all night in the Ship. March the thirteenth , Not finding a House to my content , upon further search , I got one to speak to Chogia Negem , the chiefest Christian of S. Iohn then amongst them , being also Scibender of the Dogana ; who , as a Christian and a Person of much humanity , contracting an intimate friendship with me , did me a thousand courtesies whilst I staid at Bassora . In the morning his Wife in person went about seeking a House for us ; and at night I accompanied her to see one adjoyning to her own , which for that reason , and because it was somewhat better then the rest , although far from good , I made choice of , and she promis'd to get it prepar'd for me against the next day ; whereupon I return'd aboard this night also . This day Proclamation was made in Bassora for every house to send out a man with Arms to the camp to aid the Basha in the War against the Persians , who were said to approach . March the fourteenth , I took possession of the House prepar'd for me , and afterwards visited Sig. Consalvo Martino da Castelbranco , chief of the Portugals in Bassora , to deliver him a Letter which I had brought from the Viceroy of Goa , the effect whereof was only an earnest recommendation of me ; upon which and other letters of friends which inform'd him of me , he very courteously offer'd me all his service . He told me good news ( being one that might well know the same ) of the affairs of Bassora , Persia , and ●haveiza ; namely , that Mansur , Brother to the deceased Mubarek , being some years ago sent by Sciah-Abbas to Hhaveiza as Prince thereof , after he was well possess'd of the State , became not well affected to the King of Persia , though his Benefactor , ( and indeed the Arabians cannot indure to be subject , but desire liberty above all things . ) Now in order to recovering his Liberty , he held much correspondence with the neighboring Basha of Bassora , the Turk's Vassal , and of a contrary faction to the Persian , who was then Efrasiab Basha , who from Aga of Segmeni , as he was at first in the same City his native place , had made himself Basha by force , and endeavour'd to establish the dominion of that State in his own House , being tolerated , and indeed favour'd by the Turk , although half a Rebel ; both because he carry'd himself well in the Government , and because he might not proceed to deny him that little obedience which he gave him in words : Nor was it easie to chastise him in these Confines of the Enemies at such a distance from Constantinople , or to make any other change in the City of Bassora , where he was so powerful . The Persian , understanding the friendship which Mansur held with him , contrary to the custom of the other Princes of Haveiza , who us'd to make war against Bassora , and that ( in short ) Mansur was not obsequious and devoted to him as he desir'd ; when he went upon the Expedition of Baghdad , he sent for him to come with his people to the Persian Camp to that war , and appointed Imamculi Chan Sciraz to march to Baghdad by Hhaveiza , and by all means to bring Mansur with him . The Chan perform'd the command of the Sciah , and coming near Hhaveiza , stay'd many dayes for Mansur , importuning him frequently to come forth and go along with him . Mansur put him off so long with words and promises , that at length the Chan thought good to go away without him ; yet arriv'd at Baghdad so late , that the Sciah had taken the City before ; but , in conclusion , Mansur stirr'd not . Thereupon the Sciah , after his return from the enterprize of Baghdad to Sphahan , sent several Messengers to Mansur to come to his Court ; to all which Mansur answer'd that he would go speedily , but never went : Wherefore the Sciah being incens'd against him , sent him word to come speedily by all means , otherwise he would send to take off his Head. To which Mansur answer'd , that if the Sciah were minded to cut off his Head , he might come in person to do it ; That he knew very well how to defend it with his sword ; That he was resolv'd not to go into Persia ; and , That if the Sciah was King in Persia , himself was King in Hhaveiza ; and that he did not value him . Hereupon the Sciah commanded the said Imamculi Chan to march into Hhaveiza with a great power , taking with him Mubhammed the Son of Mubarek , who had been educated in the Persian Court , and establishing him Prince there , either to bring away Mansur Prisoner , or else to kill him : Accordingly , a little before our arrival at Bassora , the Chan enter'd Hhaveiza with an Army , and the said Muhhammed . Mansur apprehending that most of the Grandees and the People would obey the Sciah , and accept of Muhhamed for their Prince , to avoid being taken or slain , fled with about 500 that were faithful to him to Bassora , where Ali Basha the Son of Esrasiab , ( who had succeeded his dead Father , or rather intruded into the Government by force before his Father expir'd ) receiv'd him courteously , and gave him a piece of Territory belonging to the jurisdiction of Bassora , in the Confines of Hhaveiza , where he might live with his followers . The people of Hhaveiza in the mean time agreed with the Chan , and receiv'd Muhhamed for their Prince , being ready to obey the Chan in this , and what-ever else he should command ; yet upon condition that no Qizilbasci should enter into Hhaveiza , whereunto the Chan assented . Concerning Occurrences since our arrival at Bassora , News came that the Chan , after he had established Muhhamed in Hhaveiza , was advanc'd forwards with his Army towards Bassora , and was already enter'd into the State by a place which they call Qarna ; intending , perhaps , to take certain Garrisons in those borders , and also to make further progress : Whereupon the Basha went out against him with all his Forces , and three of the five Portugal Ships , which , as I said , he kept in Pay ; the City of Bassora in the mean while being in great fear of the Persian Army . As for other things more particularly pertaining to the State of this City , he told me , that after the taking of Ormuz , the Sciah sent an Embassage to the then Basha of Bassora Esrasiab , to tell him , that he requir'd no more from Bassora but onely to have his Coyn stamp'd there , his Name us'd in the Acclamations of the People , and in the Prayers of the Meschita's , as King of the Country , instead of that of the Great Turk ; and that the People of Bassora should wear their Turbants after the Persian manner ; that as for the rest he should leave Esrasiab to rule in that State as absolute Lord , have the same confirm'd to his Issue , and be protected against the Turk or any other , without paying any Tribute , but remaining in perfect Liberty . Esrasiab , who was a prudent man , well knowing the wayes of the King of Persia , made no account of these offers , and thought not fit to adventure the safety of the State which he possess'd , upon uncertain hopes ; but trusting in the aid of the Portugals , whose Ships might be of great use to him in that place , which the Persians in order to offend Bassora must pass by force , namely , either the Sea , or at least the great River , ( the Persians having no Vessels fit to contest with such Ships ) he rejected the Proposition of the Sciah , and presently re-manded the Ambassador with a strict Order immediately to depart both the City and the State , lest he should secretly corrupt some of the Grandees , who might afterwards pervert the people , who are half Sciani's , of the sect of the Sciah ; telling him in brief , that he was the Great Turk's Vassal and so would die , and that he was prepar'd for War , is the Sciah pretended any thing from him . The Sciah finding he could do nothing upon Bassora by fair means , commanded the Chan of Sciraz , as his nearest Minister to that Country , and the most potent , to march thither with an Army , and attempt to take the same by force . Accordingly the Chan's Army came , ( in which I know not whether himself was in person , or some other General ) and by the way of Sciuscter , and other places belonging to the Sciah near Hhaveiza , enter'd into the State of Bassora ; which entrance was the year before my arrival there , to wit , 1624. Yet he did not besiege the City , ( as it was reported at Goa ) nor yet come near it , but only besieg'd a Garrison in the Frontiers call'd Qaban , which was in danger of being lost , to the great hazard of all the rest of the Country , and the fear of Bassora it self ; for the Persians fought valorously , and slew many of the Defendants ; but at length , by the help of the Portugals , who from the adjoyning River did great mischief with the Artillery of their Ships to the Persian Camp , the Qizilbasci were repuls'd with loss , or rather , of themselves , ( being wearied with the length of the attempt , or else re-call'd into Persia for other services ) they drew off and departed . Nor did they return again till the following year , as I have said , about the time of my arrival at Bassora , upon the occasion of displacing Mansur , and establishing Muhhamed the Son of Mubarek , Prince of Hhaveiza ; when I found the new Ali Basha abroad with his Army , and three Portugal Ships to with-stand them , and the City of Bassora not without fear , because the Persian Army much exceeded theirs , both in number and quality of Souldiers . March the sixteenth , News came to Bassora that the Armies were very near , and almost fac'd one another ; and Sig : Consalvo de Silveira , Chief Commander of the Portugal Squadron of Ships at Bassora , told me , that having heard that the Persians intended to bring seven pieces of Artillery by Sea to Durec , ( a neighboring Port of theirs to Bassora ) to be imploy'd in the War , he had sent forth two of his Ships , and one of those lighter Frigots which they call Sanguisei , to meet and intercept those Gunns , which would be a notable piece of service . March the seventeenth , Chogia Negem , ( who might well know things , as he that was imploy'd in much business by the Basha ) inform'd me that the Persian Army consisted of 30000 men , and that there were seven Chans in it ; which to me seem'd not probable , because if the Chan of Sciraz with his people was not sufficient , 't was possible his Brother Daud Chan , whose Government is near him , and the Chan of Locistan , might be come ; but that others more distant should be there for the sole war of Bassora , there was no necessity , and consequently , no ground to believe . He told me further , that now the waters were high there was no danger , nor could the Persians make much progress , by reason of the great River which they were to pass , and many over-flow'd Lands and Trenches full of water , wherewith Bassora was now fortified : But when the waters came to be low , as they would be within three moneths , then Bassora would be in danger : that as for defence by the Portugal Ships , the Persians might pass over the great River by a Bridge much higher and further from Bassora , either at Hhella , which is in their Hands , or at Baghdad it self , or some where else , without the Portugals being able to hinder them ; that if they came but with Provision for a few dayes , the Country on the West side of the River on which Bassora stands , was not so desart but they might have forrage enough for a great Army : If this be true , as it may be , then considering the power of the Persians , their manner of warring , the situation , strength , and forces of the City of Bassora , I am confident , that at the long run it will not scape the Persians Hands , so long as he holds Baghdad , although in case of need the Grand Emir of the Desart ( who is now Mudleg , surnamed as all his Predecessors were , Aburisc , that is , he of the Plume or Feather ) should come to assist the Basha ; who can now hope for no aid from the Turk , since the taking of Baghdad . He also related to me concerning Baghdad , that the place was betray'd to the Sciah by Bekir Subasci , call'd otherwise Dervise Mahhammed , whose Father ( who pretended to render himself Tyrant thereof ) the Sciah caused publickly to be slain upon his entrance into it , but kept the Traytor with him , and us'd him well : That besides Baghdad , he took Kierkuc and Mousul by his Captains , and march'd beyond Hhella into the Country of Emir Aburisc , even to Anna and Taiba , within a little way of Aleppo , which was thereupon in great fear ; and that he left a Garrison at Anna. But after the Sciah , and the main of his Army was retir'd into Persia , Emir Aburisc , who was alwayes confederate with the Turk , making an excursion with his People about the Desart , recover'd Taiba and Anna , killing seventy Qizilbasci whom he found there in Garrison ; after which he turn'd his arms against Emir Nasir ben Mahanna , Lord of Mesched Hussein , ( but not so great a Prince as himself ) and made great destruction of his People and Country . Finally , He added , that a potent Army of Turks had since fallen upon Persia and Baghdad , and had already recover'd Mousul and Kierkuc ; which last News I rather suspect to be dispers'd to animate the People of Bassora , then hold for true ; because , on the other side , it was reported for certain , that the Sciah was reposing his Forces at Ferhabad , which could not consist with the so near approach of the Turks against him . March the nineteenth , An eminent man of Bassora , nam'd Scaich Abdassalam , muster'd a great company of his kindred , friends , and followers , with whom he intended to go to the assistance of the Basha . Amongst them were muster'd about ●00 Christians of S. Iohn , arm'd with Arquebuzes , and other weapons like the rest ; but all , in my judgment , as much Moors as Christians , little Souldiers , and of no esteem in comparison of the Qizilbasci . March the two and twentieth , In the Piazza before the Basha's House , I saw a wild Ass , or little Onager , which was kept there for pleasure . It was of the shape of other Asses , but of a brighter colour , and had a ridge of white hair from the head to the tail , like the mane of a Horse ; in running and leaping , it seem'd much nimbler then the ordinary sort of Asses . March the three and twentieth , A Portugal came from the Basha's Camp to Bassora , bringing News that the Qizilbasci were return'd home to their own Countries , and that in such haste that they had left much Cattel , Goods , and Meat ready dress'd in the Camp where they had quarter'd : Which so unexpected departure of the Persian Army , could not happen through any disturbance given them by that of the Basha ; but , perhaps , they were re-call'd for some other war , or service of greater necessity , as that of Ormuz , or against the Turks , or against the Moghol at Candahar , which the Sciah had lately taken . March the four and twentieth , I took the height of the Sun in Bassora at noon , and found him decline 28 degrees 48 minutes from the Zenith . He was this day , according to the Ephemerides of David Origanus , in 4 degrees , 4 minutes , 57 seconds of Aries , and according to the Meridian of the said Ephemerides , declin'd from the Aequinoctial North-wards — degrees ; but according to our Meridian of Bassora , calculating by proportionall parts , 1 degree , 38 minutes , and 32 seconds , which , added to the 28 degrees 48 minutes of the Sun's Declination from the Zenith , amount to 30 degrees , 26 minutes , 32 seconds . So that the Zenith of Bassora is distant from the Aequinoctial 30 degrees , 26 minutes , 32 seconds , to which the Elevation of the North-Pole at the same is equal . March the one and thirtieth , Return'd the two Portugal Ships above-mention'd to have been sent abroad by the General to intercept the Persian Artillery ; of which design they fail'd , because the Persians having notice thereof , stirr'd them not of the Port. Yet they took three Persian Barques call'd Terrats , with much wealth in them ; and a rich Moor , who offer'd a thousand Patacches for his Ransome , but they would not accept it . All the other Moors in the Vessels they killed , with two young children , lest , as they said , if they should have carry'd them into a Country of Moors , the Basha would have releas'd them : However , in seem'd to me a great Cruelty , although it be no new thing among the Portugals , who upon all occasions commit the like and greater in India . April the seventh , The Basha return'd with all his Army to Bassora , the fear and danger of the war being now over by the departure of the Persians . He enter'd into the City betimes in the Morning with great pomp , and the salutations of the Artillery . April the thirteenth , F. Basilio di San Franceso , a Bare-footed Carmelite , having finish'd the building of the little Church and Covent of his Order which he had founded at Bassora , made a solemn Feast , adorning both the Church , and the whole Oratory of the Covent very sumptuously : and with a great concourse of Christians both Europeans and Orientals of several Nations , he celebrated the dedication of the said Church , intitling it Nostra Signora de ' i remedii : The evening before , he had caused many Bone-fires to be made , all the Portugal Soldiers contributing to the joy with many volleys of Arquebusses . Moreover , to honour the said Father , the Basha sent about five hundred Moorish Soldiers to the Covent to do the like , and caus'd many great Pieces to be shot off at the Castle ; so that the Feast was celebrated generally by the whole City , both Christians and Moors , with great concourse and applause . The next night , the Basha himself with all his Court went to see the Church and the Covent , where also at his departure he left an Alms ; the Father receiv'd him with all due honour , and gave him a sumptuous Banquet ; with which , both as to the manner and ceremonies according to the fashion of the Country , both the Basha and all the rest were much satisfi'd . The General of the Portugals , with all the Captains of Ships , and most principal Persons of the Fleet , and ( in short ) all the Europeans then in Bassora , were present at this entertainment : only I , by reason of an indisposition , had the displeasure to be absent . Mass was sung by the F. Prior of the Augustines , who assisted all the day to honour the feast ; and the F. Provincial of Maniglia , who was a Passenger with us , preacht . The same day there came to Bassora , to the Basha a Capigi from the Serdar or Ve●ir of Constantinople newly created ( whose Predecessor was said to have been put to death by the Great Turk for having us'd little diligence in the affairs of Baghdad . ) The said Capigi brought the Basha a Robe or Vest-ment ( as their custom is ) as a Present from the Vezir , and news that the Turkish Army was already moving towards Baghdad , and was very near it , having re-taken Monsul and Kierkuc , which are open places , and expos'd to the force of any Attempter . But that this should happen so soon , to me seem'd very strange ; especially , if the new Serdar was sent from Constantinople the same year , as he could not be before May or April at the soonest ; and being of necessity to pass by Aleppo , and get together not only much provision , but also Soldiers from very remote Countries , and wait for them ( besides , providing grass and hay for the horses , as every year they are wont to do in May ) it was not possible that he should be so foward by this time . Considering too , that in all the Expeditions of late years , it hath been seen that the Turkish Army never arrives at the Confines of Persia the same year that it is dispatch't from Constantinople , but must always winter the first year either at Aleppo , or in Mesopotamia , or , at most , when it is nearest in Erzirna ; the second year it arrives at the confines of Persia to make War ; yea it oftentimes arrives there so late in the year , and so near Winter , that it scarce do's any thing . Now that this new Serdar was dispatcht from Constantinople the same year , and not the preceding , seem'd credible , because I never heard of his wintring at Aleppo , or any where else ; 't was likely that the new Serdar lately created at Constantinople ( as he uses to be in March , and sometimes sooner ) understanding the danger of Bassora , presently dispatch't the said Capigi to confirm the mind and courage of the Basha ; which Capigi travelling by the shortest ways , and with great speed , as the business requir'd , might well arrive at Bassora from Constantinople by the time above-mention'd . In brief , I suspected the credit of so near approach of the Turkish Army , waiting till effects should manifest the truth of the matter . April the twenty third , News came to Bassora , that the King of Persia had straitly charg'd the Chan , who governs Bagdad for him , and also his friend in the Desart Emir Nasir , by all means to intercept the Cafila which was preparing at Bassora to go to Aleppo , or at least to hinder its going . This intelligence so terrifi'd the Merchants who were upon the point to depart , that they deferr'd their journey , and in their own name dispatch't a Messenger to Emir Nasir , to know whether it was true , and whether he would permit them secure passage or no. That it was true , on one hand I conceiv'd not unlikely ; for it being of great importance to the Sciah to have the trade of India by Sea brought into his own Country , ( which , since the taking of Ormuz , he hath lost ) and the said trade being diverted to Bassora , where ( for want of Ships to contest with the Portugals ) he cannot hinder it ( which is the reason why he was so desirous to take Bassora , namely , that so the Portugals might be depriv'd of all ports and passes , and be necessitated to come with the traffick of India to some place of his Territories , without his rendring Ormuz to them ) I say , it seem'd likely that he should endeavour to hinder the traffick of Bassora to Aleppo by land , which would amount to the same thing : for the Merchandises of India cannot be all absum'd at Bassora , but remaining there little or nothing must be from thence dispers'd to Aleppo and elsewhere : Upon this account the Sciah rais'd a great War both against the Portugals and the people of Bassora , whose chiefest subsistence is from this trade . On the other side I conceiv'd it might not be true , because Emir Nasir draws great profit from the Cafila's which pass from Bassora to Aleppo , and though at the taking of Bagdad he sided with the Sciah for some end of his own , yet I believe , that as an Arabian and a free Prince he is not so devoted to the Sciah as to serve him with the prejudice of his proper interests ; and the rather because at the same time he keeps some Agents and Ministers at Bassora to receive the said Imposts , and without the Emir's assistance the Sciah can do nothing in those Desarts . Moreover , this Emir Nasir hath lately been much mortifi'd by the losses he receiv'd from Emir Aburisc , and 't is likely would rather endeavour to re-ingratiate with Aburisc and the Turk ( from whom he may suffer much ) for avoiding a total ' ruine , than expose himself to new dangers for the Sciah , from whom he can hope little good or hurt so long as he is not Master of all as far as Aleppo ; which is not a thing to be brought to pass suddenly or easily . But of this also time will show the truth . May the ninth , Another Capigi arriv'd at Bassora from the Serdar , and was receiv'd with great solemnity and salutations of Artillery . He brought a Robe to the Basha , and intelligence that he had left the Serdar at Mardin , which lies within a few dayes journey of Baghdad , confirming the recovery of Mousul and Kierkuc ; ( whereof , supposing the Serdar at Mardin , I made no scruple ) and adding that the Serdar was then upon removing from Mardin , and by this time had march't much forwards . This is what was given out ; for more intrinsick and secret news I could not know , having no acquaintance with any considerable Turk from whom to learn the same : nor was any more then this signifi'd to the chief Commander of the Portugal Ships . Only I judg'd that the Turks well considering the danger wherein Bassora was of being lost , might possibly by these successive Messengers , and good tidings endeavour to confirm the minds of the Basha , and the people , as much as they could . May the eleventh , The Cafila design'd for Aleppo , which had many days waited some leagues , without the City , at length set forth and departed ; either because they had receiv'd a good answer from Emir Nasir , or rather , ( as I believe ) because they rely'd upon other fresh tidings , how that Emir Nasir was reconcil'd to Emir Aburisc , and return'd into the favour and devotion of the Great Turk , so that the Desart was all in peace ; and perhaps also they trusted to the common report of the nearness of the Turkish Army . I purposed to depart from Bassora the same way and upon the same day ( though alone , and not with the Cafila ) having hired Camels and certain Beduni Arabians to conduct me . But Ali Aga , the chief Captain of the Militia , gave notice to my Camelier that I must not depart within three days . Whereupon being desirous to go with all speed by reason that the hot weather came on , I got Sig. Consalvo Martins , a Portugal Father , to speak to the said Aga to know wherefore he detain'd us , and if there were no cause , to dispatch us and let us go . The Aga answer'd that I must by all means have patience for this week , that so the Cafila might have time to get a little more onwards ; and that he did this because he mistrusted my Camelier as a Beduin Arabian ( although he had a House and Wife at Bassora ) lest for some interest of his own , departing at the same time with the Cafila , he should out-go it , and by other ways of the Desart ( wherein he was well skil'd ) give notice thereof to Emir Nasir , or else to some other Beduin Arabians who might rob it , or perhaps also to the Qizilbasci themselves . Wherefore since my going so soon might prove to my own damage , he desir'd for my security , and the publick good of the Cafila , that I would stay those few days ; to the end that the Cafila advancing before out of all suspected places , my Camelier might not have time to do any villany either to it or to me . The truth is , I did not conceive my Camelier likely to do any such thing , having had good information and assurance of him from Chogia Negem , to whom he was well known , and who recommended him to me : Nevertheless , since he that govern'd would have it so , I had patience to wait as long as he desir'd . Yet from hence I gather'd that the above-mention'd news , now that the Persians and Emir Nasir conspir'd against the Cafila , was not altogether vain ; being Ali Aga , a man of so great place in Bassora , had such apprehensions about it . And it might consist well enough with the Cafila's departing ; for perhaps it went out upon a venture , the Merchants being unwilling to suffer longer delay , ( for it was above eight months since this Cafila began to unite ) I say , at a venture ; because the Desart is like the Sea , where 't is a chance to meet or not meet enemies ; and as men forbear not to sail upon the Sea through fear of Pirats or Enemies , so neither do they cease to pass through the Desart . The F. Provincial of Maniglia with his Companion , ( a Castilian too but not a Fryer of his Order ) Marc ' Antonio Lanza a Venetian ( who came with me from Goa to Bassora ) and I know not how many other Europaeans , went along with the Cafila : I alone would not , but staid with my Servants to go by my self , and to travel more hazardously indeed , but yet with more speed , and undoubtedly with more convenience then they . May the thirteenth , Another Capigi sent from the Serdar to the Basha arriv'd at Bassora , bringing a Robe and a Scimiter as Presents , and the confirmation of the Government of Bassora in his person , which hitherto he had not had . As for news , 't was dispers'd amongst the people that the Turkish Army was very neer , and almost upon Baghdad ; yet Letters from our Aleppo Merchants to the Carmelites brought by a Moor of the company of the said Capigi , inform'd us for certain that according to my above-mention'd Prophecy the Serdar was not yet come to Aleppo . 'T is true , they writ that perhaps to make his voyage more compendious he would not come to Aleppo , but march directly to Mesopotamia and Baghdad by another way ; which yet was uncertain when the said Letters were written : whence 't is clear that one way or other he could not be further then Aleppo , and perhaps , according to my opinion , was scarce departed from Constantinople . So that it was not possible for Baghdad and Persia to have wars this current year 1625 ; since it would have been no small Summer's work to have march't to the Frontiers : yet that war will follow the next year , unless some other chance intervene , I no-wise doubt . The said Letters further told us news from Turkie , mamely that the Emir of Saida , anew rebelling against the Turk , had taken and sackt Tripoli , driving away the Basha that was there : but afterwards the Basha of Aleppo marching out with his people , had recover'd Tripoli , and restor'd the said expell'd Basha to the government . From Christendom , That Italy was all in wars about the Valtoline , which the French had surpriz'd out of the hands of the Pope's Officers , wherewith his Holiness was much offended . That the Prince of England was to marry a Sister of the King of France : That the Dutch had taken an important City from the Portugals in Brasile : That Marquiss Spinola had lay'd siege to another considerable one of the Dutch in Flanders ; that the Emperor's affairs in Germany proceeded very prosperously ; and other particulars of less moment , which for brevity I omit . May the twentieth , Upon the return of Emir Zambar , owner of the House where I liv'd , I resign'd the possession to him , and withdrew to the Covent of the Carmelites , till my departure , in which the Capigi intends to accompany me , we having provided us arms and resolutions not to fear meeting Arabian Thieves . I declin'd the Cafila , not only that I might go as I pleas'd , but also to avoid prolonging the voyage by the slowness of the Carriages in the Desart , which affords nothing but bare earth , void of water and grass . If it please God , I will write to you again at Aleppo , from whence you shall receive the next . LETTER XI . From Aleppo , August 5. 1625. HAving obtain'd licence of the Aga to depart , on the one and twentieth of May , in the Evening I caus'd my goods to be carri'd to a Field without the City , call'd Mascraqa , where the Camels were to take their burdens ; and having order'd a little Tent to be pitcht there , I repair'd thither with Marian Tinatim , and all my servants . May the twenty second , Having in the day dispatcht some small business which remain'd for me to do in order to my departure , and paid a Custom , usually demanded of such as go out of Bassora ; about midnight I departed the City , and travell'd all night ( having presently enter'd into the Desart , which is altogether level ) first in clayie and something dirty ways , and afterwards in dry with very little grass for Camels . May the twenty third , After we had travell'd about six leagues , we arriv'd at a Town of the Arabians call'd Cuvebeda , where an Arabian Sceich resides , who receives a Gabel of the Caravans and Burdens that pass that way ; at my time he was call'd Sceich Abdullah . Here we pitch't a tent in a field without the Town in expectation of our chief Camelier , who was to follow us with one of those Capigi's that had been sent from the Serdar to the Basha of Bassora . But on May the twenty fifth , because he came not , and it was tedious to me to abide longer in that place where the wind and the dust much molested us ; in the Evening I dispatcht my servant Michel to Bassora , with Letters to F. Fra : Basilio , Sig : Consalvo Martins de Castelbranco , Factor of the Portugals , and Chogia Negem , earnestly entreating them to procure that the chief Camelier might come away forth-with ; or , in case he must stay yet longer for the Capigi , that he would give order to his under-Cameliers to conduct us forwards , and I would go without him ; if not , I would return to Bassora . Two dayes after , my Servant return'd from Bassora with this account , That the Capigi would come away the next day without fail ; and that F. Fra : Gregorio Orsino , a Dominican , formerly known to me , and Vicar General at Constantinople ten years before , was arriv'd at Bassora from Armenia , ( where he had been Apostolical Visitor ) in order to go speedily into Italy ; and hearing of my being upon the way to Aleppo , intended to come along with the chief Camelier : Which last News was so welcome to me , that I accounted all the time of my pass'd , and yet future , waiting at Cuvebeda well spent ; for I imagin'd the Capigi would not come so soon as they said , because the Moors never speak truth . May the thirtieth , At dark night the above-said F. Fra : Gregorio Orsino arriv'd with the chief Camelier Hhaggi Ahhamed . I receiv'd him with such contentment as you may imagine ; and , though he civilly declin'd it , caus'd him to lodg with me in my Tent. The Capigi came not ; and though they said , he would come presently after , yet I conceiv'd we were to wait for him yet a good while , and , perhaps , till the New Moon ; it being the custom of the Moors almost ever to begin their journeys at the New Moon . Iune the third , Early in the Morning the Capigi arriv'd at the place where we waited for him ; whereupon , in order to our further progress , we discharg'd such duties of Gabels or Customs as were to be paid at this Town . You must know that in the whole way of this Desart , we were to pay four Tolls or Customs , ( if he that conducted us did not deceive us ) namely , to Sceich Abdullah , Lord of Cuvebeda , for every Camels's load of fine Merchandize , valu'd at the rate of Indian Cloth , five Piastres ; for every like load of any other Goods whatsoever , valu'd at the rate of Tobacco , a much lesser summ , but I know not how much . Another Gabel was to be paid to a Chieftain of the Arabians of the Desart , whom they call Ben Chaled ; he takes for every load , be it what it will , five Lari , which amount to one Piastre and a Sciahi besides , of which eight and a third part go for a Piastre at Bassora , but at Aleppo onely eight . The third Gabel was to be paid to another Head of the Arabians , sirnamed il Cieco , who takes for every load what-soever , six Sciahi ; and lastly , six other Sciahi , were in like manner to be paid for every load to another Captain of Arabians , Cousin to the fore-said Cieco . Scich Abdullah , Lord of Cuvebeda , said , he would take nothing of me , in regard of two Letters which I brought him ; one from the Basha of Bassora , and the other from the Factor of the Portugals his Friend ; both of them having much recommended me to him . The other three were not themselves at Cuvebeda , but had their Agents or Officers there , to whom we paid what they said was due ; and they gave us an Acquittance for it , that it might not be demanded of us again by any other of their Officers in the Desart . Iune the fourth , Sceich Abdullah , it seems alter'd his mind concerning the Gabel which he had remitted , and requir'd the same of me , taking for my two Trunks ten Piastres ; which was a most rigorous rate . I mention this to give notice of the manner of proceeding , and little punctualness observ'd by these Barbarians . Iune the fifth , We departed very early from Cuvebeda , and before noon arriv'd at certain Wells or Pits , which they call Ganemiat , ( importing their use for Cattel ) where we found many Arabians lodg'd . At a distant view of them , we betook our selves to our Arms , against what-ever should happen ; but upon nearer approach , we perceiv'd them to be poor peaceable people ; whereupon we lodg'd all together in that place . Yet here we had News that a band of Arabian Thieves had way-lay'd us at another Pass a little further off , with intent to assault us . For discovering the truth whereof , our chief Camelier went to Cuvebeda , where the Spies of these Thieves use to reside ; and at night he brought us word that it was true , and that therefore it behov'd us to go back again . Whether it was true , or onely an Invention of his for some end of his own , I cannot affirm ; but the next day early we return'd to Cuvebeda , and lodg'd without the Town at somedistance from the place where we had been before . Two dayes after , we were perswaded to lodg within the Town , for more security from the Thieves , and to deceive their Spies , by making shew as if we resolv'd not to go further , which might divert them from their design . The same did the two Capigi that were with us ; for , besides the former , whose Name was Scervanli Ibrahim Aga , there came another with him call'd Mahhmad Aga , who had been sent by the preceding Serdar to Bassora , Lahhsa , and divers other adjacent places , and had not dispatch'd his business in order to his return before now . Iune the thirteenth , After a long contest with our chief Camelier , about hiring certain Arabian Guides , which he pretended necessary , ( to get money of us ) and I refus'd as superfluous ; since we knew the way without them , and they could do us no good against the Thieves : At length , the business resting half undecided , being , I said , if he would not go without those Guides , I would return back to Bassora , ( which he was loth to hear of , because of restoring my money ) without speaking a word more about it , he determin'd to proceed from Cavebeda ; and travelling all night we pass'd by the Pits of Ganeniat . Iune the fourteenth , Three hours before noon , ( having travell'd till then ) we rested a while near certain Pits ; and setting forwards again in the Evening , travell'd till mid-night , and then we rested . The next day rising early , we travell'd till about noon ; till coming to a little bitter water , we stay'd there to repose . Here the great wind , which blows continually in the Desart , allaying the great heat of the Season , having before much shatter'd our little Pavilions , now broke them all in pieces , so that we could no more make use of them : Which indeed , was a great inconvenience ; but for the future , we had no other remedy but when we rested , to ward off the Sun-beams with little sheds made of our Cloths , fastned upon three Chairs wherein the Women and I were carry'd , though they scarce suffic'd to cover three or four persons : Yet in the night , when there was no need of shadow , we slept more pleasantly and coolely under the fair Canopy of the Starry Heaven . After noon , we proceeded further till an hour before night , and then took up our lodging near another water . Iune the sixteenth , Having travell'd from break of day till noon , and then rested two hours , we proceeded again till night , lodging in a place where the multitude of Gnats suffer'd us to sleep but little . The next Morning early , we pass'd by a great dry Lake , ( which yet seem'd to have water in it at some time of the year ) and an hour before noon rested in a place full of Hornets , very troublesome both to Men and beasts . At the usual hour we set forwards again , and journey'd till night . Iune the eighteenth , Rising before day-break , we pass'd by , at a distance ( leaving it on the right hand ) , a place inhabited by Arabians , which they call Argia , govern'd by one Hhasan Aga Curdo , a Fugitive from his own Country , and , by Alliance with the Arabians , become great amongst them . The Capigi Ibrahim Aga , had a Robe to present to him from the Serdar ; but being we could not go to Argia , by reason all the Passages were then overflown with water , and the Cameliers had no mind to it in regard of a Gabel which would be requir'd there of us , we repos'd our selves about noon in the place where we were . Having pass'd Argia a good way , the Capigi got one to swim over the waters , and to advertise Hhasan Aga of the Serdar's Present which he had for him , and would have deliver'd himself , had the way been passable ; he also desir'd some Arquebusiers to accompany us over the Desart . In expectation of an Answer , we stay'd in this place all day , where I saw upon the ground abundance of Sea-shels , shining within , like Mother-of-Pearl , some whole , and some broken ; I wonder'd how they came there so far from Sea. I saw also many pieces of Bitumen scatter'd up and down , which is produc'd in that brackish soil by the overflowing of the water at some time of the year : I have a piece of it by me to shew . Being suspicious of some Arabian Maedi's , that is , Vagrants or Vagabonds , ( so call'd because they abide with Droves of Buffles , sometimes in the Desarts , and sometimes in Cities , and are different from the Bedavi ; or Beduvi , that is , Deserticolae , who are the noblest amongst them , never residing in walled places , but wandring about the Fields with black Tents ; as also from the Hhadesi who live in Cities and Stable-houses , and are therefore accounted by them the ignoblest and meanest , but indeed are of a middle condition between both the other sorts ) for mo●e security we remov'd a mile further , and took up our station under a little Hill near some ruins of building , which we discover'd afar off , and I walkt on foot to behold near hand . In the revolutions of Baghdad , the above-said Hhasan Aga Lord of Argia , was visited by the Persians , the Sciah sending a Tag to him , as he uses to do to great Persons whom he intends to invite to be , or declare themselves of his Party : and he carri'd himself in such sort that his fidelity became something suspected to the Turks ; insomuch that a Basha had an intention to kill him , but did not do it , perhaps because he knew not how to effect his purpose : wherefore to keep him still faithful , as I believe , since it was not possible to punish him , the Serdar sent him by this Capigi the above-mention'd Present . Iune the nineteenth , Our removal hence being still deferr'd in expectation of the answer of Hhasan Aga , I went in the forenoon to take a more diligent view of the ruins of the above-said ancient building . What it had been I could not understand ; but I found it to have been built with very good Bricks , most of which were stampt in the midst with certain unknown letters which appear'd very ancient . I observ'd that they had been cemented together in the Fabrick , not with lime , but with bitumen or pitch , which , as I said , is generated in these Desarts : whence the Hill , upon which these ruins are , is call'd by the Arabians , Muqeijer , that is , Pitchy . In the evening two men came from Hhasan Aga , to the Capigi with Letters and an Answer that he would send him some provisions ; but they departed discontented because the Capigi gave them nothing . Iune the twenty first , We set forth by day-light , and journied till Noon , and after two hours rest , continued our way till night over Lands sometimes moorish with abundance of little canes , sometimes whitish with salt , and sometimes cover'd with thickets of Shrubs . Iune the twenty second , We travell'd again till Noon ; and as we were reposing in these Plains which were all cover'd with small dry grass , a little sparkle falling from some of the Cameliers , who , according to their custom , stood sucking the smoke of Tobacco , set this grass on fire , and the flame increas'd so suddenly that we had much ado to save our Goods from burning ; but at length we extinguish't it by casting cloths and thick coverings upon it ; for water the place afforded none , and we had only enough for drink . Departing thence two or three hours before night , we quarter'd in another place call'd Ehathuer , where two or three men whom we met with their laden Camels , inform'd us that the great Cafila , which went so many days before us from Bassora , had incounter'd many difficulties , and was stopt by Emir Nasir , who , besides taking a great sum of money from them , also constrain'd many of the people to go to Mesched Hhussein to fight with the Qizilbasci , with whom he was now at enmity ; in which conflict , which prov'd little successful to the Arabians , the chief Leader of the Cafila was slain , his Son succeeding him in his Charge ; with other like news , which made me doubt of the good estate of our Francks who went along with that Cafila . Iune the twenty third , the twenty fourth , and the twenty fifth , We travelled and rested at our usual hours , during which dayes , we had the Iland Geuazir of the Chaldean Lake on our right hand ; and on the last of them , we reposed at a place wherein grew certain low and thin plants , which to me seemed to be Juniper . Iune the twenty sixth , We travelled from day-break till two hours before Noon , and then rested near certain Pits , where we had on the right hand afar off Mesched-Ali , the place where anciently stood the City of Kufa , and where Ali the Son-in-law of Mahhammed was slain ; the name Mesched-Ali signifying the place of the Martyrdom of Ali , whom they hold a Martyr . And though the City of Kufa is no longer in being , yet , upon account of the said Sepulchre , venerated by Mahometans , and adorned with a noble Fabrick , the place is frequented and inhabited : when we passed by , it was in the power of the Qizilbasci , whereas it used to be in that of the Turks whilst they were Masters of Baghdad . From hence we continued our Journey till two hours within night . Iune the twenty seventh , We set forth by day-light , and at Noon rested near a water , which rising out of the ground , runs under a thicket of Canes , where we stayed all day . The next day setting forth , and resting at our accustomed hours , we passed over many dry Lakes , which seem'd to have had water in them at some time of the year . Iune the nine and twentieth , Two or three hours before Noon , we rested by a water near the ruines of an ancient great Fabrick , perfecty square with thirteen Pillastres , or round Columns on each side without , and other compartiments of Arches ; within which were many Chambers , with a Court of no great bigness , and uncover'd . The Arabians call this Fabrick Casr Chaider . I could not conjecture whether it had been a Pallace , or Temple , or Castle ; but I incline to believe it a Palace rather then any thing else . In this place we had within half a dayes journey on the Right Hand Mesched-Hhussein , which signifies the place of the Martyrdom of Hhussein , and where Hhussan the Son of Ali and Muhhammed's Daughter , was slain , and buried by his Emulators ; which place , in the Country call'd Kierbela , being inhabited and adornd with the said Sepulchre , which the Moors visit as Holy , ( a very sumptuous Fabrick after their mode ) was now in the Hands of the Qizilbasci , into which it fell with the other Territories of Baghdad , which is but a little distant from thence . Here we stay'd to pay a Gabel to Emir Nasirben-Mahhanna , Lord of these Desarts , or rather , to Sceich Abitaleb his Son ; for Sceich Nasir being now old , and devoted to a Spiritual Life , ( as he that had been in pilgrimage at Meka ) had resign'd the Government to his Son ; and both of them were now remaining in Tents about a League from the place , where we rested towards the North-East . Iune the thirtieth , In the Morning the two Capigi's that were in our company , went separately to carry their Letters and Presents from the Serdar to the Sceich ; namely , Ibrahim Aga to the present , and Mahhmud Aga to the preceding Serdar ; who , as they said , was poyson'd either by others , or by himself for fear of worse , because he had not been diligent enough in the war of Baghdad ; yet this his Capigi , having been sent to several other places , could not come hither sooner to the Sceich . After dinner , in the absence of the Capigi , the Sceich's Men came to demand a Gabel ; and after I had pay'd them as much as they requir'd , to wit , twelve Piastres , for onely two Chests , and two or three more Piastres of free-gift ; nevertheless they open'd all my Trunks , breaking some for haste , turning all things topsie-turvy , and taking away for the Sceich and themselves some things of value which they lik'd , a rich Persian Turbant of Silk and God , a piece of fine checker'd Silk to make Cassocks withall , after the Persian Mode ; many dishes of rare Porcellane , beautifi'd with Gold and colours ; an Harquebuse belonging to my Servant ; much curious Paper of Iapan and India ; besides , many other toyes which I rememb●r not , telling me that they would buy them ; notwithstanding that I told them that they were not things to be sold , but onely such as I carry'd for my own use and service . Moreover , they made me by force ( that is , refusing to hear any of my Reasons to the contrary , but saying , that the Sceich commanded so , though , in truth , I ought not ) pay twenty Piastres to my chief Camelier their Friend , alledging that the same were for the Guide which he would have hired at Cuvebeda ; which Guide , I neither hir'd nor made use of ; and if I had , I ought to have pay'd onely half at most , the said Camelier having other Carriages besides mine , and all of Merchandize . But they were resolv'd to do a kindness to the Camelier , who was an Arabian , and a Thief like themselves , and gave not this money to any Guide , but kept it for his own use . Hereby the Readers may observe , how we Christians are us'd by these Barbarians in their own jurisdictions . At length , they would have taken for the Sceich a Sword , and Changiar or Arabian Ponyard , the hilts and garniture whereof were Silver-gilt , and which belong'd sometimes to Sitti Maani my Wife : Whereupon being no longer able to suffer so many insolencies , I resolv'd to go to the Sceich my self , and present him a Letter from the Basha of Bassora , which he had writ to him in commendation of me . Accordingly leaping upon a Mule of Aga's , who was already return'd , and highly angry with the proceeding of the Arabians , both towards me , the rest , and himself ; I rid in haste with the Notary of the Sceich , and our cheating Camelier , ( who was partly the cause of this bad usage , although I dissembled my resentment thereof to him . ) By the way I found many black Tents of his Arabians dispers'd in several places , and an hour within night I came to the Tent of Sceich Abitaleb , a little distant from that of his Father Sceich Nasir ; which Tents differ'd from the rest , neither in colour nor stuff , ( being all of coarse black Goats-hair ) but onely in bigness , which shew'd them to be the principal . We enter'd not into the Tent , because we saw many of his chief Arabians sitting in a round on one side thereof , upon certain colour'd and coarse woollen clothes spread on the ground ; and the Sceich was not there . Yet he came presently after , and we all rising up at his coming , he went and sat down in the midst of the circle , and so also did we in our places round about him . Then a Candle-stick with a light being plac'd before him , he perform'd his Orisons according to their manner ; after which , sitting down again , he began to read and subscribe certain Letters , giving dispatch to several businesses ; and , amongst others , to the Capigi Mahhmud Aga , who was there , and waited for Licence to return . These things being over , I arose and presented him the Basha's Letter . He ask'd , whether I was the Frank , ( or Christian ) of the Cafila ? Whereupon the Camelier answer'd that I was , and declar'd to him the cause of my coming ; whereunto I added in Arabick what I thought fit . He desir'd to see my Hat nearer Hand , and caus'd it to be brought before him ; and being inform'd that I understood the Beduin-Language , he told me ; that I must excuse what his Officers had done , for he had great need of Arquebuzes for war ; that the Turbant and piece of Silk much pleas'd him , but he would pay for them ; whereto I answer'd , that I did not value his payment , but would give him both the one and the other . Then he call'd for the Turbant , and having view'd and highly commended it , though I told him it had been us'd , ( as indeed I had worn it several times in Persia ) he enter'd into the Tent with it where his Women were , and from whence was heard a great noise of Hand-mils , where-with to make Meal for Bread ; it being the custom amongst the Arabians , for even the noblest Women to do such services : By and by he came out again with the Turbant upon his Head , whereupon his people congratulated him for his new bravery , saying to him , Mubarek , that is , Blessed , to the same purpose with our Ad multos Annos . Then they set before him a brass dish full of Grapes , and we being all call'd about him , he began to eat and give us some of the said Grapes , which were very sweet and good , and the first that I had eaten this year . This ended , we retir'd to our places , and after a short stay , I took leave and departed with Mahhmad Aga to the Cafila ; one of his servants and the Camelier remaining behind by the Sceich's Order , who said he would send a dispatch for his own and my business the next day by them . Iuly the first , The Camelier return'd with an Answer , that the Sceich would not take the Sword , and the Changier or Ponyard from me ; and for the Turbant and piece of Silk , he sent me 29 Piastres , whereof the Camelier said he had expended five ; to wit , two to the Officer that pay'd him , and three to I know not who else , so that he brought me but 24 ; which were not a third part of what the things were worth . However I took them , because the barbarous dealing of the Sceich deserv'd not that I should correspond with him with better courtesie . I have related this Adventure , that thereby the dealings of these uncivil Barbarians may be known . Iuly the second , We departed from this Station early in the Morning , continuing our journey , but were detain'd near two hours by certain Arabian Officers of a Brother of Sceich Nasir , who also would needs extort some payment upon each Camel. We arriv'd late to bait near a water , where we found many Arabian Tents , from which , and a neighbouring Village , we had plenty both of sweet and sower Milk , and also of Grapes . Here we stay'd all day , and upon a hasty quarrel between Batoni Mariam , and Eugenia my Indian Maid , at night the said Maid ran away from us in these desarts , yet was so honest as to leave even all her own things and ornaments behind ; so that it was rather despair than infidelity that occasion'd her flight . I had much adoe to recover her again , and was in great danger of losing her , in case she had fallen into the hands of any Arabian , who , undoubtedly , would have hid her ; and , perhaps , carry'd her afar off , and made her a slave for ever . I mention this , to the end Masters may learn not to drive their Servants into despair by too much rigor , which may redound to the prejudice of themselves , as well as of them . Iuly the third , Setting sorth early , we baited before noon near a Lake of Water , streaming there amongst certain Reeds and verdant Fields , about which flew many Assuetae ripis Volucres , some of which we took and eat . F. Gregorio Orsino , who was with me , bathing himself here , ( as he was wont often to do for the heat ) and being unskilful of swimming , was in great danger of being drowned ; hapning unawares to go into a much deeper place of the Lake then he imagin'd . We travell'd no further this day , but onely at night went to joyn with the Capigi's , who had pitch'd a Tent a little further from the Water , to avoid the Gnats there , which were very troublesome both to Men and Beasts . The two next dayes we travell'd but little , because of some difference between the Arabians and the chief Camelier , who went back to the Sceich about it . Iuly the sixth , We travell'd this day over Landsfull of a white and shining Mineral , which was either Talk , or Salt-petre , or some such thing . I brought a good quantity of it away with me . Iuly the seventh , We travell'd from day-break till noon , passing over a clayie and slippery ground , where the Camels went with much difficulty . We rested at a place full of prickly shrubs , the leavs whereof are less then a Man's naile , and of the shape of a heart ; the fruit was round and red , like small coral-beads , of taste sweet , mixt with a little sharpness , having little stones in them ; it was very pleasant to the taste , and afforded no small refreshment to us in these Desarts . The Mahometans celebrated their Bairam , the Fast of Ramadhan being now ended . Iuly the eighth , We came to several places of stagnant waters , and baited at one , two or three hours before noon ; but the water was sulphureous and ill-tasted , as most of the rest were also , in regard of the many Minerals where-with the Earth of the Desart abounds . We departed not from this place at night , because we were to pay a Gabel to Emir Mudleg Aburisc , whose Territory here-abouts begins . Emir Aburisc is the greatest Prince of the Arabians in Arabia Deserta ; and this Prince , ( whose proper name is Mudleg ) succeeded his deceased Uncle Feiad , who was living and reign'd when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad nine years before , having usurp'd the Government from Mudleg , who was very young at the time of his Father's decease . At night we were visited by some pilfring Arabians , who finding us prepar'd with our Arms , betook themselves to their heels , and escap'd unhurt from us , though we pursu'd them a while . Iuly the ninth , The Morning was spent in paying Gabels : I pay'd for my part for a load and half of portage , as they reckon'd it , fifteen Piastres , and two more towards the abovemention'd Gabel of the Camels to Nasir's Brother , besides other fees . They open'd my Trunks , and took away two Velvet Caps , much good Paper , and several other things ; and had it not been more for the Capigi Ibrahim entreaties than authority , they would also have broken open the Chest , wherein I carri'd the Body of Sitti Maani my Wife . Three hours before night , we put our selves upon the way , and travell'd till about an hour before night , when we came to a place of water . Iuly the tenth , We travell'd till Noon , and rested in a great Plain surrounded with certain Hills , in the midst whereof stands erected a Stone , fashion'd at the Top like the bowl of a Fountain . After which , we proceeded till an hour after Sun-set , and came to a place where we found good water between two little Hills . Here we staid to refresh our selves and our Camels till three hours before night ; the Capigi's , who were to go by the way of Anna to find the Serdar at Mardin , or elsewhere , departing before us : but we , who intended to go to Aleppo without touching at Anna , for compendiousness of the way , and for avoiding payment of some kind of Gabel there , left the way to Anna on the right hand , and took that within the Desart more Southward . We travell'd all the remainder of this day , and all the night , with part also of the next day , without staying ; to the end we might the sooner arrive at water , of which we had no less desire then need . Iuly the twelfth , About three hours after Sun-rise we baited , being weary , at the foot of certain little Hills , without finding water ; so that we were fain to drink that little which remain'd in the Goat-skin borachoes which we carri'd with us . About three hours before Sun-set , we proceeded again till almost Noon the next day , when we arriv'd at water , to wit , the famous River Euphrates , lighting upon a place of the ordinary way to Aleppo , where I had formerly pass'd when I went from thence to Baghdad , and where the road between the River and certain little Hills full of that Talk or shining Mineral is very narrow . Our further stirring at night was prevented by the supervening of some Soldiers , sent by the Officers of Anna , ( whom the Capigi's had inform'd of our passage ) to demand those Tolls or Gabels which we had sought to avoid , although we pass'd not through that City . Iuly the fourteenth , Most part of this day was spent in paying the said Gabel . I paid for my part six Piasters , and gave two more as a gratuity to the Soldiers ; besides which , I was oblig'd to pay twenty to the chief Camelier , whose money was all gone ; and in this manner I was constrain'd both to profit and pleasure him who never did me other than disprofit and displeasure . But for all this , they afterwards open'd the two greatest Trunks I had , and tumbled all my Goods about , treating me with all rigor and discourtesie . Only I took it well ( and upon that account willingly pardon'd them all the rest ) that seeing the Chest wherein the body of Sitti Maani was , and understanding what it was ( for I was glad to tell them , lest they should have broken it open ) they not only gave me no trouble about it , as I thought they would , ( being a thing contrary to custom and their Laws ) but rather accounted it a picce of piety that I carri'd her with me to bury her in my own Country , both pitying and commending me for it : which hapning beyond all expectation I attributed to God's particular favour , and to her own effectual prayers , which undoubtedly helpt me therein . This being over , about three hours before night , We set forth and travell'd till night . Some of the above-mention'd Soldiers return'd to Anna , but others , who were carrying I know not what moneys to their Emir Mudleg , accompani'd with us . In the Evening the Leader or Chieftain of these Soldiers made me open my Trunks once again , ( namely the two little ones which they had omitted in the day ) and putting all my Goods in disorder , took away many things , as a Mantle of Sitti Maani of deep azure silk , according to the mode of Assyria , a Ball of Amber , an Alabaster Vessel curiously wrought , and consign'd to me in India by Sig. Antonio Baracho , to present in his name to Sig. Francesco del Drago at Rome ; many exquisite Porcellane Dishes miniated with Gold ; an Arabick Book , though of little importance ; a great watchet Cloke or Mantle to keep off rain after the Persian mode ; much paper besides other such things . At night we staid to rest , but the Soldiers went onwards ; before their going , I redeem'd from them the Mantle of Sitti Maani , and Sig. Drago's Alabaster Vessel , giving them in exchange two Abe's , or Arabian Surcoats which I bought of one of our company for seven Piastres ; the Amber and other things I could not recover , but they carri'd them away ; for they would neither restore them freely , nor take money for them , and our Cafila was so small that I could find nothing to give them instead thereof which pleas'd them . It was no small good luck that I sav'd the Sword and Ponyard of Sitti Maani , with many of her jewels , bracelets , & other ornaments of Gold from their rapacious hands ; hiding them under a trunk : for , if they had seen them , 't is ten to one but they would have taken them from me . I relate these things that it may be known what Tyranny these Barbarians exercise in their own Countries towards us , who in ours very often , with ill-employ'd courtesie , are wont to be undeservedly caress'd and honour'd when they come thither . Iuly the fifteenth , We travell'd from Day-break till Noon , and three hours after till night , when we took up our Station not far from the River , amongst many shrubs which to me seem'd to be Juniper , or else that plant which in Persia they call Ghiez . The next two days we travell'd and rested at our usual hours , and on the latter , we rested near a Pit or Well of bitter and stinking water in a mineral Soil , all full of Talk , of which I brought away a pareel with me . In like manner we proceeded the two next days ; and on the twenty first , we pass'd by a ruinous Castle call'd Hheir , which I had formerly seen only by night when I went from Aleppo to Baghdad . I took a better view of it now , and found it to be a great Building , all of good and large white Marble Stones ; the form of it is a long Square , with walls round about , here and there distinguish'd with small round Turrets ; within are many contrivances of Rooms , all likewise of white stone , but so ruinous that it cannot be known what they were . From hence we travell'd about three hours further , and at night arriv'd at Taiba , a Town which I had formerly seen , and lodg'd in a by-place amongst the walls of the Houses near the Gate . Iuly the twenty second , This day was spent in paying the usual Gabels , which every day are enhaunc'd in these Countries , and are now become insupportable . Though I had nothing of Merchandise , but only goods for my own use ; yet I could not come off under twenty Piastres between Gabels and Donatives to the Officers , which they demanded as equally due . Here I found an Arabian nam'd Berekiet , who spoke a little Italian , and pass'd for Factor or Procurator of the Franks , saying , he had authority so to be from the Consuls of Aleppo . He presently offer'd himself to speak to the Officers in our behalf , gave us an Entertainment , and invited us to lodg in his House , and , if we had been so minded , would have conducted us thither ; but his services tended only to get some money of us , and by his speaking with the Officers to make us pay more then perhaps we should otherwise have done . Iuly the twenty third , Two hours after Sun-rise , we departed from Taiba , whence the said Officer sent an Arabian with us , to conduct us first to Emir Mudleg ( who they said was at Hhamah , between Aleppo and Damascus ) and afterwards to Aleppo ; they having done the same to the great Cafila of Bassora which had pass'd by Taiba a little before us . This going to the Emir , was a troublesom thing , both in regard of the great diversion out of the way , and the inconveniences we imagin'd the Emir himself would put us to , after all the Tyrannies we had hitherto met with in the Desart . We travell'd till past Noon , and after a short rest till Sun-set , having a continu'd ridg of little Hills always on the left hand . Iuly the twenty fourth , We travell'd again from day-light till past Noon , and two hours more in the Evening , taking up our Quarters an hour before Sun-set . Iuly twenty fifth , We set forth an hour before Sun-rise , travelling till Noon , when the Arabian , assign'd to us by the Officers of Taiba to conduct us to the Emir , being so perswaded , as I believe , by the Cameliers , who alledg'd that the Camels were very weary ( as indeed they were , and ovet-laden , in regard that many of them dy'd by the way , so that they could travel but gently ) resolv'd to go alone before us by a neerer way over the mountains , and leave us to follow him leisurely , as the Cameliers said they would . I was glad of his going , and intended to take a different course from what the Cameliers imagin'd ; but because it was not yet seasonable , I held my peace . After two hours rest , we travell'd till an hour before night , when we took up our Station neer certain Pits , a little distant from the reliques of certain ancient Fabricks call'd Siria by me formerly seen and describ'd in my journey to Baghdad . Iuly the twenty sixth , Setting forth by day-light , we came to rest after Noon near a water which springs up in a place full of small Canes , whence we remov'd not this night , partly , that ourt ir'd and over-laden Camels might recover themselves a little , and partly , because the Cameliers were minded to eat a Camel there conveniently , which falling lame of one leg they knockt on the head in the morning ; and indeed they had eaten all the others which fail'd by the way , either through Disease or otherwise . Of this , which was not infirm , I was willing to take a trial , and lik'd the roasted flesh well enough , only it was something hard . Iuly the twenty seventh , Setting forth early , we wav'd the directest way to Aleppo , ( which was by the Town of Achila ) and took another more Southwards , and to the left hand , which led to the place where the Emir resided ; intending to leave the Camelier at a certain Town upon the way , from whence he was to go alone to the Emir , to carry him a Present , and excuse our going to him by alledging the death and weariness of our Camels . Hereby we endeavour'd to avoid ( if possible ) the troubles and disgusts which we were likely to meet with from the Emir and his Arabians , in case we should have gone to him our selves . At Noon , we came to the design'd Village , call'd Haila ; they account it a Mezar , that is , a place to be visited , and of devotion , in regard of some perfons buried there whom the Mahometans hold for Saints : yet it consisted only of four poor Cottages , and those un-inhabited and abandoned , as is credible , by reason of the Tyrannies which the Arabians of the Desart , especially the Soldiers , exercis'd in these troublesom times upon the poor Peasants . The Camelier , because he could not leave us here , by reason the Village was without people , purposed to carry us to the Emir ; doubting , lest if he did otherwise , it might turn to his prejudice . Whereupon , considering what disgusts and perhaps dangers too I might meet with there , both by reason of the women whom I carri'd with me , and of whom the Mahometans use to be very greedy ; and also by reason of the body of Sitti Maani , and upon other accounts ; I set my foot against the wall , and resolutely told the Camelier , that I would by no means go to Emir Mudleg , with whom I had nothing to do , now I had pay'd all his Gabels ; I would go directly to Aleppo ; whither if he would not carry me with his Camels , I would go on foot with my people , leaving all my Goods there on the ground to his care ; of which , if any were lost , he should be responsible to me for the same at Aleppo : And , indeed , had the Camelier been obstinate , I was resolv'd to do as I said , having little heart to trust to the mischievousness of the Emir , ( which was very infamous ) ; or to expose to so great danger , not onely the few goods I had , but also the body of Sitti Maani , our lives , and the Women's both Liberty and Souls ( which was a great consideration ) ; and little caring to present to the Emir the Letter which I had for him from the Basha of Bassora in my recommendation , because I had found by experience what little good the two former did me , which I had presented to Sceich Abdullah at Cuvebeda , and to Sceich Abitaleb the Son of Nasir in the Desart . The chief Camelier try'd a good while to prevail with me to go with him to the Emir ; but at length seeing me obstinate , and some other Cameliers of his companions of the same mind , he resolv'd at last to leave the Camels with me to carry my Goods directly to Aleppo , together with some few other companions of the journey , and to go himself alone with all his loads to the Emir , purposing also to tell him , that we by force , and against his will , had freed our selves from going to him ; with which I was very well contented . After he was gone his own way , we took ours directly to Aleppo , and after two hours travel , took up our station in a bare champian place , where night had over-taken us . Iuly the eight and twentieth , From Sun-rise we travell'd almost till noon , but the Camels being few , weary , and over-laden , made no great progress . After three hours baiting , we journey'd again till almost night , and lodg'd by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shep herds who were there . Iuly the nine and twentieth , Setting forth early , we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance , and finding the place a Plain inclos'd with Hills , and consequently , fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries , we suspected that they were Thieves , and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us . Wherefore we put our selves in order , and march'd a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend our selves by fight : But at length these suspitions vanish'd , and we met no body ; and , peradventure , they were people that were afraid of us , and fled . Such encounters we frequently had in the Desart , and many times betook our selves to our Arms ; some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers , who attempted to steal something clandestinely ; but , God be thanked , no mischief ever befell us , and the Thieves finding us upon our guard , went away always frustrated ; and sometimes too , either hurt or terrify'd by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit , ( now we are near the end of this journey ) , that the Desart between Bassora and Aleppo , is a great Plain with very few inequalities ; and some of the soil is dry , some saltish and full of other Minerals , little stony , and less moorish with Reeds ; but the greatest part was green with grass at the time of my passing through it , yet with grass most commonly thorney , and good onely for Camels to eat . The heat , even in these Summer-months , was alwayes supportable , and , provided a Man were shelter'd from the Sun , the wind was continually so great and constant that it caus'd coolness , though sometimes it molested us with the dust . The nights were always sufficiently cool , and , to avoid catching cold , it was requisite to be very well cover'd . But to return to my purpose , on the day above-said , a good while before noon we stay'd to rest in a little Village of Arabians , ( not subject to the Emir , but Vassals of Aleppo ) call'd Ludehi , lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water . From hence I dispatch'd my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo , which was about a League off ; and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig : Aluyse da Ca , the Venetian Consul in that City ; and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physitian , a Roman both by Birth and Education , ( upon which account I hop'd , that though I was unknown by sight , he would nevertheless be favourable to me ) giving them account of my coming , and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient residence for my self and the Women with me . The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City , without disturbance from the Turks or Custom-Officers ; which to me , in regard of the Coffin wherein I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani , was a great happiness ; for if it had been seen , I might have found much trouble from the Turks ; as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language , some about matters of Religion , which , ( as it had hapned to some others at Aleppo ) 't is likely would have been taken from me . After my Servant was gone , we follow'd him till within a mile of Aleppo , where we stay'd his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre , upon the way , of one Sceich Saadi , venerated for a Saint ; and because either the Consul's Servants miss'd of me and took another way , or else my Servant arriv'd there late ; therefore hearing of no Answer , we remain'd in this place all night . Iuly the thirtieth , In the Morning I writ again to the Consul , and to Sig : Giovan Maria de Bona , his chief Interpreter , and my ancient Friend , to whom I had not written the day before , because I beliv'd him dead , as was falsely reported at Bassora ; but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well , I would not omit to write to him also . I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was , and desir'd of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation , as I had done the day before . As soon as my Letters arriv'd at Aleppo , the Consul sent several persons to fetch me , who the Evening before had sought me a good while , but in vain , and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi , whence I sent the first advice . There came from the Consul's House Sig : Andrea Buonanimi his Factor , some Janizaries , and other servants ; with whom came also some Officers of the Daganier , or Chief-Customer Abedik , an Armenian Christian ; the Consul intending by their means to render my entrance more facile , and less suspected . All of them conducted us to the Consul's House , where by all means he would have me lodg , having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter , which he had written the day before , and his Factor presented to me before my entrance , with many good Reasons now urging the same ; whereunto I knew not in civility how to gain-say . The Customers came to search my Goods , and to see whether we had any jewels conceal'd ; which they did civilly enough : As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani was , and the Books ; partly , by the authority of the Consul , and the good management of my Friend Sig : Gio van Marra de Bona his Interpreter ; and , partly , by a Present to the Doganier Abedick of fifty Piasters , and a vestment of Damask , worth thirty Piasters more to the Searcher , ( who onely open'd the outward Chest , wherein the Coffin lay under many Indian medicinal Herbs , and saw nothing else but them ) and above thirty Piasters to several other Officers , it was brought about that the Turks knew not what it was , and nothing was spoken of it . The Consul at first intended to receive my Women into his House ; but afterwards being told that it was not convenient by reason of the churlishness of the Turks , who were now become more exorbitant than ever , he thought to lodg them in another decent place ; but Sig : Giovan Maria de Bona , was pleas'd to take them to his House , where-with I was very well contented , because they could not go to a better place whilst separated from me : They were receiv'd there , and treated by the Women of Sig : Giovan Maria , with very great kindness . F. Orsino and I remain'd in the Consul's House , being entertain'd with the greatest Love and Courtesie imaginable : And indeed he hath been extreamly obliging to me , not onely in this particular , but in all other matters occurring about my departure from Aleppo ; which we have determin'd to be , shortly , in some of the Dutch or French Ships , which are now in the Port of Alexandretta , ready to set sailupon the next fair wind ; and , perhaps , together in consort : which , in regard of the many Pirates now infesting the Medeterranean , would be the securest way . LETTER XII . From a Ship-board in the Port of Della Saline of Cyprus , Sept. 6. 1625. DUring my stay at Aleppo , from whence I writ my last to you , on the seventh of August I took the Altitude of the Sun with an Astrolabe , and found him decline Southwards from the Zenith , 19 degrees , 20 minutes . He was that day , according to the Ephemerides of David Origano , which I much esteem but have now with me in the — deg . — August the twelfth , The great Caravan of Bassora arriv'd at Aleppo ; it set forth a considerable time before us , but had encounter'd so many difficulties in the Desart , that our sufferings were pleasures in respect of theirs . August the sixteenth , I was inform'd by Sig. Gio. Maria de Bona , of many passages of the Turkish affairs , which as appertaining to things before , or hereafter to be mention'd in these Letters , and to the full knowledg of the history of things in my time , I will not omit to relate in this place . He gave me certain intelligence how Sultan Mustafa , Brother of the deceased Sultan Ahmed , who reign'd in Constantinople at my being there , reign'd , and was depos'd for an Ideot ( as really he is ) twice ; namely once before , and once after Sultan Othman . How Othman , who was a Prince sufficiently odd humor'd , being ill-bent against the Christians , and very desirous to make an Expedition against Rome after the bad success befallen him in Poland , was slain by his own Grandees , who would not suffer his government , which was somewhat rigorous and violent : and that , as a sign of his being slain , he that slew him carri'd one of his ears to Mustafa's Mother , who was yet living , and was likely to be well-pleas'd therewith . That it was not true that the said Othman in the beginning of his Reign had put to death Qizlagarasi of so great authority in the time of Sultan Ahmed his Father , because he had too much power , having been the man that depos'd Mustafa , and plac'd Othman himself in the Throne ; but indeed he banisht him from Constantinople , sending him into a kind of exile to live privately in Aegypt ; from whence he was afterwards recall'd by the present Emperor , and restor'd to his ancient favour , and at length dy'd of a disease at Constantinople . How the present Emperor was Sultan Murad , Son of Sultan Amed , and Sultana Chiose , of whom in the time of Amed I have elsewhere in these made long mention ; And that Murad was not the eldest Son of Chiose , who was seen at Constantinople in my time , and was of the same age with Othman ; but was a Son much younger , that elder having been put to death by Othman , when he design'd to go into Poland . How the said Sultana Chiose was still living , and of more authority then ever , her Son Murad now raigning since the death of Othman , ( wherein perhaps she had a hand , because he was not her Son but the Son of another Woman ) after the second deposition of Mustafa ; and indeed I fore-saw many years ago , that the said Chiose , having one day remov'd all other pretenders would at length by her wisdom and the power she had in Court bring the Scepter into the hand of one of her sons , as accordingly she hath done . How the Government of the Turks was very ill-manag'd in this nonage of the Emperor and all their affairs grew worse and worse ; because there being no head , there was likewise no obedience ; all the Ministers did what they pleas'd , every one more or less according as he had more or less power , without any regard of the Prince , whom as a child they not only esteem'd kept remote from the Government , but endeavour'd to keep always so by educating him only to delights and pleasures . Lastly , how the Serdar or Grand Vizier lately sent to the War of Persia , was Hhapidh . Mahhammed Basha ; that he was not sent from Constantinople , but created Serdar or GrandVzier whilst he was at Amid or Diarbekir , as Basha or Governor ; from whence , without being seen to pass by Aleppo , or spending much time by the way , he hapned to be the same year in Mesopotamia ; which , I said above , that I much wondred at , and could not believe , in case he had come from Constantinople , as ordinarily it uses to be . He told me , that indeed he was still at Amid , and had not pass'd further , because he continually waited for the coming up of the Army , which was not yet gather'd together . Whereby it appears to be true what I had always affirm'd at Bassora ; namely , that nothing would be done this year in the War of Baghdad , because it would scarce suffice for the uniting of an Army , the expedition being begun , and the same year , and the Serdar who was to be General being newly created . Sig. Giovan Maria added to these relations concerning the Turks some news about the affairs of the European Tartars , pertaining also to the former ; namely , that the Tartarian Princes of Cafa were three Brothers ; Chan , who first reigned , a man of spirit and valour ; Chan who was a hostage at Constantinople ; and a third Chan , an enemy to the two others but a Vagabond from his own Country , and a fugitive at the Court of the Persian , on whom he depends , and where he was seen by me in the year 1618. when we marcht against the Turkish Army . Now of late years I know not upon what occasion the first Chan being sent for to Constantinople , was there detain'd Prisoner , and his Brother Chan their Hostage , a person of little valour and age establish'd in his stead ; under whom the affairs of his State proceeded very ill , and the forces were very feeble ; by which occasion the Chan that was in Persia being invited , by the help of the Persian , and many Tartars of the same Stare devoted to him , he enter'd with an Army into his paternal Territories , and driving his Brother from the Throne , made himself Lord thereof by force ; continuing also to possess himself of all that Country by the help of the Cossacks of Poland with whom he confederated in despight of the Turks ; a thing indeed of very prejudicial consequence to them . August the second , I saw at Aleppo a Mahometan of the Country , who writing in the right hand of a Child or Woman of any Age whatsoever , certain words and characters , ( which again he presently defaced by making a great blot of Ink in the palm of the hand , and pouring Oil over it ) caused by the power of inchantments and words which he spake fast and bravingly , that the said Child or Woman saw in the Oil in their hands whatever was desir'd ; yea certain Spirits spoke to them , and answered to questions , although the By-standers heard and saw nothing but only the Woman or Child related what he or she saw and heard . He also caused two persons to sit upon the ground one opposite to the other , and giving them four Arrows into their hands , which both of them held with the points downward , and , as it were , in two right lines united one to the other . Then a question being put to him about any business , he fell to murmur his inchantments , and thereby caused the said four Arrows of their own accord to unite their points together in the middest ( though he that held them stirred not his hand ) and according to the future event of the matter , those of the right side were placed over those of the left , or on the contrary . I know well that such things are not difficult to be done by the art of the Devil , nor yet to gain belief , the Devil being naturally a Lyar ; but because the severity in our Countries makes such pranks very rare , I therefore mention these here . August the ninteenth , Being ready to depart from Aleppo to Alexandretta , there to go aboard a small French Ship which was ready to set sail ( the great Dutch Ships being already gone before I could be ready ) , though I hoped to find them in Cyprus , and perhaps to imbarque in a Elemmish Ship called the Neptune for more security with a Caravan of the same French. When I sent my Goods aboard , I hid the Coffin of Sitti Maani in a great Ball of Cotten Yarn ; and as such it passed at the Custom-house , being seal'd wit this mark P † V , N 6. the Letter denoting my Name , and the figure signifying the number of trunks and bundles that I carri'd with me , being set upon every one of them , after the Mercantile fashion . By this means the said Coffin was happily convey'd both in and out , without being understood what it was either by the Turks , or Mariners of the Ship , who otherwise would undoubtedly through their vain Auguries have scrupled to carry it . August the twenty second , I was visited in the Consul's House by Metran Iscivaiab or Isciva-jahab , Archbishop of Mufarquin , a Syrian Nestorian , who had been sometimes a great intimate to F. Fra. Tomaso de Novara , and joyn'd with him in the reduction of that Nation to the obedience of the Catholick Church . He told me , he was very desirous to go to Rome , and in a manner offer'd himself to accompany me , though I was to depart the next day : but because he said , he had not his Patriarch's Letters for that purpose , but expected them shortly , therefore ( according to the prudent judgment of other persons who had inform'd me of his affairs , namely , that there was little likelyhood of his having Letters of much importance from the Patriarch , and that his desire of going to Rome was chiefly upon hope to get something there ) I counsell'd him by no means to get to Rome , without his Patriarch's Letters , inasmuch as the same would render his reception undoubtedly more favourable . He came to be of my opinion , and said he would follow me as soon as his Letters arriv'd ; but in the mean time he desir'd me , that I would carry with me two men of his Nation , who were honest persons , and would serve me in the voyage . Whereunto I readily consented , both to do him a kindness , and because I wanted Servants , having but two ; and not knowing where to get others that were trusty and fit for my purpose . I offer'd him also my House at Rome , and my Person likewise in what-ever it might be useful to his service ; remembring the Obligation I had to his whole Nation for the sake of Sitti Maani Giecride , my dear and esteem'd Wife , who was of it . With these and other the like Complements to him and the Priest Rezqallah who brought him , and who was Son of the Priest Ioseph Elbani , a Maronite , ( who read Arabick to me when I was before at Aleppo ) he departed , giving me many benedictions after their manner , and leaving a great Frienship establish'd with me . August the third , In the Morning I went to see the Synagogue of the Jews at Aleppo , fam'd for fairness and antiquity . Their Street is enter'd into by a narrow Gate , and lyes so much lower then the rest , that it is descended to by a considerable number of steps . After I had gone through many of their narrow Lanes ; which they contrive so , purposely to hide the goodness of the Building from the Turks , I came at length to the Synagogue ; which is a good large square uncover'd Court , with cover'd Walks or Cloysters round about , upheld by double Pillars dispos'd according to good Architecture . On the right hand of the entrance , is a kind of great Hall , which they make use of for their Service in the Winter , when it is cold or rains ; as they do of the Court in Summer and fair weather . In the middle of the Court four Pillasters support a Cupoletta , under which in a high and decent place , like our Altar , lyes the volume of the Law , and there also their Doctor and principal Rabbi stands reading in a kind of musical tone , to whom all the people alternatively answer . They stand in very great number dispers'd in the Court , Cloysters , and Hall , with their bonnets on their Heads , and promiscuously like us in our Churches , Men and Women together ; ( though I have sometimes seen it otherwise in Italy ) ; yet they are mixt in such order that those of one family Men and Women stand all together ; and , I believe too , they have their peculiar places and benches to sit upon . Moreover , the right fide of the Synagogue was fill'd with Jews origiginaries of the Country from ancient time ; but the left with Europaean Jews , who although inhabitants , and marry'd at Aleppo , yet are originally adventitious ; and these are all Spaniards , and speak Spanish for their natural Language ; yea , many of them were born and bred up if not Spain or Portugal , at least in Italy , Germany , or other Countries of Christendome . I was carry'd to see this Synagogue by a Jew nam'd Baruch , or in our Language Blessed , whom I had known at my last being at Aleppo ; He was born and bred in Mantua , a man well qualifi'd , danc'd , play'd , and sung competently well ; and upon these accounts came to my familiarity . We sat together a good while in the Synagogue amongst his fellow-Jews , beholding their Ceremonies ; and , after I had seen enough , I went away and left Baruch at his devotions . As I went home I pass'd by the Carvanserai , ( or Market ) of Silk , as they call it , because in times past , Silk and other Persian Commodities were brought thither more then to other places , but now it is little frequented . Here buying some few things of certain Uzbeghi Tartars , newly come to Aleppo with a Caravan ; I enquir'd concerning their Countries , and they told me , that no Tartars are call'd Uzbeghi , but those of the Countries of Balch , Buchara , and Sarmacand , who , at this day , are divided under two Princes , Brethren ; one whereof hath his Seat at Balch , and is call'd Nedhir Muhhammed Chan , on whom depends an inferior Prince , nam'd Bahadar , ( which signifies Gallant or Stout ) and sirnam'd , Ielan Tusc , from his spoyling and killing his Enemies in war ; for in their Language Ielan signifies to Spoil , and Tusc to Kill . The other Brother nam'd Imanculi Chan , hath under him Buchera , Sarmacand , Tosc-Kiend , Endigian or Endigan , with other Territories , and both of them border upon those of the Persian Empire , and reign in the Countries , anciently call'd Sogdiana , Bactriana , and perhaps also Hircania ; but by the Moderns , Giagata , Maurenucher , and Turkistan . The same day after dinner I took leave of the Consul , with all my other Friends , and was by his Servants , and many others of the Italian Nation , accompany'd out of the City . Before we mounted our Camels , I was desirous to see , in the Suburbs of Aleppo , the Churches of the Oriental Christians , which stand in a Street call'd Giudeida , not from the Jews , as some who skill not of Languages erroneously imagine , but from the Arabick word Gedida , which signifies New ; perhaps , because this place of he Suburbs was built more lately then others . Here , a little out of the Street on the right hand , I found four Churches all together , led unto by one Gate onely from the Street , but ( the place being spacious enough within ) conveniently divided and separated about the Court or Yard : Two of them belong'd to the Armenians , the greater ( a fair one indeed ) call'd Santi Quaranta , or the forty Saints ; and the less , Della Madonna , or our Lady . One of the other two call'd San Nicolo , belong'd to the Greeks ; and the other , which is the least of all , to the Maronite Catholicks , call'd Sant ' Elia. In another place a good distant from this , I saw alone by it self another Church , hansome and large for the Country , built after our manner , with three Naves or Ifles upon Pillars ; it belong'd to the Syrian Jacobites , and was call'd Sitaa Assedi , or Santa Maria. This Church hath adjoyning to it a good House , with a little Garden and other conveniences according to the use of the Country , wherein lives the Patriarch of the Jacobits , calld Heda , for whom I had brought from Bassora a Letter of F. Basilio di San Francesco , a discalciated Carmelite , wherein he invited him to a mutual friendship and correspondence , from which he might draw some benefit to the service of God , by reason of his skill in the Arabick , and his residence here in behalf of the Christians of the Country . This Letter I had gotten presented to the Patriarch , and transmitted his answer to F. Basilio , but had never visited him as the Father desir'd me in order to second his Letter , and settle a friendship between them ; because he liv'd far from the Venetian Consul's House where I resided ; and all the while I remain'd in Aleppo , I was lame of one foot by a hurt caus'd by walking in ill shoos that day when we were in danger of being assaulted by thievs ; so that I could not walk , and was not wholly cur'd when I departed . Nevertheless hapning to be so near his Church now , I would not omit to visit him . I found him a very compleat , civil , and courtly man according to the mode of the Country : he had not the fame of being learned , but yet was accounted wise and generous . He told me , he was glad of F. Basilio's Letter , and residing at Bassora , and building a Church there so peaceably , and with so much favour of the Turks , as he advertis'd him ; and that he would continue correspondence with him . He also shew'd me two fair Books of the Gospels written in large Parchment-sheets , with excellent Syrian Characters , one of them , ( as I remember ) written four hundred years ago ; the Letters whereof were all either of Gold or Silver : and this Book , they say , was found by the Turks in Cyprus when they took the Island , and carri'd to Constantinople , from whence it was afterwards redeem'd with money , and brought hither . Indeed no Manuscript could be more goodly or rich with gold and miniature ; it had also a velvet Cover adorn'd with Silver gilt , but made by themselves ; the ancient Cover , which they said was set with jewels of great value , being taken away by the Turks . 'T is the custom of the Orientals to make great account of Books so fairly written and richly adorned , as likewise S. Ierom reports they us'd to do in his time ; though himself , being a Scholar , was better contented , as he saith , with his schedules of a less fair Character , but correct . The other Gospel which the Patriarch shew'd me , was more ancient , namely , four hundred and fifty years old , but written with ordinary ink and few miniated Figures ; this , he told me , they bought lately at Cyprus for two hundred Piastres . He added , that the Church of Aleppo was not his Patriarchal See , although under his jurisdiction ; but it was near the City of Mousul , which is in the place of the ancient Niniveh . After much more discourse , he caus'd very good Sherbets of Sugar with snow , to be given us to drink as the custom is ; and offer'd us a Collation of fruits , which we receiv'd not because it was already late and time to be gone . At last , at my taking leave , he pray'd me to do reverence to his Holiness in his name ; and so when he had given me many benedictions , as their manner is , I left him and departed . Being come to the place where the Camels with the Women waited for me , I took leave of all those friends that had accompani'd me thither , and chose not the direct way to Alexandretta , which the Caravans commonly use , but one somewhat longer hard by Antioch , out of a desire to see the remains of that ancient City , which I had not yet seen . After a short travel , we rested till the Moon arose , and then proceeded all the remainder of the night in bad and uneven ways . August the twenty fourth , We pass'd by some Villages and places cultivated with Olive-trees , which I was joyful to see , not having beheld any for many years . About Noon , we rested amongst certain ruins of Stone-buildings which had once been very magnificent , and seem'd to be the remains of some noble City in ancient times . Here the Archbishop Isciva-jahab's men , the one nam'd Abdisciva , and the other Hendi , overtook me with his Letter : I receiv'd them , and carri'd them with me as I had promis'd . The said place is call'd Hhalqa , which signifies a Circle , because 't is a great Plain almost surrounded with Hills . Three hours after Noon we set forth again ; we pass'd by another Village belonging to the Territory of Hhalqa , and at night took up our Quarters near a running Water under another Village call'd Harta . At midnight the Moon rising , we set forth again , and travell'd all the remainder of the night . August the twenty fifth , Continuing our journey we came into a great Plain , and travelling along the River Orontes according to the stream , ( which we had found at day-break ) we cross'd over the same upon a good Stone-bridge . Here the Plain is contracted , being streightned on the right hand with high , and on the left with lower mountains ; travelling in which Valley about Noon , we arriv'd at Antioch , which is fronted with high mountains almost on the North beyond the River Orontes , and back'd with lower toward the South , the walls of the City being extended over the same . We enter'd at the East-gate , and took up our Quarters near a great Cistern which is on the left hand of the Gate , divided only by a wall from the Street , and pav'd round with white Marble : it is fill'd by a running-water , and stands in a shady retir'd place , very delightful and convenient for travellers to rest in . On the right side of the said Gate , in one of the Towers of the wall , was a large and fair room , as high as the wall , with few windows besides low and half-fill'd loop-holes for defence ; so that it was very cool , and would not be inconvenient in hot hours , were it in good repair ; but 't is now all ruinous without a pavement , being made only a Stall for Cattle . The walls of the City were still standing , all of Stone , magnificent , and built with Turrets after the ancient mode . At the Gate where we enter'd , began a Street not very broad but of great length , extended within the City , and pav'd all with white Marble . Antioch is now inhabited by few people , who live in little cottages patcht out of the ruins amongst Gardens , of which the City is all full ; for of the ancient houses and structures , saving the walls of the City , there is none standing . Near the place where we lodg'd , The Turks shew'd us I know not what , which they call'd Paulos de' Christiani , which perhaps had been some Church of Saint Paul ; but every thing was so destroy'd , that I neither saw nor understood it well . There being nothing else remarkable to be seen , we went away three hours before night , by the same Gate we had enter'd at ( perhaps because the way was better without then within ) going about the City on the outside towards the plain on the North. But re-entring afterwards at a breach of the Wall , we walkt a good way within the City , which I found full of Gardens and Orchards , with few dwellings , saving at the end . At length we went out at a Gate which stands in the more Western part of the City , though not full West , where we pass'd over a fair Stone-bridg which lies upon the River Orontes , taking our way to Alexandretta on the Northern banck ; for , they that go directly thither from Aleppo , never see this River , but leave it much South . We travell'd along its banks till night , contrary to its stream , and took up our lodging by the River-side , almost directly against the Eastern Gate , at which we enter'd , and which we beheld afar off on the other bank : Antioch is almost square , about a mile long , and hath many Gates ; on the South , it is terminated with Mountaius , which , they said , were seven , like the seven Hills of Rome , but I could distinguish no more then five , that is , not five Mountains , ( for the Mountain appears but one continu'd ridg ) but five tops of it . These Mountains are very steep , and therefore I think could not be built upon ; but only , that part of them was included within the wall for strength , and that the same might not be prejudicial to the City by being left without , in case of War. That which remains of the City at the foot of the said Mountains , is of small circumference ; so that the City appear'd to me much less then I imagin'd it . Within , as I said , there is not any Fabrick standing , but infinite ruins , and the earth is everywhere strow'd with great and goodly stones . Only the Walls are almost all sound and intire , with little decay . After midnight the Moon arising , we also got up ; and leaving this Station , proceeded on our way . numbered ground plan of Antioch A Platform of ANTIOCH . 1. The Eastern Gate , at which we enter'd . 2. The Cistern . 3. The Street pav'd with Stone and extending within the City . 4. A few Habitations in the end of the City . 5. A Bridg over Orontes without the City , and contiguous to the Gate . 6. The River Orontes . 7. A Turret with a room within it . August the twenty sixth , Continuing our Journey , at day-break we came to an end of the Plains , and began to ascend the mountains which we were to cross over in order to get to the Sea ; and , if I am not mistaken , they are part of the Mountain Amano , which , because at a distance it appears black , is called by the Turks Cara Aman , that is , Black Aman ; whence also they now corruptly call the Province which is comprehended in the said Mountain , ( and was , according to some , the ancient Cilicia ) Caramania . We refresht our weary Camels with two hours rest in a place amongst the Mountains , where , though there were no Houses , yet we wanted not Water and wild Figs. After which being arriv'd to the highest part of the Mountain , and re-enter'd the common road from Aleppo , we discover'd the Mediterranean Sea afar off , which to me was a welcome sight , in regard I had not seen it since my departure from Gaza in the year 1616. We descended down by a way where the Precipices are secur'd with good breast-works of earth sometimes for a Mile together ; and at length came to the Town of Beilan , from whence the mountains are here denominated Montagne di Beilan . A little beyond this Town , we repos'd in a by-place near a running-water , and under the shadow of abundance of Nut-trees ; for the Town it self and places adjacent were all taken up by a great Caravan which came from Aleppo to Constantinople by land . August the twenty seventh , An hour before day we began to descend amongst the streights of these Mountains , where we met a great Caravan of Merchandise which had lately come in two Venetian Ships , and was going to Aleppo : After two or three hours travel we came to Alexandretta , call'd by us Europaeans Scanderoon , but more correctly in Turkish Eskander , that is , Alexandro Graeco , because they will have it denominated from Alexander the Great . It was sometimes a noble City , but by reason of the bad air ( for it is situated upon the Sea in a Moorish Plain , and inclos'd with Hills which keep off the wind ) it was never much inhabited ; and the year before my being there , it was al-wholly destroy'd by the Pirats of Barbary , who spare none either of a different or of their own Religion , nor yet bear any respect to the States of the Great Turk himself , though their Lord ; so that I found onely four small Houses , scarce re-edifi'd this year , wherein the Lieutenant of the place ( for the right Governour remains at Aleppo ) the Vice-Consuls of such Europaean-Nations as trade into Soria , and a very few other people resided . Sig : Antonio Grandi , the Venetian Vice-Consul , having notice of my coming by a Messenger whom I sent to him from Beilan , receiv'd and lodg'd us in his own House with much Courtesie , upon the recommendation of his Consul , from whom I presented him a Letter . And when I had acquainted him with my desire to depart as soon as possible , and shewn him the Governor's Pass for my self , goods , and people , which I brought with me from Aleppo , together with other commendatory Letters to his Lieutenant and other Ministers ; the said Sig : Antonio went presently to present the same , and , by the authority he had here obtain'd , much more easily then I expected , that I might imbarque when I pleas'd ; yet upon promise , according to the custom of Turkie , of a small Present to the Governor , and also to a Jew his Minister ; which was afterwards given to them both . After dinner Captain Fort , Commander of the French Ship S. Anne , wherein I was to imbarque , came a shore , and I agreed with him to go aboard that night , though he puposed to stay two or three dayes longer , in expectation of more lading before he set sail . Accordingly after I had written to Aleppo , and supp'd in the House of Sig : Antonio Grandi , I was carry'd aboard by the said Captain with all my people , and onely those few goods which I had brought with me from Aleppo ; leaving all the rest to be first receiv'd by the said Sig : Antonio , and then convey'd to me by Sea more at leisure . Thus after many years I quitted the Continent of Asia , with a certain Resolution never to set foot upon it again unless arm'd , and began my Voyage towards my desired Italy ; there being with me of Women , Batoni Mariam Tinatin , a Giorgian Virgin , and faithful Companion of most of my Peregrinations ; Eugenia an Indian Maid of Scilan ; and of Men , F. Fra : Gregorio Orsino , Vicar General of Armenia ; and my Servants , Michel di Bengala , commended to me at Goa by Sig : Antonio Barraccio , Giovan Robehh , a Chaldean of Kiumalava , and the two Syrians recommended to me by that Arch-Bishop , namely , Abdisciva , and Hendi , Nestorians . August the nine and twentieth , All my other goods , together with the Coffin of Sitti Maani , ( conceal'd in a ball of Cotton yarn ) were imbarqu'd , ( thanks be to God ) without any disturbance . The next day I took the height of the Sun in the Port of Alexandretta , and found him decline at noon from the Zenith 28 degrees . He was that day in the — degree of Virgo . The same day , by the advice of Sig : Antonio Grandi , to prevent all further troubles which might arise from new searching of my goods , and payment of half Gabels , in case I should exchange the Ship wherein I was , for a Flemish Vessel call'd the Neptune , as I had formerly intended to do at Cyprus ; I determin'd to continue in the same Ship till I came either to Malta or Sicily , and the rather because the Captain was a Person to my liking , and all his people honest Catholicks , with whom I promis'd my self most satisfaction . Besides , though the Flemish Ship was greater , better arm'd , and accompany'd with two others , and consequently , as to danger of Pirats , more safe ; yet 't was known too that the Flemmings were at Truce with the Pirats , and sometimes will not fight with them , but being secure not to lose any thing of their own , use to submit to them , and let them take all the goods of other people that they have in their Ships without the least contest : So that I had some reason not to trust my self with them , ( although much perswaded thereunto by the Master of the Ship ) because , perhaps , in such case they would not have much car'd for securing me , whom they hated upon the account of Religion . On the other side , though the French Ship wherein I imbarqu'd was small and unprovided of Artillery , yet it was an excellent Sailer , and safe enough from being overtaken by any Pirate , provided it descry'd him first at a little distance , and had but the least advantage : For which purpose a Man was constantly plac'd upon the main-sail to make discoveries ; and as for being surpriz'd by the Pirats without fore-seeing them , as 't was possible we might be in a Morning at day-break , falling among them unawares ; so , we hop'd , God would preserve us from such misfortune . Of this change of my Resolution , I gave account in my Letters to Aleppo ; and I mention it here , to the end , that it may appear that my passing into Italy in so small and disarm'd a Ship , was not folly or rashness , ( as , perhaps , it may otherwise seem ) but a considerate determination prudently made upon weighty and important Reasons . Accordingly , after Sig : Antonio Grandi had presented us many refreshments for the Voyage , the same Evening a little before night we set sail . September the first , In the Evening we pass'd by Capo Chanzir , or , as 't is now commonly call'd , Capo Porco , lying thirty miles from Alexandretta , and the next Evening we discover'd the Island of Cyprus , where we were to touch and stay some dayes . September the third , In the Morning we doubled the Cape of S. Andrea , on the South of the said Island , being to put in at Porto della Saline , or the Port of the Salt-pits , which is now the principal and most frequented landing-place of Cyprus . September the fourth , We enter'd the said Port , which lyes on the South part of Cyprus in a large Bay , surrounded with Land , spacious and secure enough for all sort of Ships . It lyes two hundred miles from Alexandretta , and is the Port where the Turkish Army landed when they took the Island . As soon as we had enter'd , we were visited in the Ship by Sig : Dimitrio Todorini , a prime Greek Merchant , but not a Cypriot , who offer'd me his House ; and Sig : Giovan Francesco Parente , a Venetian , my ancient Friend and correspondent in Aleppo , ( from whence , upon certain discontents befallen him there , he had betaken himself hither ) who visited me not onely upon his own account , but also in the Name of Sig : Alessandro Goneme , the Venetian Consul in that Island , who excus'd his not coming in Person , for that he was just then call'd away by the Cadhi , upon a certain business . September the fifth , The said Venetian Consul with Sig : Parente , and some others of his House visited me in the Ship : And though I intended not to go ashore notwithstanding all his intreaties and invitations , yet he resolutely refus'd to depart till I went with him . Wherefore I obey'd him , and went onely with one servant , leaving F. Orsino , and the Women in the Ship. On the seaside I found some few dwellings , and magazines or storehouses , which are those that they properly call delle Saline , from the Salt-pits hard by ; where the Turks have a small square Castle , with a Plat-form , and Artillery to guard the Sea , but of little importance . Here taking Horse , we rode a little mile within Land , to another Village call'd Larnaca , where the Franks live for the most part , and there we alighted at the Consul's House . And because it was yet early , after a little repose , we went to the Franciscan's Church , call'd Santa Maria , and there heard Mass , which was sung with the Office pro mortuis , for the Soul of Sig : Giovan Maria Parente , Brother to Sig : Francesco , who the day before pass'd to a better Life . In the Evening , I visited Sig : Dimitrio Todorini in his own House , and lodg'd in that of the Consul . I will not omit that the Venetians have alwayes a Consul at Cyprus , who is not of the Nobility , but of the Order of Eminent Citizens , whereof many Secretaries of the Republick use to be ; so that though the Consul of Cyprus be not dependent upon him of Aleppo , as Vice-Consuls are ; yet he of Aleppo , as noble , and a more principal Minister in these parts , hath something of superiority over this of Cyprus . September the sixth , This Morning I am return'd a Ship-board , where I conclude this Letter , and commit it to F. Fra : Giovanni di Segovia , a Spanish reform'd Franciscan , who came hither in the same Ship with us from Alexandretta , and is the same Person who , disguis'd in a secular and Souldier-like garb , for fear of being hindred in his passage by the Portugal Ministers , came ( in company of F. Fra : Roderigo di San Michele , a Discalceated Augustine , and Provincial of Manila ) in the same Ship with us from Mascat to Bassora , passing under the name of l' Alfiere , or Ensign , till he arriv'd safe at Aleppo , where laying off his disguise , he resum'd his proper name and Fryer's habit ; and because the Provincial of Manila , with whom he came into India , could not dispatch his affairs but stay'd behind at Aleppo ; therefore he being desirous to arrive speedily at Rome and Spain , in order to the affairs of his Religion , is just now departing , and hath promis'd me to deliver this to you , and to salute you in my name , as I do most heartily . LETTER . XIII . From Malta , November 4. 1625. WHen I was thinking of finishing the small remainder of my Travels , with the same Prosperity which God had hitherto afforded me ; and speedily arriving at those desired shores , I have been here arrested at Malta by a little kind of misadventure , sufficient to temper the course of so many good Fortunes . In regard of the formidable Pestilence still continuing in Constantinople , and other places of Turkie , we have not been able to get admittance to anchor , and land in this Island without undergoing a Quarantine . Wherefore finding my self at leisure enough here in a House assign'd me , as a favour , by the Lords of the Council , and separated from the little Island whither all the rest are sent , I have thought fit to pass my time in writing to you what Adventures have befallen me since my last , which was dated from a Ship-board at Cyprus , September the sixth . Be pleas'd therefore to know , that on September the seventh , I went ashore again to hear Mass ; after which , I return'd a visit to Sig : Rocco Andreani , a Venetian Merchant , in whose House I saw a live Camelion , which a Boy of the family , kept very tame , ty'd with a little string for his Recreation . They are frequent in India , and are seen leaping amongst the Trees ; but I never saw any but at distance , and so did not well observe them . Here therefore holding it in my hand , ( for 't is a gentle and pleasing Animal ) I observ'd it to be as big as a Lizard , and almost of the same shape , but more unhandsom to behold , having an ill shapen head , divided feet , and two paws , in the middle whereof the leg ariseth ; each of which paws , is divided into two toes or nails , yet so as the fissure is very small . It s colour was grey , but with some variety , like a dapple . They told me , that it sometimes chang'd colour , ( not , as is vulgarly reported , according to that which is lay'd before it , but ) according as it hath more heat or cold , takes pains or reposes , with other like Accidents : Which event I saw not , though I try'd several wayes to procure it . September the eighth , The Consul carry'd me to another Village about two leagues , or six miles distant from Larnaca , and call'd to this day , Kiti and Citium , anciently a City and Bishoprick , but is now all destroy'd saving a few Cottages . We went , particularly , to visit a Greek Doctor , nam'd Sig : Aluise Cucci , who liv'd there , and had the fame of much knowledg , and spoke Italian well ; as also to see his Garden , which , though half ruin'd , ( as all things are in the Island , since it fell into the Turk's hands ) is yet one of the goodliest places in those parts . Here dy'd Cimon the most valorous and vertuous Athenian Captain , Son of the no less famous Captain Miltiades . You may see Aemilius Probus in the Life of the said Cimon , where he saith , In Oppido Citio est mortuus , after he had conquer'd most part of the Island Cyprus . Two or three hours before noon , we pass'd by the place where the Salt-work is , which , though through the negligence of the Turks , who do not cleanse and empty it well , it decayes and fills up every day ; yet in my time it yielded yearly about 10000 Piasters , and almost all Ships make ballast of Salt ; particularly , those of Venice are all oblig'd to take as much as will serve for that purpose ; and many times they take more , which at Venice is a good commodity , and a Trade reserv'd to the Prince . Then we pass'd through a Village call'd Bromolaxaia , and at length arriving at Kiti , which lyes a little distant from the Sea , ( the Coast of the Island running West-ward from the Saline ) we visited Sig : Aluise Cucci , whom ( indeed like a Philosopher , as he professes to be ) we found living in a House , which had sometimes been great and fair , but was now half ruin'd ; the Garden had a small Brook , with structures of Fountains and such like things , but all out of order , and reserving no other beauty besides a great number of Orange-Trees , planted regularly , and of equal height , and making a goodly and delicious Grove . I discours'd with the said Sig : Aluise , and he seem'd an intelligent Person ; but because he was sick , or at least recovering , and so weak that he could scarce speak , I could not benefit by him as I desir'd . I ask'd him concerning Cadmia and its species , and other Minerals , which you writ me word that you desir'd from Cyprus , and I accordingly sent to Nicosia , ( the chief City of the Island , and the place of the Basha's residence ) ; as also concerning the Book of Galen . He told me , there was some at this day , but 't was hard to meet with any that knew it , or could tell where to find it , the people being very Ideots , and the Mines intermitted heretofore by the Christians , for fear of alluring the Turks thereby to invade the Island , as also since by the Turks through ignorance . After this and such other Discourse , we return'd to Larnaca by a different road , about the midst whereof we found another Village , call'd Menego ; but all these Villages in former times well peopled , are now almost wholly destroy'd and uninhabited . September the ninth , Being return'd to the Ship , the next day I took the height of the Sun with my Astrolabe in the Port della Saline of Cyprus , and found him decline Southward from the Zenith 29 degrees , 29 minutes , 50 seconds . On which day he was in — degrees of — . September the thirteenth , I went ashore in the Morning to Larnaca again , from whence , upon the Consuls instance , I was accompany'd by Sig : Gio Francesco Parente , two other Venetians , a Greek nam'd Meser Manoli , my servant Michel , and a Janizary for our guard , to a delicious place of Devotion , call'd by the Greeks , Agia Nappa , that is , Holy , about eight leagues from Larnaca , upon the Eastern Sea-coast near Capo della Greca , where there is a Church built in a Grotto , wherein a miraculous Image of our Lady was found . Having rid all day almost continually by the Sea-side , we lodg'd at the Village Ormidia , and the next day early , passing through the Village Xylofago , and the Cape di San Georgio , where many Ships , especially Pyrats , use to put in for water at a River which falls into the Sea on the East of the said Cape , we arriv'd at the Village Agia Nappa . We found it like all the rest that I saw in Cyprus , almost wholly destroy'd ; partly , by the ordinary tyrannies of the Turks , partly , by the Pestilence which a few years before had swept away most of the people . The Church being built almost like a little square Castle , ( perhaps for fear of the Pyrats ) is still standing ; and being under ground , is descended into by many stairs . A Papas , or Greek Priest , who officiates there , hath charge of it , together with certain Calogrie , or Nunns , who having renounc'd the world , have addicted themselves to God's Service , and are modestly cloth'd in black , though they be not Recluses . In the middle of a great Court or Yard , stands a marble Fountain not ill built , over which they have lately built a great Cupola , upon four Pilasters with seats round about , where we not onely entertain'd our selves all day , but slept at night ; the murmur of the water rendring the place sufficiently pleasant . The next Morning , Mass was sung in the Church after the Greek Rite , and I was present at it till the end of the Gospel . On one side of the Church in a place apart , is an Altar , where our Latine Priests say Mass when any comes thither . In summ ; the Church is an indifferent large Grotto , the Image ancient , and the Altar adorn'd after the Greek manner , without any thing else remarkable . Here we eat a great quantity of Becca-fichi , or Fig-snappers , ( a sort of Birds call'd by the Greeks Sicalidia ) which are so plentiful in Cyprus , that abundance of them are sent sows'd in Vinegar to Venice and else-where ; but those at Agia Nappa sometimes are not good , by reason of their having eaten Scammony , which is not known to be found there-abouts , but probably , they feed upon it in some other place . September the sixteenth , We departed from Agia Nappa to return to Larnaca , and passing through the Village Xylofago , we alighted there to see the Church of San Giorgio , wherein amongst other Saints , I saw one painted whom they call Agios Mapeas , that is , San Mama , much venerated by the Greeks ; who say , He was a Martyr , and bury'd in Cyprus ; but I know not according to what History , they paint him between a Horse and a Lyon. September 17th Returning a Ship-board , by the way I visited a Church of the Greeks , ( but heretofore of the Armenians ) call'd , S. Lazaro , some of the stones whereof I observ'd engraven with Armenian Letters : 'T is a very ancient stone-structure of an extravagant form , though us'd by the Greeks in sundry places , namely , consisting of 3 Nave's or Isles , supported onely by 4 Pilasters , with three Cupola's on a row in the middle Nave ; the place within amongst the Pillasters serving for men , and that round about for women by themselves . Behind the Altar they shew a Subterranean Sepulchre , like a little Grotto , and enter'd into by a square hole like that of a Tomb ; they say it was the Sepulchre of Lazarus rais'd by Christ , and that he built the Church whilst he was Bishop here , and at last dy'd here ; from whence his Body was afterwards transported first to Constantinople , and then to Marseilles : The truth whereof , they affirm , is prov'd by the Miracles done every day in the said Sepulchre , as healing the sick , and the like ; but this is repugnant to the History we have in the Breviary , Martyrologie , &c. September the twentieth , The Consul gave me a piece of Ladano-Vergine , that is , pure , without any other mixture , as it comes naturally ; whereof there is plenty in Cyprus : and some intelligent persons of the Country whom I consulted purposely , told me , 't is generated of the Dew which falls from Heaven , just as Manna is , and that 't is gather'd off the leavs of a plant no higher then a span and half , or two spans ; which matter they boyle , and being viscid like wax , form into rolls like little Candles , which they wrap afterwards round together . The said Ladanum is black , hath a good quick Aromatical Smell ; and , in our Countries , mixt with other things , makes a good Perfume ; and , perhaps , serves for Medicinal Uses , as you know very well . September the one and twentieth , Sig : Cicach gave me some of the stone Amiantus , a sort of stone that may be spun , of which the Ancients made the Cloth which , they say , was incombustible , and the fire onely cleans'd it , as water doth other Linnen ; in which Cloth they burnt dead bodies , and so preserv'd the ashes thereof from being mingled with those of the wood . At this day none knows how to make the Cloth , or to spin the matter ; although a whitish matter like Cotton is clearly seen to issue out of the stone , not uncapable of being spun . The colour of the Stone , when intire , is greenish , inclining to black , but shining enough , almost like Talk ; yet when 't is broken or spun , the matter that issues out of it is white . I remember I once saw some of this Stone , and the Cloth woven thereof , in the Study of Ferrante Imperato at Naples , amongst other Curiosities . September the twenty fourth , The Consul invited us to dinner in the Venetian Ship Cacciadiavoli , where we stay'd not onely to dine , but also to sleep all-night , being entertain'd with Musick , and the good conversation of Sig : Parente , Flatro , & Rocco Andreani , who were there . The next day , we return'd to our own Ship , and the Evening following I went ashore again . A new man was expected to come to govern the Island , the old being already departed upon the arrival of an Officer of the new , who , as their custom is , was come with the Title of Musselem , to prepare the place for his Master : But before this New Elect arriv'd at his Residence in Nicosia , News came that by a fresh command of the Grand Signior at Constantinople , the new Basha was recall'd , and depriv'd of his Office before he possess'd it , unto which the old was restor'd ; besides the changing of the Defecodar , and other Officers . These sudden and unexpected changes of Ministers , have many years ago begun to be practis'd in the Court of Constantinople , occasion'd chiefly by the ill Government , and the selling of those Offices , without any limitation of time , to who-ever gives most ; which disorders are more prevalent now then ever : Which I mention , that it may be known in what an ill State the Common-wealth of the Turks is at this day , which indeed seems to be tending of its accord to manifest ruine . September the eight and twentieth , After another treatment given us by the Consul in the Ship of Viaro , he accompany'd us in the Evening to our Caravel , which was to set sail forth-with , and there , with many Complements and expressions of Courtesie , we took leave one of another ; the Consul returning ashore , and we remaining in the Ship. About three hours after Sun-set , we hois'd sails towards Limiso , another Port of the Southern Coast of Cyprus , but more Westerly , where we hop'd to find , and joyn company with the Dutch Ships . We had but little wind in the night , and the next day no good one ; so that it was but a while before mid-night when we arriv'd at Limiso , where we anchor'd at a good distance from Land , because for so short a time as our Ship was to stay there , it would not be subject to pay Anchorage . September the thirtieth , Sig : Gio : Francesco Parente , who arriv'd at Limiso the night before by Land , came in the Morning to invite me ashore in the Name of Sig : Pietro Savioni a Venetian , who hath a House at Limiso , and is Vice-Consul in Cyprus for the Dutch ; he receiv'd me with very much Courtesie . And being it was yet early , I walk'd about the Town , which is of indifferent bigness , where I saw a great Meschita of the Turks standing in a goodly street near the shore , where I saw great plenty of Carrubes , or Capers , where-with whole Ships are laden from hence for Venice and other parts . More within the Town , I saw the Castle which is small , of a round form , representing rather a low thick Tower or Turret then a Fortress ; yet it hath some small pieces of Artillery , and is built of stone . Then I came to the Church of the Bishoprick ; for Limiso hath a Greek Bishop , who commands four Eparchats , ( as they speak ) to wit , this of Limiso , that of della Saline , and two others ; the whole Island being divided onely into four Bishopricks , each of which hath several Eparchats under them . This Cathedral Church is small , and dedicated to our Lady S. Mary ; of Building , like the rest of the Country ; and because 't is the Cathedral , they call it , according to custom , La Catholica , i. e. Universal . Here I found one Didascalo Matteo a Greek Monk , who spoke Italian well , as he that had liv'd many years at Venice , and profess'd skill in Minerals , Chymical matters , and the like . To him , whilst he was at Nicosia , I had gotten a friend to write from Larnaca , to desire him to procure me the Cadmia and other Minerals which you desir'd . But the Letter found him not in Nicosia , for he was departed from thence to go to Mount - Sinay . Finding him here , and asking him about the business , he told me , There was to his knowledg abundance of those Minerals , particularly , Sori , Mysi , Melanteria , and Cadmia , to be had in some places of Cyprus , and that he would have procur'd me some , had he known my desire in time ; but now he could not by reason of his present departure , and the place where to have them was very remote . He gave me certain little pieces of Silver and Gold found in Cyprus , and promis'd me to use exquisite diligence for the rest at his return from Monte Sinay , which would be within three Months ; whereupon , I writ to the Consul of Larnaca , that at his going to Nicosia , where he was shortly to salute the new Basha ( for by vertue of a third command from Constantinople , the new Basha was once again confirm'd , and the old again depriv'd , with more strange inconstancy of government then ever ) he would consult by the way with a renegado German , who practis'd Physick there , and , as Didascalo Matteo told me , knew where to find the said Minerals for me . Whilest I was discoursing thus in the Church-yard with Didascalo , the Bishop an ancient man with a white beard pass'd by , together with another Monk , who was going to Church to rehearse his hours . I , understanding who he was , saluted him , and pass'd many complements with him in the Greek Tongue ; for he understood not Italian . October the first , The Hollanders invited me a Ship-board to see their Ships which were in the Port : whereupon , after dinner , I went accompani'd with Sig. Parente aboard of two , the Neptune , and the S. Peter , in both which we were oblig'd to drink several healths , particularly , that of their Prince Henry-Frederick of Nassau ; every Cup we drank being solemniz'd with a Great Gun , and also at our departing from the Ships , they discharg'd three Pieces , which were answered by those of all the rest . October the second , By Letters from Constantinople to certain Greek Monks , the news I had heard at Aleppo , concerning the progress of the Tartar of Cafa , united with the Cossacks of Poland against the Turks , was confirm'd , and that about seven hundred of their Ships sailing to the Confines of Constantinople , had done inestimable dammage , and put the City it self in fear . They said also that a violent Pestilence rag'd at Constantinople , and that the Grand Signor had been grievously sick , having had in his own person seventy Plague-sores , of all which notwithstanding he was cur'd : which indeed is a strange thing , and happens but rarely . October the third , The Dutch entertain'd us at a dinner in their greatest Ship which was bound for Venice , and call'd Il-Naranciero , or the Orange , where many healths were drunk to the Doge of Venice , and the Prince of Nassau ; each Cup , as also our departure out of the Ship , being honor'd with many Guns . Which ended , I would not go ashore any more , being our Ship was to depart the night following , but ●●pair'd to it ; the Dutch continuing their drinking and shooting all night in augury of a happy voyage . An hour after midnight we all set sail , five Ships together , namely four Dutch , the Orange , S. Peter , the Neptune , and the Unicorn ; and our French Caraval , S. Ann , wherein I was imbarq'd . I will not omit , that being our French Ship did not pay anchorage at Limiso , though person alone were suffer'd to go ashore , yet they were not permitted to buy any thing there to carry aboard ; for had it been known that we had shipt the least thing , even but a little Water , or a single Lemon , they would have demanded the whole Anchorage-money ; wherefore I was fain to get a few fruits and refreshments convey'd into the Dutch Ships , without being known that they were for us . October the fourth , We continu'd sailing Westwards along the South coast of Cyprus , our Caraval which was swifter than the rest , having but half the sails display'd , whilst they spread all . October the ninth , Having hitherto hover'd about the shores of Cyprus , and advanc'd little , a more favourable wind now carri'd us out of sight of the Island , and we sail'd directly on our voyage with various winds till the thirteenth day , when we discover'd the gulph of Settaglia . The next night , some rain laid the contrary wind and rough Sea ; but we remain'd almost in a calm , with great trouble of the Ship , which by the weight of the sails was made to rock to and fro continually like a cradle . On the fifteenth day at night , we were surrounded with thick clouds , and amongst them with many spouts of water , call'd in Latine ( if I mistake not ) Typhones Vortices , but we pass'd through them without any hurt or dammage . October the twenty first , After many days of contrary wind which driv us in vain about the gulph of Settaglia , at length it becoming favourable , the Pilot , and other Mariners said they descry'd land afar off , which some took to be Candia , other● Rhodes ; but , whatever it was , we soon lost sight of it again , and the same night the wind growing strong , we were separated from the other Ships which were in our company . Nevertheless we continu'd our Voyage alone , and at evening descry'd land on the North-west , which the Mariners said was the Island Scarpanti subject to the Venetians , and that , the good wind continuing , we should soon discover Candia : but about midnight the wind fell , and we remain'd becalm'd . October the twenty third , The Wind turning favourable , we discover'd land , which they said was Candia , at the prow of the Ship : but at night , lest the increasing South-wind should drive us too much to Land , we put forth to Sea Southwards , and left Candia on the right hand Northwards , so far that we could not see it . The next day , the Sky being very cloudy , we discover'd Malta whilst we were at dinner , very near-hand , ( the thick Air having intercepted it before ) and , a good while before night , we cast anchor just without the Port of the said Island , soon after which a Guard-boat came to see who we were , and whence we came ( in order to inform the Grand Master thereof : ) the Officer demanded our Bill of Health , which we had from Cyprus , but would not touch it till it had been first dipt in Vinegar , in regard of the great suspitions there were here of the Plague , which rag'd much at Constantinople , and other parts of Turkie . But he not returning that night to us again with an answer , we remain'd all aboard , being suffer'd only to send for water without the City . October the twenty ninth , Early in the Morning , the same Officer , nam'd Sig. Desiderio Montemagni , return'd and told us , that the Knights made a little difficulty concerning my Bill of Health made at Cyprus by the Venetian Consul , which was not so plain as that of the Ship which was made at Cyprus also the same day by the French Consul ; wherefore he made an excuse to me in their name for the delay of expediting me so suddenly . I took all well , commended the diligence of the Knight , thankt them for their courtesie , and profess'd my self obedient to their commands . After which , I deliver'd the Messenger a Letter for Monsig . Visconti , Inquisitor Apostolical there ; wherein I gave him account of my rrrival , and desir'd him to favour me in order to a speedy exepetion . F. Orsino writ another to him , both which bath'd likewise in Vinegar Sig. Desiderio promis'd to present with his own hand . The same day after dinner , the Sig. Commendator Fra. Marcantorio Brancaccio , a prime Neapolitan Cavalier , my ancient friend at Naples , and Sig : Fra : Mandosio Mandosti , a Roman Cavalier , both of the Religion of Malta , came to visit me in a Boat , which yet stay'd a little distance from our Ship ( as the Guard-boat also did ) and they offer'd me their persons to serve me with much courtesie . I received much news of them concerning some of my friends at Naples and elsewhere ; after which they departed , giving me hope , that in a Councel to be held that day about other weighty affairs of the Religion , my Expedition should be taken into consideration . In the Evening , Monsig : Visconti sent me a Present of some refreshments , and signifi'd to me that he had earnestly mov'd the Grand Master concerning the business of my expedition ; and when the Councel broke up , I should hear the result thereof by his Secretary . A while after , the Secretary brought me word that the Councel held very long , having determin'd a difference between two Spanish Knights , who pretended to the Priorate of Navarre , by giving it to one of them ; and also created a new General of the Galleys , which charge was also pretended to by divers , but fell to the Prior della Roccella , Son of the Prince della Roccella , who had a new instituted that Priorate in his Father's dominion ; insomuch that by reason of so many and long businesses , ehiter the Grand Master had forgot or forborn to propose any thing else , to wit , our Expedition : but that he having spoken to him as he came out of the Council , the Grand Master told him that within two days another Council should be held purposely for our business , because it could not be done without a Council ; and that in the mean time he gave order that our Ship should not depart from the Port , to the end I might have the convenience of waiting the resolution concerning Landing , without being carri'd away to my inconvenience to Marseilles , whither those of our Ship intended directly to go ; and therefore we must have a little patience in the interim . I return'd my thanks to Mons Visconti , and sent him word that I should have patience , being secure of receiving all favour from his great courtesie . Soon after which Sig : Desiderio came to signifie the order to our Ship that it should not depart out of the Port. October the thirty first , Besides a Present of refreshments sent me this day from the Sig. Commendator Brancaccio , and frequent visits of Sig : Desiderio , ane also of divers others , partly known , and partly unknown to me ; a little before night , the Commissarii della Sanita ( Commissioners of Health ) came to see me , and to enquire what goods I carri'd with me ; they told me , the next day a Council would be held for dispatch of my business ; but hearing of the goods I brought , particularly of the Ball of Cotten-yarn ( though they were not told what was within it ; for then without doubt the difficulty would have been greater ) they told me that by reason of the said goods I must have a little more patience ; for they should give me the Quarantine a little longer then if we had had nothing besides our persons . November the first , After dinner , the Captain of the Port brought us licence to go ashore , to wit , for me and my company , the Knights of the Council vouchsafing me this favour ; yet upon condition that I should pass my Quarantine not in the Isoletto , whither all others are sent , but at the Port where we were in the house of Sig : Don Francesco Ciantar neer his Church of S. Saviour ; which house the Inquisitor procur'd for me , and the Council as a particular favour granted me for my better convenience . They prefix'd no time of the Quarantine , but reserv'd it at their own arbitrement ; however I resolv'd it should not be very long . The Caravel S. Ann , which brought me , desir'd to undergo the Quarantine also , that they might afterwards have Prattick , and sell their commodities perhaps more advantagiously at Malta ; but it would not be granted , but the next day the Vessel was dismiss'd away for France . The reason whereof I suppose was , either because the Isoletto where Ships pass the Quarantine was already full of other people , or because the Island was scarce of provision , and therefore they would not admit other new Passengers to consume it . However we , according to our licence , landed all our goods at the abovesaid place ; and we were no sooner got ashore , but My Lord , the Inquisitor came in a Boat to visit me at the Sea-side . We discours'd together above half an hour ; he in his Boat , and I upon the bank . He inquir'd of me several things concerning the affairs of the East , and inform'd me of many of Europe ; and at last offering me his favour in all things , particularly , in getting the Quarantine shortned , which he intimated would last forty days or more , ( including those which had pass'd by the way from Cyprus hither ) departed , and I repair'd to the house , which the owner of it , and the Captain of the Port , Desiderio , came to assign to me ; where all our Goods were spread abroad to be air'd in a large open room belonging to the said house ; which indeed I found very handsom , and well provided with convenience of water , and other things , having a delicate prospect upon the Port , the Sea , the Country , the Town , the new City ; and , in short , being the best , most convenient and delightful that we could have had for that purpose . By the Council's order a man was assign'd to guard the House , and a Boat both to guard us , and to supply us with provisions ; both at our charge , as the custom is . Nor doth the Captain of the Port omit to visit us frequently , and to discourse with us at a distance . God be thanked , we are all well , and free from all contagious suspition ; so that I hope to surmount this difficulty happily , which I acknowledg to proceed from the Divine Providence , to which I heartily commend you . LETTER . XIV . From Syracuse , Decemb. 4. 1625. AFter two and twenty days confinement upon suspition , behold me , my dear Sig : Mario , now at liberty and in health , ready to come to kiss your hands , having no other impediment to detain me . What things I have noted in the mean time , and what befel me at Malta , and how I am safely arriv'd at Syracuse , I shall now give you an account , in continuation of the Narrative of my Travels . November the seventh , Early in the Morning four Galleys belonging to the Religion of Malta , arriv'd in the Port from Sicily ; the new ones , which they were providing instead of two lost a few Months before , not being yet finish'd . They were colour'd all black in token of sadness for the death of their General , who dy'd of a Disease a few days before at Naples . November the eleventh , The Commissioners of Health came to visit us , and enter'd into the House to see our Goods , whether we had us'd such diligence as was requisite in opening them to the Sun and Wind , that they might give account thereof to the Council . November the thirteenth , My Lord the Inquisitor came to visit me , and discours'd with me about an hour without the Gate ; for seeing we had no Licence of Prattick , it was not lawfull for me to give him so much as a Chair out of my House . He promis'd me to speak to the Grand Master the same day , and to procure our expedition . November the sixteenth , In the Morning before day , three of the said Gallies set sail from Malta towards Licata , or Alicata in Sicily , to fetch Corn , whereof there was great penury . The fourth Galley was so old that it could go no more to Sea , and the new which were preparing at Malta , Palermo , and Naples , instead of those that had been lost , were not yet finish'd . After dinner , the Commissioners of Health return'd again to see my Goods , bringing with them a Physitian to view and make relation of the Coffin wherein they understood I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani ; but because the ball of Cotton yarn wherein it was wrapt , was not quite loosned for fear of spoyling , though I had open'd and air'd it , they not onely refus'd to give me Prattick , but would not suffer the Physitian to touch or view the said Coffin , and told me , I must first loosen and air the Cotton yarn well , and then they would return to us another day to resolve about Prattick . After which they made many excuses to me for this strange treatment , alledging that the subsistence of Malta depending upon other parts abroad , they were forc'd to use the most rigorous courses in case of suspition of Infection ; to the end Sicily and the other Countries , on which their subsistence depended , might not deprive them of Prattick , as they would easily do , were it known that they proceeded otherwise , and were too easie in admitting suspected things which came from the Levant . Whereupon I knowing that they had reason for what they said , caus'd the Cotton Ball to be wholly unwound , as they desir'd , though I did not so at first , to avoid spoyling it , and the hazard of not making it up again so well as before . November the twentieth , The Grand Spedaliere , ( or Master of the Hospital ) and two other Great Crosses came accompany'd with many people to give us another visit ; and after many preambles , with majestick words in praise of their Order , and concerning the observance and respect justly due to it from all , upon the account of Malta's being the Bulwark of the Territories of the Catholick King and of all Christendome , he fell to blame me , ( though civilly ) in the Name of the Grand Master , that I had not at first declar'd my having my Wife's Body with me , ( a very jealous thing , as they said , in times of suspition ) and ask'd me the reason of it . I answer'd , that whil'st I was yet a Ship-board , I was ask'd onely in general , What Goods I had ? And I truly answer'd , that I had one Ball , five Trunks , and some other bundles of goods for my use ; and being not more particularly question'd , I did not specifie what was within the Trunks and the Ball , conceiving it not necessary ; and the rather , because I being yet uncertain , whether I should stay at Malta , or depart in the same Ship , I did not think fit to speak of the said Body in the presence of the Mariners , lest I should be troubled with the vain Auguries they are wont to conceive about carrying such things , in case I had been to go with them : That after I was landed , upon the first more precise demand concerning my goods , I forth-with declar'd it plainly , and afterwards us'd all diligence in opening the Cotton to the Wind and Sun , as those that had frequently visited me could testifie . The Knights remain'd satisfi'd with my Answer , and also with my proceeding , which was not so bad as at first they apprehended . Then they view'd the Coffin , and caus'd the Physitian to consider it , asking me Questions concerning all the particulars relating to it ; which done , they consulted apart amongst themselves what to do , and the result was : That if I meant to have a clear and full Bill of Health , I must be contented to let the Coffin be open'd and air'd , not onely outwardly , ( as had been already done ) but also what was within it ; otherwise , they would let the Coffin alone as it was , but could not give me a full Bill of Health ; whence , perhaps , I might meet with more trouble in other places . Wherefore they desir'd me to consider of the business , for they left me to my choice : I remain'd in some suspence , and took time to think of it , as they courteously offer'd me ; and so they departed without giving me Prattick , or resolving upon any thing . On one side I was unwilling to open the Coffin , because it was secure and could not be open'd without spoyling both it , and , perhaps , what was within it ; and having brought it so far with me with so much diligence , onely to keep it intire and sound , I was very loath to lose my pass'd pains . On the other side , to go from Malta without a good Bill of Health , and so incur a greater trouble else-where , was no safe course : Wherefore I recurr'd to the wonted favour of my Lord the Inquisitor , giving him account in a Letter how the case stood , and earnestly entreating him to find some little shift how the Knights might be contented , without opening or spoyling the Coffin , to make me a good Bill which might serve me else-where ; for which purpose I urg'd him with many good Reasons . The Inquisitor , according to his accustom'd courtesie , undertook the business , and I remain'd in the same House without Prattick expecting the issue . November the two and twentieth , Early in the Morning we saw the Gallies of Malta already in the Port , being return'd the Night preceding with some provision of Corn , but not much . The Council required of me a punctual Relation of the time , place , and manner of my Wife's Death ; which I accordingly sent them in writing , attested by the Journal of my Travels , my Book of Expences , and a Latine Treatise of the Countries subject to the modern Empire of Persia ; from which Books , wherein mention is made thereof , I extracted the said Relation . It was read in the Council , and they being satisfi'd with it , at length sent in the evening to give me Prattick ; causing us first to swear that we knew not of any dead of the Pestilence in any place where we had been , nor yet in our Ship. Which truth we swore to ; whereupon they granted us Prattick , and promis'd us a good Bill of Health at our departure . November the three and twentieth , In the Morning my Lord the Inquisitor sent to congratulate with me for my Prattick , and to invite me to dine with him . After dinner , I went with his Secretary to the new City , call'd , La Valletta , and there in the Palace I did Reverence to the most Serene Grand Master , call'd , Frat ' Antonio de Paula , a French-man , who receiv'd me with much courtesie , and offer'd me his utmost favour , both in order to my departure , or any other occasion . After which I accompany'd his Highness to Vespers in the Church of S. Iohn , together with all the other Knights , and back again to the Palace ; and after much conversation with the Commendator Brancaccio , at night I return'd to my own House , waving the favor of my Lord the Inquisitor who invited me to lodg in his ; because I would not leave my own people alone . November the four and twentieth , I din'd with my Lord the Inquisitor according to his invitation , and in the Evening accompany'd the Grand Master to the Church of S. Catherine , where because the said Saint is their Patroness , and her Church is us'd for the Italian Tongue , the Knights of Italy solemniz'd a Festival . November the five and twentieth , I went to hear Mass in the new City at the said Church , where I saw the Relique of the said Saint's Ring , wherewith she was marry'd by our Saviour ; 't is a Gold Ring , of very plain , antique , and coarse work , having a green stone , which , probably , is an Emerald , ( a stone in those times much in request ) but , whether it be ill pollish'd , or be decay'd by time , 't is a great Table for a Ring , but appears no very fair Jewel of it self . December the second , Two Gallies of Malta , being ready to depart from Messina , I would not lose so good an opportunity of passing the channel securely ; but having gotten my Bill of Health ready , ( wherein though they mention'd my wife's Body which I carry'd , yet they made it to my satisfaction , and full enough to prevent trouble else-where ) and dispatcht all things that needed ; in the Evening I put all my goods aboard the Galley Santa Maria , whereof Sig : Gio. Francesco Geronimo Salvago , a Genouese was Captain . But because it departed not this night , I repair'd to lodg at the House of my Lord the Inquisitor , and left the Women in that of Sig : Don Francesco Ciantar , our Friend and Patron of the Benefice and House del Salvadore . December the third , In the Evening we all went aboard the above-said Galley , after we had taken leave of the Inquisitor and all other Friends , with many Complements and demonstrations of true kindness ; a little before mid-night we set sail , being accommodated with the other Galley , call'd , S. Iohn , and four Ships of the Order laden with Flax ; all which went under the mand of our Captain . December the fourth , This Morning we found that we had already pass'd the channel , and were come to Capo Passaro , which is the ancient Promontory Pachinum . Before dinner , we enter'd the Port of Syracuse , where Sig : Fra : Marcantonio Pericontato , Receiver of the Order of Malta , came presently to our Galley to visit the Captain , and take his Letters and Orders of business . By this Knight , without making my self known to him , I understood that my great Friend , Monsignor Paolo Faraone , Bishop of Syracuse , being lately return'd from a visitation was now in the City ; of which I was very joyful , through the great desire I had to see him . Wherefore after dinner I went ashore as all others did , and with Sig : Frate Antonietto Costa a Roman , presently repair'd to his Palace to visit him : But understanding he was saying the Office , and would not be disturb'd , I stay'd in the Antichamber till he had done , being entertain'd in the mean time by Sig : Paolo Faraone his Nephew , whom I had seen at Messina , in the year 1611 , then a very Youth , but now grown a compleat young man ; yet I did not discover my self to him . When the Bishop had ended the Office , we enter'd to kiss his hands ; At first view , he said , he thought he knew me , but remember'd not who I was ; and , indeed , he knew me not by my voice after I had spoken to him ; although I knew both his voice and person , he seeming to me little or nothing chang'd from what I left him at Rome about twelve years ago when he was an Abbot . But when I discover'd my self to him , he seem'd amaz'd , and with much joy , for seeing me here at a time when he thought I was far enough off ; and , perhaps , ( as he said ) not in this world , ( for 't was four years since he had heard any News of me ) he receiv'd me with extream kindness and gladness . After we had given one another account of many things , and I had been complemented by Sig : Paolo his Nephew , and others that were with him , I told him that I had in the Galley Batoni Mariam Tinatin , my spiritual Daughter , and should be glad that before we departed , ( as I thought to do with the same Gallies for Messina ) that she saw the Church and something of Syracuse . The Bishop presently sent Signora Maria ( his Brother's Wife , and Mother of Sig : Paolo ) with two of her Daughters to fetch my Women from the Galley in a Coach ; and Sig : Paolo , the Receiver of Malta and my self , went in another Coach to fetch them on Land. After these Gentlewomen had receiv'd them with many Complements , we all went together to the Nunns Church of S. Lucie , where we stay'd till evening ; the Nunns being much delighted to behold the strange habits of my Women , and to discourse with them by Interpreters . In the mean time many people flock'd into the Church to see them , and several Cavaliers came to complement me , and make themselves known to me . It being late , we were accompani'd by many Gentry and people to the Palace , where my Women were receiv'd by the Bishop with much Courtesie . And being the Galleys were to depart for Messina this very night , I desir'd leave of the Bishop to return aboard again , but he would by no means grant it ; saying that since I was come to see him , it was not fit that I should embitter his joy with so sudden a departure , much less when S. Lucy's day was so near at hand , for which those that are remote use to go to Syracuse ; and that I was the more oblig'd to stay , because I had once promis'd him by a Letter , ( as indeed I had ) to come to Syracuse , and spend a S. Lucy's day with him ; so that since chance had brought it thus to pass , I must needs make my word good . I answer'd many things , and did all I could to get away , but to no purpose ; for the Bishop sen the Receiver to get all my goods out of the Galley , for which end was necessary for the gate of the City to be kept open a good part of the night contrary to custom : and besides , having caus'd a very noble Apartment to be got ready for me in the new building of his Palace , he would by all means have us all lodge there . Wherefore , seeing his pleasure was such , I thought fit to obey him , and accept the favour . The Gentlemen and Gentlewomen after some discourse departed , and we were conducted to our apartment , where , because the Bishop eats not at night , he left us to sup and rest . The two Galleys which brought us , depart this night for Messina , and with them F. Orisno my late Fellow-traveller , who will deliver you this Letter which I conclude this Evening , not omitting to acquaint you with my tarrying here for some days , to the end you may understand my deliverance , and the good issue of my health ; and so praying God for the like to you , I very heartily kiss your hands . LETTER XV. From Messina , January 24. 1626. IN continuation of my last to you concerning the favours I receiv'd from my Lord the Bishop of Syracuse , I must tell you in the first place , that on the fifth of December we were conducted by a great company of Gentry of both Sexes out of the City to several reliques of ancient Syracuse . We saw the Artificial Echo reported to have been made by Dionysius in a Prison where he kept many slaves , to hear what they talkt within ; and , if I mistake not , Archimedes seems to have been the contriver of the Fabrick . 'T is indeed one of the goodliest pieces of Art that I ever saw in the world , and perhaps was ever invented , imitating nature so exactly that the Echo returns words , sentences , sounds , and songs most intire and perfect ; as was prov'd in our presence with sundry Instruments . If a man strike a thick extended cloth with a wand , it renders a sound like the shot of Artillery : which to be done so well in a Grotto form'd not by Nature , but by Art , is indeed a strange thing , and shews a prodigious wit in the Contriver . I must not omit , that the roof of this grotto is hollow'd in the form of a man's ear , from which probably the Artificer borrow'd the Invention ; since just as the voice striking the ears which are so shap'd renders the sound audible ; so 't is seen by experience , that this great artificial Ear cut by hand in hard stone , being struck in like manner produces the same effect of augmenting a sound ; although we know not but other Natural Echoes in Caves are fram'd after the same manner . Near the place of the Echo , we saw the subterranean Cavities wherein the slaves were imprison'd , and over them the place of Dionysius's Palace , in a very goodly situation , with a Prospect extending far both on Land and Sea. And near the Palace we beheld many remainders of his great Theater , which was not built up like other Structures , but cut and hollow'd out of the hard stone , all of a piece , very large and of excellent Architecture . As we return'd home , we saw contiguous to the City on one side the Port which they call'd Marmoreo , or the Marble Port , from its being built all of Stone , and differing from the other great one which lies under the City on the other side ; for at this day the City stands wholly in the Peninsula Ortygia , which is almost surrounded by the Sea , saving where it joyns to the Land by a narrow Euripus . December 8th , I accompani'd the Bp to the Church of S. Francis , whither because it was the Feast of the Conception he went to hear Mass , being attended by the Senate , and all the Nobility of the City . After which , I went with divers Gentlemen my Friends to see the Church of S. Lucy without the City in the place where she was martyr'd ; which Church , though sometimes it belong'd to Priests , yet is now possess'd by reform'd Franciscan Fryers . Under the Church we saw certain grottoes extending to a great distance every way under ground and made I know not whether for Sepulchres of the Ancients , or for places of Refuge in times of danger . December 9th , Two Galleys of Malta , which came from Messina with Provisions for the Iland , enter'd the Port , in one of which was their present General Sig : Don Francesco Caraffa Prior della Roccella , and Son of the Prince della Roccella , who had lately founded this Priorate della Roccella at his own charge , always to remain in his own Family ; though after his death , if I am rightly inform'd , it shall be no longer a Priorate or Grand Cross , but only a Commendum . December the tenth , Accompani'd by Sig. Paolo Faraone , I visited the said Prior della Roccella in his own Galley ; having seen him several times , and contracted Friendship with him whilst I was at Malta , in which time he was created General of the Gallies upon the vacancy of the charge by the death of the former General . December the twelfth , Being S. Lucie's Eve , Solemn Vespers were sung in her Church , whither the Bishop with the Senate and all the Nobility repair'd . At night bone-fires were made , and a Cavalcade of many Cavaliers rode about with Torches , but cloth'd in their ordinary habits ; after whom follow'd the Senate likewise on Horse-back . December the thirteenth , Being the day of S. Lucie the Patroness of Syracuse , a solemn Procession was made , wherein the Images of the Saint in Silver , as big or bigger then the life , were carry'd through the chief streets upon a goodly Pedestal of silver , all the Clergy and Nobility accompanying the same . The Procession set forth from the Cathedral , and as the H. Image came out of the Church-Gate , a certain man plac'd purposely on the top of the Steeple , came flying down ( as they speak ) upon a rope and fell in the midst of the Piazza , which was throng'd with people assembled to see the Shew . The Procession ended at the Church of S. Lucie without the City , where a solemn Mass was sung ; after which in a little Chappel hard by , call'd Sant ' Agata , I saw under ground the Sepulchre of S. Lucie , where She was buried first ; for now her Body is not here , but was translated to some other place long agoe . December the fourteenth , Many Races were run both by Footmen , Mules , ordinary Horses , and Barb or Ginets as they call them in Syracuse , with the usual circumstances of throngs of people , Ladies at the windows , Gentlemen on Horse-back , and in Coaches about the streets . December the fifteenth , A Mascherade of twelve Cavaliers on Horse-back , cloth'd by couples after several fashions , went about the City . In the Piazza before the Bishops Palace they ran al Saraceno , ( i. e. at a wooden stock made like a Man ; we call it a Turk ) and at the Ring , making many Caracols ( or quick Turns ) at the end . Which divertisement continu'd till night ; when the Maskers were entertain'd with a sumptuous Supper by the Bishop , together with the Senate and other Cavaliers . December the sixteenth , In the Morning I went to view the Fountain Arethusa , which I had seen imperfectly many years before at my first being in Sicily . 'T is in a Grove within the walls of the City , where issuing out of a cavern of a Hill , it descends to the Sea-side , forming an indifferent Pool before its going out of the walls , where the Syracusian Women use to go to wash their Clothes . In the afternoon going out of the City , to see many courses at the Ring in the field of S. Lucie , we went to hear an excellent natural Echo between the Sea and the Walls , which returned the sound of a Trumpet once or twice very pleasantly . December the eighteenth , The General of the Maltese-Gallies set sail for Malta , and the next Morning two other Gallies of Malta arriv'd from Messina in the Port of Syracuse . This day we went to see the Capuchins Covent without the City , in whose Gardens are seen extream deep cavities and precipices ; for the Soil being all stony , was in ancient times dig'd in that manner for stones ; and one may see where goodly Pillars have been cut out all of a piece , as others might still be : nevertheless in those dark vallies and cavities there are Gardens and Trees planted , which bring forth goodly fruit ; at which I wonder'd the more , because some of them are never seen by the Sun , the Soil is so low and closely surrounded with high Rocks . These are Lapidicinae , or Stone-Quarries , where the Athenian Prisoners were put , who after the loss of many battels both by Land and Sea , at last yielded at Syracuse , as Thucydides relates . December the twentieth , The Bishop made an Ordination according the custom of Four times of the year , and this Morning ordain'd above two hundred persons of several Orders ; for this Diocess is sufficiently populous ; and many , to avoid the numerous grievances impos'd upon the King's people , willingly put themselves into the Church . December the one twentieth , Another Procession like the former was made in the Evening , wherein the sacred Image of S. Lucie was carry'd from her own Church , where it had been till now , to the Cathedral , in which it is usually kept in a little Chappel well guarded , and lock'd with many keyes . When the Image was come thither , and the Bishop standing at the Altar , first shew'd the Magistrate , and then the People the Reliques of the Saint , ( to wit , a dark blew Mantle , and a Slipper like that of the Pope ) holding the same to them to kiss , and distributing Cotton to them which the said Reliques had touch'd . After which the Bishop entertain'd the Senate with a Supper . December the two and twentieth , The two Maltese-Gallies departed for Malta , and the next Evening the General of Malta return'd to Syracuse for more provision ; the Island of Malta being in great want thereof . December the four and twentieth , The said General ship'd all the Corn he could possibly , as well by stealth as openly , ( because he had not Licence for so much ) and in the Evening set sail for Malta . He inform'd us that the Prior of the Church was coming Ambassador extraordinary to the Pope , in order to pacifie his Holiness who was much offended at certain things which they had lately done ill at Malta : Whereof I shall give you this brief account . A while since two or three Commendams of Malta becoming void by the death of a Commendator , who held them all together , the Pope joyn'd them into a new Priorate , and gave the same to Sig : Don Antonio Barberino his Nephew . Hereupon the Order took distast that the Pope should give these Commendams to his Nephew , in prejudice of the Ancients who pretended to them , and making a great stir ( as if the Pope were not Patron of their goods , as well as those of all other Orders ) they tumultuously resolv'd to send Ambassadors to the Emperor , and to the Kings of France and Spain to complain thereof , and to intreat the said Princes to undertake their Protection that the Pope might not do them such Prejudices . This coming to the Pope's Ears , he commanded Monsig : Visconti his Inquisitor at Malta , to endeavor the hindring of those Embassies ; and , in case of obstinacy , to prohibit them by a Publick Act in the Name of his Holiness , admonishing the Order that they had no other Superior besides the Pope , and ought not to recurr to any about their affairs but to him . The Inquisitor us'd his utmost diligence , but seeing it prevail'd not , he caus'd the Pope's Prohibition to be signifi'd to the Ambassador's Elect , by a fit Minister . One or two of them made no stir , but another fell into such a rage that he drew a Ponyard to assault the Inquisitor's Officer that gave him the Intimation : After which all the Knights banded together , and went tumultuously to the Grand Master , who was then in the Church at Vespers , and by furious menaces of a notable sedition , caus'd him to send some Grand Crosses to desire the Inquisitor to revoke the said Prohibition , otherwise a very great tumult and the ruine of the Order would ensue . The Inquisitor , mov'd with this and other effectual Instances which they made to him not without tumult , said ; He had no Authority re-call a Prohibition made by the Pope ; but , to prevent further mischiefs , he condescended to revoke the said Order , so far as his own Authority ( which he judg'd none at all in this matter ) could extend : Whereupon the Ambassadors presently departed . The Pope understanding this sequel , gave the Maltese-Ambassador residing at Rome a great check , and testifi'd so great displeasure with the Order , that the Ambassador himself , who , perhaps , had been the first cause of these Tumults at Malta , by writing to the Knights there to defend their causes resolutely ; that he now writ after a different manner , and so represented both to the Grand Master and the Order , the Pope's displeasure , and what mischief he might do them ; That being terrify'd there-with they sent Posts after their Ambassadors to return , without negotiating at all with the said Princes . Some of them , who were not yet arriv'd at the places whither they were sent , upon this Order return'd back without doing any thing ; others , who were arriv'd at the Courts of the design'd Princes , obtain'd their Letters of recommendation to the Pope , which were of little moment ; but ever since this business , the Pope hath had but little good will towards the Order , and hath frequently declar'd a purpose to reform it in sundry things : As , that no Women should live in the new City , call'd il Convento , their Simoniacal Elections of Grand Masters , and other things , of which the Knights were much afraid . To these old disgusts , another hath lately been added : Upon the loss of their Gallies taken by the Turks a while agoe , with the slaughter of many Knights , the Order , for repairing the same , thought , ( and , I believe , had already resolv'd ) to lay a Gabel , ( whether perpetual or temporal , I know not ) upon the Commendams and Possessions of the Order ; which , without the Pope's leave , could not be done . The Pope extreamly dislik'd this course , conceiving no necessity of attempting it for that loss ; since they had lost nothing but two pieces of wood ; and as for the Knights , they might be recruited by the income of moneys which are paid upon the admittance of others to take the Cross ; besides that as to interest , they had rather gain'd then lost , having by the death of so many Knights , gotten spoyls enough to pay the charge pretended , without burdening the possessions of the Order with any imposition . All which Reasons consider'd , the Pope hearing that they were resolv'd to impose the said Gabel without addressing to him , became extreamly displeas'd with the Knights , threatning them with Excomunications and other punishments : Whereupon the Order dispatch'd this Prior of the Church , ( who is also a Grand Cross and a Priest ) Ambassador extraordinary to his Holiness , to pacifie him . December the twenty sixth , We had news at Syracuse , that an English Fleet had landed some Forces at Cadiz upon the Coast of Spain , which were valorously repuls'd by the Spaniards . They are great amplifiers of their own Exploits , and writ word that the said Fleet consisted of eighty Ships , and landed twelve thousand men . December the twenty ninth , Being desirous to visit some Cavaliers of the Family of la Valle in the City of Catania , where there lives many , by all circumstances , deriv'd from the same Root with us of Rome ; I set forth thither this Morning in the Bishop's Coach , accompani'd by Sig : Paolo Satalia a Syracusian . We travell'd not far from the Sea-side , leaving on the right hand a little fruitful Island , near the Continent of Sicily , now call'd Manghesi , but by Virgil with good reason Tapsumque jacentem ; for it is all plain and very low . A little further we left on the right hand also towards the Sea , the City Augusta , sometimes call'd Megara ; whence Virgil , making mention of it , saith Megarosque Sinus . In the Evening , we pass'd through Carlo Lentini , built upon high clifts , and so call'd as if it were Lentini di Carlo , because Charles the Fifth , Emperor , built it , with intent perhaps to transfer the City of Lentini ( which lies hard by ) thither for better air . At length having travell'd twenty four miles from Syracuse , we took up our Lodging in Lentini at the house of Sig : Flaminio Mollica Baron of Bagnara ; who a few days before had sent to visit me in Syracuse , and receiv'd me here with extraordinary civility . December the thirtieth , Having heard Mass in Santa Maria di Giesu a little without the City , we went to the Church of the Saints Alfio , Philadelfo , and Cirino , three French Brethren , Martyrs and Protectors of Lentini ; which City is styl'd Faecundissima Lentinorum Urbs , and gives for its Arms a Lion Rampant , the ancient badg of the Leontines , as appears by their ancient Medals , and I observ'd by the Bill of Health which they gave us ; for by reason of the Contagion at Palermo , without taking a Bill of Health at every place , &c. After dinner we departed , and not far from Lentini , pass'd over a little River which they call il fiume di Lentini , and probably is the Pantagia of Virgil. Before night , we arriv'd at Catania , which lies but eighteen miles from Lentini , and lodg'd in the house of Sig : Don Angelo Campochiano di Calatagironi , who was then Vicar General to the Bishop of Catania , and upon the recommendation of the Bishop of Syracuse , receiv'd and treated us here with much respect , being also something alli'd to the Sig : della Valle of Catania . December the thirty first , I was visited by all the Sig : della Valle , and many other Eminent Gentlemen of several Families , their Alliances . They were so many that I shall not particularly name them ; only I shall intimate that at this day there are in Catania five Chiefs of the Family of la Valle , all deriv'd from the same stock ; namely , first Sig : Don Franc. della Valle Baron of Miraglia , who being newly come from abroad , was put upon his Quarantine in a Church without the City ; secondly , Sig : Don Gutteres della Valle , Brother of the above-said Baron , who was absent at Palermo ; thirdly , Sig : Don Diego della Valle , whom I knew many years ago at Messina ; fourthly , Sig : Don Vincenzo della Valle , Baron of Schisi , which they hold to be the ancient Naxus ; and fifthly , Don Franc. della Valle who was in an Ecclesiastical Habit : with many of these Gentlemen , who did me the honour to accompany me , I went this morning to see the Mother-Church , where in a close Chappel the body of S. Agatha is kept . After which I was conducted to see the Benedictine's Monastery of S. Nicolas , ( which is a handsom building , ) and the Reliques kept there in the Sacristie ; amongst which was shewn me a Nail of our Saviour's Cross , an Arrow of S. Sebastian's , a piece of S. George's Coat of Mail , some of S. Peter the Apostle's beard , and some of the beard of S. Zaccharias Father of S. Iohn Baptist. I saw also the ruins of the Amphitheater and the Cirque , the Fountains without the Walls of the City by the Sea-side , which being so many Spouts on a row , make a pretty sight , near the place where S. Agatha was put into the fire . Ianuary the first , 1626. Accompani'd by the same Gentlemen , who did me that honour at all hours , I went to see the prison of S. Agatha underground , and her Sepulchre , where there is also another Church , and in that the place where S. Lucy appear'd to her ; and a little further a little Chappel apart where her breasts were cut off . After which , I spent the day in visiting such Gentlemen as had visited me , as also such Gentlewomen of the Family of la Valle as had sent to visit me . The next day I went to S. Francis's Church to see the Chappel and Tombs of the Family of la Valle , in whose arms I found some difference from my own as to the colours , ( which was only the Error of the Painter ) they giving the Lions and Stars , Or , in a field gules ; but we at Rome , the Lions azure , and Stars , gules in a field Or. And being Arms are commonly taken from old Stone-monuments which have no colours , 't was no hard matter for some Modern Painter to mistake , and put one for another . In the Evening , I was visited by the Magistrates of Catania , whom they call Guirati ( Jurats ) ; and news came that a Proclamation was publish'd at Palermo , whereby as many as were oblig'd either by Tenure , or otherwise to military service in Sicily in in times of need , were commanded to appear forthwith in the field , in order to a General Muster , and then be distributed into several places , for fear of an invasion by the English Fleet , which they said was enter'd into the Mediterranean upon designs of mischief . Ianuary the third , I return'd the Visit to the Magistrates in the City-Palace , being receiv'd by them with much honour , and at my departure accompani'd almost to the Gate . After dinner , having visited Sig : Don Francesco della Valle , Baron of Miraglia , who was upon his Quarantine in the Church of the Infirm without the City , I took leave of all my honourable Friends , and departed from Catania towards Syracuse , arriving at Lentini two hours after Sun-set , where I lodg'd in the House of the Baron of Bagnara . Ianuary the fourth , Having heard Mass in the Church of the Saints Alfio and his Brethren , and din'd early , we departed from Lentini , and at night arriv'd at S. Cosmano , a place twelve miles from Syracuse , famous for making Sugar . It being late , we took up our Quarters in a House , where we saw the Machins , Furnaces , and other contrivances for that Work. Ianuary the fifth , About Noon , we arriv'd at Syracuse , being met without the Gate in a Coach by Sig : Paolo Faraone , Sig : Don Diego Landolnia his Couzen , Sig : Don Gasparo Diamante , and others of the Bishop's House . Ianuary 10th , We went abroad a shooting in a boat upon the famous River Alfeo , which falls into the Port of Syracuse , just opposite to the walls of the City , passing first under a bridge of one arch , exactly according to the printed figure of the Pastoral of Cavalier Guarini call'd il Pastor fido , wherein the River Alfeo speaks the Prologue . Ianuary the eleventh , I saw the subterraneous Grottoes of S. Iohn's Church without the City ; they are many , great , and handsom , contriv'd almost like a Labyrinth , and appear to have been intended for Sepulchres ; in some places the light is admitted a little by Cupola's , which probably serv'd for the people to assemble in , either to the Obsequies or Funeral-suppers . Yet certain Figures of ancient Saints , and other Tokens argue them to have been us'd by Christians ; 't is a goodly Fabrick for a work under-ground , being all cut out of the natural stone by hand . Ianuary the thirteenth , Four Maltese-Galleys arriv'd at Syracuse ; and because they intended for Messina , and one of them for Naples , and perhaps further , to carry the Prior of the Church , who , as I said , was going extraordinary Ambassador to Rome , and was here imbarqu'd ; I desir'd to take the opportunity of these Galleys to Messina : and accordingly went to speak with the General , who was gone a hunting with the Prior of the Church near the River Alfeo . The General courteously granted me passage in his own Ship to Messina : but as for going to Naples in the Galley with the said Prior , I could not obtain this favour from him : and though his excuse was , that but one Galley went thither , and that with many Passengers , and my people and goods were not few ; yet I perceiv'd that the Prior , on whom the courtesie depended ( although he had been my Friend at Malta , and shew'd himself such here also ) was unwilling to grant me the same , because I lodg'd in the house of the Bishop , with whom the Prior was displeas'd , because the Bishop had neither visited him , nor yet the General of the Galleys , as they pretended he ought to have done : but the Bishop pretended the contrary , namely , that they ought to have visited him first ; so that between the punctilio's of both sides , I was fain to suffer an inconvenience , as it commonly happens in such cases . However I resolv'd not to decline the General 's offer of passing to Messina in these Galleys , and accordingly taking leave of the Bishop , and all other Friends after supper , I went aboard of the General 's Galley with my people , and at the second watch we set sail . The winds being contrary we could not pass further then Augusta , where we anchor'd a little without the Port ; but because we did not salute the City , ( in regard we stood off from it , and were upon departing ) a great Gun was discharg'd from thence against us with a bullet . Which though the General was offended at , yet because there was nothing else to be done , he sent a Spanish Gentleman of his Order to make excuse to the Governor for not having saluted him , ( as not being the custom in such occasions ) and to complain of his shooting with a bullet in that manner . The Governor answer'd courteously , yet ( like a Spaniard ) held his point , and advis'd the Galleys to have patience ; thereby implying , that if they would ride in that Port , they must salute the Royal Standards , otherwise they should be sunk . Ianuary the fourteenth , The weather proving foul , our Galleys made into the Port of Augusta , where we saluted the Block-houses , and receiv'd the like salutations from them again . There are three Block-houses or Forts at Augusta , one within the City upon a high situation , another upon the mouth of the Port which is very large within , and another also within the Port divided into two , and standing upon two little rocks . Divers of our people went ashore the same day , but I did not , till the next : when after I had heard Mass said by the F. Provincial of the Jesuits in Sicily , in a Church call'd Our Lady delle Gratie , I went to see the Capuchins Church , the Streets of the City , the Castle , and whatever was remarkable , which was very little . Ianuary the sixteenth , The weather continuing foul with snow , the Captains upon consultation resolv'd to return back to Syracuse , because the Galleys had not provision enough for a longer stay . Wherefore after dinner , we set sail back again , and arriv'd before night at Syracuse ; whereof the Bishop being advertis'd , sent Sig : Paolo Faraone to fetch me , and Sig : Maria to conduct my women to his House . Ianuary the nineteenth , The weather becoming good , the General sent us sudden notice that he would depart immediately , as accordingly we did , and at night enter'd the Port of Augusta , because it was again become somewhat tempestuous . The next Evening we departed from Augusta , and sail'd all night with a bad wind , which forc't us to make use of our Oars . Ianuary the twenty first , At day-break we came before Capo grosso , about twenty miles from Messina , and continuing our course , arriv'd at Messina before Noon . At the mouth of the Port we were question'd by the Commissioners of Health , who were very rigorous here , and indeed were to be commended for it ; since , had it not been for the exact diligence of Messina in this matter , the present Pestilence of Sicily might easily have infected all Italy : for Card. Dona and others that govern'd at Palermo , to avoid damnifying that City by loss of Trade , have hazarded the safety not only of the whole Kingdom ( as is manifestly seen ) but also of all Italy by concealing the Plague of Palermo as much as they could , instead of remedying the Infection by such severe and rigorous courses as was fit , namely , by burning infected Goods and the like ; yea , they rather maintain'd that the Plague was not there when it was there , and requir'd prattick to be given them everywhere , procuring Orders from Spain for that purpose : by which means many other places of Sicily , are become infected , and the Plague , which , had fit means been us'd , perhaps would soon have been extinguisht , hath continu'd above two years , and continues still ; the Orders of the Viceroy and the Court of Spain , promoting the spreading thereof in despight of all . Only the City of Messina hath the glory of withstanding so great mischief for the publick safety . Whilst we were under examination , expecting Bills for Prattick against night , I advertis'd Sig : Francesco Faraone , and Sig : Don Palmieri di Giovanni , my ancient Friends , of my coming , who , in the Evening when Prattick was granted us , came with other Gentlemen and Gentlewomen in Coaches to the shore-side to receive me , and Sig : Maria. After I had taken leave of the General , and all the Knights of the Gallies , I went ashore and was accompany'd by the said Gentlemen to the House of Sig : Francesco Faraone , where taking up my Residence , I have been visited by most Persons of quality in the City , as also Sig : Maria hath been by many Ladies ; we also returning visits to all to whom we owed them . Ianuary the five and twentieth , Sig : Don Giov. Bisogni , a Cavalier of Messina , Cousin to the Bishop of Syracuse , and Husband of Donna Margarita Faraone , ( whom I left at Catania with three of her Sons ) dying at Messina , his Son Don Francesco , ( who alone was here at his Father's death ) according to the custom of this City , as soon as his Father expir'd , went out of the House , leaving it and the Body yet unburi'd , to the care of other kinred , and retyr'd to the House of Sig : Franc. Faraone ( wherein I lodg ) as his nearest Kinsman ; and here he receives condoling visits , and remaines till his Father's Body be buri'd , and the House purifi'd and fitted with mourning ; which I mention as a custom not practis'd by us at Rome . We have been to see the Bodies of San Placido , and other Saints , with all the other Reliques of Messina , which were shewn us near the High Altar , where they are kept very conveniently . I have also heard one of the Moral Lectures of Sig : Antonio Mazzapinta , a Famous Philosopher , and Publick Reader in Messina : Which Lecture , as also many others , he read in his Extraordinary House for his own pleasure , and that of the Curious . Here I arrest my Pen , this Letter being the last of my Oriental Voyages . If it please God , I shall shortly entertain you viva voce ; in the mean time I commit you to his Providence , and kiss your Hands . An account of my Arrival and Residence at Naples , in the House of Sig : Maria Schipano . JAnuary the thirtieth , Having hir'd two Felluca's for Naples , and embarqu'd all our goods with good Bills of Health , ( which in regard of Maani's Body which I carry'd with me , were more then necessary , and my Friends at Messiua had procur'd to my satisfaction ) in the Morning we set sail from Messina with a good wind , being accompany'd to the boat by many Persons of quality of both Sexes , from whom we separated with much tenderness . We pass'd the Pharo between Caribdis and Scilla , the Sea being sufficiently rough , though the wind favorable . On the left hand , at a good distance we left the Island of Strongile , Vulcano , and other places ; at night arriving at Trupia , where , because they refus'd to give us Prattick , alledging that this was no Landing-place in these infectious times , and that certain Landing-places were appointed for Passage-Vessels upon the Coast of Calabria , where alone Prattick was to be had ; we kept out at Sea all night , and pass'd il Pizzo . Ianuary the one and thirtieth , We pass'd by Mantea and other places , at noon arriving at Paola where I went ashore . A little without the City , amongst the little Hills we saw the Church of S. Francis of Paola , which is delicately seated amongst goodly Trees and Brooks which run between the Hills . We saw the Reliques , the Chappel of the Marquis , Lord of the place , and his Sepulchres ; the Lime-kiln where S. Francis did a miracle ; the Fountain and the Grotto wherein he lived , with all other things remarkable ; after which we lodg'd in an Hostery or Inn upon the shore . February the first , Having heard Mass in a little Church there , we left Paola , and passing by Scoglio del Marchese and other Islands ; in the Evening we supp'd at Sea under Belvedere , and sailing all night , the next day we din'd on Land at Camerota ; from whence we sail'd and came to an Anchor in the Port of Palinuro ; which place I beheld with pleasure , through the delightfull remembrance of Virgil's Verses , which relate the misfortune of the Pilot Palniurus , and with-all , give immortal fame to the place . February the fourth , We departed from Palinuro , and lodg'd on shore at Acciaruolo , where Passengers are notoriously abus'd , by being constrain'd to lodg in a lewd Inn there , and pay the Host what he pleases to demand , who is also to pay the Lord of the place what Rent he desires . The next day we pass'd the Gulph of Salerno , and bocche di Capri , arriving late in the Port of Naples , under the Dogana of Corn ; but because it was so late that we could not get Prattick , we slept all night in the Felluca's . February the sixth , Sig : Andrea Pulice my Comrade , being by me advertis'd of my coming , brought Sig : Mario Schipano , and many other Friends to visit me in my Felluca ; which interview , after so many years , was as pleasant as can be imagin'd . As soon as the Officers negotiated for Prattick they obtain'd it ; but , for less trouble , and because I intended to stay little at Naples , I dispatch'd one of my Felluca's wherein was the Body of Sitti Maani , and other goods , immediately to Rome . Upon Sig : Schipano's invitation , I lodg'd in his House , together with all my people . At Naples I receiv'd the first Letters from Rome after above four years , wherein I had not receiv'd any , nor heard any certain tidings of my Relations . These advertis'd me of the death of Sig : Vallerio della Valle , which hapned four years before , and also of that of Sig : Tomasso della Valle , my Uncle , which fell out about a year before my arrival . At whose deaths I also being no longer accounted living , certain Pious Places seis'd upon part of my goods and revenues , and would have gotten all the rest with the writings , ( as they attempted to do ) had not my kinred , and , particularly , Sig ra Laura Gaetana stoutly with-stood them , making it apparent that I was alive , by shewing some of my Letters which she had lately receiv'd ; whereto nevertheless they would by no means give credit . I found entertainment for many dayes in reading abundance of Letters from Rome , which almost all my kindred and friends writ to me , and in answering the same ; as also in receiving and returning the visits of many Neapolitan Cavaliers and Titolado's ; and , indeed , I am much oblig'd to all the Nobility of that City for the Civilities they shew'd me in this my Return . February the tenth , I sent to Rome authentical Certificates of my survivance , attested by many Persons of Naples , who acknowledg'd me for what I was twelve years before when I departed thence ; as also Letters of Attorney and other writings , to the end my Relations might make use thereof to my benefit against who-ever at Rome attempted to molest my Estate . February the three and twentieth , A brave Tournement was publickly made at Naples with great splendor in the Piazza of the Palace , for the Birth of the Princess of Spain , the King 's first-born Daughter ; to behold which , there interven'd with the Duke of Alva , the Vice-Roy , the Duke of Alcala , newly arriv'd from Rome , where he had been extraordinary Ambassador about the troubles of Italy . The Tourneyment was gallant , consisting of abundance of Squadrons and Cavaliers , but without any Inventions , and nothing near so brave as that which I saw here in the year 1612. upon the Marriage of France and Spain . February the four and twentieth , Which was the day of Carnival , a Mascherade was made in Naples , and Balls in the Palace for an entertainment to the Duke of Alcala ; as also the next day , ( although it was Lent ) another Mascherade was made on Horseback with a Tilting , and at night Balls in the Palace . March the ninth , About seven a clock at night , a very great Earth-quake hapned in Naples , which shook the strongest walls as if they had been but of paper ; but it lasted little , and was very short , so that ( God be prais'd ) it did no considerable hurt , although for the small time it continu'd , it was sufficiently dreadful . March the tenth , The Abbess and other Nunns of San Marcellino , and , particularly , Donna Feliciana , and Donna Beatrice d' Avalos , ( to whom I have always had great respect ) did me the favor to cause a Mass to be sung in their Church , whilst I was present , in thanks to God for my safe return into Italy ; where twelve years before I had begun and took the Ensignes of my Peregrination . March the thirteenth , The fit time for my departure by Sea to Rome , being come , I took leave of Sig : Mario Schipano , who had entertain'd us nobly all the time of my stay at Naples , ( during which , we frequently review'd our Letters and Travels with much Curiosity and Pleasure ) and also of all other Friends , and after due thanks to Sig : Angelo Crescentio , and Sig : Andrea Pulice who accompani'd us to the Scoglio di Euplea , vulgarly call'd Gaiola , I went aboard and departed . LETTER XVI . From Rome , April 4. 1626. AT length I am come to Rome , the place of my Nativity ; but though I walk upon the banks of Tyber and the seven Hills , yet my mind runs wandring through Turkie and Persia , hoises sail again to the wind , and roams as far as the Indian shores , reviewing Ikkeri , Manel , and Calecut . Whence embarquing again in the great Dolphin , it reconducts me over Seas and Lands , to my recent and late Peregrinations , and even to the Rock of Euplea , whither now I return both with my Thought and Pen. Being divided there , from Sig : Angelo , Sig : Andrea , and the rest with expressions of much affection , whilst they in another boat return'd towards Naples , I with my Felluca's set sail , and , Post varios casus , post tot discrimina rerum Tendimus in Latium . In a few hours I came to Procida , where I was entertain'd by Sig : Antonio d' Antonii in his Garden ; and not onely din'd there , but in expectation of a fit hour to depart , ( because I would not touch at Gaeta , but intended to go directly to Terracina ) I also lodg'd there all night . The Judge of Procida being inform'd , whether by the Mariners or others I know not , of the Coffin of Sitti Maani which I had , according to the cheating tricks us'd in the Kingdom of Naples , thought to get something from me upon this occasion ; and to make the case more heinous , he waited till mid-night when we were all asleep , ( notwithstanding he might have done it in the day-time when I walkt up and down the whole Island with the Women ) and at that unseasonable time came with many armed people to disquiet us in the House where I was , saying , that he would see my goods , and stop the Coffin ; with other such Language . I , who was prepard for such encounters , shew'd him the good Bills which I had brought from Naples , and , in short , made him take as a favor a small pittance , which I gave him out of respect to the Master of the House where I lodg'd . March the fourteenth , I left Procida before day , and putting to Sea arriv'd with a pretty rough Sea at Terracina , where Horatio Pagni , Steward of my House , to whom I had written from Naples to wait for me here , had been some dayes expecting me , with another man-servant to Sig ra Faustina Alberina my Aunt . As soon as he saw our Felluca's afar off , and conjectur'd who we were , because the Tide was so boisterous that we could not easily get to shore , he caus'd certain men to wade into the Sea naked , who with ropes presently drew both the Boats to Land in safety , where Horatio and his Companion receiv'd us with much gladness and many tears , and conducted us to a Lodging already provided for us in one of the Inns upon the Sea-side . Sig : Paolo Heltori , Governour of Terracina , sent to invite me to his House , and to excuse himself for not coming in Person to fetch me , for that he was taken up with the Prince of Venosa Ludovisio , who lodg'd with him in his passage to Naples , whether almost all the Roman Barons , Vassals of Spain , were summon'd by the Vice-Roy , ( as 't was believ'd ) about some disgusts which he had with them about matters of Titles , and the like Complements ; and the Prince of Venosa was now at Terracina upon the Way . I thank'd the Governour , but declin'd the favor ; partly , to avoid giving him more trouble at such a busie time ; and , partly , because I intended to depart forth-with . March the fifteenth , A Captain came from Sezze , to invite me in the name of Sig : Francesco della Valle Governour there , ( whom I knew already by fame of his Books of Poetry , and desir'd much to know personally ) that I would lodg with him in my passage to Rome , adding , that he would wait for me at Case Nuove , an Inn upon the way , subject to his jurisdiction . Whereupon , after I had heard Mass in a Church near the shore , I imbarqu'd with all my people and Goods , and , at night , arriv'd at Case Nuove , where I found the said Sig : Francesco della Valle , who entertain'd us nobly , and , upon the like desire which he had of knowing me , we establish'd a great and perpetual friendship . March the sixteenth , I dispatcht Horatio with part of my servants and carriage to Rome , particularly , with the Coffin of Sitti Maani , ordering him to get it into Rome secretly before the day of my arrival , for preventing all difficulties that might arise either from the guards of the Gate , or the Toll-house , or otherwise : to which purpose I also writ Letters to Sig ra Laura , with orders what was to be done . I , with the Women , and only two Servants , leaving the rest of my Goods in charge with the Host , because there wanted Mules to carry them , went with Sig : Francesco to Sezza , there to wait for a Coach , which I had writ for to Rome . In the Evening , the Prince of Rassano Aldobrandino pass'd by Case Nuove towards Naples , whither he was summon'd with the rest . March the twenty second , The Prince of Salmona Borghese , who was going likewise to Naples , enter'd Sezza with a solemn Cavalcade , being met at the foot of the Hills by the Governor , all the Militia of horse and foot , the Bishop , and a company of all the Gentlemen of the Town . Which honour I believe was done him by the procurement of Sig : Girolamo Muti , a Servant to the Card. Borghese , who was ally'd by marriage to many in Sezze , and accompani'd him hither . I visited the said Prince as soon as he was alighted , and he express'd much civility to me , and satisfaction with my Visit. March the twenty third , In the Morning before I was up , the Prince of Sulmona sent Sig : Baldassar Pignatello , Gentleman of his Chamber , to visit me , and to bid me Adieu , being he was just ready to depart . I dress'd my self in haste , and went to wait upon him before he took horse , as he did presently after . In the Evening , Horatio return'd to Sezze , but without a Coach , for at Sermoneta , the people being advertis'd of the Coffin which he carri'd with him , refus'd to let it pass without particular licence , but ( which was worse ) would have it carri'd about the Town . Horatio would not put it into the hands of the Priests , as they importun'd him , but left it in a handsom chamber in the Inn , under the care of one of my servants , and went directly to Rome , where he stay'd till he had got Licences both from Sermoneta , Velletri , and Rome , for the free carrying of it . And because he knew I wisht this business done before I enter'd into Rome my self , he brought no Coach , as he might have done , but came with these dispatches to see what I intended to do . When I saw the Bills were good , and proof against all difficulty , I dispatcht a footman purposely to Rome for a Coach to carry me thither . March the twenty fifth , A Messenger whom I sent to carry the Coffin from Sermoneta to Rome , arriv'd there , and without being seen or stay'd by any person , consign'd the same to Sig : Laura , who plac'd it in my chamber , as I had appointed . March the twenty sixth , In the Evening the Coach which was to carry me to Rome , arriv'd at Sezze , from whence , bidding adieu to Sig : Francesco della Valle , I departed the next day , and by night got to Velletri . March the twenty eighth , Departing from Velletri , in the Morning we pass'd by Genzano in sight of its Lake , which was sometimes the famous Lacus Triviae ; afterwards by Riccia , where the Sig : Savelli have a goodly Palace . We stay'd to dine at Albano , beholding Castel Candolfo afar , off , and the place where Alba longa sometimes stood . In the Evening we arriv'd at Rome as privately as could be , because being a Widower , I was unwilling to admit of the congratulatory meeting which divers intended to me ; and going to the Holy Stairs , I there , according to my appointment , enter'd into another Coach , which carri'd us leisurely through the longest Street of Santa Maria Maggiore , and about other Streets also , till it was more late and dark . At length we enter'd my House by the back-gate , and I presently caus'd all the doors to be lock'd , to the end the news of my arrival might not bring any to disturb me before I had spoken a little with Sig : Laura , as I desir'd . I was no sooner enter'd , but I found Sig : Francesco Maria della Riccia , who waited for me , and with Sig : Laura his Mother , did me the favour to dwell in the house , as also Sig : Gaspara Salviano my Friend . Sig : Laura , scarce recover'd of a great sickness , which had indanger'd her life whilst I was at Naples , yet walkt down into the Court as well as she could with a staff to receive me there ; and accordingly I was receiv'd with a joy sutable to the great desire they had of us , and to the long absence of so many years . We ascended all together , and after some conversation amongst us , and a long discourse between me and Sig : Laura , who inform'd me of sundry things , it being about three hours within night , I sent to to advertise Sig : Faustina Alberina my Aunt , and also the Sig : Crescentii , of my arrival ; excusing my self that I went not in person to see them , because it was too late . Sig : Faustina came immediatly to me , and with her my Daughter Silvia , who was so grown that I did not know her ; as also Sig : Antonia Ruggieri , Mother of Sig : Tiberio Alberii , whom likewise I did not know at first . We supt all together very joyfully , and after a long conversation , Sig : Faustina with her company retir'd home . Sig : Gaspare remain'd with me that night ; and , before I went to bed , I caus'd the Coffin of my Sitti Maani to be deliver'd to me . Hitherto I have been continually visited by almost all the Nobility of Rome , and also by many Ladies , Kinred , and Friends , who after so many years absence see me again , and receive me a stranger and pilgrim in my own Country with exceeding pleasure . This is an account of what hath occurr'd within the few days since my departure from Naples , and arrival at Rome . At present , I am preparing to repay Visits , and to kiss the feet of our Lord Pope Urban VIII , whereof , and all other occurrences , I shall advertise you . I kiss your hands , and humbly salute all my Friends . From Rome , April 4. 1626. LETTER XVII . From Rome , July 11. 1626. HAving begun to go abroad , and to perform the respects I ow to all , on the eighth of April , I first kiss'd the feet of our Lord Pope Urban VIII , who receiv'd and honor'd me with extraordinary courtesie , holding me in discourse with himself almost an hour about several things . I was introduc'd by the Privy Stairs by Card. Magalotti , who menages almost all the affairs of his Holiness , and discours'd with me a long time exceeding courteously . April the eleventh being my Birth-day , I dated therewith the Dedicatory Epistle of my Treatise , De Regionibus subjectis recentiori Persarum imperio , which I intended to publish ; and on the nineteenth of the same Moneth I presented to the Pope , The Information of Georgia written in our own language , to the end to perswade him to send a Mission of Priests thither in order to reduce those people to the union of the Roman Church . The Pope was mightily well pleas'd with it , and upon this occasion I spoke to him , and inform'd him of many other businesses . April the twentieth , Card. di sant ' Onofrio , the Pope's Brother , sent for me to the Palace , and there told me that his Holiness had made me his Chamberlain of honour ; which was a thing I never sought , nor thought of . I thank'd him , and profess'd my self ready to serve his Holiness in this and every thing else he should command me . May the fourth , The Pope having upon my informations spoken of the business of the Georgians in the Congregation de propaganda Fide , a Decree was made in the said Congregation for sending thither a Mission of Theatine Fathers under the care of F. Don Pietro Avitabile of Messina , who had offer'd himself for that purpose , and was propos'd by me , which Fathers were injoyn'd to receive instruction from me concerning what was fit to be done ; in regard his Holiness had made a great encomium of me in the Congregation , and ordain'd that nothing should be done , either as to this Mission of the Georgians , or any affairs of the East , without consulting of me first . Of this Decree , a Copy was sent me subscrib'd by Sig : Francesco Ingoli , Secretary of the Congregation , which I keep by me : and accordingly I have prepar'd Instructions for the said Fathers . Iune the fifth , The Ensign-bearer Caterina d' Arcuso , a Biscainer , being arriv'd at Rome the day before from Spain , came to my house . She was a Lass between thirty five and forty years old , and had in her Childhood been bred up in a Monastery of Biscay her own Country , and , I believe , wore a Nuns Habit when she was grown up . But repenting of this life before she made profession , she went away ; and fancying to live like a Man , fled disguis'd from her Father's House , and went to the Court of Spain , where for some time she serv'd in the Habit of a Page . Afterwards she was minded to go to Sevil , and from thence to the West - Indies , where at first she serv'd as a man-servant to certain Merchants ; but within a little time upon occasion of a quarrel which befell her , she was fain to fly , and betook her self to the life of a Soldier , being naturally much inclin'd to arms and martial affairs . This course she follow'd a great while in those parts , being ingag'd in several Actions , wherein she always gave good account of her self as a soldier ; as also in sundry civil quarrels ; so that she got the repute of a gallant man ; but because she wanted a beard , they believ'd and call'd her Eunuch . Among other battels , she was in a dangerous one , wherein her Company being routed , and the Ensign left to the enemies , she effected by her valour , that she stay'd her companions flight , re-encourag'd them against the enemies , and leading them on valorously , recover'd the lost Ensign with her own hand , killing him that had taken it ; for which service she remain'd Ensign-bearer of that Company . At length , suspitions arising that she was a woman , the matter came to be discover'd in a great quarrel which she had , wherein after many proofs of her courage , she was mortally wounded , and to save her self from the Court of justice which persecuted her , she was constrain'd to put her self into the Bishop's hands , to whom she confess'd the former passages of her life , saying that she was a Woman , and what she had done was not out of any evil end , but only through an inclination which she had to a military life : and for proof hereof she desir'd the Bishop , he would cause her to be searcht . Which was accordingly done , and the Matrons and Midwives found her a Woman . The Bishop put her into a Monastery ; and because 't was known that she had been a Nun , but doubtful whether she was profess'd or not , he kept her there till certainty came from her own Country that she was not : Wherefore being set at liberty , and unwilling to become a Nun , but rather inclin'd to a military life , she return'd into Spain , where petitioning the King for a reward of her military service , ( her case being examin'd , as the custom is , in the Councel , and by the way of justice ) she obtai'd of the King eight hundred Crowns of yearly Revenue , there in the Indies , being styl'd in the Patents L' Alfiere , or Ensign-bearer , and having liberty given her to live as a man , and to serve in the Wars in any of the King's Dominions without molestation . Hereupon she came into Italp , running several adventures by the way , to beseech the Pope for some favours in reference to her course of life , which by the mediation of many principal Persons she hath obtain'd . I had heard of her in the East - Indies , whither her fame was arriv'd , and many times desir'd further information concerning her . Wherefore my friend F. Roderiga di San Michele , a Discalceated Carmelite , being now arriv'd at Rome by the way of Venice , many days before me , and acquainted with my desire , brought her to my house ; where she hath related to me many strange accidents befallen her in the course of her life , of which I here mention only the most important and certain , as of an extraordinary person in our times . I have since brought her into the company of several Ladies and Cavaliers , whose conversation she loves much more then that of women . Sig : Francesco Crescentio , who is well skill'd in painting , hath drawn her picture with his own hand . She is of a large and portly stature for a Woman , and cannot thereby be known for other then a man. Her breast is but like a young Girl 's , and she told me she had us'd I know not what kind of Remedy to dry it , and make it almost plain , which Remedy was a Plaister given her by an Italian , which at first put her to much pain , but afterwards without doing her other hurt , or corroding the flesh , produc'd the effect sufficiently well . Her Visage is not deform'd though not fair , but somewhat worn with age ; and her black short hair , cut after the fashion of Men with a little lock , as the mode also is at this day , represents rather an Eunuch then a Woman . She wears Clothes , and a Sword after the Spanish manner ; and is well truss'd at the waste , onely she carries her Head somewhat low , and is a little thick shoulder'd : In brief , she rather resembles a weather-beaten Souldier than a fine Amorous Courtier . Nothing but her Hand discovers her a Woman ; for it is some-what plump and fleshie , although strong and robust , and she moves it after a womanish manner . Iune the eleventh , After dinner F. Don Pietro Avitabile came to visit me , and to receive instruction from me , according to the command of the Congregation , in order to his sudden Voyage . Iune the fourteenth , I visited the said Father in the Church of S. Silvester at Montecavallo , and gave him the said Instruction in writing , of which I also deliver'd another Copy to the Congregation De Propaganda Fide , to the end they might supply the Father with many things which I judg'd necessary , particularly , with Briefs from the Pope to those Princes , and with Letters of Recommendation to such Ambassadors of Catholick Princes as were at Constantinople , through which he was to pass , and to others who might help him upon the way . Iune the five and twentieth , F. Avitabile began his Voyage for Georgia , together with one of his Companions , nam'd F. Don Francesco Aprile , intending to take F. Don Giacomo di Stefano , and others , at Messina ; five or six Fathers being design'd for this Mission : but , by my advice , they divided into two Companies , because I thought it best for the others , either to follow these first , after they should be advertis'd by them from Constantinople of the easiness of the passage , or else take another way . Those that went first carri'd his Holiness's Briefs to the four present Georgian Princes , namely , of Imeriti or Basciaive , of Dadian or Odisci , which is Mengrelia , of Guriel , and of Kacheti . They also carry'd Letters from the Congregation to two Metroplitans , to whom because it was not evident that they were Catholicks , but rather suspected Schismaticks , it was not convenient for the Pope to write . Sundry fine things they carry'd likewise to present to the Princes and Metropolitans , and to who-ever else it should be needful . Their allowance from the Congregation was five hundred Crowns , as much more being reserv'd for the other company of Fathers who were to follow ; besides that , they were to collect many Alms for this purpose , both of money and things , to present at Rome , Naples , Messina , and all the way they pass'd . I took leave of them in the Evening at their own Church , with many embraces , and an appointment that they would continually communicate all Occurrences to me by Letters . Iune the eight and twentieth , The Pontifical Vespers being ended at S. Peter's , the Pope in his Cope and Mitre was carry'd from the Church in his Chair to the Palace ; but before he came out of the Church-Gate , the Spanish Ambassador , Count d' Ognate , ( who was arriv'd a few dayes before , in place of the Duke of Pastrana ) presented himself according to the custom ( for of late years this Ceremony ha's been perform'd on S. Peter's Eve , and not on the Feast day it self , as formerly ) to give his Holiness a Gennet for the accustom'd Tribute of the Kingdom of Naples . But before the Ambassador came to the Pope , ( near whose Chair I stood , and saw all very well ) the Treasurer of the Chamber came running to his Holiness , and told him , that the Ambassador brought not a Bill of so many thousand Crowns as use yearly to be presented , together with the Gennet . I know not whether they said , it could not be made timely enough , but should be done afterwards ; or whether it was made but not subscrib'd , with those Cautions that were requisite ; but , in summ , the money was not ready . And although they alledg'd that this hapned through negligence , by reason of the new arrival of the Ambassador , who was not well inform'd , yet 't was believ'd , that they design'd onely to try whether the Pope would let the business pass thus , that so by degrees they might introduce a custom of paying no more money hereafter . The Pope , as I conceive , apprehending their drift , presently answer'd , that without a good Bill he would not accept of the Gennet , nor do that prejudice to the Apostolical Chamber ; wherefore if the Bill were not in order , they should return back with the Gennet , and bring both together the next Morning . The Ambassador made suit to have the Gennet receiv'd presently , promising that the Bill should be ready speedily . The Pope reply'd , that if Sig : Marcello Sacchetti , Brother of Card : Sachetti , who kept the publick accounts of the Exchequer , and was then near the Pope , would take security from the Ambassador , he would be contented ; but he neither commanded the said Sig : Marcello to take it , nor would have him take it for his sake ; but he might do it , if he pleas'd at the Ambassadors request . The Spaniards , perceiving there was no other way , presently desir'd Sig : Marcello to make the security , which he very readily and courteously condescended to ; and thereupon , by the Pope's Order , made a publick writing in good form , and his Holiness was contented to receive the Gennet , which the Ambassador presented to him with the usual Ceremonies . I was willing to relate this passage as a thing extraordinary , which hapned in my time and presence . So I humbly kiss your Hands . From Rome , July 11. 1626. LETTER XVIII . From Rome , August 1. 1626. ON Saint Iames's day , the twenty fifth of Iuly last past , Intending to bury the Body of Sitti Maani Gioerida my Wife ( which I had brought with me so many Voyages ) in our Chappel of S. Paul , belonging to the Church of Ara Coeli in the Capitol ; ( a place , which besides being the ancient Sepulchre of my Ancestors , is , undoubtedly , the Noblest , and one of the Holiest in the world ) before I inclos'd it in a Coffin of Lead which I had prepar'd , I resolv'd to open the innermost wooden Coffin , that I might see how it was after so many years . Accordingly I open'd the same in the presence of Sig ra Laura Gaetana my Cousin , Silvia my Daughter , Sig ra Maria , and all the women of the House . I found that the flesh of the Head , which I could perceive at a rent of the Linnen which cover'd it , was wholly consum'd , nothing remaining but the bone ; at which I wonder'd not , because the brain not being taken out of the skull at first , thence proceeded the cause of this consumption . The rest of the Body seem'd better preserv'd ; but because the Face was no longer to be seen , I would not unfold the Linnen to see further . That dry Herb where-with I had first fill'd the vaculties of the Coffin was still intire ; and so also was the Amba , or Manga-wood of the Coffin , and the pieces of Linnen-Cloth glu'd upon the Commissures thereof . Having nail'd up this innermost Coffin of Amba as it was at first , instead of putting the same into the other outward wooden Coffin in which it came from Malta to Rome , I inclos'd it in a leaden one which I caus'd to be well soder'd , and upon a large Plate fastned near the feet , I caus'd this Epitaph to be engraven at the foot of a great erected Cross , MAANI GIOERIDAE HEROINAE PRAESTANTISSIMAE PETRI DE VALLE PERINI UXORIS MORTALES EXUVIAE . Having thus prepar'd all things , late in the Evening , I caus'd it to be carry'd secretly to Ara Coeli , having first obtain'd leave of Card. Melino , the Pope's Vicar for that purpose ; and it was accompany'd thither by Sig : Gasparo Albertino my Friend , Horatio the Steward of my House , and others of my familiar acquaintance ; whilst I , with Sig ra Maria , and my Daughter Silvia , waited in the Church . When it was come , I lay'd it in the Vault on the left hand of the Altar as you enter into the Chappel , where lye also my Father , my Mother , my Uncles , and almost all my Relations . I descended my self into the Tomb , together with Sig ra Maria who was willing likewise to pay this last Office , and with help of the Fryers and Sextons plac'd it there with my own hands . After which , causing the Vault to be clos'd up , I took leave of the Fryers , giving them some Alms of Money and Torches . Besides the persons above-mention'd , there were present at this action , Madonna Guilia Vogli a Bolonnese , servant to Sig : Laura , Eugenia the Indian Maid , Michel an Indian man , Ibrahim Abdisciva a Syrian , Gio : Robeh a Chaldean , with others of my servants and familiars ; besides the F. Guardian . This last Office of Piety which remain'd , I have pay'd to the mortal reliques of my dear Consort Sitti Maani ; yet it is not the last that I perform to her better and immortal part , which I accompany with suffrages ; neither have I abandon'd those in the Tomb , but deposited them , intending ( when it shall please God ) to leave my own ashes lay'd in the same place , and to rise again with her . Now from this meditation of death , let us pass ( Sig : Mario ) to a Remarkable , which occurrs to me of a very long life . Iuly the seven and twentieth , Being the Feast of S. Pantaleo , in the Church of the Fathers Della Scuole Pie , I went to see F. Gaspare Dragonetti , who hath liv'd in the said Schools ever since the year 1600 , and although now a hundred and fifteen years old and more , ( as appears by the Dimissory , Letters at his Ordination , and the writings of a Canonship which he hath had ever since the same was conferr'd upon him , which was in the year 1530 or 1531 , and were seen when he entred into the pious Schools ) nevertheless is sound and lusty , and not onely sees without Spectacles , and hath his Teeth good , but labors daily in teaching Children the Grammar in those Schools ; which profession he told he , he hath exercis'd publickly above sixty years , and before the Jesuits began the same in Rome ; who , he saith , when they came first to Rome , he remembers liv'd in a very mean and small House , and sent their novices to learn Grammar in his School . Before he read Grammar at Rome , he had read it many years in Sicily in the City of Lenoni , where he was born ; his Father being of Calabria , and having retir'd thither I know not upon what occasion . In Sicily , he told me , he remember'd Giovanni de Vega , who was the first Vice-Roy under Charles V ; and he very well remember'd the first time that the Turks upon the sollicitation of Francis the French King came to infest those Coasts : Moreover , he remember'd when Tripoli was lost , long before the loss of Goletta and Tunis ; with several other things sufficiently ancient for the age of one man. The Grammar which he had alwayes read , and still reads to his Scholars , is that of Nebrissensis , which he approves for the best of all ; and by his Discourse with me about Grammatical Points , he seems to me exactly skill'd therein . He told me , he had many Writings and Grammatical Lectures of his own , curious , and , I believe , very profitable , as proceeding from a Person so much experienc'd ; but hitherto he hath not printed any thing . Emanuel Alvarez , and many other Modern Grammarians acknowledg themselves his Scholars : He is a Man of a good and reverend Aspect , cheerful , and of a good Complexion ; his Beard is white and large , and his Stature is of the middle sort . It being a rare thing in our dayes to see a Man of so long and healthy an Age , I thought it not amiss to give you this Relation . And so wishing you the years of this new Sicilian Nestor , I heartily kiss your Hands . From Rome , August the first , 1626. FINIS . A Description of EAST INDIA Conteyning the Empire of the Great MOGOLL map of Indostan A VOYAGE TO East-India . WITH A Description of the large Territories under the subjection of the Great MOGOL . APologies do more question than strengthen Truth , which Truth hath such power in prevailing , that she doth not know , and much less needs , the use of Preface or words of Perswasion to get her credit ; for though she appear simple and naked unto open view , yet dares she encunnter with armed falshood , and is sure at last to overcome ; which Truth being the best ornament of this ensuing Discourse , looks to be credited , in what is here faithfully related . So to make a re-entry upon a long-since finished Voyage ; The third of February 1615. our Fleet consisting of six good Ships , three great , viz. the Charles , Admiral of that Company , then a New-built goodly Ship of a Thousand Tuns , ( in which I sayled ; ) the Unicorn a new Ship likewise , and almost of as great a burden ; the Iames , a great Ship too ; Three lesser , viz. the Globe , the Swan , the Rose , ( all under the Command of Captain Benjamin Ioseph ) fell down from Graves-end into Tilbury-Hope , where we continued till the eighth day following , when we weighed Anchor , and by a Slow , that we might have the safer paflage , the twelfth came into the Downs , where an adverse wind forced our abode till the ninth of March , on which day it pleased God to send us , what we had much desired , a North-East wind , which made us leave that weary Road , and set sail for East-India ; and the eleventh about night , we were in the height of the Lizard in Cornwall , and , that day , for that time , took our last sight of our Country . This wind was favourable to us till the sixteenth day at night , at which time a most fearful storm met us , we being then in the Bay of Portugal , whose violence continued five whole days and nights ; and that Tempest was the most lively and real Comment , that ever I observed , on that place recorded in Psalm 107. 23. The twenty eighth day , We had sight of the Grand Canaries , and of that Mountain in the Island of Teneriffa , commonly called the Peak . This over-grown rise of Earth , is in shape like to a Pyramis or Sugar-loaf , circled , and wrapt about with many wreaths of clouds , which encompass it by several distances ; as first earth , then clouds , above which the earth appears again , then clouds again , then earth ; the top of it being of such an immense height , that it may be as truly said of this , as Virgil. Eclog. 5. writes of Olympus . Candidus insuetum miratur limen olympi , Sub pedibusque videt nubes , & sidera — So beautiful , it Heavens unwonted spires , And Clouds , and Stars under its feet admires . This Peak of Teneriffa , in a clear day , may be seen ( if the Mariners report truth ) more than forty leagues at Sea. These Islands lie twenty eight Degrees of North-Latitude . The one and thirtieth , being Easter-day , We passed under the Tropick of Cancer . And the seventh of April , the Sun was in its Zenith or Vertical , at Noon-day directly over our heads , which we found by this infallible Demonstration made by a slender knife , or long Needle , set upright , which did cast no shadow . The Sun in this course like the Equinoctial , divides the Globe of the Heavens in two equal parts ; and in this Motion ariseth so directly or upright , that there is but a very little time 'twixt the darkness and the appearance of the body of the Sun in the morning ; for 't is dark immediatly before the Sun then appears ; and so 't is in the Evening presently after the Sun hath left the Hemisphere . Here we were becalmed fourteen days , enduring extream heat . April the sixteenth we met with winds , ( we being then against , and not far from the Coasts of Africa ) which the Mariners call the Turnadoes ; very strange Gusts indeed , like those in Aeschylus , on the shore Aesc . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( ad finem . ) Those self-opposing blasts we there had , were so variable and uncertain , that sometimes within the space of one hour , all the thirty two several winds , ( which are observed in so many points of the Compass ) will blow , so that if there be many Ships in company , you may observe them all to sail so many several ways , and every one of them seem to go directly before the wind . Now that it should be so here , and not known so to be in any part of the world beside I ever heard of ( if not in those winds , which they say are sometimes sold by the Lapland-Witches ) I can give no reason for it , unless Satan ( who is most Tyrannical where he is most obeyed ) that Prince of the Air seems to rule more here , than he doth in other parts . And most certain it is that he rules very much in the Inhabitants on that Main , the poor , ignorant , and most miserable Negroes , born for sale , slavery , and slaughter . These strange Gusts were accompanied with much Thunder and Lightning , and with extream rain , so noisom , that it made their clothes who stir'd much in it , presently to stink upon their backs ; the water likewise of those slimy , unwholsom , hot , and unsavoury showrs , wheresoever it stood , would presently bring forth many little offensive Creatures . These Turnadoes met with us , when we were about twelve Degrees of North-Latitude , and kept us company ere they quitted us two Degrees Southward of the Equinoctial , under which we passed the twenty eighth of April . The nineteenth of May being Whitsunday , We passed the Tropick of Capricorn , so that we were seven weeks compleat under the Torrid Zone . Between the Tropicks we saw ( almost every day ) different kinds of fishes , in greater abundance than else-where , as the great Leviathan , whom God hath made to take his pastime in the Sea ; Granpisces , or lesser Whales ; Sharks , Turtles or Tortoises , Dolphins , Bonitoes , Albicores , Porpisces , Flying fishes , with many others . Some Whales we saw of an exceeding greatness , who in calm weather often arise and shew themselves on the top of the water , where they appear like unto great Rocks , in their rise spouting up into the Air with noise , a great quantity of water , which falls down again about them like a showre . The Whale may well challenge the Principality of the Sea , yet I suppose that he hath many enemies in this his large Dominion ; for instance , a little long Fish called a Thresher , often encounters with him ; who by his agility vexeth him as much in the Sea , as a little Bee in Summer , doth a great Beast on the shore . The Shark hath not this name for nothing ; for he will make a morsel of any thing he can catch , master , and devour . These Sharks are most ravenous fishes ; for I have many times observed , that when they have been swimming about our Ships ( as oftentimes they do ) and we have cast over-board an iron hook made strong for this purpose , fastned to a rope strong like it , baited with a piece of beef of five pounds weight , this bait hath been presently taken by one of them ; and if by chance the weight of the fish , thus taken , in haling him up , hath broken out the hook's hold , not well fastned ( as sometimes it did ) so that he fell again into the Sea , he would presently bite at another Bait , and so bite till he was taken . This Sea-shark is a Fish as bad in eating , as he is in quality , a very moist watery fish , yet eaten at Sea ( because any fresh thing will there down ) but no good food . This Fish turns himself on his back to take his prey ; by which he gives warning to many other little fishes , who ever swim about him , to avoid his swollow . Those Fishes that thus keep him company , are called by the Mariners , Pilot-fishes , who always shape their course the same way the Shark takes , and by consequence ( nature having made them so wary ) he becomes their guard , not his food . And there are other fishes too they call Sucking-fish , that stick as close to the body of the Shark , as a Tike on the shore doth to the body of a Beast , and so receive their nourishment from him : and he must be contented ; for , while he is swimming up and down , he cannot possibly free himself of them . Many of these Sharks grow to a very large greatness ; they have a broad round head , in which are three rows of teeth very strong and sharp , by which they are able to take off the leg of a man at one bite , as some have found by woful experience , while they have been carelesly swimming in these hot Seas , where these Sharks most use ; and certainly , were they as nimble as they are mischievous , would do very much hurt . The Turtle or Tortoise , is one of those creatures we call Amphibia , that lives sometimes in the Sea , and sometimes on the Shore ; he is marvellously fortified by Nature , dwelling ( as it were ) continually under a strong roof , which moves with him , and covers ( when he will ) his whole body ; therefore Testudo , which signifies a Tortoise , signifies also the roof or vault of an house , which covers all within it . Those concave backs ( like bucklers , but of an Oval shape ) that cover these creatures , are many of them so exceeding strong , that they will bear off the weight of a Cart-wheel . These Tortoises increase by eggs ( as I have been often told ) are very good to eat , the substance within them ( whether you will call it flesh or fish ) first boyled , and after minced with butter , tastes like buttered Veal . Their shell makes ( as is very commonly known ) excellent good Combs , Cups , or Boxes , and further it is used by them in East-India , to make or adorn little or great Cabinets . The Dolphin is a fish called , for his swiftness , The Arrow of the Sea , differing in this one particular , from all other fishes I ever observed , in that he hath many little teeth upon the top of his tongue ; He is very pleasing to the eye , smell , and taste ; of a changeable colour , finn'd like a Roach , covered with many small scales , having a fresh delightsom scent above other fishes , and in taste as good as any ; these Dolphins are wont often to follow our ships , not so much I think for the love they bear unto man , ( as some write , ) as to feed themselves with what they find cast over-board : whence it comes to pass , that many times they feed us ; for when they swim close to our ships , we often strike them with a broad instrument , full of barbs , called an Harping-iron , fastned to a rope , by which we hale them in ; This Dolphin may be a fit Emblem of an ill race of people , who under sweet countenances , carry sharp tongues . Bonitoes and Albicores , are in colour , shape , and taste , much like unto Mackrels , and as good fish as they , but they grow to be very exceeding large . The Porpisces or Hogfish , are like the former , very large and great , but better to look upon than to taste ; they usually appear at Sea in very great sholes or companies , and are ( as if they came of the race of the Gadaren Swine , that ran violently into the Sea ) very swift in their motion , and like a company marching in rank and file ; They leap or mount very nimbly over the waves , and so down and up again , making a melancholy noise , when they are above the water . These are usually , when they thus appear , certain presagers of very foul weather . The Flyingfishes have skinny wings like unto Bats , but larger ; they are stiffned and strengthned with many little bones , such as are in the back-fins of Pearches , by which they fly but a little way at a time ; they have small bodies like unto Pilchers , and appear when they fly , in marvellous great companies , and some of them often fly into our ships , by which we have tasted that they are excellent good fish . Of all other , these flying Fishes live the most miserable lives : for being in the water , the Dolphins , Bonitoes ; Albicores , and Porpisces , chase , persecute , and take them , and when they would escape by their flight , are oftentimes caught by ravenous Fowls , somewhat like our Kites , which hover , over the water . These flying Fishes are like men professing two Trades , and thrive at neither . The twelfth of Iune early in the morning , We espied our long wished for Harbour the Bay of Souldania , about twelve leagues short of the Cape of good Hope , where we came happily to an Anchor that fore-noon . In which Bay we found a Dutch-ship bound for Bantam , which had taken in her course , and brought thither , a small Portugal bound to Angola , a Colony belonging to the Portugals , lying in the skirts of Africa , about ten degrees South of the Line ; in which small Ship amongst many rich Commodities ( as we heard ) to the value of five or six thousand pounds sterling , there were ten Portugal Virgins ( as they call'd themselves ) sent to that Colony , I suppose for Husbands . The young women were well-favoured , and well clad in silks ; but such were the courtesies of these Dutch men towards them , as that they took not only away all the goods , Artillery , and good provisions of their Ship , but they rob'd these poor captive Maidens of all their apparel , ( which they most sadly complained of ) to one poor suit ( and I suppose of their honour too , if they brought it with them ) then giving them water for their wine , and a very scant proportion of all other provisions , turn'd them with their unarm'd , leakie , and ill-man'd ship , to the mercy of the Seas , the twentieth day following . This Bay of Souldania lyeth in 34 degrees and half of South Latitude in a sweet Climate , full of fragrant Herbs ( which the soyl produceth of its self ) pleasing to the sense , where our ships companies , when they have often-times there arrived with very weak and feeble bodies , usually by that Sea-disease the Scurvy ; in which disease ( I shall observe by the way ) if any that have it be not too much over-gone with it , assoon as he comes to enjoy the fresh ayr on any shore , with fresh water , and fresh food , he will presently recover ; but if this disease have over-much prevailed on him , immediately after he sets his foot on shore he usually dyes . I say our people when they have come hither with very crazie bodies , have often found here much good refreshing ; for besides a most delectable brook of pure good water , arising hard by out of a mighty Hill , ( call'd , for its form , The Table , close by which there is another Hill , which ariseth exceeding high like a Pyramis , and called by Passengers the Sugar-loaf ) there are good store of Cattell , as little Beeves , called by the barbarous Inhabitants , Boos ; and Sheep which they call Baas , who bear a short coarse hairy wool , and , I conceive , are never shorn . These Boos and Baas , ( as they call them ) were formerly bought in great plenty , for small quantities of Kettle-brass , and Iron-Hoops , taken off our Empty Casks ; ( which are all for this long Voyage hoop'd with Iron . ) These Salvages had their Cattell which we bought of them , at a very great Command : for with a call they would presently run to them , and when they had sold any one of their Bullocks to us , for a little inconsiderate piece of brass , if we did not presently knock him down , they would by the same call , make the poor creature break from us , and run unto them again ; and then there was no getting them out of their hands but by giving them more brass : and by this trick , now and then , they sold the same beast unto us , two or three times ; and if they had thus sold him more often , he had been a good penny-worth ; how ever in this we might observe , the covetousness and deceit of this brutish people . Here ye must know , that this people of all metals seem to love Brass , I think ( as you may ghess afterward ) for the rankness of its smell ; with which they make great Rings to wear about their Wrists ; yea , so taken are they with this base metal , that if a man lay down before them a piece of Gold worth two pounds sterling , and a piece of brass worth two pence , they will leave the Gold and take the brass . On this shore there likewise are found excellent good , though small Roots for Salads , which the soyl brings forth without husbanding . And in the head of the Bay , may be taken with nets great store of fair fat Mullets , of which we took abundance . This remotest part of Africa is very mountainous , over-run with wild beasts , as Lions , Tygers , Wolves , and many other beasts of prey , which in the silent night discover themselves by their noyse and roaring . To the Teeth and Jaws of which cruel Beasts , the Natives here expose their old people ; if death prevent it not , when once they grow very old and troublesom , laying them forth in some open place in the dark night , When the wild beasts ( as David observs , Psal. 104. 20 , 21. ) do creep forth , and the young lions roar after their prey . One miserable poor old wretch was thus exposed when we there , who by his pitiful cries , was discovered by our Court of Guard , there on shore , and not far off from him and by them relieved and delivered for that present time , out of the jaws of Death ; And we asking Cooree one of the Natives ( whose Story you shall have by and by ) why they did so , he told us , It was their custom , when their people had lived so long , that they knew not what to do with them , thus to be rid of them . We saw in this Bay of Souldania many Whales , and about the shore divers party-coloured Fowls ; And here are Ostriches to be seen . For the soil about the Bay ; it seems to be very good , but the Sun shines not upon a people in the whole world , more barbarous than those which possess it ; Beasts in the skins of men , rather than men in the skins of beasts , as may appear by their ignorance , habit , language , diet , with othet things , which make them most brutish . First for God , the great God of Heaven and Earth , whom generally all the people in the World , Heathen as well as Christians do confess , they ( as this Cooree told us ) acknowledg none . For their speech , it seemed to us an inarticulate noise rather than Language , like the clucking of Hens , or gabling of Turkies ; and thus making a very strange confused noise , when they walk here or there : if there be two , or three , or five , or ten , or twenty , or very many more in company , it is their manner to walk in rank one after the other , in small paths they have made by their thus walking ; as Kine in Summer many times do , when they come home to the Pail ; or as Wild-geese who fly in ranks , and as they fly make a noise ; so these walking together thus gabble from the first to the last in company , as if all spake , but none answered . Their Habits are their sheeps-skins undrest , thonged together , which cover their bodies to the middle , with a little flap of the same skin tied before them , being naked downward ; and when 't is cold , keep the woolly , when hotter weather , the fleshy side of those skins next to their bodies . Their Ornaments and Jewels , Bullocks , or Sheeps-guts full of excrement , about their necks ; and therefore when we bought their Cattel , they would take ( and we were content they should ) their skins , guts , and garbage , which plentifully furnished them with that rich attire , and gay ornaments ; and when they were hungry , they would sit down upon some hillock , first shaking out some of that filthy pudding out of the guts they wore about their necks , then bowing and bringing their mouths to their hands , almost as low as their knees , like hungry dogs would gnaw , and eat the raw guts , when you may conceive their mouths full of sweet green sauce . The women as the men are thus adorned , thus habited , and thus dieted , only they wear more about their lower parts than the men . And ( by the way ) these carry their sucking Infants under their skins upon their backs , and their breasts hanging down like Bag-pipes , they put up with their hands to their children , that they may suck them over their shoulders . Both Sexes make coverings for their heads like to skull-caps , with Cow-dung , and such-like filth , mingled with a little stinking grease , with which they likewise besmear their faces , which makes their company unsufferable , if they get the wind of you . I observ'd , that some of the rest of their dyet was agreeable to the former ; for they would eat any reffuse thing , as rotten and mouldy Biskets , which we have given them , fit indeed for nothing but to be cast away ; yea , they will eat that which a ravenous Dog in England will refuse . I once took notice of a Couple of them , who had found on the neighbouring shore a large piece of a dead fish the Sea had cast up , which did most sufficiently stink ; they presently made a little fire with dry Cowdung , and with this they warm'd it , and then they eat it , with as much seeming appetite , as an hungry man with us would feed upon a very choice and savoury dish , which makes me almost to believe , that those wretched creatures have but three senses , wanting the benefit both of Smelling and Tasting . They lodge upon the earth in Hovels , so ill-covered that they keep not out the weather , made like to those we call Summer-houses , with boughs and sticks . These Brutes devote themselves to idleness ; for they neither dig nor spin . For their stature and making , they are very streight , and well limb'd , though not very tall , but in their faces very ill-favoured , for the noses of most of them are flat . They have little or no beard ; the hair on their heads short , black , and curled ; their skins very tawny ; swift they are of foot , and will throw Darts , and shoot Arrows , which are their weapons , very dangerously . But I shall here insert a short Story : About three years before I went to India , it happened , that one of the Company-ships returning thence , and arriving at this Harbour , after a little stay , when she was ready to set sail for England , and having then two of these Salvages aboàrd , her Commander resolv'd to bring them both home with him , thinking that when they had got some English here , they might discover something of their Country which we could not know before . These poor wretches being thus brought away , very much against both their minds , one of them ( meerly out of extream fullenness , though he was very well used ) died shortly after they put to Sea , the other , who call'd himself Cooree ( whom I mentioned before ) lived , and was brought to London , and there kept , for the space of six months , in Sir Smith's house ( then Governour of the East-India Company ) where he had good diet , good clothes , good lodging , with all other fitting accommodations ; now one would think that this wretch might have conceived his present , compared with his former condition , an Heaven upon earth ; but he did not so , though he had to his good entertainment made for him a Chain of bright Brass , an Armour , Breast , Back , and Head-piece , with a Buckler all of Brass , his beloved Metal ; yet all this contented him not ; for never any seemed to be more weary of ill usage , than he was of Courtesies ; none ever more desirous to return home to his Countrey than he : For when he had learned a little of our Language , he would daily lie upon the ground , and cry very often thus in broken English , Cooree home go , Souldaniago , home go ; And not long after , when he had his desire , and was returned home , he had no sooner set footing on his own shore , but presently he threw away his Clothes , his Linnen , with all other Covering , and got his sheeps skins upon his back , g 〈…〉 s about his neck , and such a perfum'd Cap ( as before we named ) upon his head ; by whom that Proverb mentioned , 2 Pet 2. 22. was literally fulfill'd , Canis ad vomitum ; The dog is return'd to his vomit , and the swine to his wallowing in the mire . After this fellow was returned , it made the Natives most shie of us when we arrived there ; for though they would come about us in great Companies when we were new come thither , yet three or four days before they conceiv'd we would depart thence , there was not one of them to be seen , fearing belike we would have dealt with some more of them , as formerly we had done with Cooree . But it had been well if he had not seen England ; for as he discovered nothing to us , so certainly when he came home , he told his Country-men ( having doubtless observed so much here ) that Brass was but a base and cheap commodity in England , and happily we had so well stored them with that mettal before , that we had never after such a free Exchange of our Brass and Iron for their Cattel . It was here that I asked Cooree who was their God ? he lifting up his hands answered thus , in his bad English , England God , great God ; souldania no God. In the year 1614. Ten English men having received the sentence of death for their several crimes at the Sessions house in the Old-Baily at London , had their Execution respited by the intreaty of the East-India Merchants , upon condition that they should be all banished to this place , to the end ( if they could find any peaceable abode there ) they might discover something advantagious to their Trade ; And this was accordingly done . But two of them when they came thither were taken thence , and carried on the Voyage . One whose sirname was Duffield , by Sir Thomas Row , that year sent Embassadour to the Great Mogol ; that fellow thus redeemed from a most sad Banishment , was afterward brought back again into England by that noble Gentleman , and here being intrusted by him , stole some of his Plate , and ran away : Another was carried on the Voyage likewise , but what became of him afterward , I know not . So that there remained eight which were there left with some Ammunition , and Victual , with a small Boat to carry them to and from a very little uninhabited Island lying in the very mouth of that Bay , a place for their retreat and safety from the Natives on the Main . The Island called Pen-guin Island , probably so named at first by some Welsh-man , in whose Language Pen-guin signifies a white head ; and there are many great lazy fowls upon , and about , this Island , with great cole-black bodies , and very white heads , called Penguins . The chief man of the eight there left , was sirnamed Cross , who took the Name upon him of Captain Cross ; He was formerly Yeoman of the Guard unto King Iames ; but having had his Hand in Blood twice or thrice , by men slain by him in several Duels , and now being condemned to die with the rest , upon very great sute made for him , he was hither banished with them : whither the Iustice of Almighty God was dispatched after him , as it were in a Whirlwind , and followed him close at the very heels , and overtook him , and left him not till he had pay'd dear for that blood he had formerly spilt . This Cross was a very stout , and a very resolute man , who quarrelling with , and abusing the Natives , and engaging himself far amongst them , immediately after himself with the rest were left in that place , many of these Salvages being got together , fell upon him , and with their darts thrown , and arrows shot at him ; stuck his body so full of them , as if he had been larded with darts and arrows , making him look like the figure of the man in the Almanack , that seems to be wounded in every part ; or like that man described by Lucan , Totum pro vulnere corpus , who was All-wound , where blood touched blood . The retaliations of the Lord are sure and just ; He that is Mercy it self , abhorrs Cruelty above all other sins ; He cannot endure that one man should devour another , as the Beasts of the Field , Birds of the Air , Fishes of the Sea do ; and therefore usually shews , exemplary , signal revenges for that sin of Blood , selling it at a dear rate unto them that shead it . Every sin hath a tongue , but that of Blood , out-cryes and drowns the rest ; Blood being a clamorous and a restless suter , whose mouth will not be stopt till it receive an Answer , as it did here . The other seven , the rest of these miserable Banditi , who were there with Cross , recovered their Boat , and got off the shore , without any great hurt ; and so rowing to their Island , the waves running high , they split their boat at their landing , which engaged them to keep in that place , they having now no possible means left to stir thence . And , which made their condition while they were in it most extremely miserable , it is a place wherein grows never a Tree , , neither for sustenance or shelter , or shade , nor any thing beside ( I ever heard of ) to help sustein Nature ; a place that hath never a drop of fresh water in it , but what the showrs leave in the holes of the rocks . And besides all this , there are very great number of Snakes in that Island ( as I have been told by many that have been upon it ) so many of those venemous worms , that a man cannot tread safely in the long grass which grows in it , for fear of them ; And all these put together must needs make that place beyond measure uncomfortable to these most wretched men . To this may be added their want of provision , having nothing but dry Bisket , and no great quantity of that ; so that they lived with hungry bellies , without any place fit for repose , without any quiet rest , for they could not choose but sleep in fear continually ; And what outward condition could make men more miserable than this ? Yet notwithstanding all they suffered , these seven vile wretches all liv'd to be made examples afterward of Divine Justice . For after they had continued in , and endured this sad place , for the space of five or six moneths , and they were grown all even almost mad , by reason of their several pressing wants and extremities ; it pleased God by providence , to bring an English Ship into that road , returning for England ; four of these seven men being impatient of any more hours stay there , immediately after that Ship was come in , made a Float with the ruins of their split boat , which they had saved together , and with other wood which they had gotten thither , and with ravel'd and untwisted boat-ropes , fastned as well as they could all together ( for there are no such sudden Teachers and Instructers as Extremities are . ) These four got upon the Float , which they had thus prepared , and poizing it as well they could by their several weight , hoped by the benefit of their Oars , and strength of the Tyde ( that then ran quick toward the Ship newly arrived ) they might recover it ; but this their expectation failed them : for it being late in the day when they made this attempt , and they not discovered by the Ship , which then road a good way up in the Bay , before they could come up near unto her , the Tyde return'd , and so carry'd them back into the main Sea , where they'all perished miserably . The day following , the Ship sent a boat to the Island , which took those three yet surviving into her , as the other four might have been , if they could but have exercised their patience for one night longer . These survivers came aboard the Ship , related all that had befallen to their fellows ; but these three , notwithstanding all their former miseries , when they were taken into the Ship , behaved themselves so lewdly as they returned home-wards , that they were very often put into the Bilbowes , or Ship-stocks , in the way returning ; and otherwise many times punished for their great and several misdemeanors : At last the Ship being safely returned into the Downs , she had not been there at an Anchor above 3. hours , but these three Villains got on shore , and they had not been ashore above three hours , but they took a Purse , and a very few hours after were apprehended and all taken for that Fact , and suddenly after that , their very foul story being related to the Lord Chief Iustice , and they looked upon as men altogether incorrigible , and uncapable of amendment by lesser corrections , by his special Warrant were executed upon their former Condemnation ( for which they were banished not to return hither again , but never pardoned ) near Sandwich in Kent , where they committed the Robbery . From whose example we may learn , that it is not in the power of any affliction , how heavy soever it light , and how long soever it lie , if it be not sanctified , to do any man good . That when the rod is upon a man , if he be not taught as well as chastned , all the stripes bestowed on him are cast away . A man might have hoped that these wretched fellows had been long enough in the fire to have purged away their dross . But afflictions , like fire , harden as well as soften ; and Experience teaches us , that the winds and waves though they beat with their greatest violence upon the Rocks , yet leave them as they found them unmoveable ; It being a most tryed Truth recorded by Solomon , Prov. 27. 22. that , Bray or beat a fool in a morter , he will not leave his foolishness ; But as he was put in , so will he come out a fool . The year following we carried three more condemned persons to be left in this place , but they hearing of the ill success of their Predecessors , and that it was very unlikely for them to find any safe footing here , when we were ready to depart thence , and to leave them on the shore , they all came and presented themselves on their knees , with many tears in their Eyes unto our chief Commander Captain Ioseph , most humbly beseeching him , that he would give Order that they might be hanged before he departed , in that place , which they much rather chose , than to be there left ; we thought it was a very sad sight to behold three men in such a condition , that made them esteem hanging to be mercy . Our Commander told them , that he had no Commission to execute them , but to leave them there , and so he must do . And so he believed he had done ; but our fifth Ship the Swan staying in this place after us a day or two , took these poor men into her , and then took her course for Bantam whither she was bound . And the Rose our last Ship , whose sight and company we lost in that most violent storm ( before mention'd ) at the beginning of our Voyage , was safely preserved , and happily afterward found her way to Bantam likewise . We made our abode in this Harbour till the twenty eighth following , on which day we being well watered and refreshed , departed . And the twenty ninth we doubled the Cape of good Hope , whose Latitude is thirty five degrees South . Off this Cape there setteth continually a most violent Current Westward ; whence it comes to pass , that when a strong contrary wind meets it ( as often-times it doth ) their impetuous opposition makes the Sea so to rage , as that some Ships have been swallowed , but many more very much endangered amongst those huge Mountains of water , and very few Ships p●ss that way without a storm . We kept on in a circular course , to gain a South-west wind ; for ye must know , that the wind in those parts , and so in East-India , blows ( and but with a very little variation ) half the year South-west , and the other half North-east ; we sailed here Southerly , till we had raised the South-Pole almost forty degrees above the Horizon . This Pole is a Constellation of four starrs , the Mariners call the Crosiers ; these stars appear near one another like a Cross , and almost equidistant . And while we had the view of this Pole , the Sun ( as it must needs be ) was North at Noon unto us . The two and twentieth of Iuly we discover'd the great Island Madagascar , commonly called Saint Lawrence , we being then betwixt it and the African shore , which Island lies almost every part of it under , or within the Southern Tropick : We touched not at it , but this I dare say from the Credit of others who have been upon it , that as it is an exceeding great Island ( if not the greatest in the known world ) so it is stored with abundance of very excellent good Provisions , though inhabited by a barbarous and heathenish people , but stout and war-like , and very numerous . Over against this Island , on the main Continent of Africa , are Zefala and Mozambique , whereon the Portugals have got some footing ; the places ( as may be strongly supposed ) whither Solomon sent his Navy of Ships , built at Eziongebar , which stood on the banks of the Red-Sea in Arabia the Happy ; the Country of that famous Queen of the South , who hearing of his wisdom and renown , took her journey thence to visit the Court of King Solomon , who had understanding like a flood . From that place forenamed , Solomon sent his Ships for Gold and Silver and Ivory , &c. 1 Kings 10. 22. they coasting all along the shore of Africa ; for in the dayes of Solomon the Art of Navigation was not known , and Sea-men then steering without Cart or Compass were necessitated to keep the neighbouring Land alwayes in their sights , as without question those Ships did , and to those fore-mention'd places , stored ( as is related ) above other parts of Africa , with those richest Commodities . I might have taken notice before ( but yet it will not be unseasonable ) of many sudden , strong , and violent Gusts of wind , frequently to be observed in those South-west Seas , which surprize a Ship so suddenly , that if she have many sails abroad , and the Mariners be not very watchful and nimble to strike them , their strength is such that they will endanger her overturning . And to these there are many strange watery Clouds they call Spouts , which appear like a Funnel or water-tankard , very large and big at the one end , but small on the other which hangs lowest and of a very great length ; They contain a great Quantity of water , wrapt together by a whirl-wind , that falls within a very narrow Compass , the abundance whereof by its great weight , if it fall directly ( as sometimes it doth ) upon the body of a small Ship , it will much endanger it ; and would do much more harm , but that these Spouts when they are seen may be easily avoided . From the Island of Madagascar we proceeded on in our Course ; and the fifth of August following , approached near the little Islands of Mohilia , Gazadia , St. Iohn de Castro , with some others , whose Name I know not , called in general the Islands of Comora , lying about twelve Degrees South of the Equator . The day following being the sixth of August , Early in the Morning our Men looking out for Land espied a Sail which stood directly in our Course but far before us ; at first sight she appeared as if there had been some great Hill interposed betwixt us : For first , we had sight only of her Colours in her high Maintop ; after this , of her Masts and Sails , and then of her Hull ; after which manner , Ships at Sea do every where appear at great distance one to another , which proves that that mighty Collection of waters called Seas , have a Convex , or Globous and round body , placed by Almighty God , as it were in Hills , or Heaps ; and being being above the earth , and higher than it , they have set Limits , and commanded they are to their Bounds , contrary to their Nature , which they may not pass , for so saith the Psalmist , Psalm 104. 9. Thou hast set a bound which they may not pass over , that they return not again to cover the earth . But this is known to all that have been at Sea , therefore we proceed . Upon the first sight of that Ship , we were all glad of the object , improving all endeavours we could to overtake her , with-all preparing our great Ordnance , that if she were a Friend we might salute her , if an Enemy be in readiness for her . So eagerly pursuing this unlooked for Ship with the wings of the wind , after that we had given her Chase about five hours , her Colours and bulk discovered her to be a very great Portugal Caraque bound for Goa , lying in the skirts of East-India , and principally inhabited by Portugals , the City of Residence for the Vice-Roy to the King of Spain , her Commander called Don Emanuel de Meneces , a brave Resolute Man , as the sequent will demonstrate . About noon , the Globe our least Ship ( by reason of her nimbleness sailing better then her fellows ) came up with her on her broad side to wind-ward , and according to the Custom of the Sea , hayl'd her , asking whence she was ; she answer'd indirectly , Of the Sea , calling our Men Rogues , Thieves , Hereticks , Devils ; and the Conclusion of her rude Complement was , in loud Cannon Language , discharging seven great Pieces of Artillery at our Globe , ( though she had very little reason so to do , we having four Ships in Company , and she alone ) whereof six pierced her through the Hull , maiming some of her Men , but killing none ; our Globe replyed in the same voice , and after that fell off . About three of the Clock in the Afternoon , the Charles our Admiral came up with her so near , that we were within pistol shot : our Commander Captain Ioseph proceeded religiously , in offering them a Treaty , before he proceeded to Revenge ; so we saluted her with our Trumpets , she us with her wind - Instruments ; then we shewed our Men on both sides aloft ; this done , our Commander called to them requiring Theirs to come aboard , to give an account for the injury they had lately before offered us ; they answered , They had never a Boat ; our Commander replyed , that he would send them one , and immediately caused his Barge to be man'd , and sent off to them , which brought back one of their Officers , and two others of inferior rank , with this message from their Captain , how that he had promised the King of Spain his Master not to leave his Ship , and therefore forc'd he might be , but never would be Commanded out of her . Captain Ioseph received the Message , and used those that brought it Civilly , and then ordered , that they should be shewed ( in a broad side of great Guns , that lay all ready prim'd to be fir'd against them ) how we were prepar'd to vindicate our selves , which put the poor Portugals into a fit of trembling , and upon it desir'd our Commander to write a few words to theirs , that happily with their perswasion might make him come . Captain Ioseph , willing to preserve his Honour , & to prevent blood , consented , and forthwith caused a few lines in Spanish to this effect to be wrote unto him . That Whereas he the Commander of the Carraque had offered violence to our Ship that sail'd peaceably by him , he will'd him to come presently and give a reason for that wrong , or else at his perill . So he discharged those Portugals , sending one of our Masters Mates back with them with those few words , and this further message , that if he refused to come , he would sink by his side , but that he would force him before he left him ; Morientium verba sunt prophetica , his words came to pass ; for he himself suddenly after fell by a great Shot that came from the Caraques side . The Commander of the Caraque , notwithstanding the Message and Menace sent to him , was still peremptory in his first answer . So our Men returning , Captain Ioseph himself , made the three first Shot at them , all which , the mark being so fair and near , hit them ; this done , the Bullets began to flie on both sides , our Captain cheering his Company , immediately ascended the half - Deck , the place where Commanders use to keep in those Encounters , to shew their own Gallantry , and to encourage the Company under their Command , where he had not been the Eighth part of an hour ere a great Shot from the Caraques quarter , deprived him of Life in the twinkling of an Eye . For this Captain Ioseph ; he was certainly one who had very much of a Man in him , for years ancient , who had commanded before in Sea-fights , which he met withall within the Streights in the Midland Sea ; and near death many times in them , which took others round about him , while himself went off untouched . After Captain Ioseph was slain , the Master of our Ship continued the fight about half an hour , then ( knowing there was another to be admitted into that prime place of Command ) the night approaching , for that time gave over ; putting out a flag of Counsel to call the Captain of the Vice Admiral ( Captain Henry Pepwell ) who was to succeed , and the other Commanders aboard to consult about the prosecution of this encounter . The night being come , we now proceeded no further . The Caraque stood still on her Course , putting forth a light at her Poop for us to follow her , and about mid-night came to an Anchor under the Island of Mohilia ; which when we perceiv'd , we let fall our Anchors too . The Morning comn , we found the Caraque so close to the Shore , and the nearest of our Ships at least a League off , that we held our Hands for that day , expecting when she would weigh her Anchors , and stand off to Sea , a fitter place to deal with her . And that after-noon , we chested our late slain Commander , putting some great shot with him into it that he might presently sink , and without any Ceremony of Guns , &c. usual upon such occasions , because our Enemy should take no notice , put him overboard against the Island of Mohilia , where he made his own Grave , as all dead Bodies do , buried not in dust but water , which shall one day as well as the earth give up its dead , Rev. 20. 13. when all the Bodies of Men since the world began , that have tasted Death in their several Generations , however after Death they have been bestowed , wheresoever laid up , shall be raised again . And though all would not , yet all must . A little before night that present day , the Caraque departed again to Sea ; we all loosed our Anchors , opened our Sailes , and followed . The day now left us , and our proud Adversary unwilling as it should seem to escape , put forth a light ( as before ) for us to follow him , ( as afterward we did to purpose ) . The night well-nigh spent , we commended again our selves and cause to God , when I observed more seeming devotion in our Sea-men that Morning , than at any time before , or after while I kept them company ; who , for the generality are such a kind of People that nothing will bow them or bring them on their knees , but extream Hazards . When this exercise was ended , the day began to appear in a red mantle , which prov'd bloody unto many that beheld it . And now we entred upon a second encounter , our four Ships resolving to take their turns one after the other , that we might compel this proud Portugal either to bend or break . And now Reader thou mayest suppose us speaking again to our Adversary , and he to us , in the harshest and lowdest of all Dialects ; no Arguments being so strong as those that proceed from the mouths of Guns , and points of Swords . Our Charles the Admiral played her part first , and ere she had been at defiance with her Enemy half an hower , there came another great shot from him , which hitting against one of our Iron Pieces , mounted on our half Deck , brake into many little parts , which most dangerously wounded our New Commander , and the Master of our Ship , with three others beside , who received several hurts by it . Captain Pepwells left Eye , by a glance of a Piece of that broken Bullet , was so Torn that it lay like Raggs upon his Cheek ; another hurt by a piece of the same Bullet he reeeived on his Iaw-bone ; and by another , on his Head ; and a fourth hurt , he received in his Leg , a ragged piece of that broken shot sticking fast betwixt the two bones thereof , grating there upon an Artery , which seemed by his complayning to afflict him so much , that it made him take very little notice of all the rest of his Hurts , it being most true of bodily pains , that the extremity of a greater pain will not suffer a Man much to feel and complain of that which is less ; as that tormenting pain of the Tooth-ach , makes a man insensible of the aking of his Head ; and when the Gout and Stone surprize the Body at once together , the torture by the Gout is as it were lost in the extremity of the Stone . And thus was our New Commander welcomed to his Authority ; we all thought that his wounds would very suddenly have made an end of him , but he lived till about fourteen moneths after , and then dyed as he was returning for England . I told you before , that this man suffered not alone by the scattered pieces of that broken shot ; for the Master of the Ship had a great piece of the Brawn of his Arm strook off by it , which made him likewise unserviceable for a time , and three other of the common sailers received several and dangerous hurts by it likewise . The Captain and Master both thus disabled , deputed their Authority to the chief Master's mate , who behaved himself resolutely and wisely ; so we continued Alternis vicibus one after the other , shooting at our Adversary as at a But , and by three of the Clock in the Afternoon had shot down her Main-mast by the board , her Mizen-Mast , her Fore-top-Mast : And moreover , had made such breaches in her thick sides , that her case seemed so desperate that she must either yield or perish . Her Captain thus distressed stood in for the shore , being not far from the Island of Gaziaia ; we pursued as far as we durst without hazard of Shipwrack , then we sent off a Boat with a flag of Truce to speak with him . He waved us with another , upon which Mr Connick our chief Merchant imployed in that service came up to them , and being invited , entred their Ship , where he was civilly used ; and there he delivered this Message to the chief Commander , and his Company , that he had brought them Life and Peace , if they would accept it ; withall telling them , that they had deserved so well by their undaunted valour , that they would put themselves into our hands , they should be entertain'd with all Honour and Respect . How the ordinary sort in the Caraque were taken with this proffer , I know not ; yet all this would not work upon that high-resolv'd Commander , who like Fabricius in Tully could not be turn'd , in the least measure , from his former and first Resolution . So he contemning the Misery he could not prevent ; or like a prun'd hedge which grows stronger by cutting ; answered our Messenger thus ; That no infelicity should make alter his first Resolution , and therefore must not be talk't out of the Ship ; That he would stand off to Sea , if possibly he could , and fight us again ; and then if fire or sword forc'd him , he might unhappily be taken , but he would never yield ; and if we took him alive , he hoped to find the respect of a Gentleman , and till then we had our answer . So our Messenger was discharged ; and shortly after , this distressed Ship wanting her wings was forc'd by the wind and waves upon the adjacent Iland of Gazidia , where she stuck sast between two Rocks ; those that were alive in her , by their boats got upon the shore , which when they had all recovered , willing ( as it should seem ) to destroy what they could not keep , they set her on fire to make her a Coal , rather than we should make her a Prize . She was a Ship of an Exceeding great value in Coyn and Bullion , besides many other rich commodities , ( if report afterward abused us not ) but we got nothing from her but blows , for which she was repayed by us with Ruin. The poor distressed Portugals after they had left their Ship , were most inhumanly used by the barbarous Islanders , who spoyled them of all they brought on shore for their succour , some of them finding Death in the place they chose to escape it ; and doubtless they had made havock of them all , had they not presently been relieved by two Arabian Iunks ( for so their small ill-built Ships are called ) there in Trade ; which , in hope I suppose of some great reward , took them in , and conveyed them safely to their own City Goa . In this Sea-fight we lost , out of our four Ships , but five men ; three out of our Admiral , and two out of the Iames , besides we had about twenty in our whole Fleet hurt . But of seven hundred which sailed in the Carraque , ( for she was a Ship of an exceeding great bulk and burthen ; our Charles , though a Ship of a thousand Tuns , looking but like a Pinace when she was beside her ) there came not near half her Company to Goa , as afterward we were informed . Our Charles in this opposition made at her adversary , for her part , three hundred seventy and five great Shot ( as our Gunners reported ) to these we had one Hundred Musquetiers that plyed them with small shot all that while ; neither was our Enemy Idle , for our Ship received from him at least one hundred great shot , and many of them dangerous ones through the Hull . Our fore-mast was pierced through the middle , our Main-mast hurt , our Main stay almost spoyled , and many of our Main-shrouds cut asunder . And now , Reader , if thou shalt be pleased to accompany me further , I shall carry thee from this sad discourse , where we may be both refreshed upon a near , rich , and pleasant Iland ; And to make way for our entertainment there , take further notice , that after we saw the Carraque in a flame ( which was about midnight ) we stood off and on till morning , to see if any thing might be found in her Ashes ; of which when we despaired , we sought about to succour and comfort our wounded and sick men on the shore . The Land there was very high , against which the Sea is always deep ; so that it was the tenth day of that month , ere we could be possessed of a good Harbour ; which enjoyed , we found the Iland called Mohilia , very pleasant , full of Trees , and exceeding fruitful , abounding in Beeves , Kids , Poultrey of divers kinds , Rice , Sugar-Canes , Plantens ( of which Fruit more shall be spoken hereafter ) Oranges , Coquer-nuts , as with many other wholsom things ; of all which we had sufficient to relieve our whole Company , for little quantities of White Paper , Glassbead● , low-prized Looking-Glasses , and cheap Knives . For instance , we bought as many good Oranges as would fill an Hat for one quarter of a sheet of white Writing - Paper , and so in proportion all other Provisions . Here we had the best Oranges that ever I tasted , which were little round ones , exceeding sweet and juicy , having but a little spongie skin within them , and the rind on them almost as thin as the paring of an Apple : We eat all together , Rind and Juice , and found them a Fruit that was extraordinary well-pleasing to the Tast. Much of their Fruits the Ilanders b●ought unto us in their little Canoos ( which are long narrow boats , but like troughs out of firm trees ) but their Cattel we bought on the shore ; Where I observed the people to be streight , well limb'd , stout , able men , their colour very tawny ; most of the men , but all the women I saw uncloathed , having nothing about them but a Covering for their shame . Such as were cloathed had long Garments like unto the Arabians , whose Language they speak , and of whose Religion they are , M●humetans , very strict ( as it should seem ) for they would not endure us to come near their Churches . They have good convenient Houses for their Living , and fair Sepulchres for their Dead . They seemed to live strictly under the Obedience of a King , whose place of residence was some miles up in the Countrey ; His leave by Messengers they first crav'd , before they would sell unto us any of their better Provisions . Their King hearing of our arrival , bad us welcome by a Present of Beeves , and Goats , and Poultrey , and the chief and choice Fruits of his Countrey , and was highly recompenced as he thought again , by a Quire or two of white Paper , a pair of low-prized Looking-Glasses , some strings of Glass - Beads , some cheap Knives , and with some other English toys . We saw some Spanish Money amongst them , of which they seemed to make so little reckoning , that some of our men had from them many Royals of Eight , in exchange for a little of those very low and very cheap Commodities which before I named . The Coquer-nut-tree ( of which this Iland hath abundance ) of all other Trees may challenge the preheminence : for , meerly with these Trees , without the least help of any other Timber , or any other thing ( unless a little Iron-work ) a man may build , and furnish , and fit , and victual a small Ship to Sea. For the Heart of this Tree ( being very tough , firm and fast wood ) growing up streight and high , will make Timber , and Planks , and Pins , and Masts , and Yards ; a strong Gum that issues out of it , with the Rind that grows about it , will serve to calk the Ship ; and that spongy Rind ( that looks like our Hemp when it is a little bruised ) will make Cordage and Sails , and the very large Nuts that grow upon it ( of which are made many excellent drinking Cups ) when it is newly gathered , hath a milky , white substance that is tender ( tasting like an Almond ) round about of a good substance within it ; and within that a very pleasant Liquor , that is wholsom , as well as savoury , which may for a need serve those which sail in this Ship for meat and drink . Now well stored with these Nuts and other good Provisions , after six days abode there , the breaches our Ship had lately received in fight being repaired , and our men well-refreshed , we put again to Sea the sixteenth day , and a prosperous gale following us , were carried happily a second time under the Aequinoctial , without the least heat to offend us , the twenty day fourth of the same Month. Our Course was for the Iland of Zocotora near the mouth of the Red Sea , from whence comes our Aloes Zocotrina ; but an adverse gale from the Arabian shore kept us so off that we could by no means recover it . We passed by it the first of September . Missing that Fort , we proceeded on our Voyage , and the fourth of September made a solemn Funeral in memory of our late slain Commander , when after Sermon the small Shot and great Ordnance made a large Peal to his Remembrance . On the sixth of September at night , to our admiration and fear the Water of the Sea seemed to us as white as milk , which did not appear only so in the body of the Sea , but it looked so likewise in Buckets of water which we did then draw out of the Sea. Others of our Nation passing on that Course have observed the like : but I am yet to learn what should be the true reason thereof , it being there very far from any shore , and the Sea so deep as that we could fetch no ground . The twenty first , We discovered the main Continent of Asia the Great , in which East-India takes up a large part . The twenty second , we had sight of Deu and Damon , places that lye in the skirts of India , principally inhabited and well-fortified by Portugals ; and the twenty fifth of September we came happily to an Anchor in Swally-Road within the Bay of Cambaia , the Harbour for our Fleet while they make their stay in these remote Parts . Then after a long , and troublesom , and dangerous passage , we came at last to our desired Port. And immediately after my arrival there , I was sent for by Sir Thomas Row , Lord Embassadour , then residing at the Mogol's Court ( which was very many miles up in the Countrey ) to supply the room of Mr Iohn Hall his Chaplain ( Fellow of Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxford ) whom he had not long before buried . And I lived with that most Noble Gentleman at that Court more than two years , after which I returned home to England with him . During which space of my abode there , I had very good advantage to take notice of very many places , and persons , and things , travelling with the Embassadour much in Progress with that King up and down his very large Territories . And now , Reader , I would have thee to suppose me setting my foot upon the East-Indian shore , at Swally before-named . On the banks whereof amongst many more English that lie there interred , is laid up the body of Mr Thomas Coryat , a man in his time Notus nimis omnibus , very sufficiently known . He lived there , and there died , while I was in those parts ; and was for some Months then with my Lord Embassadour , during which time , he was either my Chamber-fellow or Tent-mate , which gave me a full acquaintance of him . That Greek-travelling-Thomas ( they which know his story know why I call him so ) formerly wrote a Book entituled Coryats Crudities , Printed in the beginning of the year 1611. and then ushered into the World by very many Copies of excellent Verses made by the Wits of those Times , which did very much advantage and improve , if not enforce the sale thereof ( doing themselves much more honour than him whom they undertook to commend in their several Encomiasticks . ) And if he had lived , he would have written his last Travels to , and in , and out of , East-India ; for he resolved ( if God had spared him life ) to have rambled up and down the world world ( as sometimes Ulysses did ) and though not so long as he , yet ten full years at least before his return home , in which time he purposed to see Tartaria in the vast parts thereof , with as much as he could of China , and those other large Places and Provinces interposed betwixt East-India and China , whose true Names we might have had from him , but yet have not . He had a purpose after this to have visited the Court of Prester Iohn in Aethiopia , who is there called by his own people , Ho Biot , The King ; and after this , it was in his thoughts to have cast his eyes upon many other places ; which if he had done , and lived to write those Relations , seeing , as he did , or should , such variety of Countries , Cities , Nations , Things , and been as particular in them as he was in his Venetial Iournal , they must needs have swoln into so many huge Volums , as would have prevented the perishing of Paper . But undoubtedly , if he had been continued in life to have written them , there might have been made very good Use of his Observations ; for , as he was a very Particular , so was he without question a very Faithful Relator of things he saw ; he ever disclaiming that bold liberty which divers Travellers have , and do take , by speaking and writing any thing they please of remote parts , when they cannot easily be contradicted , taking a Pride in their feigned Relations , to over-speak things ; being resolved in this case Not only things to do , but or'-do ; Speaking , writing all , and more too . I , therefore for my part , believing this Relator to be none of those , have taken some things from his trust and credit in this my following Discourse ; And because he could not live to give an account unto the world of his own Travels , I shall here by the way make some litle discovery of his footsteps and flittings up and down , to and fro , with something besides of him , in his long peregrinations , to satisfie very many yet living who , if they shall please to read this Discourse , may recall that man once more into their remembrance , who while he lived was like a perpetual motion , and therefore now dead should not be quite forgotten . In the year 1612. he shipt himself from London for Constantinople , now called by the Turks Stombole , where he took special notice of all things there most observable . In which place he found very great respect and encouragement from Sir Paul Pinder , then and there Embassadour , to whose House he had free and welcom access whensoever he pleased . Being there for some time , he took his opportunities to view divers parts in Grecia ; and in the Hellespont , took special notice of those two Castles directly opposed to each other , called Sestos and Abydos , which stand on the several banks that bound that very narrow Sea ; which Places Musaeus makes famous in his very antient Poem of Hero and Leander . He desired much to see where those seven Churches sometimes famous in Asia the Less stood ; but since their sin so darkned their light , and God removed their Candlesticks from them ( as before he threatned ) those Places lie so in the dark , that it cannot be well discovered where they once were : Only Smyrna is famous at this present day for Trade , but not Religion ; and Ephesus and some others of them keep their names still , though they left and lost their Faith and profession of Truth with the rest . He saw what yet remains of the Ruins of sometimes great Troy , but Iam Seges est ubi Troja fuit — That place which was once so populous as if it had been sow'n with People , — And seeded thus , had after born Millions of men , now 's sow'n with Corn. And — O jam periere Ruinae , the very Ruins of that place are almost all gone to Ruine : The most observable thing there yet remaining , is part of an exceeding great House , which is continued by Tradition to have been sometimes a part of the famous Palace of great King Priamus . From Smyrna he found a Passage to Alexandria in Aegypt ; Aegypt , that is called by some , in regard of the Plenty it produceth , the Granary or Store-house of the World. And in Egypt near Gran-Cairo ( antiently called Memphis ) he observed what remains of the once fam'd Pyramids . Returning thence back to Alexandria with one Englishman more , they found a pass by Sea to Iatta , antiently called Ioppa , and there they met some others going to Ierusalem , which is about twenty English miles distant from Ioppa , whence they departed together towards Ierusalem , and found it a very solitary , rocky , uncomfortable way , full of danger , by reason of the wild Arabes , who keep about those Passages to make poor Travellers their prey and spoyl . But they came safe to Ierusalem , now inhabited by Turks , and that place called by them Cutts ; where he told me , that himself and his Companion were courteously received by the Father Guardian of the Convent of Franciscan Friars that keep their residence in Ierusalem , and by some of them were met at the Gate of the City , where they were compelled by the Turkish Souldiers who keep those Gates ( as all others that bear the name of Christians are ) at their first coming thither to redeem their heads by paying each of them the value of five shillings , before they could have admittance into that place ; which they had no sooner entred , but they were presently carried by those Franciscans which met them to their Convent ; and then the first thing they did to or for them , they washed their feet , then set some comfortable refection before them , and after went in Procession about a little Cloyster they had , praising God that he had brought in safety those two Votaries ( as they called them ) to visit that Holy Place . A day or two after they accompanied them to Bethlehem , the place of our Blessed Saviour's Birth , about five English miles distant from Ierusalem ; and in the way betwixt those two places shewed them a Rock , on which ( as they said ) the Blessed Virgin sate down , as she went on a time betwixt Ierusalem and Bethlehem , to give her Babe suck ; and that the Rock might not feel hard under her , it yielded ( as they told them ) to her body like a Cushion , and that impression made by her so sitting remaineth unto this day , and is most devoutly kissed by Votaries as they pass up and down . After this they returning back , shewed them all that was to be seen in and about Ierusalem . Many particulars they told them ( stories which are there kept by Tradition ) concerning our Blessed Saviour and his Mother : Then they had a sight of as much of Mount Calvary ( where our Blessed Saviour suffered ) as could be shewed them , that Hill being now 〈…〉 clos'd within the walls of Ierusalem . They undertook to shew them afterwards the place wherein our blessed Saviour was buried ; and after that upon Mount Olivet , the very place whence he after Ascended , where , upon a Rock there was an impression of the former part of two feet , such as is seen in soft earth , when a man lifts up his body to leap thence ; and these Franciscans confidently affirmed , and seemed undoubtedly to believe , that it was so as they shewed and told ' them . Many other things they affirmed , which being but Circumstantials , ( though appertaining to the best of all Stories ) were enough for these Pilgrims to believe , and enough to make doubt of . At Ierusalem , this our Traveller had made upon the Wrists of his left Arm the Arms of Ierusalem , a Cross Crossed , or Crosslets ; and on the Wrist of his right , a single Cross made like that of our Blessed Saviour suffered on ; and on the sides the Stem or Tree of that Cross these words written , Via , Veritas , Vita , some of the Letters being put on the one side of that Stem or Tree , and some of them on the other ; and at the foot of that Cross three Nails , to signifie those which fasted our Saviour unto it : All these impressions were made by sharp Needles bound together that pierced onely the skin , and then a black Powder put into the Places so pierced , which became presently indelible Characters , to continue with him so long as his flesh should be covered with skin : And they were done upon his Arms so artificially , as if they had been drawn by some accurate Pencil upon Parchment . This poor man would pride himself very much in the beholding of those Characters ; and seeing them , would often speak those words of Saint Paul written to the Galatians , Gal. 6. 17. ( though far besides the Apostles meaning ) I bear in my Body the marks of the Lord Iesus . Now after that himself and Camrade had seen what they desired in and about Ierusalem , they took their leave of those Franciscans , leaving with them money to recompence the courtesie they had received from them ; the Fryers being very poor , and consequently , unable to entertain them freely without requitals . From hence they took their way to take a view of the Dead Sea , ( so called , either because the water therein is still , and moves not ; or because no living Creature is in it , and nothing thrives on the banks thereof ) the place where Sodom and Gomorrah , and Admah and Zeboim once stood , those Cities which Almighty God overthrew in anger , and repented not , Jer. 20. 16. Hence they went to have a sight of the River Iordan , which dischargeth it self into that most uncomfortable lake ; and from hence they journeyed North-East through those ten tribes , ( which for the sin of Solomon were rent from his Son Rehoboam ) till they came to Mount Libanus . Thence back to Sidon , which retaineth that Name still . And here he told me , as his last observation made in that Land of Canaan , sometimes ( like the Garden of the Lord ) flowing with milk and honey , being then enriched with a very great variety , and abundance of Gods good Creatures ; and in the dayes of David so populous , that there were numbred in it at one time thirteen hundred thousand fighting men , 2 Sam. 24. 9. besides Women and Children , and others unfit to draw swords ; which was a most wonderful thing to consider that such a spot of ground in comparison , not above one hundred and sixty miles in length , from Dan to Bersheba , and not above sixty miles in breadth , from Ioppa to Iordan , should be able to bear and feed such a numerous people ; and now the very self same tract ofearth , either for want of manuring , or ( which is rather to be conceived ) for the want of the blessing of Almighty God which once shined upon it , but is now long since with-drawn from it , ( For a fruitful Land the Lord makes barren for the wickedness of them that dwell therein , Psal. 107. 34. ) is now become unable to sustain one in an hundred of such a number . From Sidon they got a passage by Sea unto Alexandretta , now called Scanderoon ( in the extreamest bottom of the Mediterranean Sea ) which is one of the unwholsomest places in the world ; where I have often heard that no stranger ( that was born far from it ) comes to continue there for the space of one moneth , but is sure to meet with a sickness , which very often proves mortal . At this place his English Companion left him , and turned his face towards England , and he presently took his way towards Aleppo in Syria , about seventy miles or more distant from Scanderoon , which is as much renowned for wholsomness , as the place before-named for being unwholsome ; and therefore it is called , sweet-air'd Aleppo . Here he being kindly received by the English Consul , stayed a time to gain the company of a Caravan , which consists of a great mixt multitude of people from divers parts , which get and keep together travelling those parts , for fear of the incursions and violences by Thieves and Murtherers , which they would undoubtedly meet withall , if they travelled single , or but few together . With these he after set forwards towards , and to that City anciently called Niniveh in Assyria , which we find in the Prophesie of Ionah was sometimes a great and excellent City of three dayes journey , Jonah 3. 3. but now so exceedingly lessen'd and lodg'd in obscurity , that passengers cannot say of it , This was Niniveh ; which now hath its old name changed , and is called Mozel . From hence they journied to Babylon in Chaldea , situated upon the River Euphrates , once likewise so great that Aristotle called it a Country , not a City , but now it is very much contracted , and 't is called Bagdat . From this place they proceeded through both the Armeniaes , and either did , or else our Traveller was made to believe , that he saw the very Mountain Ararat , whereon the Ark of Noah rested after the Flood , Gen. 8. And from hence they went forward towards the Kingdom of Persia , and there to Uzspahan , the usual place of Residence for that great King , then called Sha Abbas , or King Abbas . And after they went to Seras , anciently called Shushan , where the great King Ahasuerus kept his Royal and most Magnificent Court , Esth. 1. From hence they journied afterwards to Candahor , the first Province North East under the subjection of the Great Moghol , and so to Lahore , the chiefest City but one belonging to that great Empire ; a place , as I have been often told by Tom : Coryat and others , of very great trade , wealth , and delight , lying more temperately out of the Parching Sun than any other of his great Cities do : And to this City he wanted not Company ; nor afterwards to Agra , the Moghol's Metropolis or chief City . And here it is very observable that from Lahore to Agra it is four hundred English miles , and that the Country betwixt both these great Cities is rich , even pleasant and flat , a Campania ; and the rode-way on both sides all this long distance planted with great Trees which are all the year cloathed with leaves , exceeding beneficial unto Travellers for the shade they afford them in those hot Climes . This very much extended length of way 'twixt these two places , is called by Travellers the Long Walk , very full of Villages and Towns for Passengers every where to find Provision . At Agra our Traveller made an halt , being there lovingly received in the English Factory , where he stayd till he had gotten , to his Turkish and Morisco or Arabian Languages , some good knowledge in the Persian and Indostan Tongues , in which study he was alwayes very apt , and in little time shewed much proficiency . The first of those two , the Persian , is the more quaint ; the other , the Indian , the vulgar Language spoken in East-India : In both these he suddenly got such a knowledge and mastery , that it did exceedingly afterwards advantage him in his Travels up and down the Mogol's Territory ; he wearing alwayes the Habit of that Nation , and speaking their Language . In the first of these , the Persian Tongue , he made afterwards an Oration to the Great Mogol , bringing in that Story of the Queen of Sheba , 1 Kings 10. ( in which parts of that Sacred History the Mahumetans have some knowledge ) and he told him , that as the Queen of Sheba having heard of the Fame of King Solomon , came from far to visit him , which when she had done , she confessed that though she had heard very much of him , and many things beyond her belief , yet now seeing what she did , acknowledged that she had not heard half of that which she now saw concerning the Wisdom , and Greatness , and Retinue , and Riches of Solomon : So our Orator told the Mogol , that he had heard very much of him before he had the Honour to see him ( when he was very far off in his own Country ) but now what he beheld did exceedingly surmount all those former Reports of him which came to his Ears at such a distance from him : Then larding his short speech with some other pieces of Flattery , which the Mogol liked well , concluded : And when he had done , the Mogol gave him one hundred Roopus , which amounts to the value of twelve pounds and ten shillings of our English Money ; looking upon him as a Derveese , Votary or Pilgrim , ( for so he called him ) and such as bear that name in that Country seem not much to care for money ; and that was the reason ( I conceive ) that he gave him not a more plentiful Reward . After this he having got a great mastery likewise in the Indostan , or more vulgar Language , there was a Woman , a Landress , belonging to my Lord Embassadors House , who had such a freedom and liberty of Speech , that she would sometimes scould , brawl , and rail from the Sun-rising to Sun-set . One day he undertook her in her own Language , and by eight of the Clock in the Morning so silenced her , that she had not one word more to speak . I shall have occasion to say more of this man in some passages of this following Discourse , and therefore I shall not wrap all I have to speak of him in this , although it be a very long digression : Yet because I must now shortly bring you to his journies end , I shall take the freedom to enlarge my self a little further concerning him here in this place , before I leave him for the present ; and to give thee , Reader , a piece of his Character , it speaks thus : That he was a man of a very coveting Eye , that could never be satisfied with seeing , as Solomon speaks , Eccles. 1. 8. though he had seen very much ; and I am perswaded that he took as much content in seeing , as many others in the enjoying of Great and Rare things . He was a man that had got the mastery of many hard Languages , ( as before I observed ) to the Latine and Greek he brought forth of England with him : in which , if he had obtained wisdom to husband and manage them , as he had skill to speak them , he had deserved more Fame in his Generation . But his knowledge and high attainments in several Languages made him not a little ignorant of himself ; he being so covetous , so ambitious of praise , that he would hear and endure more of it than he could in any measure deserve ; being like a Ship that hath too much Sail , and too little Ballast : Yet if he had not faln into the smart hands of the Wits of those Times , he might have passed better . That itch of Fame which engaged this man to the undertakings of those very hard and long , and dangerous Travels , hath put thousands more ( and therefore he was not alone in this ) into strange attempts onely to be talked of . Upon a time one Mr Richard Steel a Merchant , and servant to the East-India Company , came unto us from Surat to Mandoa , the place then of the Mogol's Residence ( of which place somewhat more hereafter ) at which time Mr Coryat was there with us : This Merchant had not long before travelled over-land from East-India through Persia , and so to Constantinople , and so for England ; who in his Travel home-ward had met with Tom : Coryat , as he was journeying towards East-India . Mr Steel then told him , that when he was in England , King Iames ( then living ) enquired after him , and when he had certified the King of his meeting him on the way , the King replyed , Is that Fool yet living ? which when our Pilgrim heard , it seemed to trouble him very much , because the King spake no more nor no better of him , saying , that Kings would speak of poor men what they pleased . At another time when he was ready to depart from us , my Lord Embassador gave him a Letter , and in that a Bill to receive ten pounds at Aleppo when he should return thither : The Letter was directed unto Mr Libbaeus Chapman , there Consul at that time , in which that which concerned our Traveller was thus : Mr Chapman , when you shall hand these Letters , I desire you to receive the Bearer of them , Master Thomas Coryat with Courtesie , for you shall find him a very honest poor Wretch ; and further , I must entreat you to furnish him with ten pounds , which shall be repayed , &c. Our Pilgrim lik'd the gift well , but the Language by which he should have received it , did not at all content him , telling me , That my Lord had even spoyled his Courtesie in the carriage thereof ; so that if he had been a very Fool indeed , he could have said very little less of him than he did , Honest poor Wretch ! And to say no more of him , was to say as much as nothing . And furthermore he then told me , that when he was formerly undertaking his journey to Venice , a Person of Honour wrote thus in his behalf unto Sir Henry Wotton , then and there Embassador : My Lord , Good Wine needs no Bush , neither a worthy man Letters Commendatory , because whithersoever he comes he is his own Epistle , &c. There ( said he ) was some Language on my behalf ; but now for my Lord to write nothing of me by way of Commendation , but Honest poor Wretch , is rather to trouble me than to please me with his favour . And therefore afterwards his Letter was phras'd up to his mind , but he never liv'd to receive the money . By which his old acquaintance may see how tender this poor man was to be touched in any thing that might in the least measure disparage him . O what pains this poor man took to make himself a Subject for pres●nt and after Discourse ! being troubled at nothing for the present , unless with the fear of not living to reap that fruit he was so ambitious of in all his undertakings . And certainly he was surprized with some such thoughts and fears ( for so he told us afterwards ) when upon a time he being at Mandoa with us , and there standing in a room against a stone Pillar , where the Embassador was , and my self present with them , upon a sudden he fell into such a swoon , that we had very much ado to recover him out of it ; but at last , comn to himself , he told us that some sad thoughts had immediately before presented themselves to his Fancy , which as he conceived put him into that distemper ; like Fannius in Martial — Ne moriare mori , to prevent death by dying : For he told us that there was great Expectations in England of the large Accounts he should give of his Travels after his return home ; and that he was now shortly to leave us ; and he being at present not very well , if he should die in the way toward Surat , whither he was now intended to go , ( which place he had not yet seen ) he might be buryed in Obscurity , and none of his Friends ever know what became of him ; he travelling now , as he usually did , alone . Upon which my Lord willed him to stay longer with us , but he thankfully refused that offer , and turned his face presently after towards Surat , which was then about three hundred miles distant from us , and he lived to come safely thither : but there , being over-kindly used by some of the English who gave him Sack , which they had brought from England , he calling for it as soon as he first heard of it , and crying , Sack , Sack ! Is there such a thing as Sack ? I pray you give me some Sack. And drinking of it , though I conceive , moderately , ( for he was a very temperate man ) it increased his Flux which he had then upon him ; and this caused him within a few dayes after his very tedious and troublesome Travels ( for he went most on foot ) at this place to come to his journeies end ; for here he overtook Death Decemb. 1617. and was buried ( as aforesaid ) under a little Monument , like one of those usually made in our Church-yards . I now proceed to our former Discourse of the Description of the Great Mogol's Territories : Which I shall digest into several Sections . SECTION I. Of the several Provinces , the chief Cities , the Principal Rivers , the extent of this vast Empire . THe most spacious Monarchy under the subjection of the Great Mogol , divides it self into thirty and seven several and large Provinces , which anciently were particular Kingdoms , whose true Names ( which we there had out of the Mogol's own Records ) with their Principal Cities and Rivers , their Situation and Borders , their Extent in length and breath . I shall first set down very briefly , beginning at the North-West . Yet as I name these several Provinces , I shall by the way take notice of some particulars in them which are most Remarkable . 1. Candahore , the chief City so called ; it lyes from the heart of the Mogol's Territories North-West ; it confines with the King of Persia , and was anciently a Province belonging to him . 2. Cabut , the chief City so called , the extreamest part North of this Emperours Dominions ; it confineth with Tartaria ; the River Nilob hath its beginning in it , whose Current is Southerly till it dischargeth it self into Indus . 3. Multan , the chief City so called ; it lyeth South from Cabut and Candahore , and to the West joynes with Persia. This Province is fam'd for many excellent Bows and Arrows made in it : The Bows made of Horn , excellently glued and put together ; the Arrows of small Canes or Reeds , both of them curiously set off by rich Paint and Varnish : They which are made here are near and good than in any part of East-India besides . 4. Haiacan , the Province of the Balocbes , who are a very stout and war-like people that dare fight . I insert this , because there are infinite multitudes of people in the Mogol's Territories who appear as likely as these , but so low-spirited ( as I shall after observe ) that they dare not fight . This Province hath no renowned City . The famous River Indus ( call'd by the Inhabitants Skind ) borders it on the East ; and Lar , a Province belonging to the King of Persia , meets it on the West . 5. Buckor , the chief City called Buckor-Succor ; that famous River Indus makes its way through it , and gently enricheth it . 6. Tarta , the chief City so called ; the River Indus makes many Islands in it exceeding fruitful and pleasant , the Main Current whereof meets with the Sea at Sindee , a place very famous for many curious Handicrafts . 7. Soret , the chief City is called Ianagar ; it is but a little Province yet very rich ; it lyes upon Guzarat ; it hath the Ocean to the South . 8. Iesselmure , the chief City so called ; it joyneth with Soret ; but Buckor and Tatta lye to the West thereof . 9. Attack , the chief City so called ; it lyeth on the East side of Indus , which parts it from Haiacan . 10. Peniab , which signifieth five Waters , for that it is seated amongst five Rivers , all Tributaries to Indus ; which , somewhat South of Lahore , make but one Current : It is a large Province , and most fruitful . Lahore is the chief City thereof , built very large , and abounds both in people and riches one of the most principal Cities for Trade in all India . 11. Chishmeere , the chief City called Siranakar ; the River Bhat finds a way through it , though it be very mountainous , and so creeps to the Sea. 12. Banchish , the chief City is called Bishur ; it lyeth East , somewhat Southerly from Chishmeere , from which it is divided by the River Indus . 13. Iangapore , the chief City so called ; it lyeth upon the River Kaul , one of those five Rivers which water Peniab . 14. Ienba , the chief City so called ; it lyeth East of Peniab . 15. Dellee ( which signifies an Heart , and is seated in the heart of the Mogol's Territories ) the chief City so called ; it lyeth between Ienba and Agra , the River Iemni ( which runneth through Agra , and after falleth into Ganges ) begins in it . This Dellee is both an ancient and a great City , the Seat of the Mogol's Ancestors , where most of them lyeinterred . It was once the City and Seat of King Porus , who was conquered about this place by Alexander the Great ; and here he encountring with huge Elephants as well as with a mighty Ho ast of Men , said , as Curtius reports , Tandem par animo meo inveni periculum , That he had met with dangers to equal his great mind . I was told by Tom : Coryat ( who took special notice of this place ) that he being in the City of Delle , observed a very great Pillar of Marble , with a Greek inscription upon it , which time hath almost quite worn out , erected ( as he supposed ) there , and then , by Great Alexander , to preserve the memory of that famous Victory . 16. Bando , the chief City so called ; it confineth Agra to the West . 17. Malway , a very fruitful Province ; Rantipore is its chief City . 18. Chitor , an ancient great Kingdom , the chief City so called , which standeth upon a mighty high Hill flat on the top , walled about at the least ten English miles . There appear to this day above an hundred ruined Churches , and divers fair Palaces , which are lodged in like manner among their Ruines , besides many exquisite Pillars of Carved Stone ; and the Ruines likewise at the least of an hundred thousand Stone-Houses , as many English by their observation have ghessed . There is but one ascent unto it , cut out of a firm Rock , to which a man must pass through four ( sometimes very magnificent ) Gates . It s chief inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim , Birds and Wild Beasts ; but the stately Ruines thereof give a shadow of its Beauty while it flourished in its Pride . It was won from Ranas , an ancient Indian Prince , who was forc'd to live himself ever after in high mountainous places adjoyning to that Province , and his Posterity to live there ever since . Taken from him it was by Achabar Padsha ( the Father of that King who lived and reigned when I was in those parts ) after a very long siege , which famished the besieged , without which it could never have been gotten . 19. Guzarat , a very goodly , and large , and an exceeding rich Province ; it encloseth the Bay of Cambaya ; its chief City is Amadavaz ; besides , it hath in it Cambaya , Brodera , Baroch , and Surat , fair Cities ; but the first of those I named , more spacious , and populous , and rich , then any of the other . It is watered with many goodly Rivers , as that of Cambaya , ( falsly supposed to be Indus ) with the River Narbodah , ( passing by Baroch , and so to the Sea ) with the River Taplee , which watereth Surat . The Merchants which are the Natives of this Province trade to the Red Sea , to Achin , and to divers other places . 20. Chandis , the chief City called Brampore , which is very great , and rich , and full of people . Adjoyning to this Province lived a petty Prince , called Partapsha , tributary to the Mogol ; and this is the most Southernmost part of all his Territories . 21. Berar , the chief City is called Shapore , the Southernmost part whereof doth likewise bound this Empire . 22. Narvar , the chief City is called Gehad ; it is watered by a fair River that much enricheth it , and dischargeth it self into Ganges . 23. Gwalier , the chief City so called , where the Mogol hath a very rich Treasury of Gold and Silver kept in this City , within an exceeding strong Castle , wherein the Kings Prisoners are likewise kept . The Castle is continually guarded by a very strong Company of Armed Souldiers . 24. Agra , a principal and very rich Province , the chief City so called , this great Emperours Metropolis ; in North Latitude about twenty eight degrees and a half . It is very well watered by the River Iemni . This and Lahore are the two principal and chosce Cities of this Empire , betwixt whom is that Long Walk ( I made mention of before ) of four hundred miles in length , shaded by great Trees on both sides : This is looked upon by Travellers , who have found the comfort of that cool shade , as one of the rarest and most beneficial Works in the whole World. 25. Sanbat , the chief City so called ; the River Iemni parts it from Narvar , and after at the City Hellabass falls into that most famous River Ganges , which is called by the Inhabitants of East-India , Ganga . 26. Bakar , the chief City called Bikaneer ; it lyeth on the West side of the River Ganges . 27. Nagracot , the chief City so called , in which there is a Chappel most richly set forth , being seeled and paved with Plate of pure Silver , most curiously imbossed over head in several figures , which they keep exceeding bright by often rubbing and burnishing it ; and all this Cost those poor seduced Indians are at , to do honour to an Idol they keep in that Chappel . What charge can Heathenish Idolaters be content to bear for their gross Idolatry ! Nothing is too rich , too pretious , or too dear for it . This Idol thus kept in that so richly adorned Chappel , they call Matta , and it is continually visited by those poor blinded Infidels , who , out of the officiousness of their Devotion , cut off some part of their Tongues to offer unto it as a Sacrifice ; which ( they say ) grow out again as before : But in this I shall leave my Reader to a belief as much suspensive as is my own in this particular . In this Province likewise , there is another famous Pilgrimage to a place called Iallamake● ; where out of cold Springs that issue out from amongst hard Rocks , are daily to be seen continued Eruptions of Fire , before which the Idolatrous People fall down and worship . Both these places were seen , and strictly observed by Master Coryat . 28. Siba , the chief City is called Hardware , where the famous River Ganges passing through or amongst large Rocks , makes presently after a pretty full Current : but both this and that other great River Indus have their Rise and Original out of the Mountain Caucasus , from whence they both first issue . That principal Rock , through which this River Ganges there makes a Current , is indeed , or ( if not ) according to the fancy of the Superstitious Indians , like a Cow's Head , which of all sensible Creatures they love best ( of which more hereafter ) thither they assemble themselves daily in Troops to wash their bodies , ascribing a certain Divinity to Waters , but more especially to the Water in the River Ganges . And thither our famous Coryat went likewise to view this place . 29. Kakares , the principal Cities are called Dekalee and Purhola ; it is a large Province , but exceeding mountainous ; divided it is from Tartaria by the Mountain Caucasus ; it is the extremest part North under the Mogol's subjection . 30. Gor , the chief City so called ; it is full of Mountains ; the River Sersily , a tributary unto Ganges , hath its beginning in it . 31. Pitan , the chief City so called ; the River Canda waters it , and fals into Ganges in the Confines thereof . 32. Kanduana , the chief City is called Karhakatenka ; the River Sersily parts it from Pitan : This and Gor are the North-east-bounds of this Monarchy . 33. Patna , the chief City so called ; the River Ganges bounds it on the West , Sersily on the East ; it is a very fertile Province . 34. Iesuat , the chief City is called Raiapore ; it lieth East of Patna . 35. Mevat , the chief City is called Narnol ; it is very mountainous . 36. Udessa , the chief City called Iekanat ; it is the most remote part East of this Empire . 37. Bengala , a most spacious and fruitful Province , but more properly to be called a Kingdom , which hath two very large Provinces within it , Purb and Patan ; the one lying on the East , the other on the West-side of the River Ganges : It is limited by the Golph of the same name , whereinto the River Ganges ( which at last comes to be divided into four great Currents ) dischargeth it self , after it hath found a way through the Mogol's Territories more than fifteen hundred miles in length . The chief Cities in it are Ragamahat and Dekaka . It hath many Havers and Ports belonging unto it , which are places of very great trade . Now these are the several Provinces belonging to the Great Mogol , and all of them under his subjection , which may be beheld all together at one view in this most exact affixed Map , first made by the especial observation and direction of that most able and honourable Gentleman , Sir Thomas Row , here contracted into a less compass ; yet large enough to demonstrate , that this great Empire is bounded on the East , with the Kingdom of Maug ; West , with Persia ; and with the Main Ocean , Southerly ; North , with the Mountain Caucasus and Tartaria ; South , with Decan and the Gulph of Bengala , Decan , lying in the skirts of Asia , is divided betwixt three Mahumetan Princes , and some other Indian Rhai●es , which are Princes likewise . The length of these Provinces is Northwest to South-west more than two thousand English miles ; North and South the extent thereof is about fourteen hundred miles ; the Southermost part lying in twenty , and the Northermost in forty and three degrees of North-Latitude . The breadth of this much enlarged and far extended Empire is North-east to South-west about fifteen hundred of the same miles . And here a great errour in Geographers must not escape my notice , who in their Globes and Maps make East-India and China near Neighbours , when as many large Countries are interposed betwixt them ; which great distance may appear by the long travel of the Indian-Merchants , who are usually ( they going and returning all the way by Land ) in their journey , and return , and some stay there , two full years from Agra to China . Now , to give an exact account of all those fore-named Provinces , were more than I am able to undertake ; yet out of that which I have observed in some of them ( by travelling many miles up into that Countrey , and then up and down with my Lord-Embassador unto many places there in progress with that King ) I shall adventure to ghess at all , and I think for my particular , that the Great Mogol , considering his most large Territories , his full and great Treasures , with the many rich Commodities his Provinces afford , is the greatest and richest known King of the East , if not of the whole World. I shall now therefore fall upon particulars to make that my observation good : Where SECTION II. Of the Soyl there , what it is , and what it produceth , &c. THis most spacious and fertile Monarchy ( called by the Inhabitants Indostan ) so much abounds in all necessaries for the use and service of man , to feed , and cloath , and enrich him , as that it is able to subsist and flourish of it self , without the least help from any Neighbour-Prince or Nation . Here I shall speak first of that which Nature requires most , Food , which this Empire brings forth in abundance ; as , singular good Wheat , Rice , Barley , with divers more kinds of good Grain to make Bread ( the staff of life ) and all these sorts of Corn in their kinds , very good and exceeding cheap . For their Wheat , it is more full and more white than ours , of which the Inhabitants make such pure , well-relished Bread , that I may say of it , as one sometimes spake of the Bread made in the Bishoprick of Liege , it is Panis Pane melior , Bread better than Bread. The ordinary sort of people eat Bread made of a coarser Grain , but both toothsom , and wholsom , and hearty ; they make it up in broad Cakes , thick like our Oaten-cakes ; and then bake it upon small round iron hearths , which they carry with them when they journey from place to place , making use of them in their Tents . It should seem to be an ancient Custom in the East , as may appear by that Precedent of Sarah when she entertained the Angels , who found her in her Tent , She took fine meal , and did k●●ad it , and made Cakes thereof upon the hearth , Gen. 18. 6. To their Bread they have great abundance of all other good Provision , as of Butter ( beating their Cream into a substance like unto a thick Oyl , for in that hot Climate they can never make it hard ) which though soft , yet it is very sweet and good . They have Cheese likewise in plenty , by reason of their great number of Kine , and Sheep , and Goats . Besides , they have a Beast very large , having a smooth thick skin without hair , called a Buffelo , which gives good milk ; the flesh of them is like Beef , but neither so toothsom nor wholsom . These Buffeloes are much employed in carrying large skims of water ( for they are very strong Beasts ) which hang on both sides of them , unto Families that want it : their Hides make the most firm and excellent Buff. They have no want of Venison of divers kinds , as Red-Deer , Fallow-Deer , Elks ( which are very large , and strong , and fierc● Creatures ) Antilops , Kids , &c. but their Deer are no where imparked , the whole Empire being ( as it were ) a Forrest for them ; for a man can travel no way but he shall here and there see of them . But because they are every man's Game that will make them so , they do not multiply to do them much hurt , either in their Corn , or other places . To these they have great store of Hares , and they have plenty of Fowls wild and tame , as abundance of Hens , Geese , Ducks , Pigeons , Turtle-Doves . Partridges , Peacocks , Quails , and many other singular good Fowl. They have variety of Fish ; all which , by reason of their Plenty , and because many of the Natives eat no kind of Flesh at all , nor of any thing that hath or may have life ; and those that feed on such things , eat not freely of any of those living Creatures , they are all bought there at such easie rates , as if they were not worth the valuing . They do not cut their Chickens when they be little to make Capons , and therefore they have no Creatures of that name , but men , their Eunuchs , called there Cogees or Capons in their Language : so made , when they be very young , and then deprived of all that might after provoke jealousie ; and therefore they are put to be attendants on their women , the great men of that Nation keeping many of them , a soft , tender people , tener Spado , as Invenal cals one of them , that never come to have any Hair on their Faces . But to return again to their Provisions , the Beeves of that Countrey differ from ours , in that they are none of them very large ; and those they have , have each of them a great bunch of grisly flesh which grows upon the meeting of their shoulders . The flesh of their Beeves is much whiter than the flesh of ours , and very sweet , tender and good . Their Sheep differ from ours by their great fleshy Bob-tails , which , severed from their bodies , are very ponderous . Their Wool is generally coarse , but their flesh is not so . Now to season all their good Provisions , there is great store of Salt ; and to sweeten all , abundance of Sugar growing in that Countrey ; which after it is well refined , may be there had at a very low rate ; out of which they make very pure white Sugar-Candy , which may be had there at a small easie Price likewise . Their Fruits are every way answerable to the rest , the Countrey abounding in Musk-Melons ( very much better , because they are better digested there by the heat of the Sun , than these with us ) They have many Water-Melons , a very choice good Fruit , and some of them as big as our ordinary Pompions , and in shape like them ; the substance within this Fruit is spongy , but exceeding tender and well-tasted , of a colour within equally mixed with red and white , and within that an excellent cooling and pleasing liquor . Here are likewise store of Pome-granats , Pome-citrons ; here are Limons and Oranges , but I never found any there so good as I have seen elswhere . Here are Dates , Figs , Grapes , Prunelloes , Almonds , Coquer-nuts ( of which I observed something before ) and here they have those most excellent Plums called Mirabolans , the stone of which Fruit differs very much from others in its shape , whereon Nature hath curiously quartered several strakes equally divided , very pretty to behold ; many of which choice Plums ( they write ) are very cordial ; and therefore worth the prizing , are there well-preserved , and sent for England . They have to these another Fruit we English there call a Planten , of which many of them grow in Clusters together ; long they are in shape , made like unto slender Cucumbers , and very yellow when they are Ripe , and then taste like unto a Norwich Pear , but much better . Another most excellent Fruit they have , called a Manggo , growing upon Trees as big as our Walnut-trees ; and as these here , so those Trees there , will be very full of that most excellent Fruit , in shape and colour like unto our Apricocks , but much bigger ; which taken and rolled in a man's hands when they are through ripe , the substance within them becomes like the pap of a roasted Apple , which then suck'd out from about a large stone they have within them , is delicately pleasing unto every Palat that tasts it . And to conclude with the best of all other their choice Fruits , the Amana's , like unto our Pine-Apples , which seems to the Taster to be a most pleasing Compound made of Straw-berries , Claret-wine , Rose-water and Sugar , well tempered together . In the Northermost parts of this Empire they have variety of Pears and Apples , every where good Roots , as Carrets , Potatoes , and others like them . They have Onions and Garlick , and some Herbs and small Roots for Salads ; and in the Southernmost parts , Ginger growing almost in every place : the large races whereof , are there very excellently well preserved , as we may know by our tasting them in England . And all these things I have last named may be there likewise bought at very low rates . And lastly , some one kind or other of their very good and choice Fruits may be there had at every time or season of the Year . And here I cannot chuse but take notice of a very pleasant and clear liquor , called Toddie , issuing from a Spongie Tree , that grows strait and tall without Boughs to the Top , and there spreads out in tender branches , very like unto those that grow from the Roots of our rank and rich Artichokes , but much bigger and longer . This Toddie-tree is not so big , but that it may be very easily embraced , and the nimble people of that Countrey will climb up as fast to the top thereof ( the stem of the Tree being rough and crusty ) as if they had the advantage of Ladders to help them up . In the top-tender branches of those Trees they make incisions , which they open and stop again as they please , under which they hang Pots made of large and light Gourds , to preserve the influence which issues out of them in a large quantity in the night-season , they stopping up those vents in the heat of the day . That which thus distils forth in the night , if it be taken very early in the morning , is as pleasing to the taste as any new White-wine , and much clearer than it . It is a very piercing , and medicinable , and inoffensive Drink , if taken betimes in the day , only it is a little windy : but if it be kept till the heat of the day , the Sun alters it so , as if it made it another kind of liquor , for it becomes then very heady , not so well relished , and unwholsom ; and when it is so , not a few of our drunken Sea-men chuse to drink it ; and I think they so do , because it will then presently turn their brains ; for there are too too many of the common sort of those men who use the Sea , who love those brutish distempers too much , which turn a man out of himself , and leave a Beast in the skin of a man. But for that drink , if it be taken in its best , and most proper season , I conceive it to be of it self very wholsom , because it provokes urine exceedingly ; the further benefit whereof some there have found by happy experience , thereby eased from their torture inflicted by that shame of Physicians , and Tyrant of all Maladies , the Stone . And so cheap too is this most pleasing Wine , that a man may there have more than enough for a very little money . At Surat , and so to Agra , and beyond , it seldom or never rains , but one season of the year ; but yet there is a refreshing Dew during all that times the Heavens there are thus shut up , which every night falls , and cools , and comforts , and refresheth the face of the earth . Those general rains begin near the time that the Sun comes to the Northern Tropick , and so continue till his return back to the Line . These showers , at their beginning most extremely violent , are usher'd in , and usually take their leave , with most fearful Tempests of Thunder & Lightning , more terrible than I can express , yet seldom do harm ; the reason in Nature may be the subtilty of the Air in those parts wherein there are fewer Thunder-stones made , than in such Climates where the Air is thick , gross , and cloudy . During those three months it rains usually every day more or less , sometimes one whole quarter of the Moon together , scarce without any intermission ; which abundance of moisture , with the heat of the Sun , doth so enrich their Land , which they never force ( if I observed right ) by Soyling of it , as that , like Aegypt , by the inundation of Nilus , it makes it fruitful all the year after . When the time of this Rain is passed over , the face of the Sky there is presently so serene and clear , as that scarcely one Cloud appears in their Hemisphere the nine months after . And here a strong Argument that may further , and most infallibly shew the goodness of their Soil , shall not escape my Pen , most apparent in this , That when the Ground there hath been destitute of Rain nine months together , and looks all of it like the barren Sands in the Desarts of Arabia , where there is not one spire of green Grass to be found ; within a few days after those fat enriching showers begin to fall , the face of the Earth there ( as it were by a new Resurrection ) is so revived , and throughout so renewed , as that it is presently covered all over with a pure green Mantle . And moreover , to confirm that which before I observed concerning the goodness of that Soil , amongst many hundred Acres of Corn of divers kinds I have there beheld , I never saw any but what was very rich and good , standing as thick on the Ground as the Land could well bear it . They till their Ground with Oxen and Foot-Ploughs , their Seed-time is May , and the beginning of Iune , they taking their time to dispatch all that work before that long Rainy season comes ; and though the Ground then hath been all the time we named before without any sufficient moysture by showers , or otherwise , to supple and make it more fit for Tillage , yet the Soil there is such a brittle fat mould ( which they sow year after year ) as that they can very easily till it . Their Harvest is in November and December , the most temperate months of all that year . Their Ground is not enclosed , unless some small quantity near Towns and Villages , which stand scattered up and down this yast Empire very thick , though , for want of the true names , not inserted in the Map. They mow not their Grass ( as we ) to make Hay , but cut it off the ground , either green , or withered , as they have occasion to use it . They sow Tobacco in abundance , and they take it too , very much ; but after a strange way much different from us : for first , they have little Earthen Pots , shaped like our small Flower-pots , having a narrow neck , and an open round top , out of the belly of which comes a small spout , to the lower part of which spout they fill the Pot with water ; then putting their Tobacco loose in the top , and a burning coal upon it , they , having first fastned a very small strait hollow Cane or Reed ( not bigger than a small Arrow ) within that spout , a yard or ell long , the Pot standing on the ground , draw that smoak into their mouths which first falls upon the Superficies of the water , and much discolours it . And this way of taking their Tobacco , they believe , makes it much more cool and wholsom . The Tobacco , which grows there , is doubtless in the Plant as good as in any other place of the world , but they know not how to cure and order it , like those in the West-Indies , to make it so rich and strong . The Countrey is beautified with many Woods and Groves of Trees , in which those winged Choristers make sweet Musick . In those Woods some excellent Hawks make their nests ; and there are very often to be seen great flocks of Parakeetoes , or little Parrats , who have their breeding and lodging amongst those Melancholy Shades . And ( in the number of many other Creatures covered with Feathers ) there are some very little Birds less than our Wrens , who are exceeding pretty , for their neat shape , and their covering , with most curious parti-colour'd Feathers , full of variety of little spots . I have seen there many of those rare Creatures kept together in large Cages , who please the Eye with their curious Colours , and the Ear with their variety of pleasant Notes . The Woods and Groves in the Southermost parts of Indostan , have great store of wild Apes , and Monkeys , and Baboons in them ; some of which I have seen as high as our tallest Greyhounds , which live among the Trees , and climb them at pleasure . Those Apes , &c. are very terrible to those little Birds , which make their Nests in those Woods ; and therefore Nature hath taught them this subtilty ( to preserve their young ones from those Creatures which would otherwise destroy them ) to build their Nests in the twigs , and the utmost boughs of those Trees , where some of them hang like little Purse-nets , to which those Apes and Monkeys , be they never so little and light , cannot come to hurt them . Besides their Woods , they have great variety of fair goodly Trees that stand here and there single , but I never saw any there of those kinds of Trees which England affords . They have very many firm and strong Timber-trees for building and other uses ; but much of their brush , or small wood , I observed to be very sappy ; so that when we brake a twig of it , there would come a substance out of some of it , like unto Milk , and the sappiness of that underwood may ( as I apprehend it ) be ascribed in part to the fatness of that Soil . Some of their Trees have leavs upon them as broad as Bucklers , others are parted small like our Fern or Brakes , as the Tamerine Tree , which bears Cods somewhat like our Beans , in which when the Fruit is ripe , there is a very well tasted pulp , though it be sowr , most wholsom to open the body , and to cool and cleanse the blood . There is one very great and fair Tree growing in that Soil , of special observation , out of whose Branches or great Arms grow little Sprigs downward till they take Root ( as they will certainly do if they be let alone ) and taking Root , at length prove strong supporters unto those large Branches that yield them . Whence it comes to pass , that those Trees in time ( their strong and far-extended Arms being in many places thus supported ) grow to a very great height , and extend themselves to such an incredible breadth , they growing round every way , as that hundreds of men may shade themselves under one of them at any time ; the rather , because these , as all other Trees in those Southern parts of East-India ( as particularly I observed before ) still keep on their green Coats . For their Flowers , they are for the generality like unto painted Weeds , which , though their colour be excellent , they rather delight the eye than affect the smell ; for not many of them , except Roses , and some few kinds more , are any whit fragrant : Amongst them that are , there is one white Flower , like to Spanish Jessamin ( if it be not the same ) which is exceedingly well sented , of which they make a most excellent pure sweet Oil , with which they anoint their heads , and other parts of their bodies ; which makes the company of those that do so very savoury and sweet . This Empire is watered with many goodly Rivers ( as they are expressed in the Map ) the two principal are Indus and Ganges ; where this thing is very observable ( for they say there , that it is very true ) that one pint of the water of Ganges weigheth less by one ounce than any other water in that whole great Monarchy . And therefore ( they say ) that the Mogol , wheresoever he is , hath water brought him from that River , that he may drink thereof , by some appointed for that service , who are continually either going to it , or coming from it : The water is brought unto the King in fine Copper Jars , excellently well tin'd on the inside , and sealed up when they are delivered to the Water-bearers for the King's use ; two of which Jars every one carries , hanging upon Slings fitted for the Porter's shoulders . Besides their Rivers , they have store of Wells fed with Springs ; and to these , they have many Ponds , which they call Tanques , some of them exceeding large , fill'd with water when that abundance of Rain falls ( of which more hereafter . ) That most ancient and innocent Drink of the World , Water , is the common drink of East-India ; it is far more pleasant and sweet than our water ; and must needs be so , because in all hot Countries it is more rarified , better digested , and freed from its rawness by the heat of the Sun , and therefore in those parts it is more desired of all that come thither , though they never made it their drink before , than any other liquor , and agreeth better with mens bodies . Sometimes they boyl the water there with some wholsom Seeds , and after drink it cold , and then it is , by much , more cold after an heat . ( Like unto some men , who have shewed formerly much zeal and heat for good , and afterward become more chil and cold than ever they were before . ) Sometimes we mingle our water there with the juice of Limons and Sugar , which makes an exceeding pleasant drink , which we call there Sherbet . Some small quantity of Wine , but not common , is made amongst them ; they call it Raak , distilled from Sugar , and a spicy rinde of a Tree called Iagra ; it is very wholsom , if taken very moderately . Many of the people there , who are strict in their Religion , drink no Wine at all ; but they use a Liquor more wholsom than pleasant , they call Coffee ; made by a black Seed boyld in water , which turnes it almost into the same colour , but doth very little alter the taste of the water ; notwithstanding it is very good to help Digestion , to quicken the Spirits , and to cleanse the Blood. There is yet another help for those that forbear Wine , by an Herb they have , called Beetle , or Paune , in shape somewhat like an Ivy-leaf , but more tender ; they chew it with an hard Nut , somewhat like a Nutmeg , ( but not in taste like that ) and a very little pure white lime amongst the leaves , and when they have sucked down the juice , put forth the rest . It hath ( as they say , and I believe very much of it ) many rare qualities ; for it preserves the Teeth , strengthens the Stomack , comforts the Brain , and it cures or prevents a tainted Breath . This I am sure of , that such is the pleasing smell of this Beetle , being chewing in a close room , that the breath of him so chewing it fills it with a very pleasing savour . This Empire further affords very excellent good Horse , curiously made , high metl'd , and well managed by the Natives . Besides their own , they have many of the Persian , Tartarian , and Arabian breed , which have the name to be the choise ones of the World. But of these more when I come to speak of the Inhabitants . Here are a great number of Camels , Dromedaries , Mules and Asses , imployed for the carriage of burthens , or the carrying of the people , to which use also they employ many of their Oxen , and their Buffeloes likewise , ( which before I spake of . ) The Camels , as I oft observed there , have one strange quality , who cry and make a very piteous noyse at night , when they take off their burthens ; but in the morning when they are laid on , the poor Creatures are very still and quiet , making no noyse at all . The Dromedary is called by the Prophet Ieremy , Ier. 2. 23. the swift Dromedary ; the reason may be , because these , like the Camels , have very long legs ; and consequently make long steps , and so travelling rid ground apace ; or because at a pinch , or time of need , they will carry a man exceeding far without rest , and but with a very little food . They have some Rhinocerots , but they are not common , which are very large square Beasts , bigger than the largest Oxen England affords ; their skins without hair , lye in great wrinkles upon their necks , breasts and backs , which doth not make them seem lovely unto the beholders . They have very strong , but short Horns , growing upon very firm bones , that lye over their Nostrils ; they grow upwards , towards the top of their head , every one of these Creatures being fortified with one of them ; and that enough to make them so terrible , that they are shunn'd by other , though very large Creatures . With these Horns ( from which those Creatures have their Names ) are made very excellent Cups , which ( as is conceived ) give some virtue unto the liquor put into them , if it stand any whit long in those Cups . And now to conclude with the largest and the most intelligent ( as we shall hereafter shew ) of all the sensible Creatures the Earth produceth , the Elephant , of which this vast Monarchy hath abundance ; and of them , the Mogol is Master of many thousands ; and his Nobles , and all men of quality besides , in those large Territories , have more or less of them . But of these much shall be spoken in my sixt Section . I observed before , that the Inhabitants of this Empire did carry most of their burthens upon the backs of their Beasts ; and in a special manner this people employ their Camels and Dromedaries for this use , to carry their Merchandizes from place to place : and therefore I shall let my Reader see SECTION III. What the chief Merchandizes , and most Staple , and other Commodities are , which are brought into this Empire . THe most Staple Commodities of this Empire are Indico and Cotton Wool ; of that Wool they make divers sorts of Callico , which had that name ( as I suppose ) from Callicut , not far from Goa , where that kind of Cloth was first bought by the Portugals . For the Spices brought hither by the East-India Fleet , they are had more Southerly , from the Islands of Sumatra , from Iava major and minor , from the Moluccoes , and from other places thereabouts : In which , as in the Molucco Islands , and those other parts too from whence the richest Spices come , the Low-Country Merchants have got such footing , and such a particular interest , that our English Factors there ( for the present ) buy those Commodities ; as we sometimes do buy Provisions and Commodities here at home , out of the engrossing Hucksters hands : So that our English in those parts have a free Trade for no kind of Spice , but for that , which is one of the lowest prized , namely , Pepper , which they fetch from Bantam . Which more general Trade of the Dutch , they have formerly gained at a very vast expence , by fortifying themselves there , in the places where-ever they settle ; and then standing , upon their Guard , put a kind of force upon the Natives to sell them their Commodities . What the carriage of that people hath formerly been in those parts towards our English , ( where their Swords hath been longest ) is sufficiently made known by other Pens : This I may conclude from their example ( and I would they were singular and alone in it ) that when a people will not be ordered by that Royal Law , which commands us , Matth. 7. 12. To do nothing , but what we would be content to suffer ; as to do nothing unto others , but what we would be well content to suffer from others : But on the contrary , when they measure things , not by the strait and even Rule of Equity , but by the crooked and oblique Line of Power , arming their Injustice to do what they please , because they can do what they will : This causeth many to make very bold with God in cases that seem to give advantage unto their high thoughts and Commodities : For what evil cannot Ambition and Covetousness do , when they are backt with an Arbitrary and unlimitted Power here below , if they be not checkt by a stronger Arm from above ? Whence we see it often come to pass , that when the Laws of Nature and Nations , yea of God himself , lye in the way of their profit , or earthly advantages ( what-ever their sufferings or loss be afterward ) they either spurn them thence , or else tread and trample upon them at pleasure , to compass their ends for the present . This I can say of the Dutch ( something from my own knowledge , but more from the report of others ) that when I lived in those parts , and we English there were more for number than they , and consequently could receive no hurt from them , we there used them as Neighbours and Brethren ; but in other places , where they had the like advantage of us , they dealt with us neither like Christians nor Men. But I will not here any longer digress , but return to speak further of the Commodities to be had in East-India . The Indico we bring thence , is a good , and a rich Commodity . It is there made of little leaves , not bigger than those on our Goos-berry bushes , and the shrubs that bear those leaves are about their bigness . These leaves they slip off from the small branches of those bushes , which grow with round and full heads without pricks . The leaves thus stripp'd off , are laid in great heaps together certain dayes , till they have been in a hot sweat ; then are they removed , and put into very great and deep Vessels fill'd with a sufficient quantity of water to steep them in , where they leave their blew tincture with their substance ; this done , the water is drain'd out into other exceeding broad , but very shallow Vessels , or Vats , made of Plaister ( like to that we call Plaister of Paris ) which will keep in all the Liquor till the hot Sun in short time extracts the moisture from it ; and then what mains in the bottome , is a Cream about one quarter of an inch thick , which suddenly becomes hard and dry , and that is our Indico , the best sort whereof comes from Biana , near unto Agra , and a coarser sort is made at Cirkeese , not far from Amadamaz ; about which two places , are a very great number of those shrubs planted , which bear those leaves . For their Cotton-wooll , they sow seed , and very large quantities of Ground in East-India are thus seeded . It grows up like small Rose-bushes , and then puts forth many yellow blossoms ; those afterward falling off , there remain little Cods , about the bigness of a Man's Thumb , in which the substance at first is moist and yellow ; but as they ripen , they swell bigger , till they break their Covering , and after , in short time , that within them becomes Wool , as white as Snow , and then they gather it . Amongst that Wool they find seeds to sow again as they have occasion ; but those shrubs bear that Wool three or four years e're they supplant them . Of this Cotton-wool they make divers sorts of white Cloth ( as before I observed ) some broad , some narrow , some coarse , some fine , and very fine indeed ; for some that I have seen there I believe was as fine as our purest Lawn . Much of the coarser sort of that Cloth they dye into Colours , or else stain in it variety of well-shaped and well-coloured Flowers or Figures , which are so fixed in the Cloth , that no water can wash them out . That pretty Art of staining , or printing fixing those variety of Colours in that white Cloth , the People of Asia have engrossed to themselves , where the most curious Pintadaes are made ; whither neighbouring , as well as more remote Nations , bring their Monies to fetch them thence . In Decan , which bounds upon the Mogol's Territories South , ( the Princes whereof are Tributaries unto him ) there are many Diamond-Rocks , in which are found those most pretious of all other Stones ; and they are to be sold in this Empire , and consequently to be had by those who have skill to buy them , and Money to pay for them . But as all the Stones in East-India are not pretious , so those that are , the Natives know very well how to value . But further , for the Merchandizing Commodities the Mogol's Provinces afford , there is Musk ( by reason of their abundance of Musk Cats ) to be had in good quantity ; and there are Bezar stones : which are not so called from any Beast of that name , but they grow in the maws of Goats , which when they observe to grow exceeding lean , they kill them , and find those stones in them ; and if they did not so , that stone in them would make an end of them . By which we may observe , how that pretious Bezar stone , that proves many times such a Cordial , and Preservative to the Life of Man , is destructive and mortal unto the poor Creature from whence it is taken : Like that pretious Word of God , that may proceed from the Lips of him that hath a lean Soul , and may do others good , but himself nothing but mischief . The greatest number of those Goats , from whence those Bezars are taken , feed on the Mountains of Lar in the Persians Territories , the Western-Bound ( as before ) of the Mogol's great Empire . They have some store of Silk here ; but the greatest quantity of that rich Commodity , that any place in the whole World affords , comes out of Georgia , a Province belonging unto the King of Persia. Those Georgians and Armenians , ( both under the Command of the Persian King ) are by profession Christians , like those of the Greek Church . And the Abissins , under the Command of Prester Iohn , are in profession Christians likewise , but these Abissins circumcise their Males before they baptize them . Alass poor People ! who for want of better instruction cannot know what they should , and therefore know not what they do . All those Armenians , Georgians , and Abissins , ( as I have it from others , but can relate something of it out of my own knowledge ) even all of them see Christ but in the dark , and by reason of the general ignorance that is in them , cannot know God as they ought in Jesus Christ. These are the different cases of many which profess Christ in the World ; some cannot know him , some care not to know him , and some will not know him ; Amongst the first of these , they all may be ranked whom I but now named , as many others of the Greek , and those that profess Christianity in Russian Churches , with many-many others of the Romish , who have the Truths of God sealed up in an unknown Tongue , to keep , and to continue them in ignorance ; who instead of the two Breasts of the Church , the Law and the Gospel , are fed with mouldy and finnowed Traditions , and their case being so , our Charity towards them may lead us thus far , to believe that they would do better , if they knew better ; and this may speak much in their excuse . But what Plea can be made for us of this Nation , that Do not what we Know ; or if we be ignorant , it is because we will be so ; not because we cannot know , but because we care not for knowledge , and will not know ? But to return to the place where I began my last digression ; I told you that the People here have some store of Silk , of which they make Velvets , Sattins , Taffataes , either plain , or mingled , or strip'd in party-colours ; but the best of them for richness and goodness come not near those which are made in the parts of Italy . Many curious Boxes , Trunks , Standishes , Carpets , with other excellent Manufactures , may be there had . They have medicinal Drugs , and amongst them very much Cassia growing there in Canes . They have Gums well sented , and much Lignum Aloes , which burnt , yields a perfume better than any one thing in the world that I ever smelled . They have great store of Gum-lac , of which they make their hard Wax ; and that Gum likewise they there imploy for many other neat uses . The Earth there yields good Minerals of Lead , Iron , Copper , Brass , and ( they say ) they have Silver-Mines too ; which ( if true ) they need not open , being so enriched from other Nations of Europe , and other parts , who yearly bring thither great quantities of Silver to purchase their Commodities . Which I collect from our English Trade there ; for , though we vent some quantity of our Wollen Cloth , with some other things we carry thither , yet the greatest part by far of Commodities brought thence , are caught by the Silver hook . And this is the way to make any Nation of the world rich , to bring , and leave Silver in it , and to take away Commodities . And , as all Rivers run into the Sea , so many Silver Streams run into this Monarchy , and there stay ; the People of any Nation being there very welcome that bring in their Bullion , and carry away the others Merchandizes ; but it is look'd on as a Crime that is not easily answered , to transport any quantity of Silver thence . The Coyn , or Bullion , brought thither from any place , is presently melted and refined , and the Mogol's Stamp ( which is his Name , and Titles , in Persian Characters ) put upon it . The Coyn there is more pure than in any other part of the world , being ( as they report ) made of pure Silver , without any Allay ; so that in the Spanish Money , the purest of all Europe , there is some dross . They call their pieces of Money , Roopees ; of which there are some of divers values , the meanest worth two shillings and three pence , and the best two shillings and nine pence sterling . By these they count their Estates and Payments . They have another Coyn of inferiour value in Guzarat , called Mamoodies , about twelve pence sterling ; both the former , and these , are made in halfs , and some few in quarters ; so that three pence is the least piece of silver current in those Countries , and very few of them to be seen . That which passeth up and down for exchange under this rate , is Brass or Copper Money , which they call Pices , whereof three , or thereabouts , countervail a Penny , Those Pices are made so massie and thick , as that the baser metal of which they are made , put to other uses , is well-nigh worth the Silver they are rated at . Their Silver Coyn is made either round or square , but so thick , as that it never breaks nor wears out . They have pure Gold-Coyn likewise , some pieces of great value ; but these are not very ordinarily seen amongst them . I have now done with this Section , wherein I have related much of the Commodities , and Riches , as before of the Provisions and Pleasures which are to be found in that vast Monarchy , and , I conceive , nothing but what Truth will justifie . And now , lest that place I have describ'd , should seem to be an earthly Paradise , I must acquaint my Reader , that the Contents there found by such as have lived in those parts , are sour'd and sauc'd with many unpleasing things ; which he must needs know , when he takes notice SECTION IV. Of the Discommodities , Inconveniences , and Annoyances , that are to be found or met withall in this Empire . AS the Poets feigned that the Garden of the Hesperides ( wherein were Trees that bare Golden Apples ) was guarded by a Serpent : So there are stings here , as well as fruits ; all considered together may not unfitly be resembled by those Locusts mention'd , Rev. 9. 7 , 8 , 10. verses , Who had the Faces of Men , and the Hair of Women , and Crowns as of Gold on their Heads ; but they had too , the Teeth of Lyons , and the tayls of Scorpions , and there were stings in those tayls . Here are many things to content and please the enjoyers of them , to make their life more comfortable ; but withall here are Teeth to tear , and stings to kill : All put together , are nothing but a mixture made up ( as indeed all earthly things are ) of good and bad ; of bitter and sweet ; of what contents , and of what contents not . The Annoyances of these Countries are , first many harmfull beasts of prey , as Lyons , Tygers , Wolves , Jackalls , with others ; those Jackalls seem to be wild Doggs , who in great companies run up and down in the silent night , much disquieting the peace thereof , by their most hideous noyse . Those most ravenous Creatures will not suffer a Man to rest quietly in his Grave , for if his Body be not buryed very deep , they will dig him thence , and bury as much of him again as they can consume in their hungry bellies . In their Rivers are many Crocodiles , and — Latet anguis in herba , on the Land , not a few over-grown Snakes , with other venemous and pernicious Creatures . In our Houses there we often see Lizards , shaped like unto Crocodiles , of a sad green colour , and but little Creatures , the fear of whom presents its self most to the Eye , for I do not know that they are hurtful . There are many Scorpions to be seen , which are oftentimes felt , which creep into their houses especially in that time of the Rains , whose stinging is most sensible , and deadly , if the Patient have not presently some oyl that is made of Scorpions , to annoint the part affected , which is a sudden and a certain cure . But if the man can get the Scorpion that stung him , ( as sometimes they do ) the oylie substance it affords , being beaten in pieces , suddenly applyed , is a present help . The sting of the Scorpion may be a very fit resemblance of the sting of Death , the bitterness and anguish whereof nothing can asswage and cure so well , as a serious consideration , and a continual application of the thoughts of dying . Facilè contemnit omnia , qui cogitat se semper moriturum , that man may trample upon every thing , whose meditations are taken up with the thoughts of his Change. He cannot dye but well , who dyes daily ; daily in his preparations for death , though he dye not presently . The Scorpions are in shape like unto our Cra-fishes , and not bigger , and look black like them , before they are boyled . They have a little round tayl which turns up , and lyes usuallyupon their backs , at the end whereof is their sting , which they do not put in , and let out of their bodies , as other venemous creatures do , but it alwayes appears in their tayls ready to strike ; it is very sharp and hard , and not long , but crooked like the talon of an Hawk . The abundance of Flyes ( like those swarms in Egypt , Exod. 8. 21. ) in those parts did likewise very much annoy us : for in the heat of the day their numberless number was such , as that we could not be quiet in any place for them , they being ready to fly into our Cupps , and to cover our Meat as soon as it was placed on the Table ; and therefore we had alwayes some of the Natives we kept there , who were our Servants , to stand round about us on pupose while we were eating , with Napkins to fright them away . And as in the day one kind of ordinary Flyes troubled us ; so in the night we were likewise very much disquieted with another sort called Musqueetoes , like our Gnats , but some-what less , and in that season we were very much troubled with Chinches , another sort of little troublesome and offensive creatures , like little Tikes : and these annoyed us two wayes ; as first by their biting and stinging , and then by their stink . From all which we were by far more free when we lodged in Tents ( as there we did much ) than when we abode in Houses ; where in great Cities and Towns , ( to add unto the disquiets I before named ) there were such an abundance of large hungry Ratts , that some of us were bitten in the night as we lay in our beds , either on our Toes or Fingers , or on the tips of our Ears , or on the tops of our Noses , or in any part of our Bodies besides which they could get into their Mouths . The winds in those parts ( as I observed before ) which they call the Mont soone , blow constantly one way , altering but few points , six months Southerly , and six months Northerly . The months of April , May , and the beginning of Iune , till the Rain falls , are so extremly hot , as that the wind when it blows but gently , receives such heat from the parched ground , that the reflection thereofis ready to blister a Man's Face that receives the breath of it . And if God did not provide for those parts , by sending a breeze , or breath , or small gale of wind daily , which some-what tempers that hot sulphureous Air , there were no living in that Torrid Zone for us English , who have been used to breathe in a temperate Climate ; and , notwithstanding that benefit , the Air in that place is so hot to us English , that we should be every day stewed in our own moisture , but that we stir very little in the heat of the day , and have cloathing about us as thin as we can make it . And no marvel , for the coldest day in the whole year at noon ( unless it be in the time when those Rains fall ) is hotter there then the hottest day in England . Yet I have there observed most strange and sudden changes of heat and cold within few hours , as in November and December the most temperate months of their year ( as before ) and then at mid-night the Air was so exceeding fresh and cold , that it would produce a thin Ice on the water , and then as we lay in our Tents , we would have been very glad of the warmth of a Rugg upon us , and the noon of that following day would be so extream hot , as that it was troublesom then to keep on the thinnest cloathing . Sometimes there , the wind blows very high in those hot and dry seasons , not long before the Rain begins to fall , raising up into the Air a very great height , thick Clouds of Dust and Sand , which appear like dark Clouds full of moisture , but they deceive like the brook in Iob , Iob 6. 15. that hath no water in it . These dry showers ( which Almighty God threatens to send among a people as an heavy judgement , Deut. 28. 24. When he will make the Rain of a Land powder and dust ) most grievously annoy all those amongst whom they fall , enough to smite them all with a present blindness ; filling their Eyes , Ears , Nostrils , and their Mouths are not free if they be not also well guarded ; searching every place as well within as without our Tents or Houses , so that there is not a little key-hole , of any Trunk or Cabinet , if it be not covered , but receives some of that dust into it , the dust forced to find a lodging any where , every where , being so driven and forced , as it is , by the extream violence of the wind . But there is no place nor Country under Heaven , nor yet ever hath been , without some discommodities . The Garden of Eden had a Serpent in it , Gen. 3. He that made all things by his Absolute Command , hath so mixed and tempered , and ordered all things here below by his infinite Wisdom , that either too much Heat , or too much Cold ; either the barrenness of the Soyl , or the unwholsomness of the Air , or some thing else , ministers matter of exception more or less against every place , that the Sons of Men might hence learn , that there is no true and perfect content to be found in any Kingdom , but in that of Heaven : For while we are here , trouble and peace , mourning and joy , comfort and discontent , come all of them by courses and succescessions ; so that there is no weeding up of those Tares , no removing of those Annoyances from the Life of Man. And so having observed what is Truth , and what is enough to be said of the Inconveniences and Annoyances , as well as of the Commodities and Contentments which are to be found in those parts , I come now to speak of the People that inhabit there . And because many particulars will necessarily fall within the compass of this part of my Observatious , which would more weary my Reader if they should be presented unto him in one continued Discourse , I shall therefore ( as I have begun ) break this into Sections , and proceed to speak SECTION V. Of the Inhabitants of East-India , who they are ; Of their most excellent Ingenuity expressed by their curious Manufactures , their Markets at Home to buy and sell in , and their Trade abroad THe Inhabitants in general of Indostan were all anciently Gentiles , called in general Hindoes , belonging to that very great number of those which are called Heathens , which take up almost two thirds of the number of the People who inhabit the face of the whole Earth . But of this more hereafter . There are some Iews ( but they are not many ) here and there scattered and lost as it were , in those other great numbers of People ; the greatest company of Iews now to be found together in any one place of the world ( as I have been made to believe from the observation of others ) are to be seen at Grand Cairo in Egypt , whither they are returned , and where setled , to take their fill of their fore-Fathers Flesh-pots . For the Inhabitants of East-India ever since they were subdued by Tamberlain , they have been mixed with Mahumetans , which though they be by farr in respect of their number less than those Pagans , yet they bear all the sway , and command all in those Countries . There are besides these , ( now become as it were Natives there ) a great number of Persians and Tartars ( who are Mahumetans by Religion ) that there inhabit , very many of which the Mogol keeps for Souldiers to serve on Horse-back , called there Haddees : There are of both these many daring , stout , hardy and valiant Men. For the Persians , there are many of them comely Persons , not so swart as those of East-India . But for the Tartars I have there seen , ( and I have seen many of them ) they are more to be commended for their Valour than Beauty ; a square , stout , strong People , having platter Faces , and flat Noses . There are many Armenians , and some Abissins amongst them , who wear the Livery of Christ , in being called Christians , the greatest part of whose Christianity lies in their Name . Those Armenians there make some wine to sell , of Raisons , Sugar , and other ingredients , that is strong and heady , and luscious , tasted too much by many Christians that come thither , as by those too that make it . Of the green Grapes there , though they have abundance and they great , and sweet , and good , yet they make no Wine at all : The Mahumetans ( in obedience to a Precept of Mahumets which forbids Wine ) neither make , nor drink it ; and others are not suffered there to make it of those green Grapes , for fear ( as I suppose ) they should make , and drink too much of it . To those I have named of other Nations , ( that are to be seen in East-India ) there are besides some few almost of every people in Asia , and many Europeans of divers parts ( that use to stir from their own fires ) to be found amongst them ; and among that great variety of People and Nations there to be observed , I have taken special notice of divers Chinesaas , and Japanesaas there , and those I have seen of them , for the generality , are a people of no large stature , with little eyes , and noses somthing flatted ; de tribus Capillis , with a few black hairs that stand scattered on their upper lips which make them as handsome beards as are to be seen on our Hares , or Cats . There are some Jews here ( as before I observed ) whose stubbornness and Rebellion , long ago , caused Almighty God to threaten them , that they should be after sifted , and scattered among all the Nations of the World. Those ancient Satyrists , Persius , and Iuvenal , after that most horrid act committed by them in Crucifying our Blessed Saviour ( though not in respect unto that most cruel action , for they were Heathens ) yet they call them Verpos , that is , circumcised , Worms , vermin . Tacitus after gives them a most unsavory Epithete , calling them foetentes Iudaeos , stinking Jews . Marcus the Emperour observing them well , concluded that they were a generation of men worse than savages or Canibals , to be even the worst of men , as if they were the very reffuse and dregs of mankind . How usual is that Proverb , that when men are suspected to do otherwise than they should , to answer , what , am I Iew , that I should do so , and so ? I have observed somthing to this purpose , from the people of East-India , whoare very valiant at tongue-fights , though not so with their weapons ( as you will hear afterward ) ; that people , I say , who have a very nimble but a base quality in railing at , and miscalling one another ; and their language is so full , and significant , that they can call a man in it , two or three base things in one word ; but when they come to call him , whom they miscall , Iudeo Jew , they believe ( as I have been often told ) that they can go no higher ; esteeming that , above all other terms , the highest name of obloquy . Yet we do believe , ( because the Lord hath promised it ) that he will find a time to call home this people again to himself , when they shall receive honour above all the contempt they have been long under ; after they shall see with sorrow , and with the eye of faith , Him , whom their Fore-fathers , out of ignorance , and despite , and unbelief pierced . For the Stature of the Natives of East-India , they are like us , but generally very streight ; for I never observed nor heard of any crooked person amongst them : And one reason may be , because they never lace nor girt in their Bodies ; and when they sleep , they accustom themselves to stretch out their Bodies at their full length , without any thing to raise up their heads . And further , among many other things I took special notice of there , I never observed any deformed Person , nor Ideot or natural Fool , in those Parts . Now for the Complexion of this People , they are all of them of a sad tawney or Olive-colour ; their hair black as a Raven , very harsh , but not curl'd . They like not a man or woman that is very white or fair , because that ( as they say ) is the colour of Lepers , common amongst them . Most of the Mahumetans , except the Moolaes ( which are their Priests ) or those which are very old and retired , and have ( as it were ) given the World quite over , keep their chins continually bare , but suffer the hair on their upper lipps to grow very long ; and they keep it in its natural colour , by combing it continually with black-lead Combs , till they be of good years ; but afterward , when Time hath so snowed upon them , that they can no longer keep in nor conceal their gray hairs , they use the Rasor ( as they did ) no more , but let the hair of their chins grow long and large , which makes many gray-beards amongst them , and I conceive that there are of those many Old men . And further , it is the manner of the Mahumetans to shave all the hair from off their Heads , reserving only one lock on the Crown of them , for Mahomet to pull them up to Heaven with ( as they fondly conceit ) . The Hindoes shave their Heads likewise , but cut all off ; and both of them shave thus , and that very often ; but however their baldness appears not at all , because their Heads are continually covered with a Shash , or a wreath of narrow Callico-Cloth , many times wrap'd about them , ( usually for their colour white or red ) which they never pull off , as we do our Hats in Complements . Their much and often shaving makes many excellent Barbers amongst them , who besides their Scis●ers and Rasors , use a little Instrument about the length of a short Bodkin , very sharp , made like a Chizel , but not broader at the cutting end than the shank of a six-penny nail , with which they pare and clense the nails on their fingers and toes . Every Barber carries always about him a round Looking-glass made of steel , about the compass of a large trencher-plate , made somwhat hollow , and kept by them exceeding clean and sleek , so that it will represent the Face of him that beholds it on the convex side very well . These Barbers , as they walk up and down , often present these Glasses unto men whom they find sitting still , which is a tender of their Service if they shall please to make use of them . The people there often wash their Bodies , and keep their Feet as clean and as sweet as their Hands . The better sort annoint themselves very much with sweet oyls , which makes their company ( as before I observed ) very savory . The Natives there ( of which there is somthing before in my third Section ) shew very much ingenuity in their curious Manufactures ; as in their Silk-stuffs which they most artificially weave , some of them very neatly mingled either with Silver or Gold , or both . As also in making excellent Quilts of their stained cloth , or of fresh coloured Taffata lined with their Pintadoet , or of their Sattin lined with Taffata , betwixt which they put Cotten-wooll , and work them together with Silk . Those Taffata or Sattin-quilts , are excellently stitched by them , being done as evenly , and in as good order , as if they had been drawn out to them , for their direction , the better to work them . They make likewise excellent Carpetts of their Cotton-wooll , in fine mingled colours , some of them more than three yards broad , and of a great length . Some other richer Carpets they make all of Silk , so artificially mixed , as that they livelily represent those flowers , and figures made in them . The ground of some other of their rich Carpets is Silver or Gold , about which are such silken flowers , and figures ( as before I named ) most excellently and orderly disposed throughout the whole work . Their skill is likewise exquisite in making of Cabinets , or Boxes , or Trunks , or Standishes , curiously wrought , within , and without ; inlaid with Elephants tooth , or Mother of Pearl , or Ebony , or Tortoyse-shell , or Wyre ; they make excellent Cups , and other things of Agate , and Cornelian ; and curious they are in cutting all manner of stones , Diamonds as well as others . They paint Staves , or Bed-steads , or Chests of Boxes , or Fruit-dishes , or large Chargers , extream neatly ; which , when they be not inlaid ( as before ) they cover the wood ( first being handsomly turn'd ) with a thick Gum , then put their Paint on , most artificially made of liquid silver , or gold , or other lively colours , which they use ; and after make it much more beautiful with a very clear varnish put upon it . They are excellent at Limning , and will coppy out any Picture they see to the life : for confirmation of which take this instance ; It happened that my Lord Embassadour visiting the Mogol on a time , as he did often , presented him with a curious neat small oval Picture done to the life in England . The Mogol was much pleased with it , but told the Embassadour withall , that haply he supposed that there was never a one in his Country that could do so well in that curious Art ; and then offered to wager with him a Leck of Roopees ( a sum which amounted to no less then 10000 l. sterl . ) that in a few days he would have two Copies made by that presented to him , so like , that the Embassadour should not know his own . He refused the great wager , but told the King he would adventure his judgment on it : Two Copies taken from that Original were within few days after made , and brought and laid before the Embassadour , in the presence of the King ; the Embassadour viewing them long , either out of Courtship to please the King , or else unable to make a difference 'twixt the Pictures being all exquisitly done , took one of them which was new made , for that which he had formerly presented , and did after profess that he did not flatter , but mistake in that choice . The truth is , that the Natives of that Monarchy are the best Ap●s for imitation in the world , so full of ingenuity that they will make any new thing by pattern , how hard soever it seem to be done ; and therefore it is no marvel , if the Natives there make Shooes , and Boots , and Clothes , and Linen , and Bands and Cuffs of our English Fashion , which are all of them very much different from their Fashions and Habits , and yet make them all exceeding neatly . They have Markets , which they call Bazars , to sell and buy their Commodities in all their great Towns twice every day , a little before , and an hour after Sun-rising in the morning , and so a little before and a little after Sun-set at night . The other parts of the day being too hot for those great confluences of people to meet together ; and those are the seasons we English-men there make use of , to ride abroad and take the air , the rest of the day we usually spend in our houses . The people there sell almost all their Provisions , as very many other things , by weight . For the foreign Trade of this people , it is usually once a year into the Red Sea to a City called Moha in Arabia the happy , about thirty leagues from the mouth of it ; It is a principal Mart for all Indian Commodities , but the Staple and most principal there vented is their Cotten-cloth , either white , or stained , and their Cotten-wooll . Hither they come from Grand Cairo in Egypt , as from many other parts of the Turks Dominions , to trafique ; hither they come from Prester Iohns Country which lyes on the other side of the Arabian Gulf ( for so the Red Sea is there called ) and not above fourteen leagues over at the City Moha . The Ship or Iunk ( for so it is called ) that usually goes from Surat to Moha is of an exceeding great burden , some of them I believe fourteen or fifteen hundred Tuns , or more , but those huge Vessels are very ill built , like an over-grown Liter , broad and short , but made exceeding big , on purpose to waff Passengers forward and backward : which are Mahometans , who go on purpose to visit Mahomets Sepulchre , at Medina neer Mecha , but many miles beyond Moha . The Passengers , and others in that most capacious Vessel that went and returned that year I left India , ( as we were credibly told ) amounted to the number of seventeen hundred . Those Mahumetans that have visited Mahomets Sepulchre , are ever after called Hoggees , or holy men . This Iunk bound from Surat to the Red-Sea , as she hath many people in her , so hath she good Ordnance , but those Navigators know not well how to use them for their defence . She begins her Voyage about the twentieth of March , and finisheth it , about the end of September following . The Voyage is but short and might easily be made in less than three moneths , but the Ship is very slow , and ill-built to abide foul weather ; and in the long season of the rain , and a little before and after it , the winds upon those Coasts are commonly so violent , that there is no coming but with much hazard into the Indian Sea. This Ship returning is usually worth ( as I have heard it faithfully reported , and if my credit given to that report make me not to abuse my Readers ) two hundred thousand pounds Sterling , and most of it brought back in good Gold and Silver ; some fine Chamlets they bring with them home likewise . But that huge mass of wealth thus brought home into India , is another especial thing , and might have been added to that I spake of before towards the continual enriching of this great Monarchy : where , in the next place I shall speak SECTION VI. Of the care and skill of this people in keeping and managing their excellent good Horses ; Of their Elephants and their ordering and managing them ; And how the people ride and are carried up and down from place to place . THe Souldiery here , and so many of the Gentry , and better sort of the people , who live at Court , shew excellent good skill in riding and managing of their well turn'd , high metal'd , choice Horses ; which are excellent good at mounting up , bounding and curvetting , and when they run them at their full swiftest speed will stop them at a foots breadth ; for the scantling of those creatures , they are in proportion like ours , but excellently well eyed , headed , limn'd ; for their colours , there are some of them Raven-black , but many more of them white , curiously Dapled ; and a very great number Pied and spotted all over , and there are some of other bright colours . But it is a usual custom there amongst Gallants who ride upon the bright-coloured horses , to have their legs and lower parts of their bellies and breasts died into a Saffron colour ( of which they have much there ) which makes them look as if they had stood in some Dyars Vatt , just to such an height of their bodies . The hair upon their Horses ( whom they keep plump and fat ) is very short , soft , and lyes sleek upon them : and I wonder not at it , they are kept so daintily ; every Horse being allowed a man to dress and feed him , and to run by him when he is rode forth , and this is all his work . They tye not down their horse-heads when they stand still ( as we do ) with halters , but secure each horse by two ropes , fastned to their hind-feet , which ropes are somwhat long , to be staked down behind them in Tents , or other places wherein they are kept . They cut grass for them green or withered on the earth as they have occasion to use it , never mowing their ground and making Hay as we do . But that which keeps their horses in heart , and in flesh , is the Provender they eat , which is a kind of round grain they call Donna , somwhat bigger than our Tares ; which they give not unto them dry , but boil'd , and mingled with some coarse Sugar amongst it ; and when it is cold give it them , made up in round balls , which they put into their mouths , as if they cramb'd them ; and sometimes they put a little Butter into these balls to scour their bodies . Their choice good horses are valued there at as dear if not an higher rate , than those we esteem most of in England are prized with us . They make excellent Saddles , and some of them of great value , adorned with handsom and rich trapings , all of them very easie both for the horse , and his rider . They manage their horses with strong snaffles , whose reins and head-stalls are made suitable to their Saddles and Trappings , The Elephants in this vast Monarchy are very numerous , and though they be the largest , and that by far , of all the Creatures the earth brings forth ; yet are they so tractable , unless at some times when the Males are mad ( of which more afterward ) as that a boy of twelve years old is able to rule the biggest of them , in which we may in a special manner read a Comment on that truth which tells us how that the Lord hath put the fear of man upon all the creatures here below . But for the Elephants ( I have begun to speak of ) they are very huge vast over-grown Creatures , some of whom , which I have seen , I conceive at the least twelve foot high ; but there are amongst them ( as they say ) fourteen or fifteen foot in height . The colour of them all is black ; their skins thick , and smooth without hair ; they have full eyes , but not proportionable to their great bodies ; they have ears like our Oxen , but not exceeding large , and those ears edged ( as it were ) about with a short hair-fringe ; and at the end of their tails ( which are slender and not very long ) there grows some hair likewise and a little on their eye-lids ; but no where else about their bodies . The feet of the Elephants look like the trunks of small trees cut square off from their roots ; round about which there are thick , and short , and broad claws growing . Some that write of them have abused the world with this tradition that they have no joynts in their legs , and therefore stand when they sleep against trees to hold them up : which is all very false , for they lye down and arise again at their pleasure , as other beasts do . Their motion is not swift , a walking rather than a pace , about three miles at the most an hour ; but of all beasts that carry burdens they are most sure of foot , for they never fall , not yet stumble to endanger their Rider . They are most docile creatures , and of all those we account meerly sensible come neerest unto reason . Lipsius in his Epistles Cent. 1. Epist. 50. out of his observation from others , writes more of them than I can confirm , or any , I perswade my self , believe ; yet many things most remarkable , which seem indeed to be acts of reason rather than sense , I have observed in them : for instance , an Elephant will do any thing his Keeper commands him , as if he bid him to affright a man , he will make towards him as if he meant to tread him into pieces , but when he is come at him do him no hurt at all ; so if he would have him , to abuse or to disgrace a man , he will take dirt , or dust , or kennel-water into his Trunk , and dash it on his face . Their Trunks are grisly Snouts of a great length , hanging down betwixt their long teeth , which teeth nature hath given them for their defence , otherwise they are of little use to them . In their Trunks they have such marvellous strength , that by them they can do very much mischief : for if they strike an Horse , or Camel , or any other the like beast with them ( as sometimes they do when as they are mad ) they will so break their bones , as that they will spoil , nay kill them at one blow ; and much more a man , if he chance to come in their way . Those Trunks of the Elephants are to them as an hand by which they feed themselves , and make great use of them otherwise upon all occasions : for with those Trunks they tear off boughs from trees , by winding them about them ; and after , with them , put boughs into their mouths , and eat the tenderest parts of them . With these they pull up green corn ( if they be suffered ) and grass by the roots , and then against their legs beat off the earth and dust that hangs about them , before they eat thereof . Thus they deal with fedgs , or weeds , which they find in the water , first washing off the dirt which hangs on the roots thereof , and then down they go into their vast bellies . The Elephants delight much to bathe themselves in water ; in which , when they find depth enough , they swim as well as any other Creatures . I observed before , that the male Elephants when they grow lusty are sometimes mad for their females , but in few days come again in temper ; before which time they are so mischievous , that they will strike any thing , but their Keepers , that comes in their way ; and their strength is such ( as before I observ'd ) that there is no blow they give which lights either upon men or beast , but carries death with it . At those times to prevent mischief they are kept apart from company , fetter'd with strong chains unto Trees ; but if by chance in their phrensie they get loose ( as sometimes they do ) they will make after every thing they see stir , in which case they have no means to stop them in their violent course , but by firing of Crackers made of Gun-powder , whose sparkling , and noise makes them to stand still and tremble . When those creatures are in that mad distemper , they sweat much , which makes their savour exceeding rank and filthy like that ill smell of a Boar when he is fatting in his Stye , but , by much , more strong and more offensive than that . An English Merchant there , of good credit upon his own knowledg , reported this thing which follows , and is very observable , of an Elephant in Adsmer ( the place then of the Mogols residence ) ; who being brought often through the Bazar or Market place , a woman who usually sat there to sell herbs , was wont to give this great Elephant an handful , as he many times passed by ; this Elephant after , being mad , brake his fetters , and took his way through that Bazar ; the people being all of them much affrighted , made haste to secure themselves by getting out of his way , amongst whom was this Herb-woman , who , for fear and haste , forgot her little Child which she had brought thither ; the Elephant came to the place where this woman usually sate , stopt , and seeing a little Child lying there about her herbs , took it up gently with his Trunk , not doing it the least harm , and presently after laid it down upon the stall of an house that was hard by ; and then proceeded on in his furious course . Acosta , a Jesuit , relates the like of an Elephant in Goa from his own experience . The Elephant , though he be vast , and terrible , yea and cruel too , when he is set to do mischief , or when he is mad ; yet otherwise is a tame gentle Creature , so that the dread of this huge beast , most appears to the eyes . But notwithstanding his terribleness , I once there saw a Creature compared with an Elephant , not much bigger than a small Fish compared with a Whale , boldly to encounter one of them . The occasion by which this so came to pass offers it self thus : that year I went for East-India , the Merchants here ( as from the King of England , in whose name they sent all their Presents ) amongst many other things , then sent the Mogol some great English Mastives , and some large Irish Greyhounds , in all to the number of eight , dispersed in our several Ships ; one of those high spirited Mastives in our Voyage thither , upon a day seeing a great Shoal or company of Porpisces ( before described ) mounting up above the waves , and coming toward that Ship wherein he was , suddenly lept over-board to encounter with them , before any did take notice of that fierce creature : to prevent that engagement , wherein he was irrecoverably lost , the Ship then having such a fresh gale of wind , that she could not suddenly slack her course , whereby that poor creature might have been preserved . Another , one of the Irish Greyhounds had his head shot off in our fight . The Mange was the destruction of four more of them ; only two of the Mastives came alive to East-India , and they were carried up , each of them drawn in a little Coach , when I went up to the Embassador , that he might present them to the Mogol . The fiercest of these two , in our way thither , upon a time breaking loose , fell upon a very large Elephant that was hard by us , fastning his teeth in the Elephants Trunk , and kept his hold there a good while , which made that huge beast extremely to roar ; and though the Elephant did swing the Mastive up and down above ground many times ( as not feeling his weight ) that he might throw him off ; yet he could not suddenly do it , but at last freeing himself from the dog by throwing him a good space from him , there came a Mungril Curr of that Countrey towards our Mastive , who then lost this his most unequal match , fell upon that dog and kill'd him , by which means we recovered our Mastive again into our custody , he having not received any apparent hurts ; by which we may see how much Courage and Mettle there is in those right fierce Mastives . This story pleased the Mogol very much when the dogs were presented to him , and he allowed each of them four attendants of those Natives to wait upon them , who by turns two and two together carried them up and down with him in Palankees , ( after described ) to which they were tied , and the other two went by them , fanning the Flies from off them ; and the King caused a pair of silver tongs to be made on purpose , that with them when he pleased , he might feed those dogs with his own hand . But this story by the way . The Mogol hath many of his great Elephants train'd up for the war , who carry each of them one iron Gun , about five foot long , lying upon a strong frame of wood , made square that is fitted to a thick broad Pannel fastned about him , with very strong and broad Girses or Girts . The Gun like an Harquebuss hath a piece of iron like a Musket-rest fastned on the sides thereof , made loose to play up and down . The bottom of that Iron Rest so fixed , is long , to be let through that frame of wood on the foreside , and so to be keyed in at the bottom . At the four corners of this frame are small flags of silk , with sundry devices painted on them , put upon little neat coloured staves ; upon the neck of the Elephant sits a man to guide him , and within the frame a Gunner , to make his shot as he finds occasion . The Piece thus mounted , carries a bullet about the bigness of a Tennis Ball. Some Elephants the King keeps for the execution of Malefactors ; the manner how , follows in Sestion 23. And some he keeps to carry himself and women ; and some Elephants are kept for State ( of which more when I shall come to speak more particularly of the great Mogol . ) Other Elephants are there imployed for the carrying of burdens , their strength being so great as that they will bear a marvellous weight . The Elephants are all governed with a small rod of steel about half a yard long , made sharp on the lower end , and towards that end there is an hook returned , like a Fish-hook , that is very sharp likewise ; by which their Riders sitting on their necks , pull them back , or prick them forward at their pleasure . These vast Creatures , though the Countrey be exceeding fruitful , and all provisions in it cheap , yet by reason of their huge bulk , if they well be kept and fed , are very chargeable in keeping ; they are kept usually under the shade of great Trees , where by a strong chain of iron upon one of their hind-legs they fasten them . And as they stand , the abundance of Flies vex them , and therefore with their fore-feet they make dust , ( the ground usually being very dry ) and with their Trunk cast the dust about their bodies to drive away those Flies from them . The King allows every one of those great male-Elephants four femals , which in their language they call their wives . These brutes ( as they say ) will not endure any to behold them when they are coupling together ; which may condemn many who call themselves men and women , but have so lost all modesty , that they are not ashamed when they commit any act of filthiness , no they are not ashamed , neither can they blush . The Female Elephants ( as they further say ) carry their young , one whole year ere they bring them forth ; Thirty years expire ere they come to their full growth ; and they fulfill the accustomed age of men ere they die . And lastly , notwithstanding the great Number there of those vast Creatures , and the excessive charge in keeping them well , they value them at exceeding high rates . For this people , when as they journey from place to place , the men of the inferiour sort go all on foot , their women that cannot so travel , ride on little Oxen , inured to carry burdens , or on Asses , which carry their little children with them ; the women like the men astride . Others that are of better quality ride on Horses , Mules , Camels , Dromedaries , or else in slight Coaches with two wheels covered on the top and back-end , but the fore-part and sides open , unless they carry women . Those Coaches will carry four persons beside the driver , but two may lie at ease , and at length in them upon quilts , that lie in the body of them , upheld by girt-web , with which they are bottom'd , which makes them by far more easie . These Coaches are covered for men of quality with some thing that is costly ; much of our English broad cloth that is died red , is there bought from us and imployed for that use . At the back-end of this Coach they have a long round bolster , that reacheth both sides , stuffed with Cotten-wool , and covered with Velvet or Sattin , or with some other thing that is rich . These Coaches are drawn by Oxen , one yoke to a Coach ; some of which Oxen have their short horns neatly tipped with silver plate , and some others with brass ; and they have each of them a fine Collar of large round bells , some of them made of Silver . They are pared and suted as our Coach-horses for stature and colour ; most of them thus imployed are white , and some pide , or spotted all over with several colours . They are guided with small cords which go through the parting of their Nostrils , and so twixt their horns into the Coach-mans hand , who by these restrains them when , and guides them how he pleaseth ; and when he would have them go on , pricks them forward with a small and short staff he keeps in his hand pointed like a goad . These Oxen there , are very neatly made , slender , strait-limb'd and not very large , but naturally very nimble , and by daily use made so fit to perform that labour , ( being kept well shod ) as that they go twenty miles a day and more , with good speed . They keep those Oxen for this service , as their horses , well-dressed , and so well fed , that they be plump and fat , and consequently very handsom to behold . The men there of the greatest rank and quality , ride sometimes in those Coaches , and sometimes on their curious Horses , and sometimes on their brave Elephants , but however they are carried , they have their horses , which wait upon them when they go abroad , that they may bestride them when they please . And at other times they ride on mens shoulders , in a slight thing they call a Palankee , made somewhat like a Couch or standing Pallat , covered with a Canopy , wherein a man may lie at his full length , as many of those Grandees do , when they are removed from place to place , giving themselves up to ease , and over unto those sins which follow it ; and while they are thus carried , they make the shoulders and joints of those that seel their heavy weight , to bow and buckle under their burdens . This as it should seem was an ancient , but a base effeminacy sometimes used in Rome . Iuvenal in his first Satyre , describing a fat Lawyer thus carried . Causidici nova cum veniat Lectica Mathonis , Plena ipso — Matho the pleader comes in his new Chair , Fill'd with himself ? when that he takes the air . It had been well , if such carriages as these had been never heard of , but in then-heathen Rome , or amongst poor blinded Indians . But , Vae nobis miseris ad quos Paganorum vitia transierunt . Wo to us wretched people of this Nation , unto whom the vices of Pagans are derived . It was a curse that the old Cretans were wont to wish might fall upon their greatest enemies , that they might fall in love with evil customs . This doubtless is one , amongst many more , fallen upon us of this Nation , when some , not out of necessity , but choice , make other men their Pack-horses to ride upon them , a thing ( as I conceive of it ) most unworthy of a man , as he is a man , so to do . But I shall here digress no further ; but return again to that people ( I mean those of quality amongst them ) who out of Pride , or Idleness , or both , are thus carried up and down , or by some other means I named before , though they remove never so little way from one place to another , accounting it very dishonourable for them to go on foot . And so much of this . I shall now proceed , ( having made mention of their huge multitudes of Horses , and Elephants ) &c. to take notice SECTION VII . Of their numerous Armies ; Their Ammunition for war ; How they lade themselves with weapons ; How terribly they appear ; yet how pusillanimous , and low-spirited they are . WHere first , for their numerous Armies , it will appear to be no strange thing , if we consider the Great Mogol to be what he is , an overgrown Prince , ( as before described ) in the vast extent of his large Territories , being like a huge Pike in a great Pond , that preys upon all his neighbours , who therefore purchase , and keep his favour by very great Presents given him by way of homage , and a submiss acknowledgment of his mighty Power . And besides , the Mogol is a Master of unknown treasure , having Silver , as 't is written of Solomon , 1 Kings 10. 27. like stones in the streets . And certainly in far greater abundance than ever Solomon had . Though I must tell my Reader , that all metals there , are not silver and gold , nor all stones precious . Now he that can command what treasure he will , may likewise command what men he please , as the Mogol doth besides his own people . Many Persians and Tartars ( before spoken of ) very valiant men , who serve him as Souldiers on horseback , and so the major part by far , whether Natives , or strangers , are mounted for his service in his wars . Hence it is that the Armies there consist of incredible multitudes ; they talk of some which have exceeded that mighty Host which Zerah King of Aethiopia brought against King Asa , 2 Chron. 14. 9. but they having not well learned that horrid bloody art of war , as the Europeans have , and wanting Commanders , and other Officers to manage their great Companies , are not so skilful to destroy , as otherwise they might be : it is a phrase most properly and fitly applyed unto savage , and absurd , and brutish , and unreasonable men , to the Enemies of God , and of his Church by the Prophet Ezek. 21. 31. Where Almighty God threatens that he will deiver them into the hands of brutish men , and skilful to destroy . The Weapons they use in their Wars are , Bows and Arrows , Swords and Bucklers , short Lanees having excellent good steel-heads , and short pieces like unto Carbines , besides those carried upon Elephants ( before described ) some Foot-men in their Wars carry those lesser Guns , with Bows and Arrows , Swords and Bucklers , and they are excellent Marks-men . They make good Gun-powder for their own use , and fire their Guns with Match , or Touch-wood . Their Swords are made crooked like Falchons , and are very sharp ; but for want of skill in those that temper them , will easily break , but not bend . And therefore we sell at good rates our English Sword-blads that will bow , and become strait again . They have ( and they say that for many generations past have had ) great Ordnance , though they seldom make use of them in their Wars . Their warlike Musick are some Kettle-drums carried on horseback , with long wind Instruments , which make not Musick , but noise , so harsh and unpleasing , that it is enough to fright away their enemies . They say , that in their Military engagements , they make at the first very furious onsets , which are too violent long to continue , for the Scale quickly decides the controversie , when that side which happens first to be worsted , and to be put into disorder , knows better to Run than to Rally again . There are some of the Mogols own Subjects which are men of courage ; those of note among the Mahometans are called Baloches , inhabiting Haiacan , adjoyning unto the Kingdom of Persia , ( spoken of before ) and there are others called Patans , taking their denomination from a Province of that name in the Kingdom of Bengala . These will look an enemy boldly in the face , and maintain with their lives , their reputation and valour . Amongst the many Sects of Hindoos or Gentiles ( after spoken of ) which are subject to this King , there is but one race of fighters called Rashboots , a number of which live by spoil , who in Troops surprize poor Passengers , for the most part murthering those whom they get under their power . These excepted , the rest of the Mogols Natives , for the generality of them , had rather eat than quarrel , and rather quarrel than fight . I say quarrel , for I have several times observed there , that when two of them , have been both well armed , and have most shamefully abused one another , in baser language than I can express , yet durst not draw their weapons ; in conclusion , when one of them hath caught the other by the throat , and forced him up against some wall , the sufferer would cry out pitiously , and the standers by would admire the other for his valour , saying , Sha-Abas ; a proverbial speech amongst them relating to the late King of Persia , called Sha-Abas , a Prince much renowned for valour ; and when any man did a thing they thought gallantly , they cryed Sha-Abas , as much as to say , it was done as well as the Persian King could have done it . Yet , however the people here in general are cowardly , they appear men of very terrible aspects , having great long Mustacho's upon their upper Lips , their Chins continually kept bare by the Rasor , which makes them all to look like the Pictures of our old Britains ; or like those our rude Painters daub upon clothes , and call them the Nine-worthies . And further , to make them the more formidable , they will appear on horse-back as if they were surrounded with an Armory , or carrying an whole Armory about them , thus appointed ; At their left sides swords hanging on belts , under them sheaves of many arrows ; on their left shoulders broad Bucklers fastned , and upon their backs small Guns like to Carbins fixed likewise ; at their right sides Bows hanging in cases , and Lances ( about two yards and an half long ) hanging in loops near their stirrups ( when they carry them not in their hands ) ; yet for all this Harness the most of them are like those Ephramites , Psal. 78. 9. Who being armed , and carrying bows , turned their heads in the day of battel . For they dare not look a man of courage in the face , though they be thus fortified , with such variety of weapons for their defence . Nay , a man of resolution will beat one of these out of all his weapons , with a small Stick or Cane . So that I shall do the Natives of that Country no wrong , if I say of them , that they are sola Libidine fortes , most strong and valiant in their base lusts , and not otherwise . The base Cowardice of which people , hath made the great Mogol sometimes to use this Proverb , that one Portugal would beat three of his people ; and ( because the English there have many times prevailed much at Sea against those Portugals ) he would further add , that on English-man would beat three Portugals . The truth is , that the Portugals , especially those which are born in those Indian Colonies , most of them a mix'd seed begotten upon those Natives , are a very low , poor-spirited people , called therefore Gallina's delt Mar , The Hens of the Sea. One notable instance to prove this : it happened that the East-India Company had a very little Pinnace , they called the Coaster , which they kept in those parts for discoveries ; mann'd she was but with ten men , and had only one small Murdering-piece within her . She upon a time met with a Portugal Ship , going then towards Ormos , which had one hundred and thirty men aboard her , and Guns answerable to her Burden , and Company ; Our petty Pinnace came up with her , discharged her murdering-piece , which slew one of her chief Officers ; upon which , without any further resistance , she presently strook her Sails and yielded . Our English presently commanded her Gunners , and some other of her Chief Officers , to come aboard them , which immediately they did , and there kept them bound , till they had taken what they pleased out of their Ship , and then let them go , being most deservedly used in that their suffering , they being thirteen to one ; and yet such beasts they were , as they durst not make any resistance . But take some stories of valiant Portugals before I leave them , and these you shall have from some of that Nation themselves , whom we not seldom met in India , and would there beg relief of us ; but I never knew any come to us upon those terms , but his pride would excuse his poverty thus , that he was challenged into the field , and there in single combat had fairly slain a man ; how that he durst not return again any more into the Portugal Colonies , for fear of the Law , and it was that which put him at present into that sad exigent to ask relief , and this was their usual plea there ; when in truth and in deed , we did believe them to be such pitiful wretches , or men of such a strange resolution , as that , ( as it was written of one called Pisander ) they would be made to fear their own shadows . However , upon this account there came upon a time at my first coming into India , unto the Factory at Surat , where I then was , a most valiant Portugal ( if you will give him leave to tell his own story , and believe it when he hath done ) who first for his person was a Quantus tantus , tantillus , a very poor , little dwarfish man , whose person promised as little valour as any that I ever saw , though I know that high courage is not tyed to an huge bulk , for ( if stories abuse us not ) Alexander the Great was but a little man ; but what ever Alexander was , I am sure , that this was a poor little thing ; but however he told us , that he was by birth an Hidalgo , which signifies in Spanish the Son of some body , or no ordinary man , but a Gentleman of Spain , and that he came from thence as a Companion to the King of Spains Viceroy , sent to Goa , and himself was called the Knight with the Golden Rapier , and that suddenly after his coming to Goa , he was honourably invited into the field , there to fight a single Combat with a very gallant man of that place , but he soon left him there dead ; and having done so , the Viceroy prevented him with a pardon for that fact , before he ask'd it , but willing him withall , now he had been sufficiently tryed , to confine his Rapier to its scabbard . But he told us further , that he could not long after live quietly there , but was provoked again by a man of high resolution , unto a second encounter , when he had the like success as before , in killing his Adversary . The Viceroy now was very angry with him , but upon much intreaty , as he said , pardoned him a second time ; upon the receit of which favour he told us that he was then resolved to throw away his Rapier , to get into a Religious House , and there to remain the residue of his days , a Convertado or Penitent . But the Viceroy could not be long without his Company ; and therefore to gain it , restored him again into his former favour : But for himself he was still so unhappy ( the fame of his great valour being spread abroad ) as that he could not long enjoy that peace , and quiet , which he now so much desired , but received a third Challenge from a very gallant , and very valiant man , as he describ'd him , a man big enough to beat a Goliah ; and then he further told us , that his honour was ever more dear unto him than his life ; and therefore notwithstanding the loss of the Viceroys favour , and what else might happen , he entred the Lists with him ; and though he found him the stoutest adversary that ever he opposed , yet after a long conflict this little Knight kill'd that great Gyant , and left him there dead likewise : which done , He ( not daring to return any more unto Goa ) told us , that he came naked out of the field as we then saw him with no ornaments ( I assure you ) about him , fit to make him a Viceroys companion , nor any weapon fit to Dub him Knight of the Golden Rapier . He further added , that he was now resolved not to live any longer amongst the Christians , but that he desired to live amongst the English ; but when we replyed that we were Christians , he cried Iesu Maria ! as wondring at it , and further told us , that he never heard so before . When this Rhadomantadist had ended his perillous story , it was dinner time , and the Merchants bid him to sit down with us and eat , and so he did , where certainly he laid about him more valiantly than ever he had done before in the field , giving our meat many a cut , and eating , as if he had been more than half starved . He continued with us there for some few days , and after , when his hunger was well satisfied , and his spirits well refreshed , he began to take some exception against his place at the Table , because he eat at the lower end thereof , saying , that the company there were but Factors , Servants , but he was a Gentleman , and therefore his due place was higher at the board , but then corrected himself , saying , that it was not to be much considered where he sate , for his place made the upper end of the Table where ever he was placed : and suddenly after , this Don Quixot being weary of his stay with us ( though he was but too well used ) and having a great mind to ramble further , told our Company , that he being an Hidalgo , it was very dishonourable for him to take entertainment upon the terms he had it ; and therefore desired us to make a little Purse for him , on which he would live as long as he could , and then creep into some Desert place , and there repent and dye . And now our great Ghest , having spent all his humour , and told us all his Dream , had his desire granted in some money that was given to him ; and so we parted with our Knight Errant , who lived longer than he told us he would live . For half a year after I took notice of him at the Mogols Court , and there I leave him . I will now shortly relate a story of another of his Nation ( and I do believe , as good a Gentleman as himself ) who called himself Antonio de la Valla. It happened , that a little before our coming thence , my Lord Embassadour going from his own house to dine at the English Factory in Surat , and I waiting on him , there appeared then to us a walking Skeleton , most miserably clothed , the poorest , and leanest Creature that ever mine Eyes beheld , who faintly begg'd of him some relief , telling ( what was true ) that he was almost quite starv'd ; the Ambassadour pittied and relieved him , and , as we retu●●'d back , found this poor Creature eating with so much gr●idiness , as if he could not have been satisfied . He was then willed to come to our House , and he did so , and there wh● fed , and heartned up again , and then , when he was come to himself , told us , that he had endured there abundance of misery , which , as he acknowledged , did most justly befall him , because he had there renounced his Religion , and become a Mahometan , which , when he had done , no care was taken of him there , ( for they regard not a Man that will not be constant in his Religion , believing , that if that Bond cannot tye him , nothing will. ) He told us further , that he was very sorry that he had so done , and desired a passage for England , which was granted him ; and he was put unto me as my Servant , and therefore I fitted him with Clothes , &c. fit for his turn , but afterward ( we being at Sea ) he would often curse and ban , and cry out , O Ma● ventura ! O his hard hap ! and that of all the miseries which he had endured , this was the greatest ; that he , an Hidalgo , a Gentleman of Spain , should live to become a Servant , and which was worse , to serve an Heretick . I would , when I heard this of him ( for he spake not so to me ) tell him of it , and further mind him of that most sad condition in which we found him , how that he had starv'd to death , if our pitty in the relief he found from us , had not even then prevented it . He would reply , that he knew not what he said ; telling me , that his many miseries had turn'd his Brains : ( Not to bestow any more Ink and Paper on him ) we brought him afterward to Plimmouth , and immediately after our arrive there , he desired his Liberty , which was easily granted him , and from thence ( having some Money given him , more than he deserved ) took his course ; whither , I cannot tell , neither need my Reader desire to know . And therefore I will return again , as swift as meditation or thought can carry me , unto East-India , where I shall in the next place speak SECTION VIII . Of our safe and secure living amongst the Natives there , if we do not provoke them . Of their faithfulness unto those that entertain them as Servants : For how little they serve , and yet how diligent they are , &c. WHere first for our Living in East-India , it is with as much freedom and safety in our Journies and Tents , when we travel ; in our Houses when we are most fix'd , as if we were in an Army of Banners appointed for our Guard ; or as if the Vines and Fig-trees under which we there sit were our own . But there are Spoilers sometimes met with-all in those Provinces , that live by their Swords and Bows , having nothing for their subsistance ( because they will take no other course ) but what they get by rapine and spoil ; of whom some-what more afterward . And now by the way for those Villains who thus live , ( where-ever they be ) and those sturdy Rogues who are next to them in guilt , by eating up the Bread of the Poor , having able limbs to carry them that they may beg from House to House , and Hands to receive Alms but none to labour ; both these being the very vermin of those Common-wealths , wherein they are suffered to breathe , it were very well if such of these as have not deserved to be cut off by the Hand of Justice , were all served as Philip King of Macedon dealt with two Rogues , alterum è Macedonia fugere , alterum persequi jussit . He made one of them to whip the other out of his Country , and so he was rid of both of them . But to return to the place from whence I am now digressed . I travelled from Surat with four English-men more , and about twenty of the Natives in our Company , we beginning our journey the first of Ian. towards Sir Thomas Row , at the Mogol's Court , then above four hundred miles distant from Surat . We had six Wagons drawn with Oxen in our Company , laden with rich English Goods ( the principal part whereof was English broad Cloth ) assign'd to an English Merchant at the Court , and some other Carriages we had , of all which we made a ring every night near some large Town or Village , where we resolved to stay , and pitched our Huts within that Circle , some of us watching , and the Natives with us , every night ; we went on that long journey very safely , only in some places where there was any suspicion of danger , we had a Guard of Horse appointed to go with us for our defence , by the Command of Sultan Caroon then Prince , and now King , ( who had his Revenew out of those parts we then travelled thorough ) who sent a Foot-man , that continually kept us company , with his Letters to command a Company of Souldiers that were Horse-men , to guard us where he thought good ; who as they did not expect , so they would take no recompence for their pains , though we freely offered it them . But the Providence of God did so order it , that though we had their Company in several places , we never had need of their help for our defence . The truth is , that the People there in general are very civil , and we never had any affronts or ill usage from them , if we did not first provoke them . But if we did , they would not well bear it , for twice in one Week , ●t my first coming to Surat , the whole Town in general wer● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uproar , and surrounded our House there , both times some of our English provok'd those Natives to stir against us , but by our speedy Addresses unto the Governour of that place , we excusing the fault of those that ministred the occasion of their discontent , they being newly come thither , and altogether unacquainted with their customs , he presently commanded that wild Assembly to depart from our House ; and so immediately they did , we receiving no hurt at all from any of them . When my Lord Ambassadour at first arrived at Surat , so it was , that an English Cook he carryed with him , the very first day of his coming thither , found a way to an Armenian Christians House , who sold Wine , which in that place , they call Armenian Wine . But ( by the way ) I do believe that there was scarce another in that populous City of that Trade : the greater shame for those whosoever they be that suffer so many unnecessary Tipling Houses ( in the places where they have power to restrain them ) which are the Devils nursery , the very Tents wherein Sathan dwells , where Almighty God receives abundance of dishonour , Drunkenness being a sin which hath Hands and Fingers to draw all other sins unto it ; For a Drunkard can do any thing , or be any thing but good . That Armenian Wine I speak of is made of Raisons of the Sun and Sugar , with some other things put and boyl'd in water : which Wine , when it is ripe and clear , is in Colour like to our Muscadels , pleasant enough to the taste , but heavy and heady . The Cook had his Head quickly over-fraighted with it , and then staggering home-ward , in his way met the Governours Brother of Surat , as he was riding to his House : the Cook made a stand , staying himself up upon his Sword and Scabbard , and cry'd out to the Governours Brother , Now thou Heathen Dog ! He not understanding his foul Language , replyed civilly in his own , Ca-ca-ta ; which signifies , What sayest thou ? the Cook answered him with his Sword and Scabbard , with which he strook at him , but was immediately seized on by his followers , and by them disarm'd and carryed to Prison ; the Ambassadour had present intelligence of the misbehaviour of his drunken servant , and immediately sent word unto the Governour 's Brother , that he was not come thither to patronize any disorderly person , and therefore desir'd him to do with him what he pleased , upon which he presently sent him home , not doing him the least hurt . But before I leave this Story , it will not be amiss to enquire who was the Heathen Dog at this time , whether the debaucht drunken Cook who call'd himself a Christian , or that sober and temperate Mahometan who was thus affronted . In our journey towards the Court ( after we had been in our way about seven dayes from Surat ) we rested at a place called Ditat , where many of the Inhabitants offered to guard us and our goods , though we ( observing there no danger ) desired it not ; but they would do it , and in the Morning expected and asked something of us , by way of recompence . One of our Company ( who had been in East-India a year or two before ) told them , that what they had done they did without our desire , and theresore they should have nothing from us , but some ill Language which he then gave them . We set forward in the Morning according to our wonted custom , they followed after us , to the number at the least of three hundred Men , ( for the place was great and populous ) and when we were gone about a mile from that Town , stopped our carriages ; he of our Company who told them they should have no recompence , was presently ready to shoot at them with his Musket , which made them all to bend their Bows at us : but I happily and suddenly stepping in , prevented his firing at them , and their shooting at us ; which if I had not by Gods good Providence done , but we had madly engaged a great multitude , there could not have been less expected in the sad issue thereof , than the loss of all our lives and goods . But having a little Parlee with them , for the value of three shillings of English money given amongst them , they were all quieted and contented , and immediately left us , wishing us a good journey . After this , when we had gone forward about twenty dayes journey , ( which daily Remoovs were but short , by reason of our heavy carriages , and the heat of the weather ) it hapned , that another of our Company , a young Gèntleman about twenty years old , the Brother of a Baron of England , behaved himself so ill , as that we feared it would have brought very much mischief on us . This young man being very unruly at home , and so many others that have been well born , when their friends knew not what to do with them , have been sent to East-India , that so they might make their own Graves in the Sea , in their passage thither ; or else have Graves made for them on the Indian shore , when they come there . A very cleanly conveyance ( but how just and honest , I leave to others ) for Parents to be rid of their unruly Children ; but I never knew any who were thus supposed to be sent thither , but they out-lived that Voyage . For the young Gentleman I spake of , his imployment was to wait upon our Chief Commander in his Cabin , who very courteously , when he came to Sea , turn'd him before the mast amongst the common Saylors [ a great preferment for a Man of his Birth ] but for all this he out-liv'd that harsh usage , and came safely to East-India , and my Lord Ambassadour hearing of him , and being well acquainted with his great kindred , sent for him up to Court , and there entertain'd him as a Companion for a year ; then giving him all fit accommodations , sent him home again as a passenger for England , where after he safely arrived . But in our way towards that Court , it thus happened , that this hot-brains being a little behind us , commanded him [ then near him ] who was the Princes servant [ before spoken of ] to hold his horse ; the man replied , that he was none of his servant and would not do it . Upon which this most intemperate mad youth , who was like Philocles , that angry Poet ; and therefore called , Bilis , & Salsigo , Choler and Brine , [ for he was the most hasty and cholerick young man that ever I knew ] as will appear by his present carriage , which was thus ; first he beat that stranger , for refusing to hold his horse , with his horse-whip , which , I must tell you , that people cannot endure , as if those whips stung worse than Scorpions . For of any punishments that carry most disgrace in them , as that people think , one is to be beaten with that whip , wherewithall they strike their beasts ; the other to be beaten [ and this they esteem the more disgraceful punishment of the two ] about the head with shooes . But this stranger ( being whipt as before ) came up and complained to me ; but to make him amends , that frantick young man ( mad with rage , and he knew not wherefore ) presently followed him , and being come up close to him , discharg'd his Pistol laden with a brace of bullets directly at his body , which bullets , by the special guidance of the hand of God , so flew , that they did the poor man no great hurt ; only one of them first tearing his coat , bruised all the knuckles of his left hand , and the other brake his bow which he carried in the same hand . We presently disarmed our young Bedlam , till he might return again to his wits . But our greatest business , was how to pacifie the other man , whom he had thus injured : I presently gave him a Roopee , in our money two shillings and nine pence ; he thanked me for it , and would have taken it with his right , but I desired him to take it with his maim'd hand , and so he did , and could clinch it very well , which I was glad of . Then we did shew ( as we had cause ) all the dislike we could against that desperate act of him , from whom he received his hurt , telling him , that we were all strangers , and for our parts had done him no wrong at all ; and therefore hoped that we should not be made any way to suffer for the faults of another : and we further told him , that if he would be quiet till we came up to the Court , he should have all the satisfaction he could desire . He told us , that we were good men , and had done him no wrong , and that he would till then rest contented ; but he did not so , for about two hours after we met with a great man of that Country , having a mighty train with him , ( as all the Grandees there have when they travel , of whom more afterward ) : He presently went towards him , that to him he might make his complaint ; and so did , telling him , that he was the Prince's servant , why he came to us , and how he had been used by us , shewing him his hand and his other breaches . The great man replied , that it was not well done of us , but he had nothing to do with it ; and so departed on his way . That night after , we came to a strong large Town , and placing our selves on the side of it , he did what he could ( as we imagined ) to raise up that People against us , some of them coming about us to view us , as we conceived , but putting on the best confidence we could , and standing then upon our guard , and all of us watching that night , but ( in a special manner ) by the good providence of God , who kept us in all our journey , we here felt none of that mischief we feared ; but early in the morning quietly departed without the least molestation . After which , with a little money , and a great many good words , we so quieted this man , that we never after heard any more complaining from him . So that ( as before I observed ) we were not at any time in any dangers of suffering by that people , but some of our own Nation were the procuring causes of it . Before I observed , that for the generality of this people they have very low and timorous spirits , but there are some I named in my last Section , who are stout daring men , as the Baloches , Patans , and Rashboots , who , as they have the honour above all the rest of the people in those large Provinces to be accounted valiant ; so , as occasion is offered , they will shew themselves so to be : and therefore they are much hired as Convoys to secure Mens Persons and Goods , from place to place . For those Provinces , they are not without Mountains of prey , and Tabernacles of Robbers , as David and Iob speak : where desperate men keep in some Woods and Deserts , which are not far from great road-ways , most frequented and used ; and there , like the wild Arabes , in Companies , meet and spoil , and destroy poor Passengers , when they expect them not ; it being the cursed manner of those Spoilers , if they prevail against them whom they surprise , to kill them before they rifle them ; and therefore the first thing heard from them is , Mor , mor , mor , that is , Kill , kill , kill , which they all speak out as loud as they can . We were often told of them as we travelled sometimes in the night , by reason of the extream heat of the day ( after we had taken leave of the King , and so were journeying towards Surat ) that we should meet with those cruel villains ; but , through Gods mercy , we were never in danger of them but once ; and that was about midnight , neer a large City called Brodera ; but we being a competent number of English-men together , about twenty , and all of us resolved to sell our lives at as dear a rate as we could , and having twice so many Indian servants with us , which are very nimble with their Bows and Arrows , we with our Pistols and Carbins , which we presently discharged amongst them , and our Indians plying them with their Arrows , made them suddenly to retreat , we receiving little hurt from them ; but after this , we made no more night-marches . Those Indians I named before , are so faithful to their trusts unto whomsoever they engage , to the English as well as to any other , that if they be at any time assaulted , they will rather dye in their defence , than forsake them at their need . So that I am very confident , if an English Merchant should travel alone with a very great treasure in Gold , and Jewels ( both , or either ) from Surat , to Lahor , which is more than one thousand English miles , and take those Indian servants only for his company , and guard , and all they knew what he carried with him , He paying them their Wages , they would be so far from injuring him of the least peny of his wealth , that whosoever besides should attempt his spoiling , must make a way through their blood , before they should be able to do it . Here is a great and good example of faithfulness , and it is very true . But I much doubt , that if a great Indian Merchant , I mean a Native of that Countrey , should come for England with like treasure , with a desire to pass through this whole Nation , and should for his more safe passage take a guard of Sword-men here , and pay them well for their service , they might lye under such a strong tentation , as might make them to spoil the Egyptian , by shortning his journey , dividing his substance , and by disposing so of his person , that it should never tell tales . But for that people , as their faithfulness is very remarkable , so is their diligence very exemplary likewise ; for they keep continually within the call of their Masters , and will not at any time depart thence without special leave . And the plenty of all Provisions being very great throughout the whole Monarchy , they serve at very low rates , which I never knew them to raise , not requiring more than five shillings Sterling every new Moon , paid the next day after its Change , which is all the recompence they do desire , or expect from their Masters , to provide themselves with all necessaries — quibus hinc Toga , Calceus hinc est , Et Panis fumusque Domi. — Juven . Sat. 1. Their coat , their shooes , their bread , their fire , And all besides , bought with this hire . and for this do as good service , as if they had ten times as much wages . They stand to be hired in the Bazar or Market-place , an ancient custom , as may appear , Mat. 20. 3. where some of them may be at all times had . But it is their manner , when they are hired to receive advance-money , that is , one moneths pay before hand , and to have their pay thus in hand every moneth so long as they serve ; and so honest they are , that if they be bidden to provide themselves of other Masters , they will serve out the time for which they have received pay , to an hour before , they depart . Now these who are so exact in performing their duty by their faithfulness and diligence , must be exactly paid their Salary at the time they expect it , otherwise they will be ready to quit their service , as one of them whom we thus hired , left us as we were travelling up to the Court ; the reason , because our money was almost quite gone ( though we were supplied again a day or two after ) and we could not punctually pay him at his day , as we had formerly done . This fellow led one of our Camels , and had been with us two moneths before ; but upon this little failing him , would needs leave us : but before he departed he made a speech to his Camel , telling him , that he had led him thus long , and had during that time lived by him ; but now our money ( as he supposed ) quite failing , he told him that he must be gone , desiring God to bless him ; and that he might have some other to lead him that might not be less careful of him than he had been . So he took leave of his Camel , though not of us , and departed . All the rest of his company were perswaded to continue with us , and had their pay a day or two after ; and so we proceeded on our journey , and so shall I further in this Discourse . And now I have spoken somthing of the people , I shall speak SECTION IX . Of their buildings in Villages , Towns , and Cities ; How their Houses are furnished ; Of their Sarra's or Houses for the entertainment of Passengers ; Of their Tents , Wells , and of their places of pleasure , &c. I Observed before the richness of their Soil , and how those Provinces are watered by many goodly Rivers , fed with abundance of Springs ; and how their Fields are clothed with very much plenty of Corn of divers kind , sold there at such low rates that every one may there eat bread without scarceness . Now I come to take notice of their Buildings ; and here I must tell my Reader , that this People are not much taken or infected with that plague of Building ( as the Italians call it ) wishing the love of it as a Curse to possess the thoughts of them they most hate ; and therefore , as the stones in India are not all precious , so the Houses there are not at all Palaces ; the poor there cannot erect for their dwellings fair Piles , and the Grandees do not cover their heads under such curious Roofs , as many of the Europeans do ; The reason , first , because all the great men there live a great part of the year , ( in which their Moneths are more temperate , as from the middle of September , to the middest of April ) in Tents , Pavilions , or moveable habitations , which , according to their fancies , changing they remove from place to place , changing their air as often as they please . And secondly , because all the great men there have their Pensions and whole subsistence from the King , which they hold upon very sickle and uncertain terms ; for as they are setled upon , and continued unto them by the King's favour , so are they forfeited and lost by his frown . Of which more afterward . Yet though they make not much use of them , they have in plenty excellent good materials for building , as Timber , Bricks , stone and marble of divers kinds and colours , of which I have seen some very good Vaults and Arches well wrought , as in their Mosquits or Churches , so in some of their high-erected Tombs , ( of which more afterward ) and so in some other places likewise . For their buildings in Cities and Towns , there are some of them handsom , others fair , such as are inhabited by Merchants , and none of them very despicable . They build their houses low , not above two stories , and many of their tops flat and thick , which keep off the violence of the heat ; and those flat tops , supported with strong Timber , and coated over with a plaster ( like that we call plaster of Paris ) keep them dry in the time of the Rains. Those broad Tarrases , or flat Roofs , some of them lofty , are places where many people may stand ( and so they often do ) early in the morning , and in the evening late , like Camelions , to draw , and drink in fresh air ; and they are made after this fashion , for prospect , as well as pleasure . Those houses of two stories , have many of them very large upper rooms , which have many double doors in the sides of them , like those in our Balconies , to open and let in fresh air , which is likewise conveyed in unto them , by many lesser lights made in the walls of those rooms , which are always free and open ; The use of glass windows , or any other shuttings , being not known there , nor in any other very hot Countreys . Neither have they any Chimneys in their buildings , because they never wake any use of fire but to dress their food , which fire they make against firm wall , or without their Tents against some bank of Earth , as remote as may be from the places where they use to keep , that they may receive no annoyance from the heat thereof . It is their manner in many places , to plant about , and amongst their buildings , trees which grow high and broad , the shadow whereof keeps their houses by far more cool ; this I observ'd in a special manner when we were ready to enter Amadavar ; for it appeared to us , as if we had been entring a Wood , rather than a City . That Amadavar is very large and populous City , entred by many fair Gates girt about with an high and thick Wall of Brick , which mounts above the tops of their houses , without which wall there are no suburbs . Most of the houses within the City are of Brick , and very many of them ridged and covered with Tiles . But for their houses in their Aldeas or Villages , which stand very thick in that Country , they are generally very poor and base . All those Countrey-dwellings are set up close together ; for I never observed any house there to stand single , and alone . Some of their houses in those villages are made with earthenwalls , mingled with straw , set up immediatly after their Rains , and having a long season after to dry them throughly , stand firm , and so continue ; they are built low , and many of them flat : but for the generality of those Country-Villages , the Cottages in them are miserably poor , little , and base ; so that as they are built with a very little charge , set up with sticks rather than Timber , if they chance to fire ( as many times they do ) for a very little they may be re-edified . Those who inhabit the Countrey-Villages , are called Coolees . These till the ground , and breed up Cattel , and other things for provision , as Hens , &c. these , they who plant the Sugar , the Cotten-wool , and Indico , &c. — for their Trades and Manufactures they are kept in Cities and Towns , about which are their choicest fruits planted . In their Cities and Towns , without their dwellings , but fix't to them , are pend-houses where they shew and sell their provisions , as bread , and flower-cakes made up with Sugar , and fruits , and other things ; and there they shew their manufactures , and other Commodities , some of which they carry twice every day to sell in the Bazar or Market . I saw two houses of the Mogol's , one at Mandoa , the other at Amadaver , which appeared large & stately , built of excellent stoné well squared and put together , each of them taking up a large compass of ground ; but we could never see how they were contrived within , because there are none admitted , strangers or others , to have a sight of those houses , while the King's wives and women are there , which must not be seen by any but by himself , and his servants the Eunuchs . The Mogol's Palace Royal is at Agra his Metropolis ( of which more afterward ) but for the present I shall take a little notice of a very curious Grot I saw belonging to his house at Mandoa , which stood a small distance from it , for the building of which there was a way made into a firm Rock , which shewed it self on the side of an Hill , Canopied over with part of that Rock . It was a place that had much beauty in it by reason of the curious workmanship bestowed on it ; and much pleasure by reason of its coolness . That City Mandoa I speak of , is situated upon a very high mountain , the top whereof is flat , and plain , and spacious . From all parts that lie about it but one ; the ascent is very high , and steep ; and the way to us seemed exceeding long , for we were two whole days climbing up the Hill , with our Cariages , which we got up with very much difficulty ; not far from the bottom of which Hill , we lodged at a great town called Achabar-pore , where we ferried over a broad River ( as we did in other places ) for I observed no bridges made there over any of their Rivers where their high-ways lie . That Hill on which Mandoa stands , is stuck round ( as it were ) with fair trees , that keep their distance so one from and below the other , that there is much delight in beholding them either from the bottom or top of that Hill. In those vast and far extended Woods , there are Lions , Tygres , and other beasts of Prey , and many wild Elephants . We lay one night in that wood with our Carriages , and those Lions came about us discovering themselves by their Roaring ; but we keeping a very good fire all night , they came not neer enough to hurt either our selves , or cattel . Those cruel Beasts are night-walkers for in the day they appear not . After when ( through Gods most gracious assistance ) we had overcome those difficulties and dangers , we came into a plain and even Countrey ; in which travelling a few dayes more , we first met with my Lord Ambassador marching towards Mandoa with that great King , with whom I then setled , and continued with him , till he was returned home . We were in our journey to the Court from the beginning of Ianuary , till the end of March , we resting a while at Brampore , which is a very spacious and populous City , where we had a Factory . And after that , we were violently detained in our journy by Sultan Caroon the Prince , whom we met in his march towards Brampore , & a very marvelous great retinue with him . The reason why he interrupted us in our course was , that he might see the Presents we had for his Father the King ; but we having command from the Ambassador to tell him , that we durst not open them , till we came to the King , we most humbly craved his pardon to spare us in that ; so presenting him with a pair of Rich Gloves ( though they be things they wear not in those hot Countries ) and a rich embroidered bag for perfume ( which amongst many other things of the like kind were brought from England to be given away for Presents ) after that he had carried us back three days journy , he let us go , taking further order for our safe convoy . And now Reader , thou maist suppose us almost setled in Mandoa , the place then of the Mogol's residence , not much inhabited before we came thither , having more ruins by far about it , than standing houses . But amongst the Piles of building that had held up their heads above Ruin , there were not a few unfrequented Mosquits , or Mahometan Churches ; yet I observed , that though the people who attended the King there , were marvellously streightned for room , wherein they might dispose of very great numbers of most excellent horses , which were now at that place , they would not make stables of any of those Churches , though before that time , they had been forsaken , and out of use . One of those deserted Mosquits , with some large Tomb near it , both vaulted over head ( which shall be after described ) were the best places there to be gotten for my Lord Ambassadour and his Company to lodge and be in , we carrying our bedding , and all things appertaining thereto , all necessaries belonging to our Kitchin , and every thing beside for bodily use , from place to place , as we occasionally removed . Here we stayed with the Mogol from the middle of April , till the twentieth of September following , and then began our progress with him , towards the City Amadavar . Our abiding place at Mandoa , was very near one of the sides of that vast Wilderness , out of which , some of those wild beasts oft-times in the night came about our habitation , and seldom teturned back without a Sheep , or a Goat , or a Kid , some of which we always kept about us for our provision . And it was a wonderful great mercy , those furious , and ravening , and hunger-bit Creatures , did not make their prey sometimes in the dark and silent nights , while we were sleeping , on some of our bodies , the fore-part of our dwelling standing upon pillars ; and there was nothing in those open distances , that had any strength in it to keep them from us . One night , early in the Evening , there was a great Lion which we saw , came into our Yard , ( though our Yard was compassed about with a stone-wall , that was not low . ) And my Lord Ambassadour having a little white neat Shock , that ran out barking at him , the Lion presently snapt him up , leapt again over the wall , and away he went. But for a ravening and roaring Lion , as I believe that he cannot be made tame when he is old ; yet certainly he may be bred tame , being kept full , and high fed . For the Mogol , at my being there , had a very great Lion ( I often saw ) which went up and down , amongst the people that frequented his Court , gently as a dog , and never did hurt ; only he had some Keepers which did continually wait upon him . For those wild and cruel Beasts , one of our English-men watching in a tree by night , ( that stood not far from our dwelling ) with a fire-lock charg'd with some small bullets , shot a Tigre , and kil'd him stone-dead , as he was coming towards us . It was a large beast , higher than an Irish-Greyhound , with grizled hair , a long head , & sharp and short picked ears , having a mouth fil'd with cruel teeth ; after which ( we usually keeping a little fire without our house everynight ) were not so much troubled with those night-walkers . Now to return to that from which I am occasionally digressed , I told you before what their buildings are . And now for the furniture that the greatest men have in them , it is Curta supellex , very little ; they being not beautified with hangings , nor with any thing besides to line their walls ; but where they are best adorned , they are kept very white , and set off with a little neat painting and nothing else ; for they have no Chairs , no stools , nor Couches , nor Tables , nor Beds , enclosed with Canopies , or Curtains , in any of their Rooms . And the truth is , that if they had them , the extream heat there would forbid the use of many of them ; all their bravery is upon their Floors , all which are made eeven with fine Earth or Plaister , on which they spread their most excellent Carpets in their Tents , as well as in their dwelling houses , laying some coarse thing under to preserve them ; on which they sit ( as Taylors on their shop-boards ) when they meet together , putting off their shooes ( which they usually wear as slippers and their feet bare in them ) when they come to tread upon those soft Pavements , and keeping them off till they remove thence , this helps to keep cool their feet , and is very pleasant in those hot Countries . On those Carpets they sleep in the night time , or else upon an hard Quilt , or lying upon a slight and low Bed-stead they call a Cot , bottomed with broad Girt-web made of Cotten-wool . But where-ever they lye , they stretch themselves out at their full length when they go to sleep , usually upon their backs , without any Pillow , or Bolster , to raise up their heads . Very many of the meaner sort of people ( as I have often observed ) lye thus stretched out to take their rest upon the ground , in the dry season of the year , with a white Callico-cloth spread all over them , which makes them to appear like so many dead corpses laid forth for burial . This lying so eeven , and at length with their bodies thus extended , may be one reason why the people there are all so straight limn'd , having none crooked amongst them ; and another , because they never girt , nor lace in their bodies ( as before was observed ) . Some of those slight Bed-steads , they call Cots , in their standing houses hang by ropes , a little above ground , which are fastned to the four corners thereof ; moved gently up and down , by their servants , to lull them asleep . They have no Inns in those parts for the entertainment of strangers ; but in some great Towns large Houses they call Sarraas very substantially built , with brick , or stone , where any Passengers may find house-room and use it without any recompence ; but there is nothing to be had beside room , all other things they must provide and bring with them , as when they lodge in Tents . Amongst their Buildings I must take special notice of their Wells and Tankes , upon both which in very many places they bestow exceeding much cost in stone-work ; for their Wells which are fed with Springs , they make them round , but very wide and large . They are wrought up with firm stones laid in fine Plaister ; they usually cover those Wells with a building over-head , and with Oxen draw water out of them , which riseth up in many small Buckets , whereof some are always going down , others continually coming up , and emptying themselves , in troughs , or little rills , made to receive , and convey the water whither they please . Their Tanks are made in low places , and many of them very deep and large ( one mile , and some of them much more in compass ) made round or four-square , or in more squares , about which there is a low stone-wall , that hath many doors in it , and within that wall steps , made one below the other round about it , that go down to the bottom thereof , ( which is paved likewise ) : those steps are made of well squared lasting stone , laid firm , and eeven in very good order , for people that have not plenty of water otherwise , to go down and take it . These great receptacles of water , are made neer places that are very populous ; fill'd when that long season of rain ( before spoken of ) comes , immediately before which time , they clense them , that the water may be more clear , and wholsom . They hold water all the dry season of the year . For their places of pleasure , they are in their Groves , where their curious Fruit-trees ( before described ) grow ; but especially in their Gardens , wherein they plant little Vineyards that afford marvellous fair and sweet Grapes , which they cut green , for their eating , or make Raisons of them . But for Wine , they make none , because their Mahomet forbids the drinking thereof . In those Gardens likewise , they have many Pome-granat-trees , with all other of the choicest fruits and flowers their Country affords ; to which Nature daily yields such a supply , as that there is beauty to be seen in those Trees , and Plants , and that continually . In the middle of those Gardens , they have such Wells ( as before are described ) the tops whereof stand a good deal higher than the planted ground , which lyes eeven , and flat below them , from whence water is conveyed in narrow open passages , ( they knowing not the use of Leaden-Pipes ) to all the parts of them in the dry season of the year . In those Gardens likewise they have little round Tanks to bathe in ; whose sides and bottoms are made firm and smooth with that plaister before named ; they are fill'd by aquae-ducts from those Wells , and they can empty them when they please , as well as fill them . The water that is conveyed into those small Tanks , usually runs down broad stone Tables , that have many hollows made in them , like to scollop-shells , which water in its passage makes such a pretty murmure , as helps to tye their senses with the bonds of sleep , in the hot seasons of the day when they constantly keep their houses , and then they lye down neer them on their Carpets , to be lull'd asleep . Those bathing places are within , or very near their Garden-houses , which usually are by far more neat , than any other of their dwelling . In such a Garden-house , with all those accommodations about it , my Lord Embassadour lay with his company at Surat , the last three moneths before he left East-India . And further , in those hot seasons of the day ; the people of better quality lying or sitting on their Carpets , or Pallats , have servants standing about them , who continually beat the air upon them with Flabella's , or Fans , of stiffned leather , which keeps off the flyes from annoying them , and cool them as they lye . Thus taking their ease , they call for Barbers , who very gently gripe their arms , and shoulders , and other parts , they can in any measure grasp , and they strike likewise very softly those parts with the sides of their hands ; it is very pleasing as they do it , and causeth their blood to stir in their veins ; it is therefore very much used in those parts , to such as do not heat their blood by bodily motion . For their pastimes within doors , they have Cards , but much different from ours in the figures made in them , and in their greater number of suits . Those Cards I have often seen ; and have been more often told , that they have very good skill in that most innocent and ingenious game we call Chesses . They delight themselves sometimes with the Company of Mountebanks , and Juglers . For their Mountebanks ; they keep venemous Snakes in baskets , and will suffer themselves to be bitten or stung by them ; which part thus bitten , or stung , presently swells , and immediately after that , they cure themselves again by Oyls and Powders , which they apply unto the place , and then offer to sell them unto the people standing by . Their Juglers are the cunningst that ever I saw , to do strange things by sleight of hand , as in this trick I shall here name : where I have observed them to lay down scuttles or broad open Wicker-baskets upon the ground , three or four one upon another , all which appeared empty , as they laid them down ; but taking them up again one after the other , in the bottom of them there would appear , three or four living Turtle-doves : which they would cover again with the same Scuttles , and tossing and turning them as they took them off , and up the second time , none of those pretty creatures were to be seen any more . But how they first conveyed them thither , and how after thence , we could not possibly discover . For their Pastimes abroad they have Hawks of divers kinds , greater and less , and Partridges , and other choice Fowl great store to fly at . They have Hares , and Antilops , with other wild Beasts to hunt , and these not a few . Their dogs for chase are made somwhat like our Grey-hounds , but much less , who never open in the pursute of their game . They hunt likewise with Leopards train'd up and made fit for their sport , who by leaping seize on that they pursue : but by reason of the heat of the Country , those sports are not there much used . The Mogol when he hunts , carries Hawks and Dogs , and all things beside with him , to make him pastime ; that if one sport fail , he may be pleased with another . They say , that they have a curious Device to take wild fowls that use the water ; into which a fellow goes , with a fowl of that kind he desires to catch , whose skin is stuffed so artificially , as that with a noise he counterfeits that fowl , it appears to be alive , the man keeps all his body but head under water , on which he fastens that counterfeit fowl to stand fore-right on the top thereof , and thus coming amongst them , he plucks them ( as they say ) by their legs under water at his pleasure . But this I have only by tradition . For other pastimes abroad , this I am sure of , that when the weather is more temperate , they shoot much in their Bows , and are very excellent Marks-men , somewhat like those left-handed men spoken of Iudg. 20. 16. And with their Guns in which they shoot single bullets ( for they have not the use of small-shot ) they are somwhat long in taking their aim , but they will come very neer the mark . Other delight themselves very much in managing their excellent Horses ; But so shall not I delight my Reader , if I dwell too long in particulars . And therefore having spoken of their Buildings , I shall now invite him , though not to eat , or taste , yet to take notice SECTION X. Of their Diet , their Cookery in dressing it , &c. ANd though this Country affords very much variety of excellent good Provisions , yet the Mahometans feed not freely on any flesh , but on that which is strange , and forbidden ( of the Hindoos Diet I shall speak afterwards ) : but for the Mahometans they are a people , as I conceive , not much given to their Palate ; but are very careful of , and temperate in their Diet , as having learn'd by experience , that full bellies do more oppress , than strengthen the body , that too much of the Creature doth not comfort but destroy Nature ; It being a tried truth , that Gluttony reacheth , and kills those whom swords cannot touch . All Diseases of the body for the most part being contracted to it by Surfeits , in on kinde or other ; and therefore they keep themselves to a thin Diet , and eat not to pamper and please their Appetite , but to satisfie and support nature , which is contented with a little every where , but with less in hot Countries , where mens digestion of food is not so quick and good ; this being further a tried truth , that those bodies are most strong , active , and healthy , which are most temperate . Therefore though they have abundance of flesh and fowl , and have fish too , yet are they temperate in all of them . For Swines flesh , it is an abomination unto the Mahometans ; and therefore they touch it not . And for other kind of flesh , they eat very little of them alone , to make their full meals of them , for they dress no kind of flesh in great pieces , or whole joynts , nor scarce any of their fowls whole . For boyling of flesh in water , or baking or roasting any flesh , are pieces of Cookery ( if I observed well ) they know not ; but they stew all their flesh as their Kid and other Venison , &c. cut into sippets , or slices , or little parts , to which they put Onions , and Herbs , and Roots , and Ginger , ( which they take there green out of the earth ) and other Spices , with some butter , which ingredients when as they are well proportioned , make a Food that is exceedingly pleasing to all Palats , at their first tasting thereof most savoury Meat , haply that very dish which Iacob made for his Father Isaac , when he got the blessing , Gen. 27. With their flesh and herbs , &c. they sometimes stew Hens and other Foul cut in pieces , which is like that the Spaniards call an Oleo , but more toothsome . But their great common standing dish there is Rice , which they boyl with more Art than we : for they boyl the grain so as that it is full , and plump , and tender , but not broken in boyling ; they put to it a little green Ginger , and Pepper , and Butter , and this is the ordinary way of their dressing it , and so 't is very good . Sometimes they boyl pieces of flesh , or Hens , and other Fowl cut in pieces in their Rice , which dish they call Pillaw ; as they order it , they make it a very excellent , and a very well-tasted Food . Once my Lord Ambassadour had an Entertainment there by Asaph Chan , who invited him to dinner ( and this was the only respect in that kind he ever had , while he was in East-India ) That Asaph Chan was a Man made by his great Alliances , the greatest Subject and Favourite in all that Empire ; for his Sister was the Mogol's most beloved Wife , and his Daughter was married unto Sultan Caroon the Prince , and very much beloved by him , but of all these , more afterward . This Asaph Chan entertained my Lord Ambassador in a very spacious and a very beautiful Tent , where none of his followers besides my self , saw , or tasted of that Entertainment . That Tent was kept full of a very pleasant Perfume ; in which sents the King and Grandees there take very much delight . The floor of the Tent was first covered all over with very rich and large Carpets , which were covered again in the places where our dinner stood , with other good Carpets , made of stitch'd Leather , to preserve them which were richer ; and these were covered again with pure white and fine Callico Clothes , and all these covered with very many dishes of Silver , but for the greater part of those Silver dishes they were not larger than our largest trencher-plates , the brims of all of them gilt . We sate in that large Room as it were in a Triangle ; The Ambassadour on Chan's right hand a good distance from him , and my self below ; all of us on the ground , as they there all do when as they eat , with our Faces looking each to the other , and every one of us had his several mess. The Ambassadour had more dishes by ten , and I less by ten , than our entertainer had , yet for my part I had fifty dishes . They were all set before us at once , and little paths left betwixt them , that our entertainers servants ( for onely they waited ) might come and reach them to us one after another , and so they did . So that I tasted of all set before me , and of most did but taste , though all of them tasted very well . Now of the provision it self , for our larger dishes , they were filled with Rice , dressed ( as before describ'd . ) And this Rice was presented to us , some of it white , in its own proper colour , some of it made yellow with Saffron , and some of it was made green , and some of it put into a purple colour , but by what Ingredient I know not , but this I am sure , that it all tasted very well ; And with Rice thus ordered , several of our dishes were furnished , and very many more of them with flesh of several kinds , and with Hens , and with other sort of Fowl cut in pieces , as before I observed in their Indian Cookery . To these we had many Jellies , and Culices ; Rice ground to flower , and then boyled , and after sweetned with Sugar-Candy and Rose-Water to be eaten cold . The flower of Rice mingled with sweet Almonds , made as small as they could , and with some of the most fleshy parts of Hens stewed with it , and after the flesh so beaten into pieces , that it could not be discern'd , all made sweet with Rose-Water and Sugar-Candy , and sented with Amber-Greece ; this was another of our dishes , and a most luscious one , which the Portugals call Mangee Real , Food for a King. Many other dishes we had , made up in Cakes of several forms , of the finest of the wheat-flower , mingled with Almonds and Sugar-Candy , whereof some were sented , and some not . To these Potatoes excellently well dressed , and to them divers Sallads , and the curious fruits of that Country , some preserved in Sugar , and others raw , and to these many Roots candied , Almonds blanched , Raisons of the Sun , Prunellas , and I know not what , of all enough to make up that number of dishes before named ; and with these quelque chose , was that entertainment made up . And it was better a great deal , than if it had consisted of full and heaped up dishes , such as are sometimes amongst us provided , for great and profuse entertainments . Our Bread was of very good and excellent Wheat , made up very white and light , in round Cakes ; and for our Drink , some of it was brew'd for ought I know , ever since Noah his Flood , that good innocent water , being all the Drink there commonly used ( as before ) and in those hot Climates ( it being better digested there than in any other parts ) it is very sweet , and allayes thirst better than any other Liquor can , and therefore better pleaseth , and agreeth better with every Man that comes and lives there , than any other Drink . At this entertainment we sat long , and much longer than we could with ease cross-leg'd , but all considered , our Feast in that place was better than Apicius , that famous Epicure of Rome , with all his witty Gluttony ( for so Paterculus calls it , ingeniosa Gula , ) could have made with all provisions had from the Earth , and Air , and Sea. My Lord Ambassadour observed not that uneasie way of sitting at his meat , but as in his own House had Tables and Chairs , &c. Served he was altogether in Plate , and had an English , and Indian Cook to dress his dyet , which was very plentiful , and cheap likewise ; so that by reason of the great variety of provisions there , his weekly account for his House-keeping came but to little . The meaner sort of people there eat Rice boyled with their green-Ginger and a little Pepper , after which they put Butter into it , which is their principal dish , and but seldom eaten by them : But their ordinary Food is made ( not of the flowr of Wheat ) but of a coarse well tasted Grain , made up in round broad and thick Cakes , which they bake upon their thin iron plates ( before spoken of ) which they carry with them , when as they travel from place to place ; when they have bak'd those Cakes , they put a little Butter on them : And doubtless the poor people find this a very hearty Food , for they who live most upon it , are as strong as they could be , if they had their diet out of the King's Kitchin. I shall here say no more of this , but proceed to speak . SECTION XI . Of the Civilities of this People ; Of their Complements , and of their Habits . ANd here the People in general ( as before was observed ) are as civil to Strangers as to their own Country-men ; for they use when they meet one another , or when they meet strangers , to bow their Heads , or to lay their right Hands on their Breasts , and to bow their Bodies as they pass , saluting them further with many well-wishes . They use not to uncover their Heads at all , as we do in our Salutes , ( from which custom of ours , the Turks borrow this imprecation for their Enemies , wishing their Souls no more rest after death than a Christians hat hath , which is alwayes stirred ) but the meaner sort , instead of uncovering their Heads to their Superiours , use these abject Ceremonies , by putting their right Hand to the Earth , and then laying it on their Heads ; or by falling down on their Knees , and then bowing their Heads to the Earth ; both signifying , that those unto whom they shew these reverences , and respects , may tread ortrample on them , if they pleased . When we visit the people there of better quality , they entertain us with much humanity ; first rising up to us , they bow their Bodies , and then entreat us to sit with them on their Carpets , where they are free in their discourse , which we usually exchange with them by an Interpreter . If we have any business with them , they return very civil and fair Answers , and for our further entertainment give us Beetle or Paune to chew , ( before spoken of . ) In their near , and more close and hearty Salutes , they do not joyn Hands as we , but do that which is hateful to the Spaniard , and not at all in use with us ; for they take one another by the Chin , or Beard , and cry Bobba , which is , Father ; or Bij , which is , Brother : And this appears to be a very ancient Complement , for thus Ioab long ago saluted Amasa , 2 Sam. 20. 9. But this they do in love , not as Ioab did there , in Treachery . In their Complements they express many good wishes to one another , as Salam Allacum , God give you health ; the reply , Allacum Salam , The same health God give you . And Greb-a Nemoas , I wish you the prayers of the poor . And Tere gree gree kee Bulla doore , which made-English speaks thus , I wish one good to come unto you after another , every Gra , ( which is a space of time a little more than a quarter of an hour ) ; and they have many more Complements like these , handsome , and significant . As inferiour people ( who have their dependance on others ) use to say unto them , I eat your Bread and Salt , ( as much to say ) I am your Servant , I live by you , and you may do with me , or to me , what you please . Now as this People of East-India are civil in their speeches , so are they civilly clad ; for there are none who wear their own skin alone for their covering , as very many in the western India do . For the Habits of this People , from the highest to the lowest , they are all made of the same fashion , which they never alter nor change ; their Coats sitting close to their Bodies unto their Wastes , then hanging down loose a little below their Knees , the lower part of them sitting some-what full ; those close Coats are fastned unto both their Shoulders , with slips made of the same Cloth , which , for the generality , are all made of coarser , or finer white Callico ; and in like manner are they fastned to their Waste , on both sides thereof , which Coats coming double over their Breasts , are fastned by like slips of Cloth , that are put thick from their left Arm-holes to their middle ; The sleeves of those Coats are made long , and some-what close to their Arms , that they may ruffle , especially from their Elbows to their Wrists . Under this Coat they usually wear another sleight one , made of the same Cloth , but shorter than the other , and this is all they commonly wear upon the upper part of their bodies . But some of the greater sort in the cooler seasons of the day there , will slip on loose Coats over the other , made either of quilted Silk , or Callico , or of our English Scarlet-broad-cloth ( for that is the colour they most love . ) Under their Coats they have long Breeches like unto Irish-trouses , made usually of the same cloth , which come to their Anckles , and ruffle on the small of their legs . For their feet , they keep them ( as was before observed ) always bare in their shooes . Some of their Grandees makes their Coats and Breeches of striped Taffata of several colours , or of some other silk stuff all of the same colour , or of slight cloth of Silver or Gold , all made in that Country . But pure white and fine Callico-laune , ( which they there make likewise ) is for the most part the height of all their bravery ; the collars , and some other parts of their upper coats , being set off with some neat stitching . Upon their heads they wear a long wreath of cloth , about half a yard broad , usually white , but sometimes of other colours . Which cloth worn for their head-covering , is sometimes inter-woven in spaces with threds of coloured silk , or silver , or gold ; and when not so , one end of that wreath of cloth worn by Gallants is usually thus inter-woven ; and so put upon their heads , that its gayness may appear . This head-covering of theirs , they call a Shash , which incircles their heads many times , and doth mervellously defend them from the violence of the Sun. And because this covering must needs keep their heads hot , they provide for this , as well as they can , by shaving the hair continually from off them . And they have girdles made of the same wreaths of cloth for the better sort , thus inter-woven , which come twice at least about them , made very trim with that kind of weaving , especially on both ends , which hang down directly before them . And thus have I presented a Mahometan there in his proper dress whose habit will more visibly appear together in the Mogols Picture , portrayed and after put into this discourse . Now for the Mahometan women , ( because I had never sight of those of the greatest quality ) I cannot give such an account of them in respect of the Habits . For these , unless they be dishonest , or poor , come not abroad ; but for the fashion of their Garments , they do not differ much from those the men wear , for they wear Coats , and Breeches one very like the other , only women bind their long hair with Phillets , which hand down behind them . They wear likewise upon their heads Mantles or Vails ( usually made of white Callico , or of their Pintado's ) which hang down over their other Garments . Further , the women have their Ears boared , not only in their flaps , but round about them , wherein they wear very little Pendants ; those of the richer sort are made of flat , narrow and thin pieces of Gold or Silver ; those worn by the poorer sort made of Brass , or Iron kept bright , so that all are in the same fashion ; they bestow some work upon the edges and ends of those Pendants . And those women have the lower part of their left Nostrils pierced , wherein they wear a Ring ( when they please ) of Gold , or Silver , or of some other baser Metals . Those Rings of Gold have little Pearls fastned to one end of them , and that Pearl is dril'd through , that both ends of the ring may meet in it . And doubtless , the women of the greatest quality ( though I saw it not ) are bedeck'd with many rich Jewels . This I have observed in some of those of the better sort I there saw , that they did wear great broad hollow Rings of Gold enamel'd ; and some made of Silver , or Brass , upon their wrists , and upon the small of their legs , to take off and on ; two or three of them upon each Arm , and Leg , which make a tinkling noise , very probably such Ornaments as the Jewish women were threatned for , Isaiah 3. where Almighty God tells them , that he would take away their tinkling Ornaments about their feet , the Bracelets , and the Ornaments of their legs , their Rings , and Nose-jewels . For my Lord Embassadour , and his Company , we all kept to our English Habits , made as light and cool as possibly we could have them . His waiters in red Taffata Cloaks guarded with green Taffata , which they always wore when they went abroad with him , my self in a long black Cassock ; and the colours and fashion of our garments were so different from theirs , that we needed not , wheresoever we were , to invite spectators to take notice of us . And now , the Constancy there observed by the Natives of both sexes , in keeping to their old fashions in their Habits , exampled to them by their Predecessors in many foregoing Generations , and by them still continued , is the great praise of this people , as the commendation of every Nation in the World almost , besides ours , still constant to their ancient fashions in their Apparel . SECTION XII . Of their Language , their Books , their Learning , &c. THE Language of this Empire , I mean the Vulgar , bears the name of it , and is called Indostan ; it hath much affinity with the Persian , and Arabian Tongues : but the Indostan is a smoother Language , and more easie to be pronounced than the other , a Language which is very significant , and speaks much few words ; They write it ( as we ) to the right hand . It is expressed by letters , which are very much different from those Alphabets , by which the Persian and Arabian Tongues are formed . The Persian there is spoken as their more quaint and Court-tongue . The Arabian is their learned Language , both written backward to the left hand like the Hebrew , from whence they borrow many words , which come so near it , as that he who is a good Critick in the Hebrew may very well guess at the meaning of much in both those Languages . The Persian is a Language , as if it consisted all of Guttural letters ( as some in the Hebrew Alphabet are called ) filling the mouth in the pronunciation of them ; for as the words in that Language are full of sense , so in their speaking they are full of sound . For the Latin and Greek , by which there hath been so much knowledg conveyed into the World , they are as ignorant of them both , as if they had never been ; and this may be one great reason why there is so little learning amongst them . But for the people themselves , they are men of very strong reason , and will speak ex re nata , upon any offered occasion , very exceeding well ; and doubtless they are a people of such strong Capacities , that , were there literature amongst them , they might be the Authors of many excellent works ; but as the case stands with them , all that is there attainable towards Learning , is but to read and write . And here by the way let me insert this , that I never saw any Idiot or natural Fool , nor any deformed person amongst them , in any of those parts . For Logick and Rhetorick which are so instrumental , the first to enlarge , and the second to polish discourses , they have none but what is Natural . They say , that they write some witty Poems , and compose many handsom Annals and Stories of their own , and other adjacent Countries . They delight much in Musick , and have some stringed , but many more Wind-instruments ; They have the use of Timbrels likewise ; but for want of pleasing Airs , their Musick in my ears never seemed to be any thing but discord . Their Books are not many , and those are Manuscripts . That rare and happy invention of Printing , which hath been the advancement of so much learning within Christendom , is not known without it . They have heard of Aristotle , whom they call Aplis , and have some of his Books ( as they say ) in the Arabian Tongue , in which Language ( they further say ) they have many Books written by Avicenna , that ancient Physitian , who was born in Samarchandia , one of the most fam'd places within the Tartarian Empire , the Country ( as they believe ) where Tamberlain , the Mogols great Ancestor , drew his first breath . Some parts or fragments they have of the old Testament ; of which more , when I shall come to speak of their Religion . Many amongst them profess themselvs to have great skill in judicial Astrology , that great Cheat , which hath been very anciently , and often put upon ( as the Sacred Story witnesseth ) the people inhabiting the East , and South parts of the World. I call it a Cheat , because there is , and must needs be , so much uncertainty in it ; all things here below being ordered , and over-ruled , by the secret , and unerring providence of Almighty God , which frustrateth the tokens of the Lyars , and maketh Diviners mad ; that turneth wise men backward , and maketh their knowledg foolish , Esay 44. 25. First , these Diviners are mad when things fall not out according to their bold predictions ; And secondly , they have been , and not without cause , esteemed as mad-men , in foretelling things which they could not know , and much less bring to pass . And therefore I have heard a great Master in , and a publick Professor of , Astronomy , who could see as far into Constellations , and observe as much from them as any other , often say , that he would go by the very self same rules that others did , to predict things to come ; and would write that which was quite contrary to what they observed , yet what he wrote should as often fall to be as true as what they foretold . Yet notwithstanding the truth of these premises , the great Mogol puts so much confidence in his Astrologers , that he will not undertake a journey , nor yet resolve to do any thing besides of the least consequence , unless his Wizards tell him , it is a good and a prosperous hour , to begin , and set upon such an undertaking , and at the very instant he hath his directions from them , he sets upon the thing he undertakes , and not before . SECTION XIII . Of their Physitians , Diseases , Cures ; When they begin their year ; How they measure their time , &c. HEre are those which pretend unto much skill in Physick , though ( for ought I could ever there observe ) the people make but little use of them , they fearing more Medicum quam Morbum ; and therefore do believe the Physitian to be the more dangerous disease . The common Diseases of that Countrey are Bloody-Fluxes , with others that come not to blood , Hot-Fevers , Calentures , which seize on and fire the head and brain , more than other parts . These , many times put our men at Sea into very high distempers , especially while they are under the Torrid Zone , which makes the poor creatures visited with them , sometimes to conceit the spacious Sea and Waves therein to be great Fields full of Haycocks ; and if they were not sometimes happily prevented , would leap over-board to tumble in them . For ordinary Agues , such as are so common among us , and for those two torments rather than diseases ( when they are felt in extremity ) the Gout and the Stone , they have the happiness to be ignorant of them . But sometimes they are visited with an inflammation , or an extreme Burn̄ing , such as is spoken of , Deut. 28. 22. or rather with a most grievous Pestilence , which on a sudden sweeps away many thousands when it comes into great populous Cities . This Pestilence makes the bodies of Men there which are visited with it , like an House , which on a sudden is covered all over with fire at once . The City Amadavar ( at our being there with the King ) was visited with this Pestilence in the moneth of May , and our Family was not exempted from that most uncomfortable visitation ; for within the space of nine dayes , seven persons that were English of our Family were taken away by it , and none of those which dyed lay sick above twenty hours , and the major part well and sick , and dead in twelve hours . As our Surgeon ( who was there all the Physician we had , and he led the way ) falling sick at mid-day , and the following mid-night dead . And there were three more that followed him , one immediately after the other , who made as much haste to the Grave as he had done , and the rest went after them , within that space of time ( I named before . ) And ( as before I observed ) all those that dyed in our Family of this Pestilence , had their Bodies set all on fire by it , so soon as they were first visited ; and when they were dying , and dead , broad spots of a black and blew colour appeared on their Breasts ; and their flesh was made so extreme hot by their most high distemper , that we who survived , could scarce endure to keep our hands upon it . It was a most sad time , a fiery Tryal indeed . But such is the goodness of Almighty God , that he makes the miseries of Men here , Aut tolerabiles , aut breves , either sufferable , or short ; so that if the thing imposed be extreme heavy to be born , it continues not long , as this most grievous visitation , most violent for the time , like a mighty storm , and then blown away . For here the mercy of God suddenly stept in , betwixt the living and the dead ; so that not onely in our Family , but also in that great City , the Plague was stayed . All our Family [ my Lord Ambassadour onely excepted ] were visited with this sickness ; and we all , who through Gods help and goodness out-lived it , had many great blisters , fill'd with a thick yellow watery substance , that arose upon many parts of our bodies , which when they brakè , did even burn and corrode our skins , as it ran down upon them . For my part I had a Calenture before at Mandoa , which brought me even into the very Iaws of Death , from whence it pleased God then to rescue and deliver me , which amongst thousands and millions of mercies more received from him , hath , and shall for ever give me cause to speak good of his Name . There are very few English which come thither , but have some violent sickness , which if they escape , and live temperately , they usually enjoy very much health afterward . But Death made many breaches unto my Lord Ambassador's Family , for of four and twenty Waiters , besides his Secretary and my self , there was not above the fourth Man returned home . And he himself by violent Fluxes , was twice brought even to the very brink of the Grave . The Natives of East-India in all their violent hot diseases , make very little use of Physicians , unless it be to breathe a Vein sometimes , after which they use much fasting as their most hopeful remedy . The foul Disease is too common in those hot Climates , where the people that have it are much more affected with the trouble it brings , than with the sin or shame thereof . The people in East-India live up to our greatest Ages ; but without all question they have more old people than we ; a thing not to be wondered at , if we consider the great Temperance of that people in general in their eating and drinking . But to proceed . The Hindooes or Heathens there begin their year the first day of March. The Mahometans begin theirs , the tenth , at the very instant as the Astrologers there ghess that the Sun enters into Aries , their year as ours is divided into twelve Moneths , or rather into thirteen Moons , for according to them they make many payments . They distinguish their time in a much different manner from us , dividing the day into four , and the night into as many parts , which they call Pores ; which again they subdivide each of them into eight parts , which they call Grees ; measured according to the ancient custom , by water dropping out of one vessel into another , by which there alwayes stands a Man appointed for that service , to turn t●at vessel up again when it is all dropped out , and then to strike with an hammer ( upon the brim of a concave piece of Metal , like the inner part of a large Platter , hanging by the brim on a wire ) the number of those Pores , and Grees as they pass . It hath a deep sound , and may be heard very far ; but these are not common amongst them . Neither have they any Clocks , or Sun-Dials , to shew them further how their time passeth . We lived there some part of our time a little within , or under the Tropick of Cancer , and then the Sun was our Zenith , or Verticle at noon-day directly over our heads , at his return to his Northern bounds ( of which I have spoken something before . ) The Sun-rising there , was about six hours in the Morning before its appearing here , so that it is twelve of the Clock with them , when it is but six with us . We had the Sun there above the Horizon in December , when the dayes are shortest near eleven hours ; and in Iune when they are at their fullest length , somewhat more than thirteen hours ; which long absence of the Sun there from the face of the Earth , was very advantagious to cool both the Earth and Air. I proceed to speak . SECTION XIV . Of the most excellent Moralities which are to be observed amongst the People of those Nations . NExt to those things which are Spiritually good , there is nothing which may more challenge a due and deserved commendation , than those things which are Morally and Materially so ; and many of these may be drawn out to life , from the examples of great numbers amongst that people . For the Temperance of very many , by far the greatest part of the Mahometans and Gentiles , it is such , as that they will rather choose to dye , like the Mother and her seven Sons mentioned in the second of Macchabees and seventh Chapter , then eat or drink any thing their Law forbids them . Or like those Rechabites , mentioned , Jer. 35. Where Ionadab their Father commanded them to drink no Wine , and they did forbear it for the Commandement sake . Such meat and drink as their Law allows them , they take , onely to satisfie Nature , ( as before ) not Appetite ; strictly observing Solomon's Rule , Prov. 23. 2. in keeping a knife to their throats , that they may not transgress in taking too much of the Creature ; hating Gluttony , and esteeming Drunkenness , as indeed it is , another Madness ; and therefore have but one word in their Language , ( though it be very copious ) and that word is Mest , for a drunkard , and a mad-man . Which shews their hatred of drunken distempers ; for none of the people there , are at any time seen drunk , ( though they might find liquor enough to do it ) but the very offal and dreggs of that people , and these rarely , or very seldom . And here I shall insert another most needful particular to my present purpose , which deserves a most high commendation to be given unto that people in general , how poor and mean soever they be ; and that is , the great exemplary care they manifest in their piety to their Parents , that , notwithstanding they serve for very little ( as I observed before ) but five shillings a Moon for their whole livelyhood and subsistence ; yet , if their Parents be in want , they will impart at the least half of that little towards their necessaries , choosing rather to want themselves , then that their Parents should suffer need . For the Mahometans [ who live much upon the labours of the Hindooes , keeping them under , because they formerly conquered them ] there are many of them idle , and know better to eat than work , and these are all for to morrow , a word very common in their mouths ; and the word is Sub-ba , which signifies to morrow , and when that day comes to morrow , and so still to morrow , they will set down upon their businesses to morrow , will do any thing you would have them to do to morrow , they will bestow any thing upon you Sub-ba , to morrow . Pollicitis divites , most rich in promises , in performances not so . That being true of many of those Mahometans , which Livie sometimes spake of Hannibal , that he stood most to his Promise , when it was most for his Profit , [ though , to do the Mahometans in general right , such as are Merchants and Traders , are exact in their dealings ] or , as Plutarch writes of Antigonus the King , who was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as being ever about to give , but seldom giving . But for the Hindooes , or Heathens , the ancient inhabitants of East-India , they are a very industrious people , very diligent in all the works of their particular Callings , believing that Bread sweetest , and most savory , which is gain'd by sweat . These are for the generality the people that plant and till the ground : These they which make those curious Manufactures that Empire affords ; working , as we say , with tooth and nail ; imploying their ears and toes , as well as their fingers , to assist them [ by holding threds of silk ] in the making of some things they work . These are a people who are not afraid of a Lion in the way , of a Lion in the streets , as the slothful man is , Prov. 26. 13. but they lay hold on the present time , the opportunity , to set upon their businesses which they are to do to day , they being very laborious in their several imployments , and very square and exact to make good all their engagements . Which appears much in their justness manifested unto those that trade with them ; for if a Man will put it unto their Consciences to sell the Commodity he desires to buy at as low a rate as he can afford it , they will deal squarely , and honestly with him ; but if in those bargainings a man offer them much less than their set price , they will be apt to say , What , dost thou think me a Christian , that I would go about to deceive thee ? It is a most sad and horrible thing to consider , what scandal there is brought upon the Christian Religion , by the loosness , and remisness , by the exorbitances of many which come amongst them , who profess themselves Christians ; of whom I have often heard the Natives [ who live near the Port where our Ships arrive ] say thus , in broken English , which they have gotten , Christian Religion , Devil Religion ; Christian much drunk , Christian much do wrong , much beat , much abuse others . But to return again unto the people of East India : Though the Christians which come amongst them do not such horrible things , yet they do enough to make Christianity it self evil spoken of ; as a Religion that deserves more to be abhorred , than imbraced . For truly it is a sad sight there to behold a dunken Christian , and a sober Indian ; a temperate Indian , and a Christian given up to his Appetite . An Indian that is just and square in his dealing , a Christian not so ; a laborious Indian , and an idle Christian ; as if he were born onely to fold his Arms , or fruges tantum consumere natus : to devour Corn , and wear out Wool. O what a sad thing is it for Christians to come short of Indians , even in Moralities , come short of those , who themselves believe , to come short of Heaven . SECTION XV. Of their Religion , their Priests , their Devotion , their Churches , &c. ANd now I come to speak of their Religion , I shall first take notice of the Mahometan Religion there professed . That of the Hindoos or Heathens shall find a place wherein I may speak of it afterwards . But first of the Mahometan Religion , because the Great Mogol with his Grandees , and all other of quality about him are Mahometans ; which Religion ( if it deserve that name ) took its first Rise , and began to be professed in the world about the year of Christ 620 , as hath been observed by many Writers . The Ring-leader to it , and chief Founder of it was Mahomet , an Arabian by Birth , born ( as is said ) in a very obscure place , and of very mean and low Parentage , but a Man fill'd with all Subtilty and Craft ; who , ( as they write ) after that he had much enriched himself by Wives , came to be the Commander of a Company of Arabian Volunteers that followed Heraclius the Emperour in his Persian Warrs ; but not long after , himself and Souldiers , falling first into Mutiny , and after that to Rebellion , which was an excellent preparative to put an innovation or change on Religion , and his Souldiers standing close unto him , he himself , with the help of Sergius , a Christian by profession , but an Heretical Nestorian Monk , and of Abdala a Iew , composed a Religion that hath nothing in it , or that savours of nothing so much , as of rude Ignorance , and most palpable Imposture ; it being a Monster of many Heads ; a most damnable mixture of horrid impieties , if it be considered alltogether . Yet because it contains much in it very pleasing to flesh and blood , and sooths up , and complies exceedingly with corrupt Nature , it wanted no followers presently to embrace , and assert it ; so that in a little time , like a Gangrene , it spred it self into many parts of Asia , and since that hath enlarged it self like Hell ; so that , at this present day , it hath more that profess it in the world , than those which profess Christianity , if we take in all collectively that do but bear the Names of Christians , the world over . The poor people , that are so much abused by the strong delusions of that great ●mpostor , say for themselves thus , that God hath sent three great Prophets into the world , first Moses , and after him Christ , and then Mahomet ; and further add , that when Christ left the world he promised to send a Comforter into it , and that Comforter was Mahomet , and therefore they close with him . I shall not need amongst men professing Christianity to write any thing in answer to those their frantick assertions , neither will I make it my business to enlarge my self in the discovery of the Mahometan Religion , because that hath been done by so many hands already ; only this I will say of it , and not much more , that it hath Will-worship for its Foundation ; Fables and Lies for its support ; and a groundless presumption for its superstructure . For its Foundation ; first , abundance of Will-worship , manifested in many outwatd performances , which are not hard to be performed , because the depraved will of man , is ready prest and bent to persorm things of that kind with readiness , cheerfulness , and delight . The works of your Father the Devil you will do , saith our Saviour , of the obstinate Jews ; do them , be they never so hard , with-content and willingness . Secondly , the Mahometan Religion hath abundance of strange Monstroos Fables and Lyes for its support , their Alcoran ( for the substance of it ) being a fardle of foolish impossibilities , fit to be received by none but fools and mad-men ; for they can gain no more credit with those that are judicious , then what is related in the ryming story of that antient Knight Errant , Bevis of Southampton , or in the Poems of Orlando , the furious , where may be found some such like parallel fictions , as of Astalph● who mounted a Griffin , which carried him up immediately into the Moon , where ( they say ) Mahomet sometime was ; the reason I conceive which made himself , and his followers , ever since so full of Lunacy or madness . Thirdly , it hath a groundless presumption for its superstructure , which presumption draws that mifled people into a careless security , they esteeming themselves the only true believers of the world , and none true believers but themselves . Yet it cannot be denied , but that there are some things in the precepts which Mahomet hath prescribed to be received and observed by his followers , that are good ; laid down in eight commandments which are these . First , That God is a great God , and the only God , and Mahomet is the Prophet of God. Second , That Children must obey their Parents , and do nothing to displease them either in word or deed . Third , That every one must do to another that , and only that , which he would have another do to him . Fourth , That every man five times every day must repair to the Mosquit or Church , to pray there ; or , wheresoever he is , he must pray every day so often , if not in the Church , then elsewhere . Fifth , That one whole Moon in every year , every man , come to years of discretion , must spend the whole day , 'twixt the rising , and setting of the Sun , infasting . Sixth , That every one out of his store , must give unto the poor liberally , freely , and voluntarily . Seventh , That every one ( except those Votaries which renounce marriage ) must marry , to increase and multiply the Sect and Religion of Mahomet . Eighth , That no man must kill , or shed blood . Now much in these Commandments agrees with the word of Truth ; and we need not wonder at it , when we consider , that even the Devil himself ( as we may observe in the Gospel ) hath sometimes had a Scripture in his mouth . So have Hereticks , and so did Mahomet and his Assistants mix some Scripture in their Alcoran , to put a fairer gloss upon their irreligion . But what Scriptures they all urge , are for the most part , if not ever , wrested , by their maiming , or perverting , or mis-applying of them . Thus the Devil quotes a Scripture , Mat. 4. 6. but one part is left out , and the rest mis-applied . Those therefore who wrest or mangle Scripture to serve their own turn , we may see from whose School they have it . Thus Mahomet cites Scripture to do more mischief by it ; let no man content himself , and think all is well , because he can sometimes speak good words , have a Scripture in his mouth ; when he considers that Hereticks , Hypocrites do so , that Mahomet , nay Satan himself hath done as much . But to proceed ; the Mahometan-Priests are called Moolaas , who read some parcels out of their Alcoran , upon Fridays ( which are theirSabbaths or days of rest ) unto the people assembled in their Mosquits or Churches , and then further deliver some precepts , which they gather out of it , unto their miserably deluded hearers . These Moolaas are they which joyn those of that Religion in marriage ; and these imploy much of their time as Scriveners to do businesses for others ; or to teach their young Children to write and read their language in written hand , for ( as before ) they have no Printing . Those Moolaas are more distinguished from the rest of the Mahometans by their Beards ( which they wear long ) then by any other of their habits . Their Calling gains , and gives them very much reverence and esteem amongst the People ; as another sort of Priests there have , of an high order or rank , which live much retired ; but when they appear openly are most highly reverenced ; they are called Scayds who derive themselves from Mahomet . The Mahometans have fair Churches which ( as before ) are called Mosquits ; their Churches are built of Marble or coarser stone , the broad-side towards the West is made up close like a firm wall , and so are both ends , in which there are no lights ; the other broad side towards the East is erected upon Pillars ( where a man may take notice of the excellent workmanship both in Vaults , and Arches ) the spaces betwixt them Pillars stand open . Their Churches are built long and narrow , standing North and South which way they lay up the bodies of their dead , but none of them within their Churches . At the four corners of their Mosquits which stand in great Cities or in other places much peopled , there are high and round , but small Turrets ; which are made open with lights every way , wherein a man may be easily seen , and heard ; their devout Moolaas five times every day ascend unto the tops of those high Turrets , whence they proclaim , as loudly as they can possibly speak , their Prophet Mahomet , thus in Arabian , La alla illa alla , Mahomet Resul-alla , that is , There is no God but one God , and Mahomet the Messenger from God , That voice instead of Bells ( which they use not in their Churches ) puts the most devout in mind of the hours of their devotion , those Priests being exceedingly zealous to promote the cause , and to keep up the honour of their Mahomet , as the men of Ephesus sometime were : when they feared that the credit of their Baggage Diana was like to be called into question , they took up a Cry which continued for the space of two hours , Crying out with one voice , Great is Diana of the Ephesians , Acts 19. 24. But to return again to those Mahometan Priests , who out of zeal do so often proclaim their Mahomet . Tom Coryat upon a time having heard their Moolaas often ( as before ) so to cry , got him upon an high place directly opposite to one of those Priests , and contradicted him thus : La alla illa alla , Hasaret Eesa Benalla , that is , No God , but one God , and the Lord Christ the Son of God , and further added that Mahomet was an Impostor : and all this he spake in their own language as loud as possibly he could , in the ears of many Mahometans that heard it . But whether ( circumstances considered ) the zeal , or discretion of our Pilgrim were more here to be commended , I leave to the judgment of my Reader . That he did so , I am sure , and I further believe how that bold attempt of his , if it had been acted in many other places of Asia , would have cost him his life with as much torture as cruelty could been invented . But he was here taken for a mad-man , and so let alone . Haply the rather , because every one there hath liberty to profess his own Religion freely , and , if he please , may argue against theirs , without fear of an inquisition , as Tom Coryat did at another time with a Moolaa , and the Question was , Which of these two was the Mussleman or true Believer : after much heat on both sides , Tom Coryat thus distinguished , that himself was the Orthodox Musslemam or true true-believer , the Moolaa the pseudo Mussleman or false true believer ; which distinction , if I had not thought it would have made my Reader smile had been here omitted . The Mahometans have a set form of prayer in the Arabian Tongue , not understood by many of the common people , yet repeated by them as well as by the Moolaas : they likewise rehearse the Names of God and of their Mahomet certain times every day upon Beads , like the miss-led Papists , who seem to regard more the Number , then the weight of prayers . But for the carriage of that people in their devotions , before they go into their Churches they wash their feet , and entring into them put off their shooes . As they begin their devotions they stop their ears , and fix their eyes , that nothing may divert their thoughts ; then in a soft and still voice they utter their prayers , wherein are many words most significantly expressing the Omnipotency , and Greatness , and Eternity , and other Attributes of God. Many words likewise that seem to express much humiliation , they confessing in divers submissive gestures , their own unworthiness , when they pray casting themselves low upon their Face sundry times , and then acknowledg that they are burdens to the Earth , and poyson to the Air , and the like , being so confounded and asham'd as that they seem not to dare so much as to lift up their eyes towards Heaven ; but after all this , comfort themselves in the mercies of God , through the mediation of Mahomet . If this people could as well conclude , as they can begin and continue their prayers , in respect of their expressions , and carriages in them , they might find comfort ; but the conclusion of their devotions marrs all . Yet this , for their commendation ( who doubtless , if they knew better would pray better ) that what diversions , and impediments soever they have arising either from pleasure or profit , the Mahometans pray five times a day . The Mogol doth so , who sits on the Throne ; the Shepherd doth so that waits on his flock in the field ( where , by the way , they do not follow their flocks ; but their flocks , them ) all sorts of Mahometans do thus whether fixed in a place or moving in a journey , when their times , or hours of prayer come , which in the morning are at Six , Nine , and Twelve of the clock ; and at three and six in the afternoon . When they pray , it is their manner to set their Faces that they may look towards Medina neer Mecha in Arabia where their great Seducer Mahomet was buried , who promised them after one thousand years , to fetch them all to Heaven ; which term , when it was out , and the promise not fulfilled , the Mahometans concluded that their Fore-fathers mis-took the time of the promise of his coming ; and therefore resolve to wait for the accomplishment of it one thousand years more . In the mean time they do so reverence that place where the body of Mahomet was laid up , that whosoever hath been there ( as there are divers which flock yearly thither in Pilgrimage ) are for ever after called , and esteemed Hoggees , which signifies Holy men . And here the thing being rightly and seriously considered ; it is a very great shame that a Mahometan should pray five times every day , that Pagans and Heathens should be very frequent in their devotions , and Christians ( who only can hope for good answers in prayer ) so negligent in that great prevailing duty . For a Mahometan to pray five times every day , what diversions soever he hath to hinder him , and for a Christian to let any thing interrupt his devotion ; for a Mahometan to pray five times a day , and for one that is called a Christian not to pray ( some believing themselves above this and other Ordinances ) five times in a week , a moneth , a year ! But this will admit less cause of wonder if we consider how that many bearing the Names of Christians cannot pray at all , those I mean which are prophane and filthy , and who live as if there were no God to hear , or to judg , and no Hell to punish . Such as these can but babble , they cannot pray , for they blaspheme the Name of God , while they may think they adore it . I shall add here a short story ; It happened that I once having some discourse with a Mahometan of good quality , and speaking with him about his frequent praying , I told him that if himself , and others of his profession who did believe it as a duty to pray so often , could conclude their Petitions in the Name of Jesus Christ , they might find much comfort in those their frequent performances , in that great duty : He answered , that I needed not to trouble my self with that , for they found as great comfort as they could desire in what they did . And presently he would needs infer this Relation . There was ( said he ) a most devout Mussleman who had his habitation in a great City where Mahomet was zealously professed , that man for many years together spent his whole day in the Mosquit , or Church ; in the mean time , he minding not the world at all , became so poor that he had nothing left to buy bread for his family ; yet , notwithstanding his poor condition , he was resolved still to ply his devotions : and in a morning ( when he perceived that there was nothing at all left for the further subsistence of himself and houshold ) took a solemn leave of his wife and children , resolving for his part to go and pray and dye in the Mosquit , leaving his family ( if no relief came ) to famish at home . But that very day he put on this resolution , there came to his house in his absence a very beautiful young man ( as he appeared to be ) who brought and gave unto his wife a very good quantity of Gold bound up in a white Napkin , telling her , that God had now remembred her husband , and sent him his pay for his constant pains taken in his devotion ; withall charging her not to send for her husband , for though he had taken such a solemn leave of her that morning , yet he would come home to her again that night ; and so he departed from her . The woman presently bought in some necessaries for her house ( for they had eaten up all before ) , and further made some good provision for her husband against his coming home in the evening ( for so he did ) ; and finding all his family very cheerful and merry , his wife presently told him , that there had been such a one there ( as before described ) and left so much gold behind him , with that fore-mentioned message delivered with it . Her husband presently replied that it was the Angel Gabriel sent from God ( for the Mahometans speak much of that Angel ) and he further added , that himself had nothing to bring home unto her but a little grett , or sand , which he took up in his way homeward , and bound it in his girdle , which he presently opening to shew her , it was all turn'd into precious stones , which amounted unto a very great value in money . The seventh part of which , as of his gold likewise , he presently gave to the poor , ( for , said he , a Mussleman is very charitable ) and then inferr'd , that if we do not neglect God , God will not forget us ; but when we stand most in need of help will supply us . Unto which conclusion we may all subscribe , leaving the premises which are laid down in that story , unto those that dare believe them . The Mahometans say , that they have the Books of Moses , but they have very much corrupted that story , in ascribing that to Ishmael which is said of Isaac , Gen. 22. as if Ishmael should have been sacrificed , not Isaac , ( of which more afterward ) . They say , that they have the Book of Davids Psalms ; and some Writings of Solomon , with other parcels of the Old Testament ; which , if so , I believe are made much to vary from their Original . They speak very much in the honour of Moses whom they call Moosa Calim-Alla ; Moses , the publisher of the mind of God. So of Abraham whom they call Ibrahim Carim-Alla , Abraham the honoured or friend of God. So of Ishmael whom they call Ismal , The Sacrifice of God. So of Iacob , whom they call Acob , The blessing of God. So of Ioseph , whom they call Eesoff , The betrayed for God. So of David , whom they call Dahood , The lover , and praiser of God. So of Solomon , whom they call Selymon , The wisdom of God ; all expressed , as the former , in short Arabian words , which they sing in Ditties unto their particular remembrances . And , by the way , many of the Mahometans there are called by the names of Moosa , or Ibrahim , or Ismal , or Acob , or Eesoff , or Dahood , or Selymon : so others are called Mahmud , or Chaan , which signifies the Moon ; or Frista , which signifies a Star , &c. And they call their women by the names of Flowers or Fruits of their Country , or by the names of Spices or Odours , or of Pearls , or precious Stones , or else by other names of pretty or pleasing signification . As Iob named one of his daughters Iemimah , which signifies , Clear as the day ; the second Keziah , which signifies pleasant , as Cassia or sweet Spice . And the name of the third Keren-happuch , signifying , The Horn or strength of beauty , Iob 42. 14. But I 'll return again to that people , that I may acquaint my Reader with one thing of special observation , and 't is this : That there is not one among the Mahometans ( of any understanding ) which at any time mentions the name of our blessed Saviour called there Hazaret Eesa , the Lord Christ , but he makes mention of it with high reverence and respect . For they say of Christ that he was a good man , and a just , that he lived without sin , that he did greater miracles then ever any before or since him ; nay further they call him Rha-how-Alla , the breath of God , but how he should be the Son of God , they cannot conceive , and therefore cannot believe . Perhaps the Socinians first took that their opinion from these , which bids them to have every thing they receive as truth , to be cleared up unto them by the strength of Reason , as if there were no need of the exercise of Faith. And truly ( I must needs confess ) that to believe the Incarnation of the Son of God , is one of the hardest and greatest tasks for Faith to encounter withall , that God should be made a Man , that this Man Christ should be born of a Virgin , that Life should spring from Death ; and that from Contempt and Scorn , Triumph , and Victory should come , &c. But Christians must bind up all their thoughts , as to these , in that excellent meditation of Picus Mirandula , saying , Mirandam Dei Incarnatinem , &c. concerning that admirable , and wonderful Incarnation of Christ the Son of God , I shall not say much ; it being sufficient for me , as for all others that look for benefit by Christ , to believe , that he was begotten , and that he was born . These are Articles of our Faith ; and we are not Christians , if we believe them not . I may seem very strange therefore , that the Mahometans ( who understand themselves better ) should have such a very high esteem of our Blessed Saviour Christ , and yet think us who profess our selves Christians to be so unworthy , or so unclean , as that they will not eat with us , any thing that is of our dressing , nor yet of any thing that is dressed in our vessels . There are more particulars which challenge a room in this Section as their proper place : but because I would not have it swell too big , I shall here part it , and speak further SECTION XVI . Of their Votaries ; where , of the voluntary and sharp Penances , that people undergo . Of their Lent ; and of their Fasts , and Feasts , &c. AMong the Mahometans there are many Votaries they call Derveeses who relinquish the world , and spend all their days following in solitude and retiredness , expecting a recompence ( as they say , and are very well content to suffer and wait for it ) in that better life . Those very sharp and very strict Penances which many of this people for the present voluntarily undergo , far exceed all those the Romanists boast of ; for instance , there are some who live alone upon the tops of Hills ( which are clothed or covered with trees , and stand remote from any Company ) and there spend the whole time of their following lives in Contemplation , stirring not at all from the places they first fix on , but ad requisita naturae , crying out continually in these or the like expressions , Alla Achabar , &c. that is , God Almighty look upon me , I love thee , I love not the world ; but I love thee , and I do all this for thy sake ; look upon me , God Almighty . These , after they thus retire , never suffer the Razer or Scissers to come again upon their heads , and they let their Nails grow like unto Birds Claws , As it was written of Nebuchadnezzar , Dan. 4. when he was driven out from the society of men . This people after their retirement , will chuse rather to famish then to stir from their Cells : and therefore they are relieved by the Charity of others , who take care to send them some very mean covering for their bodies ( for it must be such , otherwise they will not accept of it ) when they stand in need thereof , and something for their bodily sustenance , which must be of their coarser food , otherwise they will not take it , and no more of that at one time then what is sufficient for the present support of nature . Some again impose long times of Fasting upon themselves , and will take no food at all , till the strength of Nature in them be almost quite spent . And others there are amongst them they call Religious men , who wear nothing about them but to hide their shame ; and these ( like the mendicant Friars ) beg for all they eat . They usually live in the skirts or out-sides of great Cities , or Towns , and are like the man our blessed Saviour mentions , Luk. 8. 27. about the City of the Gadarens , which had Devils , and wore no clothes , neither abode in any house but in the Tombs . And so do these , making little fires in the day , sleeping at nights in the warm ashes thereof , with which they besmear and discolour their bodies . These Ash-men will sometimes take intoxicating things which make them to talk wildly , and strangely ( as some of our Quakers do in their strange distempers ) and then the foolish common people will flock about them , and ( believing they then Prophesie ) hearken unto them with all attention . A very great difference 'twixt that people and ours ; for there they call mad-men Prophets , and amongst us there are many Prophets which are accounted but mad-men . There are another sort among them called Mendee , carried on likewise meerly by miss-takes and mis-conceivings in Religion ; who like the Priests of Baal , mentioned 1 King. 18. often cut their flesh with knives and launcers . Others again I have thereseen , who meerly out of Devotion put such massie Fetters of Iron upon their legs as that they can scarce stir with them , and then covered with blew mantles ( the colour of mourners in those parts ) as fast as they are able , go many miles in Pilgrimage bare-foot upon the hot parching ground , to visit the sepulchres of their deluding Saints ; thus , putting themselves upon very great Hardships , and submitting unto extreme sharp penances , and all to no purpose . But to return again to those Indian Votaries who undergo such hard things and out of this mistake that they do God good service in the things they do . Concerning which actings , Lucretius ( though accounted an Epicurean and an Atheist ) in his first book , speaks to purpose about the Error of Religion . — Saepius olim Religio peperit scelerosa atque impia facta . oft of old , Religion bred acts impiously bold . The Mahometans keep a solemn Lent , they call the Ramjan or Ramdam , which begins the first New-moon , which happens in September , and so continues during that whole Moon . And all that time , those that are strict in their Religion , forbear their Women , and will not take either Meat or Drink any day during that time , so long as the Sun is above their Horizon , but after the Sun is set they eat at pleasure . The last day of their Ram-jan , they consecrate as a day of mourning to the memory of their deceased friends , when I have observed many of the meanner sort , seem to make most bitter lamentation . But when that day of their general mourning is ended , and begins to die into night , they fire an innumerable company of lamps and other lights ; which they hang or fix very thick , and set upon the tops of their houses , and all other most conspicuous places near their great Tanks , that are surrounded with buildings , where those lights are doubled by their Reflection upon the water , and when they are all burnt out ; the ceremony is done , and the people take food . The day after this Ram-jan is fully ended , the most devout Mahometans in a solemn manner assemble to their Mosquits , where by their Moolaas some selected parts of the Alcoran , are publickly read unto them , which book the Moolaas never touch without an expression of much outward reverence . For their works of charity , there are some rich men that build Sarraes in great Cities and Towns ( spoken of before ) where passengers may find house-room and that freely , without a return of any recompence , wherein themselves and goods may be in safety . Others make Wells and Tanks for the publick benefit ; Or maintain servants , which continually attend upon road-ways that are much travelled , and there offer unto Passengers water for themselves and beasts ; which water they bring thither in great skins hanging upon the back of their Buttelos ; which as it is freely given , so it must be freely taken by all those , who desire to refresh themselves by it . There are some which build rich Monuments to preserve the memories of those whom they have esteemed eminent for their austerity and holiness : these they call Paeres or Saints , amongst whom some of those ( before-mentioned ) help to fill their Number , who sequester themselves from the world ( as they think ) and spend their life alone upon the tops of Hills , or in other obscure corners . SECTION XVII . Of the Marriages of the Mahometans , and of their Polygamy , &c. AMongst many other things that confirm the Mahometans in their irreligion , this certainly is not the least , the indulgence which Mahomet gives them to take more wives than one ( for they make take four if they please ) and that further promise which that monstrous Seducer hath made unto his followers of a fleshly Paradise hereafter , wherein he will provide for them all wives which shall have large rowling eyes , which they look upon in that sex as a great beauty . And it is a very sutable comfort for such as walk so much after the flesh . For Polygamy , or the having of more wives than one , Lamech a great Grand-child of Cain , was the first that brought it into the World , Gen 4. 19. And it was first brought into the Church by Abraham : which act of his , as of others after him ( good men in their generation ) though it found permission , never had approbation from Almighty God. And further , though under the times of the Law ; it found some connivence , yet since the Gospel there hath been no such custom in any of the Churches of Christ. I remember that my Lord Ambassadour had a Servant of that Nation , who desired leave to be absent one day , and being asked why , he told us , that he was then to marry a Wife , though he had three living then , a Man would think enough for his means but five shillings a Moon , the usual pay of Servants there ( as before I observed ) to maintain himself , and all the rest of his family . Often have I heard this Question put , How these Mahometans can do with so many Wives ; some of which they keep pent up in little Cottages , or Tents ? And in other places and parts of the World , where mens dwellings are very large and spacious , there is scarce room enough to be found for one Wise in a great House . The Mahometans , who have most Wives , and Women , are most jealous ; and their jealousie such , as that they will not suffer the Brothers , or Fathers of their Wives , to come to them , or to have any speech with them , except it be in their presence . And a continued custom by this restraint hath made it odious for such Women , as have the reputation of honesty , to be seen at any time by any Man , besides their own Husbands , or by those before named , and by them but very seldom . But if they dishonour their Husbands beds , or being unmarryed are found incontinent and filthy , professing Chastity ; rather than they shall want the severest punishment , their own Brothers hands will be first against them to take away their lives , and for so doing , shall be commended , but not questioned . The Women there of the greater quality , have Eunuchs instead of men to wait upon them , who in their minority are deprived of all that might provoke jealousie . Here is a free toleration for Harlots , who are listed and enrolled ( as they say ) before they can have liberty to keep such an open house . Which Creatures in general there , and so all the World over whosoever they be , imbrace those they pretend to love , as Monkies and Apes do their little ones ; for they kill them with kindness . Those base Prostitutes are as little asham'd to entertain , as others are openly to frequent their houses . Other Creatures ( as they say ) are there kept for base , and abominable ends ; many of those Nations being deeply engaged in those sins of the Gentiles , Rom. 1. in doing things which should not be named , and make no scruple at all for their so doing , ut honeste peccare videantur , ( as Lactantius speaks ) as if they might sin honestly . Some of the finer sort of those base Strumpets before named , at certain Times appear in the presence of the Mogol , before whom they sing their wanton Songs , playing on their Timbrels . The Marriages of all the Mahometans are solemnized with some Pomp ; for after the Moolaa hath joyned their Hands , and performed other Ceremonies , and bestowed on the parties some words of Benediction , ( which is done in the Evening ) ; immediately after the night coming on , they begin their jollity . The man on horse-back , be he poor or rich , with his kindred and friends about him , many Lights before him , with Drums and Wind-instruments , and some mixt pastimes to increase the me●riments . The Bride she follows with her Women-friends in Coaches covered , and after they have thus passed the most eminent places of the City , or Town they live in , return to the place of the married couples abode , where ( they say ) if the parties be able , they make some slight entertainment for them , immediately after which , they all disperse , and the show is over . Women there , have a very great happiness , above all I have heard of , in their easie bringing forth of Children into the world ; for there it is a thing very common , for Women great with Child , one day to ride , carrying their Infants in their Bodies , and the next day to ride again , carrying them in their Arms. How those of the greater quality , order their little Children when they are very young , I could not observe , but those of the meaner sort keep them naked for some years after they are born , covering them onely , and that but sometimes , with slight Callico-Mantles . The Mohometans ( as I have before observed ) who please so to do , may take to themselves each four Wives ; and that filthy liberty given unto them by their fleshly Mahomet , allows them in it . I have heard of some in this Nation of late times , who have been married here to more than so many at once , but that wickedness here is not ( as amongst them ) committed by a Law , but by Law made Capital , and so punished . The eldest Son they have by any of their married Wives , hath a prerogative above all the rest , whom their other Children call Budda , by their great Brother . And so much of their Marriages , of their Children , and of their Births . In the next place , I shall speak SECTION XVIII . Of their Burials , of their mourning for their Dead , and of their stately Sopulohres and Monuments . FOr the Mahometans , it is their manner to wash the Bodies of their Dead before they interr them . An ancient custom as it should seem among the Iews ; for it is said of Dorcas , that after she was dead , they washed her Body , as a preparative to her Burial . They lay up none of the Bodies of their Dead in their Misqui●s , or Churches , ( as before ) but in some open place in a Grave , which they dig very deep and wide , a Jewish custom , likewise to carry the Bodies of their Dead to bury them out of their Cities and Towns. Their mourning over their Dead is most immoderate : for , be-besides that day of general lamentation at the end of their Ram-jan , or Lent , ( before-mentioned ) they houl and cry many whole days for their friends departed , immediately after they have left the world ; and after that time is passed over many foolish women , so long as they survive , very often in the year , observe set days to renew their mourning for their deceased friends ; and as a people without hope , bedew the graves of their husbands , as of other their near relations , with abundance of ( seemingly ) affectionate tears ; as if they were like those mourning women mentioned Ier. 9. 17. who seemed to have tears at command ; and therefore were hired to mourn and weep in their solemn lamentations . And when they thus lament over their dead , they will often put this question to their deaf and dead Carkasses , Why they would die ? they having such loving wives , such loving friends , and many other comforts : as if it had been in their power to have rescued themselves from that most impartial wounding hand of death . Which carriage of theirs deserves nothing but censure and pity ; though , if it be not Theatrical , we may much wonder at it , and say of it , as it was said of the mourning in the floor of Atad , Gen. 50. 11. That it is a grievous mourning ; or , as the mourning of Hadadrimmon in the valley of Megiddon , Zech. 12. 11. if we take those lamentations only in a literal sence . But now further concerning their places of Burial , many Mahometans of the greatest quality in their life-time provide fair Sepulchres for themselves and nearests friends , compassing with a firm wall a good circuit of ground near some Tank , ( before spoken of ) about which they delight to bury their dead ; or else they close in , a place for this use , near springs of water , that may make pleasant fountains , near which they erect little Mosquits , or Churches , and near them Tombs built round , or four-square , or in six , or eight squares , with round Vaults , or Canopies of stone over-head , all which are excellently well wrought , and erected upon Pillars , or else made close to be entered by doors every way , under which the bodies of their dead lye interred . The rest of that ground thus circled in , they plant with Fruit-trees ; and further set therein all their choicest flowers , as if they would make Elysian fields ( such as the Poets dream'd of ) wherein their souls might take repose . There are many goodly Monuments which are richly adorned , built ( as before was observed ) to the memory of such as they have esteemed Paeres , or Saints ( of whom they have a large Kalender ) in which are Lamps continually burning ; attended by votaries , unto whom they allow Pensions for the maintaining of those lights , and many ( transported there with wild devotion ) daily resort to those Monuments , there to contemplate the happiness those Paeres ( as they imagine ) now enjoy . And certainly of all the places that Empire affords , there are none that minister more delight , than some of their Burying places do ; neither do they bestow so much cost , nor shew so much skill in Architecture in any other Structures as in these . Now amongst many very fair Piles there dedicated to the remembrance of their dead , the most famous one is at Secandra , a Village three miles from Agra ; it was begun by Achabar-sha the late Mogols Father , who there lies buried ; and finished by his Son , who since was laid up beside him . The materials of that most stately Sepulchre are Marble of divers colours , the stones so closely cemented together , that it appears to be but one continued stone , built high like a Pyramis with many curiosities about it , and a fair Mosquit by it ; the Garden wherein it stands very large planted ( as before ) and compassed about with a wall of Marble : this most sumptuous Pile of all the Structures that vast Monarchy affords , is most admired by strangers . Tom Coryat had a most exact view thereof , and so have many other English-men had , all which have spoken very great things of it . And now Reader I have done with this , and shall proceed to speak more particularly , SECTION XIX . Of the Hindoo's , or Heathens , which inhabite that Empire , &c. AND for these , the first thing I shall take notice of , is , that they agree with others in the world , about the first Roots of Mankind Adam and Eve : and the first of them they call Babba Adam , or Adamah , Father Adam ; and the second Mamma Havah , Mother Eve. And from Adam they call a man , Adami . For Adam they further say , that when his wife was tempted to eat the forbidden fruit , she took it and chaw'd it , and then swallowed it down ; but , when her husband was swallowing it , the hand of God stop'd it in his Throat , and from hence ( they say ) that every man hath there an hollow bunch which women have not . The names they give to distinguish one man from another are many , and amongst them these following are very common . As Iuddo , or Midas , or Cooregee , or Hergee , and the like . Casturia and Prescotta , are Womens names amongst them ; but whether these , as those names they call their men or women by , are names of signification , or only of sound , I know not . Those Hindoo's are a very laborious , and an industrious people : these are they which Till and Plant the Ground , and breed the Cattle ; these are they which make and sell those curious Manufactures , or the Cloath and Stuff which this Empire affords . This people marry into , and consequently still keep in their own Tribes , Sects , Occupations , and Professions . For instance , all Bramins ( which are their Priests , the Sons of all which are Priests , likewise ) are married to Bramins daughters ; so a Merchants son marries a Merchants daughter ; and so men of several Trades marry to the same Trade . Thus a Coolee ( who is a Tiller of the Ground ) marries his son to a Coolees daughter ; and so in all other professions they keep themselves to their own Tribes and Trades , not mixing with any other ; by which means they never advance themselves higher than they were at first . They take but one wife , and of her they are not so fearful and jealous as the Mahometans are of their several wives and women , for they suffer their wives to go abroad whither they please . They are married very young , about six , or seven years old , their Parents making Matches for them , who lay hold of every opportunity to bestow their Children . Because confin'd to their own Tribes , they have not such variety of choice as otherwise they might have ; and when they attain to the age of thirteen , or fourteen , or fifteen years at the most , they bed together . Their Marriages are solemnized ( as those of the Mahometans ) with much company , and noise ; but with this difference , that both the young couple ride openly on horse-back , and for the most part , they are so little , that some go on their horse sides to hold them up from falling . They are bedeck'd , or strewed all over their cloathing , with the choice flowers of that Country , fastned in order all about their Garments . For their Habits they differ very little from the Mahometans , but are very like them civilly clad , but many of their women were Rings on their Toes ; and therefore go bare foot . They wear likewise broad Rings of Brass , or better metal , upon their Wrists , and small of their Legs , to take off and on . They have generally ( I mean the Women ) the flaps , or tips of their ears , boared when they are young ; which holes daily extended and made wider , by things put and kept in them for that purpose , at last become so large , as that they will hold Rings ( hollowed on the out-side like Pullies ) for their flesh to rest in that are as broad in their circumference , some of them ( I dare say ) as little Sawcers . But though those fashions of theirs seem very strange at first sight , yet they keep so constantly to them , as to all their other habits , without any alteration , that their general and continual wearing of them makes them to seem less strange unto others which behold them . And for their Diet very many of them ( as the Banians in general ( which are a very strict Sect ) will eat of nothing that hath had , or may have life . And these live upon Herbs , and Roots , and Bread , and Milk , and Butter , and Cheese , and Sweet-meats , of which they have many made very good by reason of their great abundance of Sugar . Others amongst them will eat Fish , but of no living thing else . The Rashboots will eat Swines-flesh , which is most hateful to the Mahometans , some will eat of one kind of flesh , some of another ( of all very sparing ) ; but all the Hindoo's in general abstain from Beef , out of an high and over-excellent esteem they have of Kine ; and therefore give the Mogol yearly , besides his other exactions , great sums of money as a ransom for those Creatures ; whence it comes to pass , that amongst other good provisions , we meet there but with little Beef . As the Mahometans bury : so the Hindoos in general ( not believing the Resurrection of the Flesh ) burn the bodies of their dead near some Rivers ( if they may with convenience ) wherein they sow their ashes . And there are another Sect , or sort of Heathens , living amongst them , called Persees , which do neither of these ; of whom , and how they bestow the bodies of their dead , you shall hear afterward . The Widows of these Hindoos ( first mentioned ) such as have lived to keep company with their Husbands , for ( as before ) there is usually a good space of time 'twixt their wedding and bedding . The Widows ( I say ) who have their Husbands separated from them by death , when they are very young , marry not again ; but whether , or no , this be generally observed by them all , I know not ; but this I am sure of , that immediately after their Husbands are dead , they cut their hair , and spend all their life following as creatures neglected both by themselves , and others ; whence to be free from shame , some of them are ambitious to dye with honour ( as they esteem it ) when their fiery love carries them to the flames ( as they think ) of Martyrdom , most willingly following the dead bodies of their Husbands unto the fire , and there embracing them , are burnt with them . A better agreement in death than that of Eteocles and Polynices , the two Theban brothers , of whom it is said , that they were such deadly enemies while they were alive , that after , when both their bodies were burnt together in the same fiery Pile , the flame parted and would not mix in one , of which Statius thus : Nec furiis post fata modus ; flammaeque rebelles Seditione Rogi . — But those , which before I named , agree so well in life , that they will not be divided by death , where their flames unite together . And although the woman , who thus burns with her Husband , doth this voluntarily , not by any compulsion ( for the love of every Widow there is not thus fired ) and though the poor creature , who thus dies may return and live if she please , even then when she comes to the Pile , which immediately after turns her into ashes : yet she who is once thus resolved , never starts back from her first firm and setled resolution , but goes on singing to her death , having taken some intoxicating thing to turn or disturb her brains ; and then , come to the place where she will needs dye , she settles her self presently in the middest of that combustible substance provided to dispatch her , which fuel is placed in a round shallow trench , about two foot deep , made for that purpose near some River , or other water ( as before ) , and though she have no bonds but her own strong affections to tye her unto those flames , yet she never offers to stir out of them . And thus , she being joyfully accompanied unto the place of her dying by her Parents and other friends ; and when all is fitted for this hellish sacrifice , and the fire begins to burn , all which are there present shout , and make a continued noise so long as they observe her to stir , that the screeches of that poor tortured creature may not be heard . Not much unlike the custom of the Ammonites , who , when they made their children pass through the fire to Molech , caused certain Tabrets , or Drums to sound , that their cries might not be heard , whence the place was called Tophet . Now after their bodies are quite consumed , and lie mixed together in ashes , and those ashes begin to grow cold , some of them are gathered up by their nearest friends , and kept by them as choice Relicks ; the rest are immediately sowen by the standers by , upon the adjacent River , or water . But for those poor silly souls , who sing themselves into the extremity of misery , and thus madly go out of the world , through one fire into another , through flames that will not last long into everlasting burnings , and do it not out of necessity , but choice , led hereunto by their tempter and murderer , and consequently become so injurious and merciless to themselves ; certainly they deserve much pity from others , who know not how to pity themselves . For nemo miserior misero non miserante seipsum . There are none so cruel as those , which are cruel , and pitiless to themselves . But though ( I say ) there are some which thus throw away their own lives ; yet if we consider those Hindoos in general we may further take notice SECTION XX. Of the tenderness of that people in preserving the lives of all other inferiour Creatures , &c. FOr they will not ( if they can help it by any means ) take , but , on the contrary , do what they can to preserve the lives of all inferiour Creatures , whence ( as before I told you ) they give large money to preserve the lives of their Kine , ( a reason for this you shall have afterward ) and I have often observed , that when our English boyes there have out of wantonness been killing of Flies ( there swarming in abundance ) they would be very much troubled at it ; and , if they could not perswade them to suffer those poor Creatures to live , they would give them money , or something else , to forbear that ( as they conceived ) Cruelty . As for themselves ( I mean a great number of them ) they will not deprive the most useless , and most offensive Creatures of Life ; not Snakes , and other venomous things that may kill them , saying , that it is their nature to do hurt , and they cannot help it : but as for themselves they further say , that God hath given them Reason to shun those Creatures , but not liberty to destroy them . And in order to this their conceit , the Banians ( who are the most tender-hearted in this case of all that people ) have Spittles ( as they say ) on purpose to recover lame Birds and Beasts . Some ground for this their tenderness haply proceeds from this consideration ; that they cannot give Life to the meanest of the sensible Creatures , and therefore think that they may not take the Lives of any of them : for the poorest worm which crawleth upon the face of the Earth , tam Vita vivit , quam Angelus , ( as one of the Ancients speaks ) live for the present as much as the Angels , and cannot be willing to part with that Life , and therefore they imagine that it is most injurious by violence to take it . But ( as I conceive ) the most principal cause why they thus forbear to take the lives of inferiour Creatures , proceeds from their obedience unto a precept given them by one of their principal , and most highly esteemed Prophets and Law-givers they call Bremaw ; others they have in very high esteem , and the name of one of them is Ram , of another Permissar . I am ignorant of the names of others , and I conceive that my Reader will not much care to know them . But for him they call Bremaw , they have received ( as they say ) many precepts , which they are careful to observe , and the first of them , This Thou shalt not kill any living Creature whatsoever it be , having Life in the same ; for thou art a Creature , and so is it ; thou art indued with Life , and so is it ; thou shalt not therefore spill the Life of any of thy fellow-Creatures that live . Other Precepts ( they say ) were delivered unto them by their Law-giver about their devotions , in their washings and worshippings where they are commanded , To observe times for fasting , and hours for watching , that they may be the better fitted for them . — Other directions they have about their Festivals wherein they are required , To take their Food moderately , in not pampering their Bodies . — Concerning Charity , they are further commanded , To help the poor as far as they are possibly able . — Other Precepts ( they say ) were given them likewise in charge ; as Not to tell false Tales , nor to utter any thing that is untrue . Not to steal any thing from others , be it never so little . Not to defraud any by their cunning in bargains , or contracts . Not to oppress any , when they have power to do it . Now all those particulars are observed by them with much strictness ; and some of them are very good , having the impresssion of God upon them , but that scruple they make in forbearing the lives of the Creatures made for mens use , shews how that they have their dwellings in the dark , which makes them by reason of their blindness , to deny unto themselves that liberty , and Soveraignty which Almighty God hath given unto Man over the Beasts of the Field , the Fowls of the Air , and the Fishes of the Sea , appointed for his Food , given unto him for his service and sustenance , to serve him , and to feed him , but not to make havock and spoil of them . However , the tenderness of that people over inferiour Creatures , shall one day rise up in judgement against all those who make no scruple at all in taking the Lives , not of sensible Creatures , but Men , not legally to satisfie good and known Laws , but violently to please their cruell and barbarous Lusts. SECTION XXI . Of other strange and groundless , and very gross Opinions , proceeding from the blackness and darkness of Ignorance in that people . ALl Errour in the World proceeds either from Ignorance ( commonly joyned with Pride ) or else from Wilfulness . This is most true as in natural , and moral , so in spiritual things : For as Knowledge softens and sweetens Men's manners , so it enricheth their Minds ; which Knowledge is certainly a most divine , a very excellent thing , otherwise our first Parents would never have been so ambitious of it . This makes a Man here to live twice , or to injoy here a double Life in respect of him that wants it . But for this Knowledge , it certainly must be esteemed better , or worse , by how much the object of this Knowledge is worse , or better . Now the best object of this Knowledge is a right Understanding , and Knowledge of the true God , which that people wants . Now touching this people , they are altogether ignorant of God , as they ought to know him ; and they have no learning amongst them , but as much as enables them to write and to read what they have written ; and they having no insight into the reasons and causes of things ( I mean the ruder sort , both of the Mahometans and Gentiles ) when they observe things which are not very ordinary , as when they see any Eclipses , but especially of the Moon ( haply some of them sacrificing to her , and calling her the Queen of Heaven , as those Idolaters did , Ier. 44. 18. ) they make a very great stir and noise , bemoaning her much , which helps ( as they conceive ) to free , and bring her out of it . Iuvenal observing that custom ( which appears to be very ancient among the Heathens ) reproves a very brawling clamorous Woman in his sixth Satyre thus , Una , laboranti poterit succurrere Lunae , that she made noise enough to deliver the Moon out of an Eclipse . Their ignorance in this , as in many-many other things , is much to be pitied : as the knowledg and learning of many others , which ( by their not improving of it ) is to them as the Letters which Uriah sometimes carried against himself ; it condemns the bearer . But though the Hindoos , or Heathens there , have no learning ; yet they want not opinions : for their divided hearts are there distracted into four-score and four several Sects , each differing from others , very much in opinion about their irreligion ; which might fill a man , even full of wonder , that doth not consider , how that Satan , who is the author division , is the seducer of them all . Those many Sects ( as I conceive among them ) consist of people there of several Trades , Occupations , and Conditions of Life ; which several sorts of people ( as before I observed ) marry into their own Tribes ; and so unite and keep together amongst themselves , that they have not much correspondency with any other people . These without doubt have several ways of worship within themselves , which makes them so separate from others , as that they will not eat with any , but those of their own Tribes . The illiterate Priests of all that people for the generality of them are called Bramins , who derive themselves from Bramon , whom ( they say ) was one of the first men that inhabited the World ; and , after the sin of that first World brought the Flood , the race of that Bramon ( whose very name they highly reverence ) was continued in Bremaw , who ( as they say ) out-lived that deluge , and is honoured by them likewise as one of their great Prophets and Law-givers . Those Bramins ( as I conceive ) are they , which the ancient stories call Brachmans , but with this difference , that those Brachmanes were accounted learned men , for the learning of those times wherein they lived : But these Bramins are a very silly , sottish , and an ignorant sort of people ; who are so inconstant in their Principles , as that they scarce know what the particulars are which they hold and maintain as truths . As anciently amongst the Jews , their Priest-hood is hereditary ; for all those Bramins Sons are Priests , and they all take the Daughters of Bramins to be their Wives . ( Of which somthing before . ) They have little Churches they call Pagods , standing near , or under their green Trees , built round ; but as their ancient Brachmans were said not to endure , these , on the contrary , have Images in their Pagods made in monstrous shapes , but for what end they have them , I know not . Now , from the manner of those Heathens , which I believe hath been for many-many years retained in their Idolatrous worships ; I conceive that the Jews long ago borrowed that unwarrantable custom of worshipping God in Groves , or under green Trees . Both men and women before they go to their devotions ( which are very frequently performed ) wash their bodies , and keep off all their cloaths , but the covering of modesty , till they have done ; led hereunto by a Precept ( as they say ) commanded them to be perform'd by their Law-giver ●remaw , which requires them daily to observe their times of devotion expressed by their washings , and worshippings , and prayer to God ; which must be all done with purity of hearts . And it is the manner of this people before they take their food to wash their bodies ; then ( which I much observed while we lived in Tents ) they make a little Circle upon the ground , which they seem to consecrate ; after which they sit down within that compass , and eat what they have provided ; and if any come within that Circle before they have ended their meal , they presently quit the place , and leave their food behind them . That outward washing ( as this people think ) avails very much to their cleansing from sin , not unlike the Pharisees , who were all for the out-side of Religion , and would not eat with unwashen hands , Mark. 7. 2. unless they washed themselves up to the Elbows ( as Theophylact observes ) ; hence those Hindoos ascribe a certain divinity unto Rivers , but above all to that famous River Ganges , whither they flock daily in troops , that there they may wash themselves ; and the nearer they can come to the head of that River , the more virtue they believe is in the water . After they have thus washed , they throw pieces of Gold , or Silver ( according to their devotion and ability ) into that River , and so depart from it . Thus Reader thou hast somewhat of the carriages of this people in life . Now after death some of them talk of Elyzian fields ( such as the Poets dream'd of ) to which their souls must pass over at Styx , or Acheron , and there take new bodies . Others of them think that ere long the World will have an end , after which they shall live here again on a new earth . Some other wild conceivings of this people follow afterward . Some Bramins have told me that they acknowledge one God , whom they describe with a thousand eyes , with a thousand hands , and as many feet , that thereby they may express his power , as being all eye to see , and all foot to follow , and all hand to smite offenders . The consideration whereof makes that people very exact in the performances of all moral duties , following close to the light of Nature in their dealings with men , most carefully observing that Royal Law , in doing nothing to others , but what they would be well contented to suffer from others . Those Bramins talk of two books , which not long after the Creation , when the World began to be peopled , ( they say ) were delivered by Almighty God to Bramon ( before spoken of ) : one of which Books ( they say ) containing very high , and secret , and mysterious things was sealed up , and might not be opened ; the other to be read , but only by the Bramins , or Priests . And this Book , thus to be read , came after ( as they further say ) into the hands of Bremaw ( of whom likewise somthing before ) and by him it was communicated unto Ram , and Permissar , two other fam'd Prophets amongst them , which those Heathens do likewise exceedingly magnifie ; as they do some others , whose names I have not . Now that Book which they call the Shester , or the Book of their written word , hath been transcribed in all ages ever since by the Bramins , out of which they deliver Precepts unto the people . They say that there are seven Orbs , above which is the seat of God ; and that God knows not small and petty things , or , if he do , regards them not . They further believe that there are Devils , but so fettered and bound in chains , as that they cannot hurt them . I observed before the tenderness and scruple , which is in very many of that people in taking the lives of any inferiour , and meerly sensible , yea and of hurtful creatures too . And those which are most tender-hearted in this case are called Banians , who are by far more numerous than any other of those Indian Sects ; and these hold Pythagoras his Metempsychosis , as a prime Article of their Faith. Which that untaught people come up very near unto , thinking that all the souls , both of men and women after they leave their bodies make their repose in other Creatures , and those Souls ( as they imagine ) are best lodged that go into Kine , which ( in their opinion ) are the best of all sensible creatures ; and therefore ( as before ) they give yearly large sums of money unto the Mogol to redeem them from slaughter . And this people further conceit , that the Souls of the wicked go into vile Creatures , as the Souls of Gluttons and Drunkards into Swine . So the Souls of the Voluptuous and incontinent into Monkies and Apes . Thus the Souls of the Furious , Revengeful , Cruel People , into Lions , Wolves , Tygres , other beasts of prey . So the Souls of the Envious into Serpents , and so into other Creatures according to peoples qualities and dispositions , while they lived successively from one to another of the same kind , ad infinitum for ever and ever , by consequence they believing the immortality of the World. And upon that same mad and groundless phansie , probably they further believe , that the Souls of Froward , Peevish , and Teachy Women go into Wasps ; and that there is never a silly Fly , but ( if they may be credited ) carries about it some Souls ( haply they think of light Women ) and will not be perswaded out of their wild conceivings , so incorrigible are their sottish errours . The day of rest which those Hindoos observe as a Sabbath is Thursday , as the Mahometans Friday . Many Festivals they have which they keep solemnly , and Pilgrimages , the most famous briefly spoken of before in those short descriptions of Nagraiot , and Syba , observed in my first Section . Now there are a race of other Heathens ( I named before ) living amongst those Hindoos , which in many things differ very much from them : they are called Persees , who ( as they say ) originally cameout of Persia , about that time Mahomet and his followers gave Laws to the Persians , and imposed a new Religion on them ; which these Persees not enduring left their Country , and came and setled themselves in East-India , in the Province of Guzarat , where the most part of them still continue ( though there are some of them likewise in other parts of India ) but where-ever they live they confine themselves strictly to their own Tribe , or Sect. For their Habits , they are clad like the other people of that Empire ; but they shave not their hair close as the other do , but suffer their beards to grow long . Their profession is for the generality all kinds of Husbandry , imploying themselves very much in Sowing and Setting of Herbs ; in Planting and Dressing of Vines , and Palmeeto , or Toddy-Trees , as in Planting and Husbanding all other Trees bearing fruit ; and indeed they are a very industrious people , and so are very many of the Hindoos ( as before I observed ) and they do all very well in doing so , and in this a due , and deserved commendation belongs unto them . For , There is no condition whatsoever can priviledge a folded arm . Our first Parents before their fall were put into the Garden of Edemto dress it . Certainly , if idleness had been better than labour , they had never been commanded to do work , but they must labour in their estate of innocency , because they were happy , and much more we in our sinful lost estate that we may be so . It was a law given before the Law , that man should eat br●ad by the sweat of his brows , and it is a Gospel-precept too that he , who will not work , should note . The sluggard desireth and hath nothing ( saith Solomon ) because he doth nothing but desire ; and therefore his desires do him no good , because his hands refuse to labour . That body therefore well deserves to pine and starve without pity , when two able Hands cannot feed one Mouth . But further , for those Persees ; they use their liberty in meats and drinks , to take of them what they please ; but because they would not give offence , either to the Mahometans , or Banians , or other Hindoos amongst whom they live , they abstain from eating Beef , or Swines flesh . It is their usual manner to eat alone , as for every one of them to drink in his own Cup ; and this is a means ( as they think ) to keep themselves more pure , for if they should eat with others , they are afraid that they might participate of some uncleanness by them . Alas poor Creatures , that do not at all understand themselves , and their most miserable condition : for to them that are defiled , and unbelieving is nothing pure . Yet I observed before , the Mahometans and Gentiles there are very strict in this particular ; so that they will not eat with any mixt company , and many of the Gentiles not eat with one another . And this hath been an ancient custom among Heathens . It is said , Gen. 43. 32. that the Egyptians might not eat bread with the Hebrews , for that was an abomination to the Egyptians . For those Persees ; further they believe that there is but one God , who made all things , and hath a Soveraign power over all . They talk much of Lucifer , and of other evil spirits , but they say , that those and all Devils besides are kept so under , and in aw by two good Angels , that have power over them , as that they cannot hurt or do the least mischief , without their leave , and license . As , many of the Hindoos ascribe to much unto water ( as before ) so these to fire : and the reason of it , is this , because they have had this tradition from many ages and generations past , that their great Law-giver , whom they call Zertoost was rapt up into Heaven , and there had fire delivered unto him , which he brought down thence ; and he ever after commanded his followers to worship it and so they do ; and further , they love any thing that resembles fire , as the Sun and Moon ; and therefore , when they pray in the day time they look towards the Sun , and so towards the Moon in their night-devotions , and from that so over-high esteem they have of fire , they keep fires continually burning in their Eggarees , or Temples in Lamps fed with Oyl , which are always attended by their Priests ; and they talk of many of these which have burned without extinginshment from many foregoing generations . And , by the way , that wild and mad phansie of theirs , that their Zertoost did fetch fire from Heaven is as certainly true , as that ancient Fiction and Fable of Prometheus , that he did steal fire thence . But to proceed : their Priests they call Daroos , or Harboods , above both which , they have a Chief , or High-Priest , they call the Destoor , who not often appears openly , but , when he doth , he meets with much Reverence and Respect given unto him by the common people , and so do those other Church-men which are his inferiours : unto all which they allow free maintenance for their more comfortable subsistance . Those Church-men by their Law are commanded to dwell near , and to abide much in their Eggarees , or Temples , to give advice , or direction to any that shall repair unto them for it . They observe divers Feasts , and immediately after each of them a Fast follows . That living sensible Creature , which they first behold every Morning ( that is good and serviceable ) is to them ( as they say ) a Remembrancer all the day after , to draw up their thoughts in Thanks-giving unto Almighty God , who hath made such good Creatures for mans use and service . There are good things ( as I have been informed ) in that Book of their Religion delivered them in precepts , which their Law-giver hath left unto them for the direction of their Lives . As first , To have shame and fear ever present with them , which will restrain , and keep them from the committing of many evils . Secondly , When they undertake any thing , seriously to consider whether it be good or bad , commanded or forbidden them . Thirdly , To keep their Hearts and Eyes from coveting any thing that is anothers , and their Hands from hurting any . Fourthly , To have a care alwayes to speak the Truth . Fifthly , To be known onely in their own businesses , and not to enquire into , and to busie themselves in other mens matters . All which are good moral precepts : but they have another which marrs and spoils all the rest , and that is , upon the greatest penalties they can be threatned withall , Sixthly , Not to entertain , or believe any other Law besides that which was delivered unto them by their Law-giver . This people take but one Wife ; which hath liberty , as the Wives of the Hindoos , to go abroad . They never resolve to take Wives , or Husbands without the advice of their Church-men : and when they come to be married , they stand some distance one from the other , there being two Church-men present , one in the behalf of the Man , and in behalf of the Woman the other . The first of these asks the Woman , whether or no she will have that Man to be her Husband ; and the other asks the Man , whether or no he will have that Woman to be his Wife : and they both consenting , the Priests bring them together and joyn their Hands , praying that they may live in Unity and Love together ; and then both those Church-men scatter Rice upon the Married Couple , intreating God to make them fruitful in sending them many Sons and Daughters , that they may multiply as much as that seed doth in the ears that bear it . And so , the Ceremony being thus performed , which is about the time of mid-night , the whole Company depart , leaving the Marryed Couple together . At the Birth of every Child , they immediately send for the Daroo , or Church-man , who comes to the parties House , and there being certainly enform'd of the exact time of the Childs birth , first , undertakes to calculate its Nativity , and to speak something of it by way of prediction ; after which he conferrs with the Parents about a Name whereby it shall be called ; which when they have agreed upon , the Mother , in the presence of the Company there assembled , gives it that Name . And now lastly , touching the Burials of that People , they incircle pieces of ground with a round Wall , that is of a good height , set a part for that purpose . These burying places stand remote from Houses and Road-wayes , the groun● within them is made smooth , or else paved on the bottom , in ●●e midst whereof they have a round pit , made deep like a draw-Well . The Bodies of their Dead , both Men , Women , and Children , are carryed to those places , upon a Beer made of sleight round Iron Bars , ( for they will not have dead bodies touch any wood , lest they should defile it , because that is fewel for their adored Fire ) and thus brought thither , are laid round about near the inside of that Wall upon the ground , or pavements , covered with a thin white Cloth ; the Daroo , or Harboode , accompanies the dead body near unto the door which enters that place ( alwayes kept fast shut , but when it is opened upon this occasion to let in their dead ) ; and , comn thither , speaks these words in the audience of all those which are thither assembled , That whereas the party deceased consisted of all the Four Elements , he desires that every one of them may now take his part . And this is the form they use , when they there thus dispose of the bodies of their dead . Which being there so left in that open place , are presently laid bare by the Fowls of the Air , who in short time after pick all their flesh clear from their bones , by consequence their fleshly part having no other Sepulchres , Graves , or Tombs , but the Craws and Gorges of those ravenous Fowls . And when upon this occasion they enter that round stage of Mortality , the bare Skeletons they there find , which have parted with all their flesh , are by those bearers of the dead cast into that deep round pit , where they mix promiscuouslly together , and so make room for other dead bodies . But now that my Reader may not conceive that I have endeavoured in some of these strange Relations to write a new Romance , I would have him to think , that for mypart I do believe that there is very much of truth in the particulars I have inserted , if there be any credit to be given to some men of much integrity that lived amongst them , who made it a great part of their business to be satisfied in many of the particulars here spoken of , or if I might trust mine own Eyes and Ears that saw and heard much of it , which could have enabled me to have written a great deal more concerning the Rites , Ceremonies , Customs , wild conceivings , and mad Idolatries of this people , as of the Hindoos spoken of before , if I durst have thrown away more time upon them ; all which would have made my Judicious Reader thus to have concluded with me , that those Mahometans and Heathens ground very many of their Opinions upon Custom , Tradition , and Phantsie , not Reason , much less upon safe Rules that might lead them into , and after keep them in , the way of Truth . They esteeming it a very great boldness , a very high Presumption , to be wiser in their Religion then their Fore-fathers were ( as many of the more ignorant sort of Papists will often say , though it be directly against themselves ) and therefore are desirous to do , and to believe as their Ancestors have before them ; to fare as they have fared , and as they have sped to speed ; though they perish everlastingly with them , never considering of , or ruminating on those things which they hold and maintain for truths ; being like unto unclean Beasts , which chew not the Cudd. So much of that people in general : I come now more particularly to speak SECTION XXII . Of their King the great Mogol , his discent , &c. NOw those Mahometans and Gentiles I have named , live under the subjection of the Great Mogol , which Name , or rather Title , ( if my Information abuse me not ) signifies Circumcised , as himself , and the Mahometans are ; and therefore for his most general Title he is called the Great Mogol , as the chief of the circumcised , or chief of the circumcision . The lively Portraict of the great MOGOL The Royall Signet of the great MOGOL . Y E IMPERIALL STANDARD OF THE GREAT MOGOL And now that my Reader may see the Great Mogol in a Portraiture ( which was taken from a Picture of his drawn to the life ) I have caused that to be here inserted , which presents him in his daily unvaried Habit , as he is bede●kt , and adorned with Jewels , he continually wears ; for the fashion of the Habit , in which he is here presented , it is , for the fashion , the Habit of that whole vast Empire ; so that he who strictly views this , may see the dress of the Men throughout that whole great Monarchy . After this I have set up the Royal Standard of the Great Mogol , which is a couchant Lyon shadowing part of the Body of the Sun. And after that , I have caused his Imperial Signet , or Great Seal to be laid down before my Reader 's Eyes ; where in nine rounds , or Circles , are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane , and his lineal successors in Persian words : which I shall make presently to speak English , and ( as I conceive ) no more in English , than what is fully expressed in those original words . This Seal ( as it is here made in Persian words ) the Great Mogol , either in a large , or lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Firmaunes , or Letters Patents ; the present Kings Title put in the middle , and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest , the impression whereof is not made in any kind of Wax , but Ink , the Seal put in the middle of the Paper , and the writing about it , which Paper there is made very large , and smooth , and good , and in divers colours , besides white , and all to write on . And the words on the Mogol's Seal being imboss'd , are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin , ( for there is no Image upon any of it . ) And the like little Signets , or Seals are used by the great Men of that Country , and so by others of inferiour rank , having their Names at length engraven on them , with which they make impressions , or subscriptions by by Ink put on them , to all their acts and deeds ; which round Circle is their Hand and Seal too . For Timur lang , or Tamberlane ; he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second , King of England . And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs , hath a Title , which speaks thus : 1. Amir , Timur , Saheb Ceran , that is , the great Conqueror , or Emperor ; Timur , or Tamberlain , Lord possessor of the Corners , or of the four Corners of the World. 2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha , the King and Inheritor of Conquests , or the Inheritor of his Fathers Conquests . 3. The third , his Son , was called Mirza , Sultan , Mahomeds ; The Prince and Commander for Mahomet ; or , The Defender of the Mahometan Religion . For this King ( as it should seem ) was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometism , which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great Enemy to , and therefore ever strongly opposed it . But this third Monarch of that Line , and all his Successors since , have been Mahometans . 4. The fourth , his Son , was called Sultan Abusaid , The Prince and Father , or Fountain of Beneficence . 5. The fifth , his Son , was called Mirzee Amir Scheick , The Imperial Princely Lord. 6. The sixth , his Son , was called Baba Padsha , The King the Father , or , The King , the Father of his Country . 7. The seventh , his Son , was called Hamashon Padsha , The King Invincible . 8. The eighth , his Son , was called Achabar Padsha , The great King , or , Emperour that is most mighty , or , The King most mighty . 9. The ninth , his Son , was called Almozaphar , Noor , Dein , Gehangeir , Padsha , Gaze ; The most warlike and most victorious King , the Light of Religion , and the Conquerour of the World. Here are very high Titles taken by Tamberlane and his Successors , and the lower we go , the greater still they are ; but the last of them swells biggest of all , calling himself amongst other Phantsies , The Conquerour of the World , and so he conceits himself to be ; As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian , who believed that all the Ships on the Sea were his own , and therefore he would call them , My Ships , when ever he saw them floating on the waters ; and thus the Great Mogol imagines all the Kings , Nations , and People of the World , to be his Slaves and Vassals . And therefore when the Grand Signiour , or Great Turk , sent an Ambassador to the Great Mogol , who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue , and after , when he was ready to take his leave , desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned ; Tell thy Master , said the Mogol , that he is my Slave , for my Ancestor conquered him . The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit , that he is Conquerour of the World , and therefore ( I conceive ) that he was troubled upon a time , when my Lord Ambassador , having business with him ( and upon those terms , there is no coming unto that King empty-handed without some Present , or other ; of which more afterward ) , and having at that time nothing left , which he thought fit to give him , presented him with Mercators great Book of Cosmography , ( which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use ) telling the Mogol , that that Book described the four parts of the World , and all several Countries in them contained . The Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it , desiring presently to see his own Territories , which were immediately shewen unto him ; he asked which were those Countries about them , he was told Tartaria and Persia , as the names of the rest which confine with him ; and then causing the Book to be turn'd all over , and finding no more to fall to his share , but what at first he saw , and he calling himself the Conquerour of the World , and having no greater share in it , seemed to be a little troubled ; yet civilly told the Ambassador , that neither himself , nor any of his People did understand the Language in which that Book was written ; and because so , he further told him , that he would not rob him of such a Jewel , and therefore returned it unto him again . And the Truth is , that the Great Mogol might very well bring his Action against Mercator and others who describe the World , but streighten him very much in their Maps ; not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces , which properly belong unto him . But it is true likewise that he , who hath the greatest share on the face of the Earth , if it be compared with the whole World , appears not great . As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades , that , compared with the Globe of the whole Earth , they did not appear bigger then a small tittle . The Mogol's Territories are more apparent , large , and visible , as one may take notice , who strictly views this affixed Map , which is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions . So that although the Mogol be not Master of the whole World , yet hath he a great share in it , if we consider his very large Territories , and his abundant riches , as will after more appear , whose wealth and strength makes him so potent , as that he is able , whensoever he pleaseth to make inroades upon , and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours ; but I leave that , and come now to speak SECTION XXIII . Of the Mogol's Policy in his Government , exercised by himself and Substitutes . ANd it is that indeed , which is the worst of all Governments , called by Aristotle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Arbitrary , Illimited , Tyrannical , such as a most severe Master useth to Servants , not that which a good King administreth to Subjects . Which makes it very uncomfortable for those that live as Subjects there , under the command of others , taller then themselves by their swords length , or so to be fixed in any part of the World. — Where no Law resists The sword , but that it acteth what it lists . As in that Empire ; where the King measureth his power by his Sword or Launce , in making his will , his guide , and therefore any thing lawful that likes him ; which carriage of his might very well become that Emblem of illimited power , which is , a Sword waved by a strong arm and hand , and the Word sic volo , sic jubeo , or thus will I have it ; and if any there be so far discontented as to make any the least question at what he doth , he hath a far stronger argument still in readiness , than all th● force of Logick can make , and that is very many thousands of men , that are stout and able Souldiers , whom he keeps continually in arms , and pay , that can make any thing good , which he shall please to command . There are no Laws for Government kept in that Empire upon record ( for ought I could ever learn ) to regulate Governours there in the administration of Justice , but what are written in the breast of that King and his Substitutes ; and therefore they often take liberty to proceed how they please , in punishing the Offender rather than the offence ; mens persons more than their Crimes ; aegrotum potius quàm morbum . Yet ever they pretend to proceed in their ways of judicature ( which is the right progress in judgement ) secundum allegata & probata , by proofs and not by presumptions . The great Mogol will sit himself as Judge , in any matters of consequence that happen near unto him . And there are no Malefactors that lie more than one night in prison ; and many times not at all , for if the party offending be apprehended early in the day , he is immediately brought before him that must be his Judge , by whom he is presently either acquitted or condemned ; if he be sentenced to be whipt , he hath his payment , and that ( usually with much severity ) in the place ( often , ) where he received that sentence . If condemned to die , he is presently ( which as I apprehend it is a very hard course , though used anciently among the Jews ) carried from his sentence to his execution , which is done usually in the Bazar , or Market-place . And this round and quick Justice keeps the people there in such order and aw , as that there are not many executions . Murder and Theft they punish with death , and with what kind of death the Judge pleaseth to impose : for , some Malefactors are hang'd , some beheaded , some impaled , or put upon sharp stakes ( a death which hath much cruelty and extream torture and torment in it , ) some are torn in pieces by wild Beasts , some kill'd by Elephants ; and others stung to death by Snakes . Those which are brought to suffer death by Elephants ( some of which vast Creatures , are train'd up to do execution on Malefactors ) are thus dealt withall . First , if that overgrown Beast be commanded by his Rider to dispatch that poor , trembling Offender presently , who lies prostrate before him , he will with his broad round foot immmediately press him to death ; but that wretched Creature be condemn'd ita mori , ut se mori sentiat ; so to die , as that he may feel tortures and torments in dying ( which are as so many several deaths . ) The Elephant will break his bones by degrees ( as men are broken upon the wheel ) as first his Legs , then his Thighs , after that the bones in both his Arms ; this done , his wretched Spirit is left to breathe its last out of the midst of those broken bones . But it is a very sad thing , and very much unbeseeming a man , as he is a man , to seem to take pleasure in executing of punishment , as those appear to do , who make it their business to study , and invent tortures to inflict on others . I have been told by some , who were eye-witnesses ( whom I dare credit , and therefore I dare relate it ) of strange kinds of death executed by the command of the King of Iapan upon his subjects : where some are crucified or nail'd to a Cross : others rather roasted , than burnt to death ; Thus , there is a stake set up , and a Circle of fire at a pretty distance , made round about it ; the condemned person being naked , is so fastned to that stake , as that he may move round about it , and so doth as long as he is able to stir , till his flesh begins to blister ; then he falls down , and there lies roaring till the fire , made about him , puts him to silence by taking away both his voice and life . Now they say that one great reason , why they put men there unto such exquisite torments , is , because they hold it a thing of the greatest dishonour there for any man to die by the hand of an Executioner : therefore they are usually commanded , when they are sentenced to die , to rip up , or cut open their own bellies , and those who will not so do are tormented in dying . Hence most of that people , when as they have received that hard command to prevent death , by dying ; call for their friends about them , eat , and seem to be merry with them , and then in the close of the meal , and in their presence , commit this sad slaughter upon themselves , as first those poor wretches make themselves naked to the middle , he , or they who are to die ; then the most wretched self-murderer , who is to act that bloody part , strikes a sharp Knife into the bottom of his belly , then rips himself up , and after gives himself one other cut cross his belly , and when he hath done both these , if after he can but wipe his bloody knife upon a white paper , or napkin that is laid by him , he is believed to part with his life with a very great deal of honour , and immediatly ( as he is made to believe ) goes to Fakaman , whom they say is the God of war. So much power the Devil hath in those dark places of the world , to make the people there do what he please . Oh 't is a misery of all miseries here to be a drudge , a bond-man , a slave to the Devil ! as those , and so infinite multitudes more professing Christ , are , by obeying Satan in his most unreasonable commands , and yet will not be made sensible of that , their basest bondage . But to return again to the place from whence I have made some excursion . When I was in India , there was one sentenced by the Mogol himself , for killing his own father , to dye thus ; first he commanded that this Parricide should be bound alive by his heels fastned to a small iron chain , which was tied to the hind-leg of a great Elephant ; and then that this Elephant should drag him after him one whole remove of that King , from one place to another , which was about ten miles distant , that so all his flesh might be worn off his bones , and so it was , when we saw him in the way following that King in his Progress ; for he appeared then to us a Skeleton , rather than a body . There was another condemned to dye by the Mogol himself ( while we were at Amadavar ) for killing his own Mother ; and at this the King was much troubled to think of a death , suitable for so horrid a crime ; but , upon a little pause , he adjudged him to be stung to death by Snakes , which was accordingly done . I told you before that there are some Mountebanks there , which keep great Snakes to shew tricks with them ; one of those fellows was presently called for to bring his Snakes to do that execution , who came to the place where that wretched Creature was appointed to dye , and found him there all naked ( except a little covering before ) and trembling . Then suddenly the Mountebank ( having first angred and provoked the venemous creatures ) put one of them to his Thigh , which presently twin'd it self about that part , till it came near his Groin , and there bit him till blood followed , the other was fastned to the out-side of his other Thigh , twining about it ( for those Snakes thus kept , are long and slender ) and there bit him likewise ; notwithstanding , the wretch kept upon his feet near a quarter of an hour , before which time the Snakes were taken from him ; But he complained exceedingly of a fire that with much torment had possessed all his Limbs , and his whole body began to swell exceedingly , like Nasidius , bit by a Lybian Serpent , called a Prester : Now much after this manner did the stinging of those Snakes work upon that wretch ; and about half an hour after they were taken from him , the soul of that unnatural monster left his groaning Carkass , and so went to its place . And certainly both those I last named so sentenced , and so executed , most justly deserved to be handled with all severity , for taking away the lives of those from whom they had receiv'd their own . Some of our family did behold the execution done upon the later , who related all the passages of it ; and for my part I might have seen it too , but that I had rather go a great way not to see , then one step to behold such a sight . After the example of that King , his Governours , deputed and set over Provinces and Cities , proceed in the course of Justice , to impose what punishment and death they please upon all offendors , and malefactors . That King never suffers any of his Vicegerents to tarry long in one place of Government , but removes them usually ( after they have exercised that Power , which was given unto them in place , for one year ) unto some other place of Government , remote from the former , wherein they exercise their power : and this that King doth , that those , which be his Substitutes , may not in any place grow popular . I told you before that this people are very neat , shaving themselves so often , as that they feel the Rasor almost every day ; but when that King sends any of them unto any place of Government , or upon any other imployment , they cut not their hair at all , till they return again into his presence ; as if they desired not to appear beautiful , or to give themselves any content in this while they live out of the Kings sight ; and therefore the King , as soon as he sees them , bids them cut their hair . When the Mogol by Letters sends his Commands to any of his Governours , those Papers are entertain'd with as much respect as if himself were present ; for the Governour having intelligence that such Letters are come near him , himself with other inferiour Officers ride forth to meet the Patamar , or Messenger that brings them ; and as soon as he sees those Letters he alights from his horse , falls down on the earth , and then takes them from the Messenger and lays them on his head , whereon he binds them fast , and then returning to his place of publick meeting , for dispatch of businesses , he reads them , and answers their contents with all care and diligence . The King oft times in his own person , and so his Substitutes appointed Governours for Provinces and Cities , Judge in all matters Criminal that concern Life and Death . There are other Officers to assist them , which are called Cut-walls ( whose Office is like that of our Sheriffs in England ) and these have many substitutes under them , whose business it is to apprehend , and to bring before these Judges such as are to be tried for things Criminal , or Capital , where the offender ( as before ) knows presently what will become of him . And those Officers wait likewise on other Judges there , which are called Cadees , who only meddle with Contracts and Debts and other businesses of this nature 'twixt man and man. Now these Officers arrest Debtors , and bring them before those Judges , and their Sureties too , bound as with us in Contracts , confirmed ( as before ) under their hands and seals ; and if they give not content unto those which complain of them , they will imprison their persons , where they shall find and feel the weight of fetters ; nay , many times they will sell their Persons , their Wives and Children into bondage , when they cannot satisfie their debts ; And the custom of that Country bears with such hard and pitiless courses , such as was complain'd of by the poor Widow unto the Prophet Elisha ; who when her husband was dead , and she not able to pay , the Creditor came and took her two sons to be bond-men , 2 Kings 4. 1. The Mogol looked to be presented with some thing , or other , when my Lord Embassadour came to him , and if he saw him often empty handed , he was not welcome ; and therefore the East-India Company were wont every year to send many particular things unto him , in the name of the King of England , that were given him at several times , especially then when the Embassadour had any request unto him , which made a very fair way unto it . Amongst many other things , when my Lord Embassadour first went thither , the Company sent the Mogol an English Coach , and Harness for four Horses , and an able Coach-man , to sute and manage some of his excellent Horses , that they might be made fit for that service . The Coach they sent was lined within with Crimson China Velvet , which when the Mogol took notice of , he told the Embassadour that he wondred the King of England would trouble himself so much , as to send unto China for Velvet to line a Coach for him , in regard that he had been informed , that the English King had much better Velvet nearer home , for such , or any other uses . And immediately after , the Mogol caused that Coach to be taken all to pieces , and to have another made by it , for ( as before ) they are a people that will make any new thing by a pattern ; and when his new Coach was made according to the pattern , his work-men first putting the English Coach together , did so with that they had new made ; then pulling out all the China Velvet which was in the English Coach , there was in the room thereof put a very rich Stuff , the ground Silver , wrought all over in spaces with variety of flowers of silk , excellently well suited for their colours , and cut short like a Plush , and in stead of the brass-nails that were first in it , there were nails of silver put in their places . And the Coach , which his own Work-men made was lined and seated likewise with a richer stuff than the former , the ground of it gold , mingled like the other with silk flowers , and the nails silver and double gilt ; and after having Horses and Harness fitted for both his Coaches , He rode sometimes in them , and contracted with the English-coach-man to serve him , whom he made very fine , by rich vests he gave him , allowing him a very great Pension ; besides , he never carried him in any of those Coaches , but he gave him the reward of ten pounds at the least , which had raised the Coach-man unto a very great Estate , had not death prevented it , and that immediately after he was setled in that great service . The East India Company sent other Presents for that King , as excellent Pictures which pleased the Mogol very much , especially if there were fair and beautiful Women portrayed in them . They sent likewise Swords , Rapiers , excellently well hatcht , and pieces of rich Imbroidery to make sweet bags , and rich Gloves , and handsome Looking-glasses , and other things to give away , that they might have always some things in readiness to present both to the King , and also to his Governours , where our Factories were setled : for all these were like those Rulers of Israel mentioned , Hosea 4. 18. who would love to say with shame , give ye . They looked to be presented with something , when our Factors had any especial occasion to repair unto them , and if the particular thing they then presented did not like them well , they would desire to have it exchanged for something else , haply they having never heard of our good and modest proverb , That a man must not look into the mouth of a given Horse . And it is a very poor thing indeed which is freely given , and is not worth the taking . The Mogol sometimes by his Firmauns , or Letters Patents , will grant some particular things unto single , or divers persons , and presently after will contradict those Grants by other Letters , excusing himself thus , That he is a great , and an absolute King ; and therefore must not be tied unto any thing , which if he were , he said that he was a slave , and not a free-man : Yet what he promised was usually enjoyed , although he would not be tied to a certain performance of his promise . Therefore there can be no dealing with this King upon very sure terms , who will say and unsay , promise and deny . Yet we Englishmen did not at all suffer by that inconstancy of his , but there found a free Trade , a peaceable residence , and a very good esteem with that King and People ; and much the better ( as I conceive ) by reason of the prudence of my Lord Embassadour , who was there ( in some sense ) like Ioseph in the Court of Pharaoh ; for whose sake all his Nation there , seemed to fare the better . And we had a very easie way upon any grievance to repair to that King as will appear now in my next Section , which speaks , SECTION XXIV . Of the Mogol , shewing himself three times publickly unto his people every day , and in what state and glory he doth oftentimes appear . FIrst , early in the morning , at that very time the Sun begins to appear above the Horizon , He appears unto his people in a place very like unto one of our Balconies , made in his Houses , or Pavilions for his morning appearance , directly opposite to the East , about seven , or eight foot high from the ground , against which time a very great number of his people , especially of the greater sort , who desire as often as they can to appear in his eye , assemble there together to give him the Salam , or good morning , crying all out as soon as they see their King with a loud voice , Padsha Salamet , which signifies , Live O great King , or , O great King , Health and life . At Noon he shews himself in another place like the former , on the South-side ; and a little before Sun-set , in a like place , on the West-side of his House , or Tent : but as soon as the Sun forsakes the Hemisphear , he leaves his people ushered in and out with Drums and Wind-instruments , and the peoples acclamations . At both which times likewise very great numbers of his people assemble together to present themselves before him : And at any of these three times , he that hath a suit to the King , or desires Justice at his hands , be he Poor , or Rich , if he hold up a Petition to be seen , shall be heard and answered . And between seven and nine of the Clock at night , he sits within House , or Tent , more privately in a spacious place , called his Goozalcan , or bathing-house made bright , like day by abundance of lights , and here the King sits mounted upon a stately Throne , where his Nobles and such as are favoured by him stand about him : others find admittance to , but by special leáve from his Guard , who cause every one that enters that place to breathe upon them ; and if they imagine that any have drunk wine , they keep him out . At this time my Lord Embassadour made his usual addresses to him , and I often waited on him thither ; and it was a good time to do business with that King , who then was for the most part very pleasant , and full of talk unto those which were round about him , and so continued till he fell a sleep ( oft times by drinking ) and then all assembled , immediately quitted the place , except those which were his trusted servants , who by turns watched his person . The Mogol hath a most stately , rich , and spacious house at Agra , his Metropolis , or chief City , which is called his Palace Royal , wherein there are two Towers , or Turrets about ten foot square covered with massie Gold ( as ours are usually with Lead ) this I had from Tom Coryat , as from other English Merchants , who keep in a Factory at that place . And further they told me , that he hath a most glorious Throne within that his Palace , ascended by divers steps , which are covered with plate of silver , upon the top of which ascent stand four Lions upon pedestals ( of curiously coloured Marble ) which Lions are all made of Massie silver , some part of them guilded with gold , and beset with precious stones . Those Lions support a Canopy of pure gold , under which the Mogol sits , when as he appears in his greatest state and glory . For the beauty of that Court ; it consists not in gay and gorgious apparel , for the Country is so hot , that they cannot endure any thing that is very warm , or massie ; or rich about them . The Mogol himself for the most part is covered with a garment ( as before described ) made of pure , white , and fine Callico-laune , and so are his Nobles ; which garments are washed after one days wearing . But for the Mogol , though his cloathing be not rich and costly , yet I believe that there is never a Monarch in the whole world that is daily adorned with so many Jewels as himself is . Now , they are Jewels which make mens covering most rich ; such as people in other parts sometimes wear about them , that are otherwise most meanly habited . To which purpose I was long since told by a Gentleman of honour , sent as a Companion to the old Earl of Nottingham , when he was imployed as an extraordinary Embassadour by King Iames , to confirm the peace made 'twixt himself and the King of Spain , which Embassadour had a very great many Gentlemen in his train , in as rich clothing as Velvets and Silks could make ; but then there did appear many a great Don , or Grandee in the Spanish Court , in a long black bays Cloak and Cassack , which had one Hatband of Diamonds , which was of more worth by far , than all the bravery of the Ambassadors many Followers . But for the Mogol , I wonder not at his many Jewels , he being ( as I conceive ) the greatest , and richest Master of precious stones that inhabits the whole earth . For Diamonds ( which of all other are accounted most precious stones ) they are found in Decan ( where the Rocks are , out of which they are digged ) the Princes whereof are the next Neighbours and Tributaries to the great Mogol , and they pay him as Tribute many Diamonds yearly ; and further , he hath the refusal of all those rich stones they sell , he having Gold and Silver in the greatest abundance , ( and that will purchase any thing but heaven ) & he wil part with any mony for any Gems beside , that are precious and great , whether Rubies , or any other stones of value , as also for rich Pearls . And his Grandees follow him in that fancy : for one of his great Lords gave our Merchants there , twelve hundred pounds sterling for one Pearl which was brought out of England . The Pearl was shaped like a Pear , very large , beautiful , and orient , and so its price deserved it should be . Now the Mogol having such an abundance of Jewels , wears many of them daily ; enow to exceed those women , which Rome was wont to shew in their Star-like dresses , who in the height and prosperity of that Empire — were said to wear The spoils of Nations in one ear . Or , Lollia Paulina , who was hid with Jewels . For the great Mogol , the Diamonds , and Rubies , and Pearls , which are very many , and daily worn by him , are all of an extraordinary greatness , and consequently of an exceeding great value . And besides those he wears about his Shash , or head covering , he hath a long Chain of Jewels hanging about his Neck ( as long as an ordinary Gold-Chain ) ; others about his wrists , and the Hilts of his Sword and Dagger , are most curiously enriched with those precious Stones ; beside others of very great value , which he wears in Rings on his fingers . The first of March , the Mogol begins a royal Feast , like that which Abasuerus made in the third year of his Reign , Esth. 1. wherein he shewed the riches of his glorious Kingdom . This feast the Mogol makes , is called the Nooroos , that signifies Nine-days : which time it continues , to usher in the new year , which begins with the Mahometans there , the tenth day of March. Against which Feast , the Nobles assemble themselves together at that Court in their greatest Pomp , presenting their King with great gifts , and he requiting them again with Princely rewards : at which time I being in his presence , beheld most immense and incredible riches , to my amazement , in Gold , Pearls , Precious stones , Jewels , and many other glittering vanities . This Feast is usually kept by the Mogol while he is in his Progress , and lodges in Tents . Whether his Diet at this time be greater than ordinary I know not ; for he always eats in private amongst his Women , where none but his own Family see him while he is eating ; which Family of his consists of his Wives , and Children , and Women , and Eunuchs , and his Boys ; and none but these abide and lodge in the Kings Houses , or Tents , and therefore how his Table is spread , I could never know ; but doubtless he hath of all those varieties that Empire affords , if he so please . His food ( they say ) is served in unto him in Vessels of Gold , which covered and brought unto him by his Eunuchs , after it is proved by his Tasters , he eats , not at any set times of the day , but he hath provision ready at all times , and calls for it when he is hungry , and never but then . The first of September ( which was the late Mogol's birth-day ) he retaining an ancient yearly Custom , was , in the presence of his chief Grandees , weighed in a Balance ; the Ceremony was performed within his House , or Tent , in a fair spacious Room , whereinto none were admitted but by special leave . The Scales in which he was thus weighed were plated with Gold , and so the beam on which they hung , by great Chains made likewise of that most precious Metal , the King sitting in one of them was weighed first against silver Coin , which immediately after was distributed among the poor ; then was he weighed against Gold ; after that against Jewels ( as they say ) but I observed ( being present there with my Lord Ambassador ) that he was weighed against three several things , laid in silken Bags on the contrary Scale . When I saw him in the Balance , I thought on Belshazzar , who was found too light , Dan. 5. 27. By his weight ( of which his Physicians yearly keep an exact account ) they presume to guess of the present estate of his body , of which they speak flatteringly , however they think it to be . When the Mogol is thus weighed , he casts about among the standers by thin pieces of silver , and some of Gold , made like flowers of that Countrey , and some of them are made like Cloves , and some like Nutmegs , but very thin and hollow . Then he drinks to his Nobles in his Royal wine ( as that of Ahasuerus is called , Esth. 1. 7. ) who pledge his health : at which solemnity he drank to my Lord Ambassadour , in a Cup of Gold most curiously enameled , and set all over the outside with stones ( which were small Rubies , Turkesses , and Emeralds ) with a Cover , or Plate , to set in it in , both of pure Gold , the brims of which plate , and the cover were enameled , and set with stones as the other , and all these together weighed twenty and four ounces of our English weights , which he then gave unto my Lord Ambassadour , whom he ever used with very much respect , and would moreover often ask him , why he did not desire some good , and great gifts at his hands , be being a great King , and able to give it ; the Embassadour would reply , That he came not thither to beg any thing of him ; all that he desired , was that his Countrey-men the English might have a free , safe , and peaceable trade in his Dominions : The Mogol would answer that he was bound in honour to afford them that , we coming from the furthermost parts of the world to trade there ; and would often bid the Ambassadour to ask something for himself , who to this would answer , that if that King knew not better to give , then he knew to ask , he must have nothing from him . Upon these terms they continually both stood , so that in conclusiun the Embassadour had no gift from him , but that before-mentioned , besides an horse or two , and sometimes a Vest , or upper Garment , made of slight Cloth of Gold , which the Mogol would first put upon his own back , and then give it to the Embassadour . But the Mogol ( if he had so pleased ) might have bestowed on him some great Princely gift , and found no greater miss of it , than there would be of a Glass of water taken out of a great Fountain . Now although the Mogol had such infinite Treasure , yet he could find room to store up more still : the desires of a covetous heart being so unsatiable , as that it never knows when it hath enough : being like a bottomless purse that can never be fill'd ; for the more it hath , the more still it covets . See an image hereof in Alcmaeon , who being will'd by Craesus to go into his Treasure-house , and there take as much Gold as himself could carry away ; provided for that purpose a long Garment that was double down to his ankles , and great boots , and fill'd them both ; nay , he stuffed his mouth , and tied wedges of Gold to the locks of his head , and doubtless , but for killing himself , he would have fill'd his skull and bowels therewith . Here was an heart set upon Gold , and Gold over-lading an heart : for the man stowing so much about him , as that he could not stir with it , forfeited what he might have had , and was turned out of the Treasury , as poor and empty as he came into it . He is a rich man whatever he hath ( be it more , or less ) that is contented . He is a poor man , who still wants more , in becoming poor by plenty , wanting what he hath as well and as much as what he hath not ; and so do very many , who are the greatest engrossers of the worlds wealth . SECTION XXV . Of his Pastimes at home and abroad , &c. where , something of his Quality , and Disposition . NOw what he doth , and how he behaves himself amongst his house-full of Wives and Women cannot be known , and therefore not related ; but when he shews himself ( as before ) thrice openly to his people , every day , he had always something or other presented before him to make him sport , and to give him present content . As sometimes he delighted himself in seeing Horses ridden , the Natives there ( as before ) being very excellent in their well-managing of them . Sometimes he saw his great Elephants fight . And at other times he pleased himself in seeing wrestling , or dauncing , or jugling , and what else he liked . And it happened that ( but a few years before our abode there ) a Juggler of Bengala ( a Kingdom famous for Witches , and men of that profession ) brought an Ape before the King ( who was ever greedy to please himself with Novelties ) professing that he would do many strange feats : The Mogol was ready presently to make a trial of this , and forthwith called some boys about him ( which he was conceived to keep for such use as I dare not name , ) and plucking a Ring from his finger gave it one of them to hide , that he might make a trial , whether or no the Ape could find it out ; who presently went to the boy that had it . The Mogol made some further trials like this , where the Ape did his part as before . And before the Ape was taken out of his presence , this strange , and unexpected thing following came into the King's thought . There are ( said he ) many disputes in the World about that true Prophet which should come into the World. We , said the Mogol , are for Mahomet . The Persians magnifie Mortis Hale ( but they are Mahometans for Religion likewise . ) The Hindoos , or Heathens there , have many whom they highly extol and magnifie ; as Bremaw , and Bramon , and Ram , and Permissar ; the Parsees are for Zertoost , the Jews for Moses , the Christians for Christ ; and he added three more whose names I have not , who make up the number of twelve , who have all their several followers in that part of the World ; and then he caused those twelve Names to be written in twelve several Scrolls , and put together , to see if the Ape could draw out the Name of the true Prophet , this done , the Ape put his paw amongst them , and pull'd forth the Name of Christ. The Mogol a second time , caused those twelve Names to be written again in twelve other Scrolls and Characters , and put together ; when the Ape as before pull'd forth the Name of Christ. Then Mahobet-Chan , a great Nobleman of that Court , and in high favour with the King , said , that it was some imposture of the Christians ( though there were none that did bear that Name there present ) and desired that he might make a third trial ; which granted , he put but eleven of those names together , reserving the name of Christ in his hand ; the Ape searching as before , pull'd forth his paw empty , and so twice , or thrice together , the King demanding a reason for this , was answered , that haply the thing he looked for was not there : he was bid to search for it , and then putting out those eleven names one after the other , in a seeming indignation rent them ; then running to Mahobet-Chan caught him by the hand where the Name of Christ was concealed , which delivered , he opened the Scroll , and so held it up to the King , but did not tear it as the former ; upon which the Mogol took the Ape , and gave his Keeper a good Pension for to keep him near about him , calling him the Divining Ape , and this was all that followed upon this admirable thing , except the great wonder and amazement of that people . There was one some years since wrote this story ( but somewhat varied from that I have here related ) in a little printed Pamphlet , and told his Reader that I had often seen that Ape while I lived in those parts , which particular he should have left out ; but for the Relation it self , I believe it was so , because it hath been often confirmed there in its report unto me by divers persons , who knew not one another , and were differing in Relion , yet all agreed in the story , and in all the circumstances thereof . Now for the disposition of that King , it ever seemed unto me to be composed of extreams ; for sometimes he was barbarously cruel , andat other times he would seem to be exceeding fair and gentle . For his cruelties ; he put one of his women to a miserable death , one of his women he had formerly touched and kept Company withall , but now she was superannuated ; for neither himself , nor Nobles ( as they say ) come near their wives , or women , after they exceed the age of thirty years , though they keep them , and allow them some maintenance . The fault of that woman , this : the Mogol upon a time found her , & one of his Eunuchs kissing one another ; and for this very thing , the King presently gave command that a round hole should be made in the earth , and that her body should be put into that hole , where she should stand with her head only above ground , and the earth to be put in again unto her close , round about her , that so she might stand in the parching Sun , till the extream hot beams thereof did kill her , in which torment she lived one whole day , and the night following , and almost till the next noon , crying out most lamentably while she was able to speak in her language , as the Shunamits Child did in his , 2 King. 4. Ah my head , my head ! Which horrid execution , or rather murder was acted near our house : where the Eunuch by the command of the said King was brought very near the place where this poor Creature was thus buried alive , and there in her sight cut all into pieces . That great King would be often overcome by Wine , yet ( as if he meant to appropriate that sin to himself ) would punish others with very much severity , who were thus distempered . Sometimes for little , or no faults , the Mogol would cause men to be most severely whipt , till they were almost ready to die under the rod ; which after they must kiss in thankfulness . He caused one of his servants of the higher rank to be very much whipt for breaking a China-Cup , he was commanded to keep safe , and then sent him into China , ( which is a marvellous distance from thence ) to buy another . Sometimes in other of his mad distempers he would condemn men to servitude , or dismember , or else put them to death , as sacrifices to his will and passion , not Justice . So that it might be said of him , quando male nemo pejus , that when he did wickedly none could do worse , as if it had been true of him which was spoken of that monster Nero observed before , who was called Lutum sanguine maceratum , Dirt soaked in blood . For his good actions , he did relieve continually many poor people ; and not seldom would shew many expressions of duty and strong affection to his Mother then living , so that he who esteemed the whole-world as his Vassals would help to carry her in a Palankee upon his shoulders . The Mogol would often visit the Cells of those he esteemed religious men , whose Persons he esteemed sacred , as if they had been Demigods . And he would speak most respectively of our blessed Saviour Christ ; but his Parentage , his poverty , and his cross did so confound his thoughts , that he knew not what to think of them . Lastly , the Mogol is very free and noble unto all those which fall into , and abide in his affection , which brings me now to speak SECTION XXVI . Of the exceeding great Pensions the Mogol gives unto his Subjects , how they are raised , and how long they are continued , &c. WHich great revenues that many of them do enjoy , makes them to live like great Princes rather than other men . Now for those Pensions , which are so exceeding great , the Mogol in his far extended Monarchy allows yearly pay for one Million of Horse ; and for every Horse and Man about eighteen pounds sterling per annum , which is exactly paid every year , raised from Land , and other Commodities which that Empire affords and appointed for that purpose . Now some of the Mogol's most beloved Nobles have the pay of six thousand horse ; and there are others ( at the least twenty in his Empire ) which have the pay of 5000 horse , exceeding large Pensions above the revenue of any other Subjects in the whole World , they amounting unto more than one hundred thousand pounds yearly unto a particular man. Now others have the pay of four thousand horse ; others of three , or two , or one thousand horse , and so downward ; and these by their proportions , are appointed to have horses always in readiness well mann'd , and otherwise appointed for the Kings service , so that he who hath the pay of five , or six thousand , must always have one thousand in readiness , or more , according to the Kings need of them , and so in proportion all the rest which enables them on a sudden to make up the number , at the least of two hundred thousand horse ; of which number , they have always at hand one hundred thousand to wait upon the King wheresoever he is . There are very many private men in Cities and Towns , who are Merchants , or Trades-men that are very rich : but it is not safe for them that are so , so to appear , lest that they should be used as fill'd Sponges . But there is never a Subject in that Empire , who hath Land of inheritance , which he may call his own ; but they are all Tenants at the will of their King , having no other title to that they enjoy besides the Kings favour , which is by far more easily lost than gotten ; It is true , that the King advanceth many there , unto many great honours , and allows them ( as before ) marvellous great revenues ; but no Son there enjoys either the Titles , or Means of his Father that hath had Pensions from that King , for the King takes possession of all when they are dead , appointing their Children some competent means for their subsistence , which they shall not exceed , if they fall not into the Kings affection as their Fathers did ; wherefore many great men in this Empire live up to the height of their means ; and therefore have a very numerous train , a very great retinue to attend upon them , which makes them to appear like Princes , rather than Subjects . Yet this their necessary dependance on their King binds them unto such base subjection , as that they will yield with readiness unto any of his unreasonable and willful commands . As Plutarch writes of the Souldiers of Scipio , Nullus est horum , qui non conscensa turri semet in mare praecipaturus sit , si jussero , There was never a one in his Army , by his own report , that would not for a word of his mouth , have gone up into a Tower , and cast himself thence head-long into the Sea : and thus the people here will do any thing the King commands them to do ; so that if he bid the Father to lay hands of violence upon his Son , or the Son upon his Father , they will do it , rather than the will of the King should be disobeyed . Thus forgetting Nature , rather than Subjection . And this tye of theirs ( I say ) upon the Kings favour makes all his Subjects most servile flatterers , for they will commend any of his actions , though they be nothing but cruelty ; so any of his speeches , though nothing but folly . And when the King sits and speaks to any of his people publickly , there is not a word falls from him that is not written by some Scriveners , or Scribes , that stand round about him . In the year 1618. when we lived at that Court , there appeared at once in the moneth of November in their Hemisphear two great Blazing-stars , the one of them North , the other South , which unusual sight appeared there for the space of one moneth . One of those strange Comets in the North , appeared like a long blazing-torch , or Launce fired at the upper end ; the other in the South , was round like a pot boiling out fire . The Mogol consulted with his flattering Astrologers , who spake of these Comets unto the King , as Daniel sometimes did of Nebuchadnezzars dream , Dan. 4. 19. My Lord , the dream is to them that hate thee , and the interpretation thereof unto thine enemies . For his Astrologers told him that he needed not trouble himself with the thought thereof , for it concerned other places and people , not him nor his . But not long after this , their season of Rain , ( before spoken of ) which was never known to fail till then , failed them ; and this caused such a famine and mortality in the South parts of his Empire , that it did very much unpeople it : and in the Northern part thereof ( whither the Mogol then repaired ) his third Son Sultan Caroom raised , and kept together very great forces , and stood upon his guard , and would not disband , till his Father had delivered his eldest Son Sultan Coobseroo into his hands . And how , when he had him in his power he used him , you shall after hear . In the mean time , take one admirable example of a very gross flatterer , but a great Favorite of that King , who was noted above others of that Nation to be a great neglecter of God , believing it Religion enough to please the Mogol his Master . This man was a Souldier of an approved valour : But upon a time he sitting in dalliance with one of his women , she pluckt an hair from his breast ( which grew about his Nipple ) in wantonness , without the least thought of doing him hurt . But the little wound , that small and unparalle'd instrument of death made , presently began to fester , and in short time after became a Canker incurable ; in fine , when he saw that he must needs dye , he uttered these words , which are worth the remembring of all that shall ever hear them , saying : Who would not have thought but that I , who have been so long bred a Souldier , should have dyed in the face of mine Enemy , either by a Sword , or a Launce , or an Arrow , or a Bullet , or by some such instrument of death : But now ( though too late ) I am forc'd to confess that there is a great God above , whose Majesty I have ever despised , that needs no bigger Launce than an hair to kill an Atheist , or a despiser of his Majesty . And so , desiring that those his last words might be told unto the King his Master , he died . The Mogol never advanceth any , but he gives him a new name , and theis of some pretty signification ; as Pharoah did unto Ioseph , when he made him great in his Court , Gen. 41. 45. The new names ( I say ) that the Mogol gives unto those he advances and favours , are significant . As Asaph Chan , The gathering , or rich Lord ; whose Sister the Mogol married , and she was his most beloved Wife : and her Brothers marvellous great riches , answered his name ; for he died worth many Millions ( as I have been credibly informed ) the greatest Subject ( I believe ) for wealth that ever the World had . So another of the Mogols Grandees was called Mahobet-Chan , The beloved Lord. Another Chan-Iahan , The Lord of my heart . Another Chan-Allaam , The Lord of the World. Another Chan-Channa , The Lord of Lords . He called his chief Physician Mocrob-Chan , The Lord of my health ; and many other names , like these , his Grandees had , which at my being there belonged to his most numerous Court. And further for their Titles of honour there , all the Kings Children are called Sultans , or Princes ; his Daughters Sultana's , or Princesses ; the next title is Nabob , equivalent to a Duke ; the next Channa , a double Lord , or Earl ; the next Chan , a Lord. So Meirsa signifies a Knight , that hath been a General , or Commander in the Wars ; Umbra , a Captain ; Hadde , a Cavalier , or Souldier on horse-back : who have all allowed them means by the King ( as before ) proportionable for the supports of their Honours , and Titles , and Names . His Officers of State are his Treasurers , which receive his revenues in his several Provinces , and take care for the payment of his great Pensions , which , when they are due , are paid without any delay : There his chief Eunuchs ( which command the rest of them ) take care for the ordering of his House , and are Stewards and Controulers of it ; his Secretaries , the Masters of his Elephants ; and the Masters of his Tents are other of his great Officers ; and so are the keepers of his Ward-robe , who are entrusted with his Plate and Jewels . To these I may add those which take care of his Customs for Goods brought into his Empire , as for commodities carried thence . But these are not many , because his Sea-ports are but few . The Customs paid in his Ports are not high , that strangers of all Nations may have the greater encouragement to Trade there with him . But as he expects money from all strangers that Trade there : So it is a fault he will not pardon ( as before ) for any to carry any quantity of silver thence . He hath other Officers that spread over his Empire , to exact monies out of all the labours of that people , who make the curious manufactures . So that like a great Tree he receives nourishment from every , even the least Roots that grow under his shadow ; and therefore though his Pensions are exceeding great ( as before ) ; they are nothing comparable to his much greater revenues . By reason of that Countries immoderate heat , our English-cloath is not fit to make Habits for that people : that of it which is sold there , is most of it for colour Red ; and this they imploy for the most part to make coverings for their Elephants and Horses , and to cover their Coaches , the King himself taking a very great part thereof ; whose payments are very good , only the Merchant must get the hands of some of his chief Officers to his Bill , appointed for such dispatches , which are obtained as soon as desired . And this the King doth to prevent the abuses of particular , and single persons . And now that I may present my Reader with the further glory of this great King , I shall lead him where he may take a view , SECTION XXVII . Of the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal , &c. WHich indeed is very glorious , as all must confess , who have seen the infinite number of Tents , or Pavilions there pitched together ; which in a Plain make a shew equal to a most spacious and glorious City . These Tents , I say , when they are altogether , cover such a great quantity of ground , that I believe it is five English-miles at the least , from one side of them to the other , very beautiful to behold from some Hill , where they may be all seen at once . They write of Xerxes , that when from such a place he took a view of his very numerous Army , consisting at the least of three hundred thousand men , he wept , saying , that in less than the compass of one hundred years , not one of that great mighty Host would be alive . And to see such a company then together of all sorts of people ( and I shall give a good reason presently why I believe that mixt company of men , women , and children may make up such an huge number , as before I named , if not exceed it ) and to consider that death will seize upon them all , within such a space of time , and that the second death hath such a power over them , is a thing of more sad consideration . Now to make it appear that the number of people of all sorts is so exceeding great , which here get and keep together in the Mogols Leskar , or Camp Royal ; first there are one hundred thousand Souldiers , which always wait about that King ( as before observed ) and all his Grandees have a very great train of followers and servants to attend them there , and so have all other men according to their several qualities ; and all these carry their Wives and Childern , and whole family with them , which must needs amount to a very exceeding great number . And further to demonstrate this ; when that King removes from one place to another , for the space of twelve hours , a broad passage is continually fill'd with Passengers , and Elephants , and Horses , and Dromedaries , and Camels , and Coaches , and Asses , and Oxen , ( on which the meaner sort of men and women with little children , ride ) so full as they may well pass one by the other . Now in such a broad passage , and in such a long time , a very great number of people , the company continually moving on forward , may pass . Thus this people moving on from place to place , it may be said of them , what Salvian speaks of Israel , while they were in their journy to the land of promise , that it was Ambulans Respublica , a walking Commonwealth . And therefore that ancient people of God were called Hebrews , which signified Passengers : their dwelling so in Tents , signified thus much to all the people of God in all succeeding ages , that here they dwell in moveable habitations , having no continuing City here , but they must look for one , and that is above . The Tents pitch'd in that Leskar , or Camp Royal , are for the most part white , like the cloathing of those which own them . But the Mogols Tents are red , reared up upon poles , higher by much than the other . They are placed in the middest of the Camp , where they take up a very large compass of ground , and may be seen every way , and they must needs be very great to afford room in them , for himself , his Wives , Children , Women , Eunuchs , &c. In the fore-front , or outward part , or Court within his Tent , there is a very large room for access to him , 'twixt seven and nine of the clock at night , which ( as before ) is called his Goozulcad . His Tents are encompassed round with Canats , which are like our Screens to fold up together ; those Canats are about ten foot high , made of narrow strong Callico , and lined with the same , stiffened at every breadth with a Cane ; but they are strongest lined on their out-side by a very great company of arm'd Souldiers , that keep close about them night and day . The Tents of his great Men are likewise large , placed round about his . All of them throughout the whole Leskar reared up in such a due and constant order , that when we remove from place to place , we can go as directly to those moveable dwellings , as if we continued still in fixed and standing habitations , taking our direction from several streets and Bazars , or Market places , every one pitched upon every remove alike , upon such , or such a side of the Kings Tents , as if they had not been at all removed . The Mogol ( which I should have observed before ) hath so much wealth , and consequently so much power , by reason of his marvellous great multitudes of fighting men , which he always keeps in Arms , commanding at all times as many of them as he pleaseth ; that as the Moabites truly said of Israel , ( while they had Almighty God fighting with them , and for them ) so it may be said of him ( if God restrain him not ) That his huge Companies are able to lickup all that are round about him , as the Oxe licketh up the grass of the field , Numb . 22. 4. When that mighty King removes from one place to another , he causeth Drums to be beat about midnight , which is a signal token of his removing . He removes not far at one time ; sometimes ten miles , but usually a less distance , according to the best convenience he may have for water ; there being such an infinite company of Men , and other Creatures , whose drink is water , that in a little time it may be as truely said of them , as it was of that mighty Host of Sennacherib that Assyrian Monarch , Esay 37. 25. That they are able to drink up Rivers . But when the place he removed to afforded plenty of good water , he would usually stay there three or four days , or more ; and when he thus rested in his Progress , would go abroad to find out pastimes ; to which end he always carried with him divers kinds of Hawks , and Dogs , and Leopards , which ( as before ) they train up to hunt withall ; and being thus provided for variety of sports , would fly at any thing in the Air , or seize on any Creature he desired to take on the Earth . The Mogol , when he was at Mandoa ( which was invironed with great Woods as before was observed ) sometimes with some of his Grandees , and a very great company beside of Persian and Tartarian horse-men , his Souldiers ( which are stout daring men ) would attempt to take some young wild Elephants found in these Woods , which he took in strong toyls made for that purpose , which taken , were mann'd , and made fit for his service . In which hunting they likewise pursued on horse-back Lions , and other wild beasts , and kill'd some of them with their Bows , and Carbines , and Launces . I waiting upon my Lord Embassadour two years , and part of a third , and travelling with him in Progress with that King , in the most temperate moneths there , 'twixt September and April , were in one of our Progresses 'twixt Mandoa and Amadavar nineteen days , making but short journeys in a Wilderness , where ( by a very great company sent before us , to make those passages and places fit to receive us ) a way was cut out and made even , broad enough for our convenient passage , and in the places where we pitched our Tents , a great compass of ground rid , and made plain for them , by grubbing a number of Trees and Bushes ; yet there we went as readily to our Tents ( the same order being still observed in the pitching of them ) as we did , when they were set up in the Plains . But that which here seemed unto me to be most strange , was , that notwithstanding our marvellous great company of men , women , and children there together , that must all be fed , and the very great number of other creatures which did eat Corn , as we never there wanted water , so we had so many Victuallers with us , and so much Provision continually brought in unto us , that we never felt there the want of any thing beside , but had it at as low rates as in other places . The Mogols Wives and Women , when as they are removed from place to place , are carried in Coaches ( such as were before described ) made up close , or in Palankees on mens shoulders , or else on Elephants in pretty Receptacles , surrounded with curtains , which stand up like low and little Turrets on their backs ; and some of the meaner sort ride in Cradles , hanging on the sides of Dromedaries , all covered close , and attended by Eunuchs , who have many Souldiers , which go before them to clear the way as they pass , they taking it very ill if any ( though they cannot see them ) presume so much as to look towards them ; and therefore , though I could never see any of them , I shall here take the liberty to speak somewhat I have heard and do believe SECTION XXVIII . Of the Mogols Wives and Women ; [ where somthing of his Children , &c. ] WHom I conceive to be Women of good feature , though for their colour very swart , which that people may call Beauty , it being the complexion of them all , as the Crow thinks his bird fairest ; but ( as before ) I never observed any crooked or deform'd person of either sex amongst them : For the honesty of those great Mens Wives and Women , there is such a quick eye of jealousie continually over them , that they are made so by force , though ( as they say ) they are never much regarded by those great ones after the very first , and prime of their youth is past . For that great Monarch the Mogol , in the choice of his Wives and Women , he was guided more by his eye and phansie , than by any respect had to his Honour ; for he took not the Daughters of neighbouring Princes , but of his own Subjects , and there preferr'd that , which he looked upon as beauty , before any thing else . He was married to four Wives , and had Concubines , and Women beside ( all which were at his command ) enough to make up their number a full thousand ( as they there confidently affirm'd . ) And that he might raise up , his beastly and unnatural lusts , even to the very height , he kept boyes as before , &c. His most beloved Wife ( when I lived at his Court ) he called Noor-Mahal , which signified , The Light of the Court ; and to the other of his Wives and Women , which he most loved , he gave new Names unto them , and such Names as he most fancied . For his Wife I first named , he took her out of the dust , from a very mean Family ; but however , she made such a through Conquest on his Affections , that she engrossed almost all his Love , did what she pleased in the Government of that Empire , where she advanced her Brother Asaph-Chan , and other her nearest Relations , to the greatest places of Command and Honour , and Profit in that vast Monarchy . Her Brother Asaph-Chan was presently made one of the Stars of the first Magnitude that shined in that Indian Court ; and , when he had once gotten , so kept the Mogol's Favour by the assistance of his Sister Noor-Mahal , that by the Pensions given , and many Offices bestowed on him , he heaped up a mass of Treasure above all belief ( as before ) , and married his Daughter unto Sultan Caroom , who is now King. The Mogol of all his so many Wives and Concubines had but six Children , five Sons and one Daughter . The Names he gave his Children , and others , were Names that proceeded from Counsel ( as he imagined ) rather than Chance . His eldest Son was called Sultan Coobsurroo , which signified the Prince with the good Face , his Person and Beauty answered his Name ; for he was a Prince of a very lovely presence . His second Son he called Sultan Perum , Prince of the Pleiades , or of the sweet influences of the Pleiades . His third Son ( now King ) though that great dignity was never intended to him by his Father , was called Sultan Caroom , or , The Prince of Bounty . His fourth , Sultan Shahar , or , The Prince of Fame : His fifth , and last Son was called by him Sultan Tauct , Tauct in the Persian Tongue , signifies a Throne ; and he was named so by the King his Father , because the first hour he sat peaceably on his Throne , there was News brought him of that Sons Birth . Yet the first Son of that King , which he hath by any of his married Wives , by Prerogative of Birth , inherits that Empire , the eldest Son of every Man ( as before ) is called there ( the great Brother . ) And he that inherits that Monarchy , doth not openly slaughter his younger Brothers , as the Turks do ; yet it is observed , that few younger Brothers of those Indostan Kings have long survived their Fathers . Yet notwithstanding that long continued custom there for the eldest Son to succeed the Father in that great Empire ; Achabar Sha , Father of that late King , upon high and just displeasure taken against his Son , for climbing up unto the bed of Anarkelee , his Fathers most beloved Wife ( whose name signified the Kernel of a Pomegranate ) and for other base actions of his , which stirred up his Fathers high displeasure against him , resolved to break that ancient custom ; and therefore often in his life time protested , that not he , but his Grand-child● Sultan Coobsurroo , whom he alwayes kept in his Court , should succeed him in that Empire . And now , by the way , the manner of that Achabar Sha his death ( as they report it in India ) is worthy observation . That wicked King was wont often to give unto some of his Nobles ( whom upon secret displeasure he meant to destroy ) Pills prepared with Poyson , that should presently put them into incurable diseases . But the last time he went about to practise that bloody Treachery , he dyed himself by his own instrument of death : for then having two Pills in his Hand , the one very like the other , the one Cordial for himself , the other Corrosive , for one of his Grandees he meant to purge , and flattering him with many proffers of Courtesie before he gave him the Pill , that he might swallow it down the better ; at last having held them both in the palm of his Hand long , by a mistake took the poysoned Pill himself , and gave him the other , which Pill put the King immediately into a mortal flux of blood , which in few dayes put an end to his life in his City Lahore . — Neque enim lex justior ulla est , Quam necis artifices arte perire sua . Achabar Sha thus dead , Sultan Coobsurroo his Grand-Child , then aged about twenty years , took his opportunity at the first bound , and ascended the Regal Throne at Lahore , where by a general Acclamation of that very great and populous City he was pronounced , and acknowledged King. His Father ( the late Mogol ) was thus acknowledged at Agra . Two great Armies were presently levied , and met together to decide the Controversie : and the generality of the people within that Empire , thinking it meet that the Father should be King before the Son , clave by far more to him then to his Son , by which means Sultan Coobsurroo was defeated and taken Prisoner , and a very great many of young Gallants with him , whereof his Father immediately after caused to be impaled , or put upon Stakes ( that most cruel and tormenting death ) eight hundred in two several ranks in one day , without the City Lahore , and then carried his Son most disgracefully through them , bidding him to behold the men in whom he trusted . His Son told him , that he should have serv'd him so , and spared the other , who did nothing in that action but upon his Command ; his Father replyed , that he could serve him so presently ( if he so pleased ) ; his Son will'd and desired him so to do , telling his Father that he had no joy at all to live , after the beholding of so many gallant men dead . Notwithstanding , the King spared his Life , casting him into Prison , where his Eyes were sealed up , ( by something put before them which might not be taken of ) for the space of three years ; after which time , that seal was taken away , that he might with freedom enjoy the Light , though not his Liberty . And after his Father had taken him out of Prison , he kept him alwayes near about him , but with a very strong Guard upon him ; so that he following the King his Father in his Progresses , we sometimes saw him . And once he called my Lord Ambassadour to him as we passed by him , asking him many Questions , as how far distant our Country was from them , and what we brought thither , and what we carryed thence , and how the King his Father had used him since his arrive there , whether or no he had not bestowed upon him some great gifts . The Ambassadour told him , that his business there was to obtain a free Trade for his Nation the English ; and that being granted him , he had reward enough . The Prince replyed , that this could not be denyed us , we coming so far to trade there with him ; and the Prince further asked him , How long he had been there , the Ambassadour told him , About two years ; the Prince replyed again , that it was a very great shame for the Successor of Tamberlane , who had such infinite Riches , to suffer a Man of his quality to come so far unto him , and to live so long about him , and not to give him some Royal Gift ; and he further added , that for himself he was a Prisoner , and therefore could do him no good , but would pray for him , and so he departed . For that Prince , he was a Gentleman of a very lovely presence and fine carriage , so exceedingly beloved of the common people , that , as Suetonius writes of Titus , he was Amor & Deliciae , &c. the very love and delight of them . Aged then about thirty and five years . He was a Man who contented himself with one Wife , which with all love and care accompanied him in all his streights , and therefore he would never take any Wife but her self , though the Liberty of his Religion did admit of Plurality . It was generally believed to be the intent of his Father ( for he would often presage so ) to make this Prince his first-born his Successor , though for the present out of some jealousie ( he being so much beloved of the people ) he denyed him his Libe●ty . His Father's Love , brings upon him the extream hatred of his Brother Caroom , the Mogol's third Son , who then lived in very great Pomp and Splendor at that Court , aiming at that Empire : to which end he put many jealousies into his Father's Head ( now grown in years ) concerning his Brother Coobsurroo , and that his Father might live more secure , and out of all present fear of him , if he so pleased ; upon which insinuations , partly , by force , ( as I observed before ) and , partly , by intreaty of Friends about the King , he was by the King put into the Cruel Hand of his Brother Caroom ; who told his Father that he would have both his Eyes upon him , and further so provide , that he should never have cause to fear him any more ; and he was as good as his word : for , presently after he had gotten possession of him ( though his Father had given him as great a charge as possibly he could to use him well , and to keep him honourably , and by no means to hurt him , which was all promised by Caroom to be faithfully observed ) he caused his Second Brother , Sultan Parveen , to be poysoned ; and , not long after that , strangled that most gallant Prince his eldest Brother : which did so trouble his Father , that the grief thereof ( as it was strongly believed ) shortned his dayes ; who not long after this ( much against his mind ) made room for that Murderer to succeed him in that Empire , who lay'd the foundation of his high Advancement , in the Blood of his Brothers ; and rather then he would have missed it , would certainly have made a way through the Blood of his Father likewise : All Laws of honesty , and of Nature were by him thrown down , trampled under foot , forgotten and made void , to compass and gain his most unjust ends ; as if he resolved to practise that Language which Polynices out of the height of Ambition spake in the Tragedy , — Pro Regno velim Patriam , Penates , Conjugem flammis dare ; Imperia Precio quolibet constant bene Sen. Trag. Fire on my Gods , Wife , Country for a Crown , An Empire can the dearest price weigh down . I shall add but a few things more to this Relation before I conclude it . And one shall be to give my Reader a taste , but very briefly , SECTION XXIX . Of the manner of the style or writing of that Court. WHich I shall here insert , and in some measure shew , by the Copy of a Letter written by the Great Mogol unto King Iames , in the Persian Tongue , here faithfully translated , which was as follows : UNto a King rightly descended from his Ance●tors , bred in Military Affairs , clothed with Honour and Justice , a Commander worthy of all Command , strong and constant in the Religion , which the great Prophet Christ did teach King Iames ; whose Love hath bred such an impression in my thoughts , as shall never be forgotten , but as the smell of Amber , or as a Garden of fragrant flowers , whose Beauty and Odour is still increasing : so be assured , my Love shall still grow and increase with yours . The Letters which you sent me in the behalf of your Merchants I have received , whereby I rest satisfied of your tender Love towards me , desiring you not to take it ill , that I have not wrote to you heretofore : This present Letter I send to you to renew our Loves , and herewith do certifie you , that I have sent forth my Firmaunes throughout all my Countries to this effect , That if any English Ships or Merchants shall arrive in any of my Ports , my People shall permit and suffer them to do what they please , freely in their Merchandizing-Causes , aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries that shall be offered them , that the least cause of discourtesie be not done unto them ; that they may be as free , or freer then my own People . And as now , and formerly , I have received from you divers Tokens of your Love ; so I shall still desire your mindfulness of me by some Novelties from your Countries , as an argument of friendship betwixt us , for such is the custom of Princes here . And for your Merchants , I have given express Order through all my Dominions , to suffer them to buy , sell , transport , and carry away at their pleasure , without the lett or hinderance of any person whatsoever , all such Goods and Merchandizes as they shall desire to buy ; and let this my Letter as fully satisfie you in desired Peace and Love , as if my own Son had been Messenger to ratifie the same . And if any in my Countries not fearing God , nor obeying their King , or any other void of Religion , should endeavour to be an Instrument to break this League of Friendship , I would send my Son Sultan Caroom , a Souldier approved in the Wars , to cut him off , that no obstacle may hinder the continuance , and increase of our Affections . Here are likewise the Complements of two other Letters of later date , sent home by Sir Thomas Row , whereof the first doth thus begin : WHen your Majesty shall open this Letter , let your Royal Heart be as fresh as a small Garden , let all People make Reverence at your Gate . Let your Throne be advanced higher . Amongst the greatness of the Kings of the Prophet Iesus , let your Majesty be the greatest ; and all Monarchs derive their Wisdom , and Counsel from your Breast , as from a Fountain , that the Law of the Majesty of Iesus may receive , and flourish under your protection . The Letters of Love and Friendship which you sent me , the present Tokens of your good Affection towards me , I have received by the Hands of your Ambassadour , Sir Thomas Row , who well deserveth to be your trusty Servant , delivered to me in an acceptable and happy hour ; upon which mine Eyes were so fixed , that I could not easily remove them unto any other Objects , and have accepted them with great joy and delight , &c. The last Letter had this beginning : HOw gracious is your Majesty , whose greatness God preserve . As upon a Rose in a Garden , so are mine Eyes fixed upon you . God maintain your Estate , that your Monarchy may prosper and be augmented , and that you may obtain all your desires worthy the greatness of your Renown ; and as the Heart is noble and upright : so let God give you a glorious reign , because you strongly defend the Law of the Majesty of Iesus , which God made yet more flourishing , for that it was confirmed by Miracles , &c. What followed in both those Letters , was to testifie his Care and Love towards the English. Now all these Letters were written in the Persian Tongue , the Court-Language there , and their Copies were sent to the Ambassadour , that he might get them translated . The Originals rowled up somewhat long , were covered with Cloth of Gold , sealed up on both ends , the fashion in that Court and Country to make up Letters , though they be not all cloathed there in such a glorious dress . In which Letters , notice may be taken ( what was observed before ) how respectively that King speaks of our Blessed Saviour Christ. And here it will not be impertinent to speak something of those who pretend to enlarge the Name of Iesus Christ in those parts , I mean , SECTION XXX . Of the Iesuits , sent thither by their Superiours to convert People unto Christianity , &c. IN that Empire all Religions are tolerated , which makes the Tyrannical Government there more easie to be endured . The Mogol would speak well of all of them , saying , that a Man might be happy and safe in the profession of any Religion ; and therefore would say , That the Mahometan Religion was good , so the Christian Religion good , and the rest good ; and therefore , by the way , The Priests or Ministers of any Religion find regard and esteem amongst the people . I shall speak something to this from my own particular usage there , then very young , while I lived in those parts ; yet when I was first there brought into the presence of the Mogol , immediately after my arrive at his Court , I standing near the Ambassadour ( for no man there of the greatest quality whatsoever , is at any time suffered to sit in his presence ) and but a little distance from that King in his Gozulcan , he sent one of his Grandees to me , to let me know , that the King bad me welcome thither , that I should have a free access to him when ever I pleased ; and if I would ask him any thing , he would give it me ( though I never did ask , nor he give ) and very many times afterward when , ( waiting upon my Lord Ambassadour ) I appeared before him , He would still shew tokens of Civility and Respect unto me ; and I never went abroad amongst that people , but those that met me , upon this consideration , that I was a Padre ( for so they call'd me ) a Father or Minister , they would manifest in their Behaviour towards me , much esteem unto me . But for the Jesuits there ; There was one of that Order , in Goa ( a City of the Portugals lying in the skirts of India ) of very much Fame and Renown called Ieronymo Xaviere , sent for by Achabar-Sha , the late Kings Father , in the year 1596. to argue before him the Doctrine of Christianity : there being alwayes present a Moolaa , or Mahometan Priest ; and a Third Person , who followed no precise Rule , but what the Light of Nature meerly led him to ; and these two were to obtain what they could against his Reasoning . The Jesuit in the Mogol's own Language ( which was a great advantage to him ) began to speak first of the Creation , and then of the Fall of Man : in which the Mahometans agree with us . Then he laid down divers grounds to bottom his reasonings on , That Man by Creation was made a most Excellent Creature , indued with the Light of Reason , which no other sublunary Creature besides himself had ; then , That Man thus endued , must have some Rule or Law to walk by , which he could not prescribe unto himself , and therefore it must be given him from above . That this Law was first given unto Man from God , and afterward confirmed by Prophets sent into the World , in divers Ages , from God. That this Law thus delivered must needs be one Law , in all things agreeing in it self . And so did not the Law of Mahomet . That this Law thus delivered was most conformable to right son ; And so was not the Law of Mahomet . That Man fall'n from God by sin , was not able to recover himself from that Fall ; and therefore it was necessary that there should be one , more than a Man , to do it for him , and that that One could not be Mahomet . That this One was Christ , God as well as Man ; God to satisfie ( the Mahometans themselves confessing that Christ was the breath of God ) , and Man to suffer death as he did . That Christ the Son of God coming into the World , about that great Work of satisfying Gods anger against Man for sin ; it was necessary that he should live a poor and laborious life here on Earth ( at which the Mahometans much stumble ) and not a life that was full of pomp , and pleasure , and delicacy . That the Gospel of Christ , and other holy books of Scripture , which the Christians retain and walk by , contain nothing in them that is corrupt and depraved ; But there is very much to be found in their Alcaron which is so . That the great worth and worthiness shining in the Person of Christ , was by far more excellent than any thing observable in Mahomet ( for they themselves confess that Christ lived without sin ; when Mahomet himself acknowledgeth , that he had been a filthy person . ) That the feigned , foolish , and ridiculous miracles , which they say were done by Mahomet , were nothing comparable to the Miracles done by Christ , who ( as the Mahometans confess ) did greater Miracles than ever were done before or since him . That there was a great deal of difference in the manner of promulgating the Gospel of Christ , into the world ; and the introducing of the Laws of Mahomet . That Christ hath purchased Heaven for all that believe in him , and that Hell is prepared for all others that do not rely on him , and on him alone , for Salvation . There were many more particulars besides these , which that Ieronymo Xaveere laid down before the Mogol , to ground his arguments on : which that King heard patiently , at several times during the space of one year and a half ; but at last he sen● him away back again to Goa honourably , with some good gifts bestowed on him , telling him , as Felix did , after he had reasoned before him , that he would call for him again when he had a convenient time , Acts 24. 25. Which time or season , neither of them both ever found afterward . These Particulars , which I have here inserted ( with many more ; I might have added to them ; upon all which , that Ieronymo Xaveere enlarged himself before the Mogol in his arguings before him ) were given unto me in Latine by Francisco Corsi , another Jesuit resident at that Court , while I was there , and long before that time . And further I have been there told by other people professing Christianity in that Empire , that there was such a Dispute there held ; and for my part I do believe it . For that Francisco Corsi ; he was a Florentine by birth , aged about fifty years , who ( if he were indeed what he seemed to be ) was a mamof a severe life , yet of a fair and an affable disposition : He lived at that Court , as an Agent for the Portugals ; and had not only free access unto that King , but also encouragement and ●elp by hifts , which he sometimes bestowed on him . When this Jesuit came first to be acquainted with my Lord Ambassadour , he told him that they were both by profession Christians , though there was a vast difference betwixt them in their professing of it . And as he should not go about to reconcile the Embassadour to them : So he told him that it would be labour in vain if he should attempt to reconcile him to us . Only he desired , that there might be a fair correspondency betwixt them , but no disputes . And further , his desire was that those wide differences 'twixt the Church of Rome and us , might not be made there to appear ; that Christ might not seem by those differences to be divided amongst men professing Christianity , which might have been a very main Obstacle , and hinderance unto his great Design and endeavour , for which he was sent thither , to convert people unto Christianity there . Telling my Lord Embassadour further , that he should be ready to do for him all good offices of love and service there , and so he was . After his first acquaintance , he visited us often , usually once a week . And as those of that society , in other parts of the world are very great intelligencers : so was he there , knowing all news which was stirring and might be had , which he communicated unto us . And he would tell us many stories besides ; one of which , if true , is very remarkable . And it was thus ; There are a race of people in East - India , the men of which race have ( if he told us true ) their right legs extraordinary great and mishapen , their left legs are like other mens . Now he told us , that they were the posterity of those who stamped St Thomas the Apostle to death , come thither to preach the Gospel ; and that ever since the men of that race have , and only they of that Nation , that great deformity upon them . Some few people I have there seen of whom this story is told , but whether that deformity be like Geheza's leprosie , hereditary ; and if so , whether it fell upon that people upon the occasion before-named , I am yet to learn. The Jesuits in East - India ( for he was not alone there ) have liberty to convert any they can work upon , unto Christianity , &c. The Mogol hath thus far declared , that it shall be lawful for any one , perswaded so in conscience , to become a Christian , and that he should not by so doing lose his favour . Upon which , I have one thing , here to insert , which I had there by report ( yet I was bid to believe it and report it for a truth ) concerning a Gentleman of quality , and a servant of the great Mogol , who upon some conviction wrought upon him ( as they say ) would needs be Baptized and become a Christian. The King hearing of this Convert sent for him , and at first with many cruel threats commanded him to renounce that his new profession : the man replied , that he was most willing to suffer any thing in that cause , which the King could in 〈…〉 ct . The Mogol then began to deal with him another way , askking why he thought himself wiser then his Fore-fathers , who lived and died Mahometans ; and further added many promises of riches and honour , if he would return to his Mahometism , he replied again , as they say ( for I have all this by Tradition ) that he would not accept of any thing in the world , so to do : The Mogol wondring at his constancy told him , that if he could have frighted , or bought him , out of his new profession , he would have made him an example for all waverers ; but now he perceived that his resolution indeed was to be a Christian , and he bid him so continue , and with a reward discharged him . The late Mogol about the beginning of his reign , caused a Temple to be built in Agra , his chief City , for the Jesuits , wherein two of his younger Brothers Sons were solemnly Baptized , and delivered into their hands to be trained up in Christianity . The young Gentlemen , growing to some stature ( after they had had their tuition for some years ) desired them to provide them Wives out of Christendom fitting their Birth ; in which having not sudden content , they gave up their Crucifixes again into the Jesuits hands , and so left them . Who had these conjectures upon this their revolt , that either the King their Uncle caused them to be Baptized , to make them more odious to the Mahometans , being so near of his blood ; or else , it was his plot to get them beautiful Wives out of Europe , which himself meant to take if he had liked them . The Jesuit I last named , Francisco Corsi , upon a time ( at our being there ) having his house , amongst very many more consumed by a sudden fire , it so was that his wooden Cross , set on a Pole near the side of his house , was not ( as he said ) consumed . Upon which he presently repaired to that Court , carried that Cross with him , and told the King thereof . The Prince Sultan Caroom ( who was no favourer of the Christians ) being then present , and hearing him talk how his Cross was preserved , derided him , saying , that it was one of his fabulous miracles ; and further added , that he would have a fire presently made before the King , whereinto he would have that Cross cast ; and if it consumed not , his Father , himself , and all the people there would presently become Christians ; but if it did , himself should be burnt with it . The Jesuit not willing to put himself upon so sudden and so hot a trial , answered that he durst not tempt God , who was not tyed to times ; and it might be that Almighty God , would never shew that people that infinite favour to make them Christians , or if he had such a great mercy for them in store , it might be that the time of manifesting it , was not yet come ; and therefore if he should now submit to that trial , and Almighty God not please to shew a further and a present miracle , his Religion would suffer prejudice there for ever after ; and therefore he refused . It should seem that the Jesuits there do exceedingly extol the Virgin Mary , which I have gathered from poor people there , Natives of that Country , who have often asked Alms of me , when I stirred abroad amongst them ; and whereas one hath desired me to give him some relief for Christs sake , there are many who have begged it for the Virgin Mary's sake . Well known it is , that the Jesuits there , who like the Pharisees , Mat. 23. 25. That would compass Sea and Land to make one Proselyte , have sent into Christendom many large reports of their great Conversions of Infidels in East-India . But all these boastings are but reports ; the truth is , that they have there spilt the precious water of Baptism upon some few Faces , working upon the necessity of some poor men , who for want of means , which they give them , are contented to wear Crucifixes ; but for want of knowledge in the Doctrine of Christianity are only in Name Christians . So that the Jesuits Congregations there are very thin , consisting of some Italians , which the Mogol entertains ( by great pay given them ) to cut his Diamonds , and other rich Stones ; And of other European strangers which come thither ; and some few others of the Natives , before mentioned . So that in one word I shall speak this more of the Jesuits in East-India , that they have there Templum , but not Ecclesiam . When I lived in those parts it was my earnest desire and daily prayer , to have put my weak hands unto that most acceptable , but hard labour of washing Moors , that the Name of Jesus Christ might have been there enlarged ( if God had pleased to honour me so far ) by my endeavours . But there are three main and apparent obstacles ( besides those which do not appear ) that hinder the settlement and growth of Christianity in those parts . First , The liberty of the Mahometan Religion given the people there in case of Marriage . Secondly , The most debauch'd lives of many coming thither , or living amongst them who profess themselves Christians , per quorum later a patitur Evangelium , by whom the Gospel of Jesus Christ is scandalized , and exceedingly suffers . And lastly , The hearts of that people are so confirmed and hardned in their own evil old ways , their ears so sealed up , their eyes so blinded with unbelief and darkness , that only he , who hath the Key of David that shuts when no man can open , and opens when no man can shut , can open to them the door of life . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A65019-e210 Inter eos qui relationes suas de hoc Regno ( sc. M. Mogolis ) prodiderunt , facilè fide & dignatione princeps est Thomas Roeus , Mag : Britanniae Regis ad superiorem Indiae Regem Legatus . Saith Iohn de Laet. Notes for div A65019-e650 1. II. III. IIII. Lib. 15. V. VI. VII . Lib. 2. c. 9. Lib. 4. c. 6. Lib. 6. c. 2. Lib. 10. c. 1. VIII . IX . Lib. 15. Lib. 15. Lib. 15. X. XI . Part 3. tit . 19. c. 8. and elsewhere . Lib. 2. XII . XIII . Lib. 21 Lib. 2. Var. Hist. l. 12. c. 32. Lib. 15. De Vita Apoll. lib. 3. cap. 6. Lib. 8. Lib. 19. XIV . Lib. 2. Lib. 15. Lib. 2. Lib. 1. Lib. 15. Lib. 15. cap. 15. XV. L 〈…〉 Lib. 15. XVI . XVII . XVIII . XIX . XX. XXI . XXI . I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. XI . XII . XIV . XV. XVI . XVII . XVIII . XIX . XXI . XXII . XXIV . XXV . XXVI . XXVII . I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. XI . XII . XIII . XIV . XV. I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . X. XI . XII . XIII . XIV . XV. XVI . XVII . XVIII . XIX . XX. XXI . XXII . XXIII . XXIV . XXV . I. II. III. IV. ●V . VI. VII . VIII . IX . XI . XII . XIII . II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . I. II. III. IV. VI. VII . VIII . IX . XI . XII . XIII . XV. XVI . I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII . VIII . IX . XI . XII . I. II. III. IV. V. V. VI. VII . I. II. IV. V. VI. VII . I. II. III. IV. I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VIII . I. II. I. II. III. I. III. I. 
A40887	----	The Portugues Asia, or, The history of the discovery and conquest of India by the Portugues containing all their discoveries from the coast of Africk, to the farthest parts of China and Japan, all their battels by sea and land, sieges and other memorable actions, a description of those countries, and many particulars of the religion, government and customs of the natives, &c. : in three tomes / written in Spanish by Manuel de Faria y Sousa ... ; translated into English by Cap. John Stevens. Asia Portuguesa. English Faria e Sousa, Manuel de, 1590-1649. 1695 Approx. 2157 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 754 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A40887 Wing F428 ESTC R2613 12130993 ocm 12130993 54711 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40887) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54711) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 93:16) The Portugues Asia, or, The history of the discovery and conquest of India by the Portugues containing all their discoveries from the coast of Africk, to the farthest parts of China and Japan, all their battels by sea and land, sieges and other memorable actions, a description of those countries, and many particulars of the religion, government and customs of the natives, &c. : in three tomes / written in Spanish by Manuel de Faria y Sousa ... ; translated into English by Cap. John Stevens. Asia Portuguesa. English Faria e Sousa, Manuel de, 1590-1649. Stevens, John, d. 1726. 3 v. Printed for C. Brome ..., London : 1695. Translation of: Asia Portuguesa. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Discoveries in geography -- Portuguese. Portuguese -- India. Portugal -- History -- Period of discoveries, 1385-1580. India -- History -- 1500-1765. East Asia -- History. 2003-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Portugues Asia : OR , THE HISTORY OF THE Discovery and Conquest OF INDIA BY THE PORTUGUES ; CONTAINING All their Discoveries from the Coast of Africk , to the farthest Parts of China and Iapan ; all their Battels by Sea and Land , Sieges and other Memorable Actions ; a Description of those Countries , and many Particulars of the Religion , Government and Customs of the Natives , &c. In Three Tomes . Written in Spanish by Manuel de Faria y Sousa , of the Order of Christ. Translated into English by Cap. Iohn Stevens . Tome the First . LONDON , Printed for C. Brome , at the Sign of the Gun , at the West-End of St. Pauls . 1695. TO HER Most Sacred Majesty CATHARINE , Queen Dowager OF ENGLAND , &c. Madam , IT is not the sense of the mighty Favours I stand indebted for , that moves me to presume to dedicate this Work to Your Majesty ; for Debts to Sovereigns are above all acknowledgement . Nor is it Protection I sue for under so August a Patroness ; the Subject carries its own Security and Defence along with it , though perhaps the Stile be not proportionable to such Glorious Matter . It is Justice that leads me to lay this most Wonderful History at Your Majesties Royal Feet . To whom could I tender the unparallel'd Undertaking of Your Kingly Progenitors , but to You their inimitable Offspring ? To whom could I offer up the Most Heroick Atchievements of Your Forefathers Subjects , but to You the Most Glorious of their Line ? In fine , to whom could I yield up the more than Human Conquests of Your Country , but to You the Most Admired of the Portugues Race ? These are the Motives , these the Inducements that prevail with me , not only to hope , but even to assure my self of a Gracious Acceptance of this , though seemingly Presumptuous , yet in reality most submissive Tender of my First Undertaking in this Nature . A Subject so Glorious does not need the Ornament of Retorick . The Sacred History , than which none can be more surprizing or wonderful , is delivered to us in the plainest of Language . Great Actions are still Great , though exprest in the meanest Words : But mean Undertakings require a florid Stile to gain them something of Reputation . The Subject is worthy Your Majesties acceptance , though the Style may not appear equal ; that will make amends for this , and the lowness of the later will be hid by the grandeur of the former . I would not confess a Guilt by begging Pardon ; a wilful Offence against so much Goodness would deserve no Mercy . God himself whose Great Attribute is Mercy , does not hear our Cries , if we persist to provoke his Wrath. Why then should I expect Forgiveness , if I knowingly Transgressed ? Yet being sensible of my own demerit , I must cast my self upon Your Majesties unlimited Goodness , thence to expect my Doom ; which cannot fail being happy , having its dependence on so Horoick and Truly Royal a Spirit . In fine , Madam , I will neither be my own Accuser , nor pretend to justifie or make good my Cause ; the decision of it I can leave to no more Tender or Favourable Judge than Your Majesty , in whom my Failings may be assured to find Compassion , from whom my Zeal may hope to reap Honour , and to whom all Increase of Glory and Happiness is wished by , Madam , Your Majesties most dutiful and most obedient Subject and Servant , John Stevens . THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER . I Will not tire the Reader with a long Harangue in commendation of this History ; it will , I hope , speak for it self . Nor will I go about to vindicate the Translation ; let it take its Chance and stand or fall by the Vote of the Ingenious . My design is first , to inform the Reader , that I have reduced this Work to a much lesser compass than the Original Spanish ; yet at the same time nothing of the Historical Part is diminished , perhaps some of the Ornament . I have not omitted the most inconsiderable passage , nor lessned any material circumstances ; all that has been cut off is only long Speeches , for the most part never thought of by those they are fathered upon , only added by the Author to set out his Work ; tedious Lists of Officers and Gentlemens Names who were present at any Considerable Actions , which Names are of no use to us ; those of the Commanders in Chief , and such as particularly signalized themselves , being sufficient for History ; and some flights and reflections of the Author , which only serve to make up the bulk of a Volume . And thus much said may suffice as to the bringing this Book into so small a compass . The next thing I have to offer is , that though many of the Actions this History contains may at first sight appear incredible , yet we must not therefore immediately conclude it to be fabulous ; for upon second thoughts we shall not only find those very things possible but very practicable . It is hard to persuade such small numbers of Portugueses could defeat such vast Armies , and take Towns fortified and strongly Garrisoned ; but all wonder must cease when we consider the Portuguses were Europeans , always much superior to the Asiaticks for valour ; that those were men enured to continual Wars with the Moors , and consequently well train'd and disciplin'd , these raw and confused Multitudes ; that though the Indians had Fire Arms , they were far inferiour to the Portugueses in the handling of them ; that the Portugueses overcame as much by Policyas by Strength , sowing divisions among those Princes , and dividing their own Subjects from them ; that the Natives weary of their subjection to the Moors , were inclinable to change Masters , and try whether the Portugues Yoke were lighter than that till then they had born . To be short , every judicious Person will find reasons enough to convince the possibility of those Actions , since it is allowed Alexander the the Great and many others overcame innumerable Multitudes with handfuls of Men. Besides , though the Author sets down the number of Portugueses , I believe he does not always mention the Natives that assisted them , because the Glory of the Conquest belonged to the former . Yet if there be any so hard of belief as still to doubt , I will not be so positive or zealous in the behalf of my Author , as not to grant he may have strained some points , thereby to add to the Honour of his Nation ; not so but in the main the Action is real as is demonstrable by their Possessions in Asia , but so as the Circumstances might be somewhat heightned , the more to raise the admiration of those Undertakings . Let none upon this score pretend to condemn him as Romantick ; for should we examine our own , and all the Histories of the World , we should not find one which hatred or affection has not added to or diminished . I will not be tedious , and shall therefore say no more in relation to the Author ; and but one word as to the Translation , which is , that if the Iudicious or Learned shall find any fault with it , by any such I shall be glad to be informed of its defects , that they may be amended in the second and third Tomes which will soon follow this , that is my first in this Nature , after several years spent in far different Imployments . THE PREFACE . THE narrow Bounds of the Kingdom of Portugal could now no longer contain the greatness of its Natives Hearts . Therefore carried on by a Glorious Boldness , they so far extended those limits , that they infinitely exceeded the measure of the first Matter . Great undertakings are subject to the dangers of great disappointments . But Fortune , whose only care it then seemed to be , not to expose them to the Eyes of the World with any disgrace , having measured their strength and capacity , found it necessary to encrease their Dominions by adding to them at one time great part of Mauritania ; then a greater of Ethiopia ; at another time that vast extent of Asia , and lastly that not inconsiderable Region of America , called Brazil or New Lusitania . Having conquered the West , they passed to the South , and having subdued this they went on to the East . All they attempted with their Arms , they perfected with their Fortune , who seemed to be listed in their Service . Such was their Conduct in the most difficult Enterprizes , whereby they enlarged themselves so as to have room to breath the greatness of their Spirits , that what in other Nations by reason of its immoderate greatness would have threatned ruin , in this seems a most admirable Ornament of most various matter wherewith the Temple of the Christian Fame is illustrated and adorned . At length these Great Spirits spread themselves over all the Land and Seas , and to make the whole circumference of them their bounds , overrunning that vast distance that is from the Coasts of Spain to those of China , and filling both the Hemispheres with the Glory of their Name . They followed the Sun from his Setting to his Rising , and equalled his Course . The Exploits performed in this wonderful Course in the space of 233 Years are the subject of this Second Work , which I now take in Hand , pursuant to what I promised in the first of our Europe ; the general applause that has met with , calls on me for the performance of this . Here will be seen Actions , by how much the more admirable , the less Credible , and indeed more truly real , than in appearance probable . For though true , it does not seem likely , that sometimes 100 Men indifferently Armed , should encounter great Armies much better provided . These are the Actions which may justly entitle the Performers to be stiled Heroes ; a Name since given gratis to whom it was not due . For a great number to overcome a lesser , though equal in Arms and Courage , is rather the effect of Number than Valour , and seems to carry more of Cowardise than Virtue . Hence it is that those who are so overcome , though they lose the Field do not lose the Glory ; but if duly weighed , merit the greater Esteem , for that they dared encounter at so great a disadvantage . We may therefore with reason affirm , that the Portugueses on these occasions merited admiration , either as Conquerors or Conquered ; as Conquerors , for having overcome ; as Conquered , for having dared much . This had been before their Fate in Europe against the Roman and African Multitudes that overrun all Spain . Let us see whether the same Fortune attends them in Asia . Without doubt it does . Soon shall we see innumerable Multitudes flying from their small Numbers , and looking back with amazement to see who pursues and destroys them . We shall see them drove by the terror of the Looks , not the Number of those who press them . We shall see Battels fought with such resolution , that neither the Victor shall rejoice , nor the Overcome lament . In Sieges , such barbarous obstinacy , that despairing of Victory , they will burn themselves with all they hold precious , that their Enemies may reap no other Fruit of their Conquest but the dismal spectacles of the Flames . We shall see not only Valour , but Rage and Despair overcome . The toil of coming at the Enemies will be greater sometimes than that of defeating them . We may be sometimes overpowered by Number , not overcome by Valour ; for though upon some occasions Fortune forsook all , yet few were forsaken of their Courage . These Generous Spirits looked upon the hardships of the Campagne , no otherwise than if they had been the conveniences of their Houses , and upon doubtful Battels , as sure Victories . With the first they began to raise , I will not say Forts , but Draughts of those they afterwards erected . To these , and chiefly to the Capitol of Goa shall be brought by force , or come through fear , many Princes in Chains , and many by their Embassadors . Nothing will appear in that Noble City but Triumphs . Nothing less in the Triumphs , than the People and Riches of all Asia ; these in the Hands of the Conquerors , and those in the Chains of their Captivity . But there is nothing in them we look upon with more delight , than the Elephants loaded with Castles , and the Carriages with Guns , which not long before were our Terror ; these for their Greatness and Number , those for their Number and Rarity . Religion , which we value above all , and which was the chief ground of all these Undertakings , will be more exalted , trampling upon Idolatry , for at each stroke of the Evangelical Sword fell a thousand Idols of the Pagods ; and a thousand Pagods in the Theaters of Battle . It will appear that many Families held themselves in greater account for being overcome by us , and in consequence thereof the Conquerors and Conquered joined and united in the Sacred Bonds of frequent Marriages ; and many overcoming those by whom they had before been defeated , under our Ensigns ; and that the Monuments of our Victories are not now Broken-arms and Warlike Engines hanging on Trees upon Mountains , but Cities , Islands and Kingdoms , first groaning under our Feet , and then worshipping our Government . Some warned with the Example of others Ruins , shall prevent their own , by accepting of our Proposals . For in the beginning we invited all to embrace our Amity ; esteeming it a greater happiness to gain voluntary Friends , than to make forced Slaves . By express Order from our Kings , we endeavoured to heap great Riches , extend our Dominions , and acquire Glory rather with Politick Reason , than Odious Violence . We modestly courted those , we could invade forcibly . In fine , we shall see the Portugues Arms not content with the West , piercing through and spreading over the East ; sailing unknown Seas , trampling Provinces and incredible Difficulties ; discovering sundry Nations , planting among them firm Fortresses and other Buildings : And lastly , giving Honour to their Country , and Light to the World with their Discoveries and Conquests in so remote Regions . Thus taming various and obstinate Spirits and Humours , with Persuasions when they prevailed , and with Valour when they refused to hearken to us , we shall of sundry Elements compose a Body worthy those Noble Spirits that sailed thither , worthy the Zeal of those Kings who sent , and the Magnificence of the Captains that Commanded them . All the Actions shall be such as deserve not only to be equalized with the most Heroick of Antiquity , but even that these should be forgot to celebrate those , were not Mankind subject to give more applause to what he hears , than what he sees . What is past is celebrated with Memory and Admiration , the present is treated with Oblivion and Envy . We are persuaded the one lessens , the other instructs us ; and even in the present there are Examples as proper for our instructions , as the most famous in decayed Antiquity . This Book without doubt will prove it . I will answer it . As the Power of Man is by so much the weaker , by how much God declares himself more offended at them ; so it is the more powerful , by how much he is the more propitious . His Omnipotence seemed now to be pleased with these his Conquerors , ( for indeed they were his ) so that indeed it will always be doubtful which was most to be admired , whether their Conquering so much , being so few , or the daring Attempt , it being no greater a Number . Such was the success wherewith they gained every thing , it looked as if the World had chose them to be the Universal Lords . Nor did they seem to be sent as Souldiers , with Arms to wage War , but as Leg●…rs , with power to give Laws . Who then will admire that the whole circumference of the Earth should submit to so small a number of such Heroick Spirits , they being rather led by Auspicious Fates , than Valiant Generals ? Never had they fallen from this height , had not their own oversights and distractions been the cause of their fall , that Divine Goodness that had so much exalted being no longer able to bear with them . This will oblige me to relate some things , which it were more proper for the Honour of my Country should be buried in oblivion than published ; but the sincerity of History requires nakedness , and gives as good an Example to Posterity , condemning vicious and base Actions , as commending the Just and Virtuous . Fortune having been lavishly liberal to us , we had no less than reason to suspect she could not be very durable . For Human Affairs having no fixt point , it is plain that those who arrive at the height , must again fall as low as the various accidents of volubility it self can carry them . As great as the Exploits , were the Riches obtained by them , and as great as these the Vices they ushered in . The cause of these great Evils is , that there are Men , who not content to possess what they only could have wished , would obtain what even in wishes ought not to be sought after . We shall see some , who coming poor into the wealthy Indies , left them poor that they might come out most wealthy . This is grievous , but much more to be lamented it is , that the Example of many who came from thence without Fortunes when in its splendor , was of no force to curb others from making vast Estates when groaning under its Calamities . The beginnings will not be very bulky , for the greatest things never had great beginnings . All things in their Original are small and almost contemptible . The greatest Exploit and most glorious Victory had its beginning in the Stable of Bethlehem . THE CONTENTS . TOM . I. PART . I. CHAP. I. DIscoveries under Prince Henry , from the Year 1412. till the Year 1448. Page 1 CHAP. II. Discoveries under King Alfonso the Fifth , from the Year 1448. to the Year 1471. 19 CHAP. III. Discoveries and Conquests under King John the Second , from the Year 1481. till the Year 1495. 22 CHAP. IV. Discoveries under King Emanuel , from the Year 1497 , when he sent out Vasco de Gama , till the Year 1500. 36 CHAP. V. Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1500 till the Year 1502. 53 CHAP. VI. Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1501 , to the Year 1503. 63 CHAP. VII . Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1503 , till the Year 1505. 70 CHAP. VIII . Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1505 , and beginning of the Government of Don Francisco de Almeyda , first Governour and Viceroy of India , till the Year 1509. 82 CHAP. IX . Conquests under King Emanuel in the Year 1506 , and Government of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda . 93 CHAP. X. A Continuation of the Conquests the same Year 1506. and the Government of the same Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda . 104 TOM . I. PART II. CHAP. I. COnquests in India under King Emanuel , from the Year 1506 , till the Year 1508 , the Viceroy Don Francisco still Governing , and entring upon the Glorious Exploits of the Great Alfonso de Albuquerque , and the Famous Tristan de Cuna . 111 CH●…P . II. Conquests under ●…ng Emanuel , the Year 1508. during the Government of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda , and continuing the Exploits of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 126 CHAP. III. Conquests under King Emanuel the Year 1508 and 1509. A continuation of the Government of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Ameyda , and Exploits of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 139 CHAP. IV. Conquests under King Emanuel , the Year 1510 , Alfonso de Albuquerque now Governing India , who held it from the Year 1509 , till the Year 1515. 154 CHAP. V. A continuation of the Conquest of the same Year 1510 , Albuquerque Governing , and King Emanuel Reigning . 163 CHAP. VI. A Continuation of the Conquests under King Emanuel , the Year 1511 , and the Government of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 175 CHAP. VII . Conquests in India under King Emanuel , from the Year 1511 , till the Year 1513 , Alfonso de Albuquerque still Governing . 184 CHAP. VIII . A Continuation of the Conquests of the Year 1513 , the Reign of King Emanuel , and Government of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 190 CHAP. IX . A Continuation of the Conquests , the Year 1513 , till the Year 1514 , the same King Reigning in Portugal , and the same Governour Ruling India . 194 CHAP. X. From the Year 1514 , till the Year 1515 , concluding with the Government and Life of the Great Alfonso de Albuquerque . 201 TOM . I. PART . III. CHAP. I. COnquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1515 , to the Year 1518. Lope Soarez de Albergaria , being Governour . 209 CHAP. II. A Continuation of what was done in India the same Year 1517 , during the Government of the same Lope Soarez de Albergaria . 217 CHAP. III. From the Year 1518 , till the Year 1520 , ending the Government of Lope Soarez de Albergaria , and beginning that of James Lopez de Sequeira , King Emanuel still reigning . 224 CHAP. IV. A Continuation of the Government of James Lopez de Sequeira , from the Year 1520 , till the Year 1521 , and Reign of King Emanuel . 233 CHAP. V. A Continuation of the Government of James Lopez de Sequeira , the Year 1521 , and Reign of King Emanuel . 241 CHAP. VI. Continues still the Government of James Lopez de Sequeira , and Reign of King Emanuel . 253 CHAP. VII . The Government of D. Duarte de Meneses , in the Year 1522 , when began the Reign of King John III. 262 CHAP. VIII . Continues the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses , from the Year 1522 , till the Year 1524. King John then Reigning 272 CHAP. IX . The Government of the Viceroy D. Vasco de Gama , and of the Governour D. Enrique de Meneses , till the Year 1524 , that of 25 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 279 CHAP. X. Concludes the Government of D. Enrique de Meneses in the Year 1526 , King John the Third Reigning . 289 TOM . I. PART IV. CHAP. I. THE Government of Lope Vaz de Sampayo , from the Year 1526 , to the Year 1527 , and Reign of King John the Third . 296 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of Lope Vaz de Sampayo , from the Year 1527 , till the Year 1529 , King John the Third Reigning . 310 CHAP. III. The Government of Nuno de Cuna , from the Year 1529 , to the Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 326 CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , from the Year 1529 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 336 CHAP. V. Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , and Reign of King John the Third . 361 CHAP. VI. Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , from the Year 1534 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 371 CHAP. VII . Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , the same Year 1536 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 388 CHAP. VIII . Still Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , from the Year 1537 , till the Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 402 CHAP. IX . Continues still the Government of Nuno de Cuna , the same Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 415 CHAP. X. Which ends the Government of Nuno de Cuna , this same Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third , and concludes the First Tome . 433 THE Portugues ASIA . TOM . I. PART I. CHAP. I. Discoveries under Prince Henry , from the Year 1412. till the Year 1448. 1. LIKE an Impetuous Torrent did the Mahometans spread themselves over the Lesser Asia , after the Catholick Arms had expelled them our Provinces . The Christian Princes busied in destroying each other , looked on their Progress , without attempting to put any stop to the Current ; when the Kings of Portugal , as the first who had shaken off themselves the Burthen of those Barbarians , and the first who passed over to crush them in Africk ( obeying the Decrees of Heaven which required it ) undertook to be the first who should stop their proceedings in Asia . 2. Prince Henry , fifth Son of King Iohn the First , accompanied his Father in the glorious taking of Ceuta , which was Anno 1415. and had a considerable share in the honour of this Victory , as well in regard of his Courage as Conduct , it being doubtful which was most predominant in him , and therefore the more to be admired , for that at this time he was but in the 21th year of his Age. At his return from thence , he brought so great an inclination ( being already most skilful in the Mathematicks ) to discover New Lands and Seas , that he spent above 40 years in this study , and vast Sums of Mony in bringing Masters from all parts , and Discoverers , and sending Vessels to his Discoveries . Being very well read in Geography , and having examined many who had travelled much of the World ( chiefly the Moors of Fez and Morocco ) he got some information of the Arabs who border on the Desarts of Africk , and of the Azanagi and Kingdom of Ialof , near the border of Guinea . That he might more wholly apply himself to these affairs , he chose for his abode the Town of Ternacabal in the Kingdom of Algarve , on Cape Sagres , whence the prospect of the Ocean stirred up his Hopes and Endeavours . Going to Bed one night , with his thoughts fixt on these Designs ; in the morning ( as if he had received some heavenly assurance of success ) he with all haste gave Orders for fitting out two Ships , which , and some other , passed not beyond Cape Bojador , 60 Leagues beyond Cape Nam , then the Bounds of the Spanish Navigation . This Cape was so called by Gilianes , who first passed it , because it stretches it self out so far , viz. almost 40 Leagues to the Westward , which in Spanish is called Bojar , and thence the Cape Bojador . It s running so far Westward was also the cause that none passed it before ; as also that off of it for about 6 Leagues , runs a strong Current , which breaking upon the Sands , rises high and makes a great Sea. This terrified all , not considering , that keeping off at Sea they might turn the Point . The Prince encountring the greatest difficulty , sent Iohn Gonzales Zarco and Tristan Vaz in a small Ship , with Orders to coast along the Barbary shore , till they had passed that formidable Cape , discovering all the Land , which according to the Opinions of Learned Men and Information of Arabs , was concluded to run on till under the Equinoctial . Before they reached the Coast of Africk , they met with such violent Storms , they doubted not being swallowed by the Waves . The Weather obliged them not to follow their Orders , and without knowing where they were , fell in with the Island , which they called Puerto Santo , or Holy Haven , for such it appeared to them after the Storm . This is a little Island , not far to the Northward of the Madera . The Inhabitants they found neither well Civiliz'd nor quite Barbarous , but the Soil very fertile . The Prince joyful with this News and the hopes the Discoverers gave him , sent them again , and with them Bartholomew Perestrello , with three Ships , with Seeds to sow , and Cattle to stock the Place . They put in two Rabbets , which increased in such manner in two years space , that the Corn and Plants being destroyed by them , it was found more convenient to unpeople , than inhabit the Island . 3. Perestrello returned home . Iohn Gonzales and Tristan Vaz , making another Voyage , discovered afar off something like a Cloud , and directing their Course to it , found an Island covered with all manner of Trees , whence they gave it the name Madera , which in Spanish is Wood. This Island for Extent , pleasant Air and Plenty is the chief in that Western Ocean . Each Discoverer entred a different part of the Island , and each had a Grant of that Part from the Prince , with the Title of Captain . Tristan gave his name to that Point where he landed , and Iohn Gonzales took to himself the Title of Camara de Lobos , or Den of Wolves , because of a Cave he found at landing , which seemed to be the habitation of those Beasts . The Prince gave the Island of Puerto Santo to Perestrello to people , which proved in vain by reason of the vast multitude of Rabbets . The Discoverers of Madera began to settle their Plantation , by firing part of that Wood that filled the Island ; and the Flame took such possession , that it burnt seven years continually , and was seen far off in Smoak and Sparks like Mount Aetna ; so that afterwards the Island being plentiful of Grain , the greatest want the Inhabitants suffered was of Wood , there having been nothing else in it before . There were Churches built , and now there is a Cathedral . King Duarte , Brother to the Prince , gave him the Island , and afterwards the Spiritualities thereof to the Military Order of Christ. 4. The Prince had spent twelve years endeavouring the discovery of Guinea , and was now much encouraged by the discovery of these two Islands , though many condemned his undertakings , objecting , That the Land he looked for , was only Deserts , like those of Libia ; that if any reached those Parts , they would turn black ; that King Iohn , his Father , had invited Strangers to plant in Portugal , so far from sending out people , of which the Country was in want ; that God had appointed those Countries for the habitation of Wild Beasts , which might appear by that they were expelled that new Island by the Rabbets . All this time the Prince's undertakings were not only censured , but almost fruitless , till he sent Galianez in a Barque , who passed that , till then , Invincible Cape Boxador , which action was then in the common Opinion looked upon not inferior to the labours of Hercules . 5. Gilianes returned in his Barque with Alonso Gonzales Balday , in a bigger Vessel than the former , and passed 30 Leagues beyond the Cape , where landing , they saw a great track of Men and Camels . Without any further knowledge they returned home , giving the name of Angra de Ruyvos to that Bay , ( in English , Bay of Gurnets ) because they found there great quantity of that Fish. The next year the Design was continued and they passed twelve Leagues farther . Here putting ashore two Men on Horseback , who going on till the Afternoon , saw nineteen Men with Javelins , who fled and were pursued , and some wounded , and one of the Portugueses ; the first Blood spilt in those Parts . Baldaya having notice thereof , went ashore , but in vain , for the Moors fled ; in the Cave where the Moors had been were found some things of inconsiderable value , but esteemed as an Omen of greater advantages . They run on twelve Leagues farther , where at the Mouth of a River they saw so many Sea-Wolves , they judged them to be 5000 ; they killed many , and brought the Skins , which being a novelty , were then had in esteem . Going farther into the Land , they found Fishing Nets drying , but no People , and their Provisions being spent , they were obliged to return to their Prince without any further progress . 6. Antony Gonzales was sent back to the place of the Sea-Wolves , with orders to load his Vessel with their Skins . One night he went up the Country eight Leagues with ten Men , and spying a naked Man with two Darts in his hand driving a Camel , he came up and took him , the Man with the fright neither defending himself , nor endeavouring to escape . In his return he met a company of forty Moors , and one Woman , whom they also took in their sight without resistance ; these were the first taken on that Coast. Returning aboard they found another Ship was arrived there from Portugal under Command of Nunno Tristan ; with this addition of strength they went ashore again , and met people at night , and being so close that they lost the use of their Weapons , clasped each other in Arms , and knew not whom they held , but by being naked and cloathed , and the strangeness of the Language ; they killed three and returned to their Ships with ten Prisoners . This Place they called Puerto del Cavallero , or the Knights Port , Antony Gonzales being there knighted by Nunno Tristan . An Arab that was on board understood these Moors ; him and the Woman they put ashore to perswade the Inhabitants to redeem the Prisoners . Next day appeared about 150 , some on Camels , some on Horseback , provoking our Men to Land , but finding they did not , discharged a Volley of Stones at them and went off . Antony Gonzales returned to Portugal with some Slaves . Tristan having first careen'd , coasted on as far as Cabo Blanco , or White Cape , where though he saw the track of People , meeting none , he returned home . 7. Antony Gonzales returns , carrying with him the chief of the Moors he had brought , he promising to give seven Guinea Slaves for his ransom , but once ashore forgot his promise , yet giving notice in the Country , others came to redeem the two Young Men that were Prisoners , giving for them ten Blacks of several Countries , and a considerable quantity of Gold Dust , which was the first brought from those parts . Therefore a Rivulet that runs up about six Leagues was called Rio del Oro , or River of Gold. This and a Shield of Buck-skin and some Ostriches Eggs they brought home , all men admiring the colour of the Slaves . The Gold stirred up covetous desires , and encouraged Nunno Tristan to undertake again the Voyage , and passing farther , discovered the Island Adeget , one of those of Arguim , and saw twenty Almadies or Boats passing over from the Continent , four men in each , sitting in such manner that they rowed with their Legs . Tristan launching his Boat with seven men , chased them and brought fourteen aboard , and going back for the rest , they had reached the Island . Hence they went over to another Island , which they called De las Garcas , or Island of Hauks , because of the vast numbers they saw there , and took some . 8. The Profit encreasing , the desire of it also encreased . Some came from several parts to Portugal to admire those Rarities the Natives brought . Lancelot the Prince's Servant , Galianes who first passed Cape Bojador , Stephen Alonso , Roderick Alvarez and Iohn Diaz erected a Company in the Town of Lagos , paying an acknowledgment to the Prince , they asked leave to pursue these discoveries , and set out with six Caravels , whereof the first was Commander in chief ; arriving at the Island , de las Garzas , Martin Vincent and Giles Vasquez with each fourteen Souldiers in their Boats , went over to the Island Nar , where falling upon a Town , they killed many and brought away 155 Prisoners , all Moors . The Captain Lancelot desiring to do the like , attacked Tider and other Islands , where he took above forty Prisoners , which he presented to the Prince , and was well rewarded . 9. Gonzalo de Cintra set out with one Ship , and coming to the Island Arguim , run up a Creek at night , intending to go ashore , but the Tide ebbing he stuck , and in the morning 200 Moors coming upon him , he was killed with seven of his company . These were the first Portugueses killed in these Attempts , and from the Captain that place took name , being called Angra de Gonçalo de Cintra , fourteen Leagues beyond Rio del Oro. Antony Gonzales , Iames Alonso and Gomez Perez set out in three Caravels bound for that River , with orders to treat of the conversion of these Barbarians , of Peace and Trade . The Proposals were not received , and they returned , bringing back one of the People of the Continent who came voluntarily to see our Country ; and one of ours , called Iohn Fernandez remained there with the same design . Next Nunno Tristan made another Voyage , and brought twenty Slaves from a neighbouring Village , Dinis Fernandez in another Vessel passing the Mouth of the River Sanaga , which divides the Azanagi from Ialof , took four Blacks who were fishing in an Almadie or Boat. Sailing forward , he discovered the famous Cabo Verde , and returned satisfied with this exploit , and having killed a great many Goats in an Island . 10. Antony Gonzales , Garcia Mendez and Iames Alonso , though separated by a Storm , met again in the Islands of Arguim : Falling upon a Village they took 25 Moors , they flying , he that ran best took most , as Laurence Diaz who took seven , whilst others took but one , and some none . They called this Point , Cabo del Resoate , or Cape of Ransom , because some Blacks were ransomed there . The joy was the more for that they found Iohn Fernandez , who was left there the last Voyage , he was fat and in health , though rough like the Inhabitants . He told them , that the Country being all plane and open they often lost their way , and therefore were guided , as at Sea , by the Stars , the Winds , and by Birds . That the Inhabitants lived miserably , feeding on a certain Grain which the Earth produces without tilling , on some Herbs , Lizards and Locusts , all scorched in the Sun , which is predominant , that place lying under the Tropick of Cancer . That they used much Milk , not only as Meat , but Drink , by reason of the scarcity of Water ; and therefore when they eat any Meat they never kill the Female , because of the Milk ; those near the Sea eat some Fish. When they were acquainted with our People , and they gave them Corn , they eat it whole . The Land is Barren being all Sand , bears a few Palm and Wild Fig-trees , they have no Houses but Tents , their Cloaths are Skins , and the better and neater sort wear Alhaiques , which is not unlike our Crape , and the best , some better sort of Cloath , but none good ; their Employment is the care of Cattle , their Language and Writings the same with those of the Coasts of Barbary , with only about as much difference as is between the Castillians and those of Gallicia ; they have no King , and live by Hords or Companies . Returning home with this Account of Iohn Fernandez , at Cabo Blanco they killed some Moors and took 55. 11. Dinisianez da Gram , Alvaro Gil and Mafaldo de Setubal , with each a Caravel , landed in the Island Arguim , where they took seven Moors , and by the help of them forty seven afterwards . They ran along the Coast of the Continent eighty Leagues , and at several times took fifty Slaves , losing seven Portugueses , whose Boat being left dry by the Ebb in the Island de las Garzas , they were all killed . Lancelot , who once before had commanded a small Fleet , sailed from Lagos again towards Arguim as Admiral of fourteen Vessels . At the same time set out from Madera , Alvaro and Dinis Fernandez and Iohn de Castilla and others , who all together with the former fourteen , made up twenty seven Sail : Nine of the fourteen of Lagos came to Arguim , where Dinisianez was , who persuaded them to destroy the Island in revenge of the seven that had been killed , but the Moors understanding the danger , fled ; so that only twelve were found , whereof only four could be taken , the rest killed , as also one of our men . Alvaro de Freytas returned with his three Ships . Lancelot with his sailed to the Island Tider , landed , and finding no People , returned aboard , where seeing some Moors from the Shoar jearing our men , because they could not find them , two of our men were so provoked that they leaped into the Water with their Arms , and swam to shoar to the Moors , who ran down to receive them . Others of our men seeing the danger those two were in , leaped after them , and on the shoar was a sharp skirmish ; many of the Moors were killed and sixty taken . This done Suero da Costa and three more returned home . In a Village at Cape Blanco they took nine Moors , among them a Woman , who , promising a great Ransom , deceived Suero , for at the Island Tider the bold Woman who could swim very well , leaped over-board and gained her liberty by swimming ashoar . Lancelot and others unwilling to return without some Loading , as light as they came out , designed to sail to Zahara of the Azanagi and Guinea , but after some small attempts resolved for the Island of Palma . They touched at Gomera and were received by two Commanders Piste and Brucho in acknowledgment of some kindness they had received from Prince Henry . They discovered to them the design , and taking them along landed in Palma , all they got was seventeen Prisoners , but among them was a very large Morish Woman , who was said to be Queen of part of that Island . They returned to Gomera , and Iohn de Castilla dissatisfied with the small Prize , base and ingratefully carried away Captives about twenty Islanders who were his Friends and had assisted him . Which wrong the Prince amended by sending them back well cloathed . 12. Gomera and Palma are of the number of the Canary Islands . The Canaries were discovered for King Henry the Third of Spain by Iohn de Betancour a Frenchman ; among them he conquered those called Lancarote , Fuerteventura and Ferro . In them he left Masiot de Betancour his Nephew who conquered Gomera , and exchanging them with Prince Henry for some Land in Madera , he went and lived there . And because the Islands being twelve in number , there remained eight not conquered , viz. Gran Canaria , Palma , Graciosa Infierno , Alegranca Santa Clara , Roche and Lobos ; the Prince sent a Fleet in which were 2500 Foot and 120 Lances , commanded by Don Fernando de Castro , who landing there , converted many Infidels . But there being complaints made from Spain to whom that Conquest appertained it was given over . Afterwards King Henry the Fourth of Portugal gave them to D. Martin de Ataide Count of Atonguia . And lastly , in the Treaty between Alfonso of Portugal , and Ferdinand of Castile it was agreed they belonged to Castile . The Inhabitants of these Islands were governed by a certain number of Persons , they varied in their Worship , in Fight they used no Weapons but Sticks and Stones , their Cloathing upwards was Skins , the lower part a covering made of Palm-leaves of divers Colours ; they took off their Beard with sharp Stones , their Governours had the Maidenheads of all Women that married , they feasted their Guests with them at their visits , the Children sucked Goats , their common food Wheat and Barley , Milk , Herbs , Mice , Lizards and Snakes . 13. Lancelot being homeward bound , discovered the River Ovedec , which he called Sanaga , because a Black of that name was released there . It was then believed to be one of the Branches of Nile , because they were informed it ran far to the Eastward . Stephen Alonso in a small Boat went up the River , and took two Blacks with considerable opposition made by their Father . Roderick Anez and Dinis Diaz were here separated from the rest by a great Storm and arrived in Portugal . Lancelot steering toward Cape Verde , went ashore upon an Island , where he found nothing but Goats , and these words cut on the Bark of a Tree , TALENT DE BIEN FAIRE . This was Prince Henric's Motto , whereby he expressed his designs , and gave Lancelot to understand the Portugueses had been there before ; - it was Alvaro Fernandez of Madera that was there . He stood along the Shoar , whilst Gomez Perez going up close in a Boat , threw a Looking-Glass and a Sheet of Paper with a Crucifix on it upon the Land to some Blacks that were there , who breaking and tearing them to pieces , poured in a Volley of Arrows , for which our men design'd to be revenged next day ; but a great Storm which dispersed all our Ships prevented the execution . Laurence Diaz got home first , Gomez Perez put in at Rio del Oro , whence he brought one Slave , and many Skins of Sea-Wolves , and found the people there somewhat tractable . Alvaro Freytas and Vincent Diaz in the Island Tider took fifty nine Slaves . Diniz Fernandez and Palacano at Cape St. Ann , took nine more ; twelve of our men swimming ashore for them . With these and such like small successes , they all returned home , having lost one small Vessel , but the men saved . 14. Nunno Tristan run 60 Leagues beyond Cape Verde , and anchoring at the Mouth of Rio Grande , or the Great River , he run up in his Boat , and soon discovered eighty Blacks in thirteen Almadies or Boats , who surrounded him , and poured in their poisoned Arrows in such manner that they killed most of his men before they could get aboard , where he also died , none escaping without a Wound . Only four men were left in the Ship brought her home , after two months wandring in the Sea without knowing which way to steer . Alvaro Fernandez prosecuted the same Voyage , and went 40 Leagues beyond Tristan , killing with his own hand the Lord of a Village whereby was put to flight a multitude that oppressed him . At their return to the Ship they took two Women . He came to the River Tabite , where he was wounded , being attacked by the Blacks in five Almadies . Gilianes and others set out with ten Caravels , carrying with them the Prisoners unjustly seized by Iohn de Castilla . They put in at Cape Verde , where they were beaten and lost five men . They throve better among the Moors , and therefore returned to Arguim where they made forty eight Slaves , and at their return in Palma , two Women which had cost them dear , had not Iames Gonzales with a Cross-bow killed seven of the Islanders , and among them their King , who lead them with a Palm in his hand in token of his Soveraignty , and our Victory . 15. Gomez Perez deceived by some Moors of Rio del Oro , who had promised a great ransom , was revenged by bringing away eighty Slaves the same year . Next year set out Iames Giles Homen with orders from the Prince to settle a Trade with the Moors of Meca or Messa , 12 Leagues beyond Cape Gue , where he got fifty Blacks for eighteen he carried with him , and returned being drove away by a storm . Here was left behind against his will Iohn Fernandez , he who voluntarily staid before among the Azanagi . They brought a Lion , which was then much looked upon in Lisbon . The Fame of these Attempts flew so , that it brought from the King of Denmarks Court a Gentleman called Ballarte ; a person capable and desirous of great Designs . He was well recommended by his King to the Prince , who at his Suit sent him with Ferdinand Alonso who then went Embassador to the King of Cape Verde . They were ready to receive him in hostile manner , but were appealed when two Blacks , who were the Interpreters , told them our design , the chief points whereof were the shewing them the Light of the Gospel , and teaching them a more civilized way of living . Their Farim or Governour , being informed hereof came down to the Shoar , and sent an account of our arrival to his King. Mean while they began peaceably to trade . Some Elephants Teeth stirred up a desire in Ballarte to see one alive . A Black offered to shew him one , and treacherously slew him and some of our men , which obliged us not to stay the coming of that King. 16. King Duarte reigned but a short time . His Son Alonso the Fifth succeeded him , being but six years of Age ; at seventeen he took upon him the Government ; Prince Peter , Brother of the Discoverer , having ruled for him those eleven years . Because from this time the Discoveries were managed upon the King's account ; we will conclude with a description of this great Undertaker . Prince Henry , the Beginner and Author of the South and Eastern discoveries , was of a proportionable bigness , his Limbs gross and strong , his Skin white and fair , his Hair strong and rough , his Countenance was terrible to such as were not acquainted ; for in the greatest heats he was more governed by Meekness than Passion ; he had a grave and graceful Gate ; he was very circumspect and cautious in his words ; plain in his Person , as far as suitable with his Quality ; patient in Troubles , valiant in Danger , skilled in Learning , the best Mathematician of his Age , very liberal , extream zealous for Religion ; he was not known to be given to any Vice ; he never married , nor was it heard that he sinned against Continency ; his Memory and Prudence were equal to his Authority : He died at Sagres in the year 1463. and the 67th of his Age ; he lies with his Father in the most noble Church of Batalla . CHAP. II. Discoveries under King Alfonso the Fifth , from the Year 1448. to the Year 1471. 1. KING Alfonso the Fifth took upon him the Government , and prosecuted as his Uncle had done , those discoveries . The first step he gave was a grant to the Prince , that none without his leave should pass Cape Bojador ; and also the fifth and tenth of all things brought from thence . The differences between the King and his Uncle Prince Peter , were a great stop to these affairs . Leave was granted the Prince to plant the Islands Azores , discovered by Gonzalo Vello ; they are seven in number , their Names St. Michael , St. Mary , Iesus or Tercera , Graciosa , Pico , Fayall , Flores and Cuervo , which lies farthest to the Westward , as does the first to the Eastward . They differ not much in Latitude , being about the same with Lisbon . The reason why they were so called , is from a great number of Hauks , which they call Azores , that were seen there when first discovered . In the last was found the Statue of a Man on Horseback , with a Cloak , but no Hat , his Left Hand on the Horses Main , the Right pointing to the West ; there were some Letters carved on the lower Rock , but not understood . It seemed to point out America . Because in the Islands of Arg●…m there was trading for Gold and Blacks ; the King ordered a Fort to be built in one of the Islands , and called by the same name ; it was erected by Suero Mendez , who was Commander of it . At this time also were discovered the Islands of Cape Verde by Antony Nole a Genoese , sent by that Republick to Portugal . He also discovered the Island called Mayo , or May , because he arrived there the first day of that Month. Next day he saw the other two , which he named St. Philip and St. Iacob . The names of those not yet mentioned , are Fuego , Brava , Boavista Sal , St. Nicholas , St. Lucy , St. Vincent , St. Antony , in all ten . They are commonly called of Cape Verde , for that they lie 100 Leagues to the Westward of it . Pedro de Cintra , and Suero de Costa went as far as Sierra Leona . 2. So great were the hopes of the Guinea Trade , and the returns stirred up covetousness , so that the King farmed this Trade to Fernando Gomez for 500 Ducats , a small sum in comparison of their present greatness . He was obliged to continue the discoveries 500 Leagues farther in five years . He fortunately discovered the Trade of Oro de la Mina , or the Gold of the Mine by Iohn de Santaren and Peter de Escobar . They went as far as Cape St. Catharine 37 Leagues beyond Cape Lope Gonzales in two Degrees and half of South Latitude . For this discovery was added to him the Sirname of Mina , and he was made Noble . Ferdinand Po discovered the Island which he called Hermosa , or Beautiful , which name it changed for the Discoverers . The last discovery during the reign of King Alonso , was that of Cape St. Catharine , so called because discovered on her day . There were other discoveries before this , as the Coast from whence was brought the first Cochinilla , which the Italians ( knowing the Value , but not the Name ) call Grana del Paraiso , or Scarlet of Paradise , they had it from the Moors of this part of Guinea , who crossing the Country Mandinga and Deserts of Libia , brought it to the Port Mundibarca in the Mediterranean . Now were found the Islands St. Thomas , Anno Bueno , and Principe , all neglected , the King being wholy bent upon Africk . How little these places were minded , may appear by this , that a Spanish Fleet commanded by Garcia de Loaysa , Knight of Malta , arriving at the Maluco Islands the year 1525. he found there were Portugueses there before it was known in Portugal , and found in two degrees of South Latitude , the Island of St. Mathew not inhabited , but with footsteps of the Portugues , several Fruit-trees , and tame Cattle , carved on the Bark of a Tree , that our men had been there 87 years before , and the French Motto of Prince Henry , Talent de bien Faire . It was the custom of those Sailers to leave this Motto in all places where they landed . CHAP. III. Discoveries and Conquests under King John the Second , from the Tear 1481. till the Tear 1495. 1. KING Iohn the Second , who succeeded his Father Alonso , considering the Riches of the Countries discovered encreased his Revenue , and finding the Natives inclined to receive the Faith , ordered a Fort to be raised in that part where was the Trade of Gold called Mina . To this end he fitted out twelve Vessels laden with all Materials for the Work , from the Stones of the Foundation to the Tiles , with Provisions for 600 Men , 500 of them Souldiers , the rest Workmen . The Commander was Iames de Azambuja . At his arrival he confirmed the Peace some time before concluded with that People . He acquainted the Prince of it ( called Camaransa ) with his arrival and intention . He landed to take possession , and set up the Portugal Colours upon a Tree ; at the Foot of it he made an Altar , and caused to be celebrated the first Mass that had been in those parts . He prepared himself to receive the Black King , who came attended with many of his Subjects naked , save that from their Waste downward , hung Monkies Skins or covering made of Palm-leaves : All armed , some with Shields and Javelins , others Bows and Arrows ; some had Skins for Helmets , in such manner they appeared more ridiculous than terrible . The Prince's Legs and Arms were covered with plates of Gold ; on his Neck a Chain , with many small Bells , and Tags to his Beard . Before him went a great number of Instruments , more noisie than harmonious ; all that were known were Tabors , Horns and Bells . He met the Captain with a grave and pleasing Countenance ; the Captain received him with Gravity and Magnificence . The Black took his hand in token of Peace , the same the chief Men about him : After the Ceremonies ( different in the Nations , but all vain and impertinent ) Azambuja laid open his Kings design , which was first to instruct him in the Christian Faith , and conceal our Covetousness , asking leave to build a House for our Men to live in , which was to be a Fort to offend them upon occasion . I do not pretend to persuade the World , our only design was to Preach , on condition it be believed it was not only to Trade . 2. The Portuges Captain was heard with wonderful attention , and the proposal of Religion admitted , but that of the House or Fort rejected ; for they are Barbarians in our conceit , but not for their own Interests . Azambuja pressed , and Caramansa yielded and retired . The Workmen began to break a Rock for the Work , and the Blacks who adored it ( taking that as an Affront ) drove them away . Azambuja took the wisest course , and running to them , pacified them with many Gifts , not of value , but such as pleased . The Fort finished was called St. George , for the particular devotion the King had to that Saint . As it encreased it gained the name and priviledge of a City . Azambuja remained there with 60 men , and sent back the Fleet laden with Gold. He held that Government three years , he gave it up with Honour ( a thing rare among the Portugueses ) and was honourably rewarded . 3. The King began to take the Title of Lord of Guinea . The Custom till now had been to set up Wooden Crosses in all the new Discoveries ; the King ordered for the future to carry them of Stone with the Kings and Captains Names , the Time when , by whom , and by whose Order erected . The first of these was Iames Cam , who passing Cape Catharine ( the last of King Alonso's discoveries ) came to the River Congo in the Kingdom of the same Name , by the Inhabitants called Zagre . He went up the River , and saw on both sides Blacks , but were not understood by those he carried with him . By signs he found they had a King , and that he resided far off . He sent him Presents ( the most powerful Arguments of Embassadors ) but finding the Men that carried them stay long , he set sail , bringing some Blacks home with him . King Iohn was well pleased to see them , and dispatched again the same Iames Cam , sending back with him the Blacks joyful , with many Presents he gave them , but above all with the recovery of their Liberty . The first part of his Instructions was the Conversion of those Infidels . At his arrival he restored those Blacks to their Prince , and received the Men he left behind , with mutual admiration . Following on the Discovery , he ran 20 Leagues farther , setting up the Cross he called St. Augustin , in 13 degrees of South Latitude , and another in 22. At his return to Congo , having seen the King , he found in him such an affection to our People and Religion , that he sent with him to Portugal some Sons of his Chief Men , desiring they should be baptized , and being made Christians returned , and with them Ministers to instruct them in the Faith. They were baptized at Beja , where the King and Queen were Godfather and Godmother to the chief of them , and he called D. Iohn , his Heathen Name being Zacuta ; the same was done by the Nobility , with the others , whose Names and Sirnames they took . Betwixt the Fort of St. George and Congo , is the Kingdom of Benin . The King hereof covetous of the advantages he saw others reap by our Trade , feigned he would be converted , and desired Priests for his instruction ; but they being sent , the design was discovered , and so the effect ceased , but not the covetousness ; for those Heathens bought Christned Slaves , and we with the same avarice sold them , after being baptized , knowing their new Masters would again make them fall into Idolatry . This lasted till the Religious King , Iohn the Third , forbid it , though to his great loss ; but God who gives an hundred for one , to requite him ordered that another Gold Mine should be discovered below that of St. George , whence much more was gathered without a Crime , than had been before by that so scandalous a Trafick . 4. King Iohn was informed by the Benin Embassador , who came to desire the Priests should be sent them , that 250 Leagues beyond them was the most powerful Prince of all those Countries , called Ogane , by whom the Kings of Benin for their security were confirmed , receiving of him a Staff with a Head and a Cross like that of Malta , all of Brass curiously wrought . An Embassador went with Rich Presents to solicit these Ensigns of Royalty , who never saw Ogane , because he speaks from behind Curtains , but at their departure shews a Foot , in token that he grants their Request . Our King imagined this Prince might be he that is vulgarly called Prester Iohn , by comparing these Formalities with what he had heard reported of him . He fitted out three Ships , commanded by Bartholomew Dias ; he set up a Cross in 24 degrees of South Latitude , 120 Leagues beyond the other Discoverers in Sierra Parda . He sailed in sight of the Bay they called de los Vaqueros , or of Herdsmen , because of the many Cows they saw there ; beyond this they touched at the small Island Santa Cruz , or Holy Cross , so called from one he set up : 25 Leagues farther they came into the mouth of a River which they called del Infante , the Sirname of the second Captain , who was the first that saw it . Being about returning they discovered that so many Ages unknown Promontory , which they called Tormentoso , or Stormy , because of a great Tempest they met with there ; but our King gave it the name of Cabo de Buena Esperança , or Cape of Good Hope , for the great hopes it gave of discovering the Indies . There was set up the Cross St. Philip. The two first Ships coasting along met the third with only three men aboard , having lost it nine Months before with nine Men in it then . With meer joy of seeing the others ( a strange , but not unheard of death ) one of the three died , the other six had been killed by the Blacks . With various fortune observing the discovered Country they arrived in their own , the extent of Land till then found out , being 750 Leagues . 5. Whilst these Discoverers conquered the difficulties of the Seas ; Peter de Covillam and Alfonso de Payva travelled by Land , who came first to Naples , then to Rodes , to Alexandria , Grand Cair , then with a Caravan of Moors to Toro on the Coasts of Arabia . Here they parted , Payva towards India and Covillam for Aethiopia , having appointed a time when to meet again at Grand Cair . Covillam went to Cananor , Calecut and Goa ( famous Cities in the East ) passed thence to Zofala in Aethiopia , then to Aden at the Mouth of the Red Sea on the side of Arabia , and at last to Grand Cair , where he found his Companion had died . After these had been sent out two Jews , Rabbi Abraham of Beja , and Ioseph of Lamego . Covillam sent back the latter to inform the King of his success , with the other he embarqued for Ormuz , where having observed what was most remarkable , he left the Jew to follow the Caravans of Aleppo , and returning to the Red Sea came to discover the Court of Prester Iohn , who detained him there as a Spie . But while he was detained , travelled from Rome , Luke Mark , an Aethiopian Priest , sent by Prester Iohn to our King. This Priest's information revived the Kings hopes and desires , and he was sent back with an Account of what means had been used to settle a Correspondence , and Projects for the perfecting of it . 6. Before Luke Mark parted from Portugal , was arrived Bemoi Prince of Ialof . He came with State , and was received accordingly , being conducted to Court by Don Francisco Coutinno Count of Marialva . His strangeness did not cause so much admiration , as he conceived of the Majesty and Grandeur with which the King received him under his Royal Canopy . This was the cause of his coming . Biran who reigned in Ialof , giving himself up to all manner of Vice , resigned the Kingdom to his Brother Bemoi , with the reputation of delivering it to a Person in all respects worthy of the Royal-dignity . But Cibitah the elder Brother , envious of Bemoi's happiness , kills Biran , and seizing the Government , makes War upon Bemoi , who with the assistance of Gonzalo Coello , sent by King Iohn , made some resistance . This relief was sent him by reason of the hopes he gave of receiving the Faith. But it being suspected he only designed to make use of the Portugues assistance , the Captain was ordered to leave him , which was a great grief to Bemoi . He gave such excuses for not being presently baptized as seemed sufficient , and losing soon after a Battle , he went to Portugal to seek a more favourable turn of Fortune . 7. It was no small part of his Fortune to be received by so great a Prince , but above all to the hopes of Eternal Happiness , being soon after baptized by the name of Iohn , which he took from the King who was Godfather . Next day he gave him Arms , Purpure a Cross Or within an Orle of Portugal . He in return did homage to the King for all the Lands he should be possessed of . Twenty four Gentlemen of his Retinue were baptized with him . There was great rejoycing , our People shewing their grandeur in such divertisements as were most in use then ; and Bemoi with his Retinue giving a view of their Activity in Riding , Alighting , and Mounting upon a Speed , standing upright on the Saddle Galloping , and some in their Career took up Stones off the Ground , and much more , worthy admiration . The King furnished him with twenty Caravels well manned and armed , as well to forward his Restoration as to build a Fort on the River Zanaga . 8. The Province of Ialof lies between the two famous Rivers Gambea , or rather Rio Grande and Zanaga , so called by the Portugueses from a Prince of that Name , whom they spoke with when they discovered it ; it has other names in the several Countries it runs through , and makes many Islands , most as being uncooth , inhabited only by Wild Beasts . It is navigable 150 Leagues up , where a ridge of perpendicular Rocks crosses it in such manner , that the Water falling down , forms an Arch , under which Travellers pass dry , and pleasant to behold , but makes a hideous noise with the fall . The Gambea , or Rio Grande , runs 180 Leagues , and carries more Water ; it is not all Navigable , but runs with less noise , though filled with many Rivers that water the Country Mandinga . Both these Rivers flow out of the famous Niger , and may as well be esteemed but so many Mouths thereof . There is great variety of Fish in these Rivers , and several other Creatures along them , as Horses , Crocodiles and Serpents with Wings ; the other Beasts that abound are Elephants , Ounces , Wild Boars , and a many more . Great are the numbers of them , and wonderful their variety and different forms . The Waters of the two Rivers mixt cause Vomiting , yet each asunder does not . In this part is that great Cape called Cabo Verde , by Ptolome C. Assinarium , in about 14 degrees of North Latitude . The Country runs 170 Leagues Eastward , is most fruitful , and has many populous Cities . To Tombotu the Mart of Mandingo Gold , resort the Merchants of Grand Cair , Tunez , Oran , Tremisen , Fez , Morocco , and other places . This trade moved King Iohn to build the Fort on the River Zanaga . The 20 Caravels were commanded by Peter Vaz de Cunna , who landing with D. Iohn Bemoi the King , and beginning to raise the Fort in the place assigned , either suspecting that he deceived him , or fearing to die in that Country , basely killed the King , endeavouring with that Foul Crime to hide another not so hainous , which was to return without finishing the Work , and in fine he came back without any effect . 9. The Congo Embassador being well instructed in the Faith , was sent home with three Ships . Sono was the first Land they made , and arrived safe at Congo . They were joyfully received by an Old Lord called Manisono , Uncle to that King , who desired to be baptized . An Altar was erected in the Field , and he was admitted to this Sacrament by the name of Manuel , and his Son by that of Antony , in the presence of 25000 of their People , this being the first time that Sacrament was there administred . The King of Congo , Nephew to this Lord , hearing what he had done , added to his Estate , and caused all the Idols within his Dominions to be destroyed . The King made his residence at Ambasse Congo 50 Leagues distant , where he received Ruy de Sousa the Portugal Commander , on an Ivory Chair , placed on a Lofty Throne . From the Waste upwards he was naked , the lower part wrapt in Sky-colour Damask , on the Left Arm a Bracelet of Brass ; from his Shoulder hung a curious Horse-tail , a Royal Badge among them ; on his Head a thing like a Miter , of a delicate Webb , made of Palm , which resembles wrought Velvet . After the Ceremonies , he desired to see the Holy Vestments : He viewed them with deliberation and respect , in presence of his Queen , Children and the Chief of the Court. Then he gave leave to build a Church , which was done in few days , of the invocation of the Holy Cross , because begun the day of that Feast in May. In this Church was baptized the King , and some of his People , there being above 100000 present , as well for that they flocked to see the Novelty , as because they were preparing for a Neighbouring War. The King was called Iohn , and the Queen Ellenor , in honour of our Sovereigns . Afterwards were baptized the greatest part of those had flocked thither . The New Christian King went to meet his Enemy , relying more on his Conversion , and the Cross in the Colours he had received from Ruy de Sousa , than in 80000 men he had in Arms , nor were his hopes vain , he returned with Victory , and Ruy de Sousa to Portugal with the honour of having compleated one of the most famous undertakings of this Crown , leaving in that Kingdom People capable to labour the New Vineyard . 10. Afterwards was baptized the Prince , who had been absent in the Wars , and called Alfonso . Panso Aquitimo , the King 's Second Son , would not receive the Faith , and the Father falling off , because as a Christian he could be allowed but one Wife , resolved to leave the Crown to the Heathen Aquitimo , in wrong of the Prince who continued constant in the Faith. Alfonso was abroad in banishment when his Father died , but returning to Court was received as King. Aquitimo having recourse to the Sword , fell upon him when he had but thirty seven Christians , as well-Portugueses as Blacks ; yet under the Banner of the Cross Alfonso overcame a vast multitude of Infidels , Aquitimo being taken and then slain . A Gentleman that accompanied Aquitimo desired to be baptized immediately , declaring they had been overcome by a Glorious Army that was lead by a Cross , and not by the thirty seven Christians . Alfonso established in peace , destroyed all Idols , and propagated the Faith with great zeal . He sent his Sons , Grandsons and Nephews to Portugal to study . Two of them were worthily afterwards Bishops in those parts . In memory of that Victory , and of the first Colours sent this King , as also that the Faith was first planted on the day of the invention of the Cross ; he took for his Arms , Gules , a Cross Fleury Argent between two Crosses Pattee , charged with the Arms of Portugal . 11. The beginning of the Year 1493 , came into the River of Lisbon , Christopher Columbus , who brought from an Island ( guessed to be that of Sipango ) some Men , Gold , and great tokens of Riches . This Great Man some time before had offered his service to King Iohn , who having slighted him then , looked on him now with some regret , and he provoked him with some extravagant words in revenge of the small regard made of him . There were some who offered to kill him , as well to punish his Boldness , as to conceal from Spain his Discoveries . But the King sent him away with honour : Columbus was a Genoese , and learned Navigation in Portugal ; he was employed by the King of Spain , and he had sent him to the Discovery he now came from . King Iohn did not envy the Fortune of Spain , but feared that Discovery was part of what the Portugueses had been so long in quest of . This caused him to fit out a Fleet commanded by D. Francisco de Almeyda in order to oppose those proceedings , judging he had right on his side , but it proved not so . Several Embassies passed on both sides to agree the business , and at last came to a conclusion . 12. Though Prince Bemoi was dead , the hopes of making a farther progress in that Country about Zanaga died not with him . They who went in that Fleet had not performed what they were sent for , but discovered more Land , and gained the good will of the Natives . The Trade was afterwards continued , and a good correspondence between our King and those Princes . Peter de Evora and Goncalo Anez went to those of Turucol and Tombotu . Roderick Rebelo , Peter Reynel , and Iohn Colaco and others carried Presents to Mandimansa and Temala of the Fouli , the most warlike of all those People . The King had also correspondence with him of the Moses , very famous in that Age ; and with Mahomet Ben Manzugul , Grandson of Muza , and King of Songo ( a populous City of Mandinga ) who receiving a full account of our King said , That none of 444 from whom he was descended , had any knowledge of more powerful Kings than four , which were those of Alimaen , Baldac , Grand Cayre and Tucurol . At this same time the King laboured to settle a Factory in the City Huadem , 70 Leagues to the Eastward of Arguim , as well for the Trade of Gold , as to have some intelligence of Prester Iohn , which he solicited by all means . Many were sent to these Discoveries by Land. But Death put a stop to King Iohn's farther progress in these affairs ; but cannot obscure the Glory due to him for propagating the Christian Faith in so remote parts , building the Forts of Arguim and St. George de la Mina , which fixed the Sovereignty of Portugal in Guinea that abounds in Gold , Ivory and all other Riches and Plenty , and the Gate that opened a way to the most Heroick Actions afterwards performed by the Portugues Arms. CHAP. IV. Discoveries under King Emanuel , from the Year 1497 , when he sent out Vasco de Gama , till the Year 1500. 1. KING Emanuel inherited not only his Predecessors Kingdom , but his earnest desire of finding a shorter passage by Sea to the East Indies . This attempt was generally condemned by the greater number , but carried by the more prevalent Judgments . The King being in the Town of Estremoz , when he appointed Vasco de Gama to Command the Fleet he designed to send . This was a Gentleman of sufficient Quality , Ability and Spirit for such a difficult Enterprise . The King honour'd him expressing the great confidence he had in him , and delivered the Colours he was to carry , on which was the Cross of the Military Order of Christ , and on which this worthy Hero took the Oath of Fidelity . 2. Having received Letters for the Princes of the East , among others Prester Iohn , and Zamori or the King of Calicut ; he sailed from Lisbon upon Saturday the 8th of Iuly with only three small Ships and 160 men . The Names of the Ships , St. Gabriel , St. Raphael and Berrio ; the Captains Paul de Gama , Brother to Vasco , and Nicolas Nunnez ; there went also a Barque laden with Provisions , Commanded by Goncalo Nunnez . Having passed the Seas already known to Portugues Sailers , they discovered others , and after five Months sail , landed on the Sands of a Bay , now called Angra de Santa Elena , because first seen on that Saints day . Here they took one of two Blacks who were busie gathering Hony in the Mountain , little thinking how far human Boldness carries men . This man pleased with some Glasses and small Bells , brought some others from a Village , in hopes of getting some of those things , and these being furnished brought many more . 3. Fernando Veloso , a daring Young Man , asked leave to go see the habitation of the Blacks ; but he returned with more speed than he went , being pursued to the shore , and a Shower of Arrows following as he got into the Boat. Vasco de Gama endeavouring to appease them , was wounded in the Leg , and because they would not hearken to him , he revenged himself with Cross-bows from aboard . The third day being the twentieth of November , he weighed and passed the Great Cape of Good Hope . On St. Catharines day they touched at Angra de San Blas , which is near the Island , where are found the Birds called Soliticairos made like a Goose , but with Wings like Batts ; this is 60 Leagues beyond the Cape . Here they exchanged some Merchandise , and observed the People garding their Cattle , some Women riding on Oxen , and some dancing to Pipes that made no contemptible Musick . But because as they coasted in order to find some Port , they found the Blacks appeared in greater numbers and warlike manner , he terrified them with firing some Guns . He took all the Provisions out of the Barque and burnt it . On St. Lucies day hapned a Storm , the more terrible because it was the first . On Christmas-day they saw the Land , which for that reason they called Terra de Natal , or Christmas-land , as also the River they named de los Reyes , or of the Kings , for being first seen on the day of Epiphany . Here Gama left two Men to inform themselves of the Country , and give him an account at his return . To this purpose he carried some Malefactors , their punishment being changed for these dangers . After dealing for some Ivory and Provisions , so much to the satisfaction of the Blacks , that their King came aboard , he went on as far as Cabo de Corrientes , and without seeing the Town of Zofala , passed 50 Leagues farther , and went up a River where were several Boats with Sails made of Palm . It was an encouragement to our Men to see these People , for that they understood something of sailing , a thing they had not seen in all those Coasts , and because they were not so black as the others , and understood the Arabick Letter . They concluded them more civilized by their Habit of several Colours , and divers sorts of Stuffs both Cotten and Silk . They said that to the Eastward lived White People , who sailed in Vessels like 〈◊〉 . This River Gama called de Bons Sinays , or of good Signs , for the information he got of what he looked for ; though he lost some Men , and many sickned , their Gums swelling out of their Mouths , and there was no cure but cutting , which proceeded from the badness of the Provisions . Sailing hence they again cast Anchor among the Islands of St. George , opposite to Mozambique , whence came several Zambucos or Boats in jovial manner , the Musick of several Instruments sounding in them . As they came near were seen some Black others almost White , all had Persian Veils , and were cloathed with Cotton of sundry Colours . They asked our Men boldly who they were , and what they wanted . Gama answered to the first part , and said he would answer to the rest when he knew whose that Town was . They said the Lord of it was Zacoeja , to whom all Vessels sent notice of their Arrival . Then Gama replied , that his Voyage was to India , and wanted a Pilot to conduct him to Calicut , that this was what he desired of the Xeque or Lord. He sent him some Presents , though not of great value , valuable for their rarity . 4. A Moor who carried the advice , returned with many thanks for the Presents with some fresh Meats , making excuses that the great distance was what hindred the Lord from visiting him . These Lucky beginnings moved Gama to attempt entring the Harbour , but meeting some danger he Anchored above the Town , which lies in 14 Degrees and half of South Latitude , and is encompassed by the Sea ; the Land about it is low and unhealthy , the Houses of Hurdles , that of the Lord and the Mosque of Mud Walls ; the Inhabitants were Strangers and Moors : this being between Quiloa , which lies above , and the Mine of Zofala below it . This place was ever much accounted of by our Seamen , being a most secure place to Winter in . The Natives of the Continent are Black. Here came aboard Gama three Ethiopians , who as soon as they spied St. Gabriel painted on the Poop , sell on their Knees , as those who had always preserved Christianity , which was preached among th●…m in the Primitive times , though now with some corruption . Vasco de Gama sent other Presents to the Lord , and they concluded a Peace , which was confirmed on our part by erecting a Cross there by the name of S●… George . But the Barbarians having de●…lly concluded this Agreement , our Men going for Wood , fourteen Boats fell upon them , pouring in abundance of Arrows , but being answered by our Cross-Bows and Guns , they never offered to molest us a second time . They sailed hence the 11th of March with one Morish Pilot ; he had hired two , but the other fled . Bad Weather obliged him to come to an Anchor again at St. Georges Island . He took in Water by force of Arms , the Blacks opposing it . And they encreasing to 2000 , he fired some Cannon , which killing some , the other with the fright fled to the Continent , leaving many in our hands . 5. The Xeque or Governour at first refused a Pilot , he they had being fled , but fearing it might be revenged , sent another so wicked , that he run the Ships among some Islands , which were called del Acotado , because the Pilot was there severely whipped for this fault . This punishment instead of amendment , provoked him to another fraud . He persuaded Gama to take the Port of Quiloa , by telling him there were Christians there ; but believing our Ships might be destroyed . The Currents drove the Ships off , and they came to an Anchor at the City Monbaza , which is an Island made by a River that falls into the Sea by two Mouths : The Buildings like those of Spain ; the Inhabitants all Moors , without any mixture of Christians , as the Pilot affirmed . Our Commander sent a Present to the King , and he deceitfully offered a kind reception . This inclined Gama to enter the Port , but it being God's Will to deliver him , the Ships fell off , and our Seamen making some extraordinary cry to bring them about , some Moors , who were aboard , thought they were discovered , taking this for a signal of Battle , they all leaped overboard , which undeceived the Commander , who sailing on , and chasing two Boats , he took one with 13 Moors . By them he was informed that not far off was the City Melinde , and there several Vessels from India . 6. Melinde is seated on the plainest of a Rocky Coast , encompassed with Orchards , Palm-trees , and Woods of Fruit-trees ; the Buildings great and sightly ; the Country as well stored with Cattle as Fruit ; the Natives Pagans , of Colour Swarthy , of Body Strong ; the Women are counted beautiful ; from the Waste downwards they wear Silks and Cottons ; on the Head , Veils with Gold-Laces . Most of the Merchants who trade here are of Guzarat , who in return of their Spice , carry Gold , Ivory , Amber and Wax . The King is a Mahometan , and is served with State and Splendor . Gama gave him an account of his Voyage by a Souldier , and how he stood in need of a Pilot. Some Presents and Complements having passed between them , they met on the Sea , where the King was pleased above all with th●… gift of the 13 Moors not long before taken . The Portugues feared the Moors kindness was deceitful ; but it proved otherwise , for the effect of this interview was a lasting Peace faithfully observed by the Portugueses and Moors . Here Gama discoursed with some Merchants of Cambaya , who aboard his Ship were seen to worship an Image of our Lady ; which shewed there were yet among them some foot-steps of the Preaching of St. Thomas the Apostle . He carried with him Melemo Cana of Guzarat , finding him so expert in Navigation , that being shewn an Astrolabe , he took little notice of it , as one who was used to more considerable Instruments . With this Able Pilot Gama set forwards , having first erected a Cross , which he called of the Holy Ghost ; and crossing that great Gulph of 700 Leagues , in twenty two days anchored 2 Leagues below Calecut . 7. Whilst our Discoverers rejoice at their arrival in India , let us give a general description of it , referring the particulars to the arrival of our Ships in those parts . The Region properly called India , is that which lies between the two noble Rivers , Indus or ▪ the West , and Ganges on the East . Of the first it takes Name , as does the most Ancient Kingdom of Delhi , the best and most powerful of this Country . Hence the Persians call it Indostan . On the South it is all girt by the vast Ocean . Encompassed by those Rivers it makes a sort of Peninsula , almost in the form of a Lozenge , or Rhombus of equal Sides , but not equal Angles . The two most distant opposite Angles lie North and South ; the latter is made by Cape Comori , the other towards the Fountains of the Rivers , which though distant in the Mountains , called by Ptolomy Imao , yet running down the Rivers come almost to meet . The distance between these Angles in a streight Line is about 400 Leagues . The other two opposite Angles , which lie East and West , and are distant 300 Leagues , are formed by the Mouths of the Rivers . They encompass as much Land on their two sides , as does the Ocean on the other two . Though all this Country be inhabited by Heathens and Mahometans , yet they differ in their Opinions and Customs , as they are divided into several Kingdoms , as Multan , Delli , Cospetir , Bengala , Orixa , Mando , Chitor , and Guzarat , commonly called Cambaya The Kingdom of Decan is divided into many Sovereignties , with Character of Kings , with that of Pale divided between both . That of Bisnagat , to whom are subject many Petty Princes ; and all the Province of Malabar divided into small Territories , some absolute , some subject to those already named . Had not Nature set Bounds to Human Ambition , separating these Countries with vast Rivers , Mountains , Lakes , Woods and Deserts , inhabited by sundry and innumerable Wild Beasts , they had all doubtless been under the Command of one Lord. The most remarkable Bounder of this vast Continent , is a long Ridge of Hills , which the Natives call Gate , that is , Mountains ; they run about 200 Leagues from North to South : on both sides between the Sea and the Hill run two long , but narrow Plains for about 80 Leagues , that on the West is called Malabar , on the shoar whereof is seated the City Calicut . It was then inhabited by Pagans , and resorted to by Mahometan Merchants . Their Kings were always of the Family of the Bramenes , among them esteemed most Religious and Learned , and great Observers of the Doctrine of Pythagoras . The People is divided into two Degrees , the Commons , whom they call Poleas ; and the Nobles called Nayres , who are valiant and skil'd in the Arms they use , and always wear Sword and Buckler ; so proud , that if but touched by a Commoner , they hold it as a great misfortune , and cleanse themselves by washing . This King of Calicut is the most powerful of all the Coast , and therefore for distinction called Zamori , as much as Emperor . The Kingdom took its name from the Metropolis , in which are many Stately Buildings of the Natives , for the Merchants do not mind it . It has no shelter for Ships , which are forced to Ride it out at Anchor in the Road. This is the place where we left the Discoverers . 8. Gama arrived here on the 20th of May ; he gave advice to the King , who was not then in the City , but sent him a Pilot to bring the Ships to a safer place . During this interval came acquainted with the Portugueses a Moor called Monzayde , who lived there , and told them in Spanish he had known them in Oran , and would be serviceable to them there . So it proved , for from that time he passed between Vasco de Gama and Zamori , upon all occasions with great fidelity , and at last died a Christian in Portugal . The third day our Commander went ashore with twelve others , a Catual , or Governour coming from the King to conduct him ; they were carried on Mens Backs with such ease , that the motion , though swift , is hardly to be perceived . Thus they were carried , many flocking about them , to a Pagod or Temple , equal , including all its Offices , to the greatest of our Monasteries . On the top of the Front were five Bells , and opposite to it a high Pillar of Brass , with a Cock on the top . Within the Gate attended four Bramens , covered from the Waste to the Knees with Cotten Cloaths ; and for a Badge of their Profession each had three Threads cross his Shoulders , hanking like a Shoulder Belt. They sprinkled them with Water , and gave Powder of Sandal to put on their Foreheads , all with great Ceremony , and no less Reverence than is used among us in taking the Holy Water in Church . About the Walls were painted several horrid Figures of Monsters and Wild Beasts . In the middle was a round Chappel of good Structure with Brass Gates ; within it was the Statue of a Woman , which by reason of the darkness could not be perfectly discovered . The Portugueses looking upon it , and asking what it was , the Malabars answered aloud , and with a joyful Reverence , Mary , Mary , Mary , and prostrated themselves on the ground . Our Men did the same , judging that to be the Image of our Lady , nor were they deceived , for it could be no other , those People many Ages before having professed Christianity . The throng of the People grew so great , they stopped the way , and with the eager desire of seeing the new Guests , almost stifled them . Having gone thus 5 Leagues , they came to the Palace , where they saw the King on a Rich Bed set out with Silk and Gold , his Looks full of Majesty , Cloathed with White Cotton strewed with Branches and Roses of Beaten Gold ; on his Head a thing like a Mitre set with many Pearls , his Arms and Legs naked , but on them Bracelets and Rings of Gold set with Rich Jewels . A Grave Person by his side held a Gold Plate with some Leaves of Betele , an Herb comfortable to the Stomach , which the Eastern Princes much use , chewing and swallowing the Juice of it . The eldest Bramen , who was next the Bed , and whose Age , Grey Hairs and Garb were Venerable , arose , and taking Vasco de Gama by the Hand presented him to that Great Emperor , who looked upon him friendly , but saluted him so scantly , that the motion of his Head could scarce be perceived , and made signs to the Bramen to make him sit down on the Steps of the Ascent whereon the Bed stood . He heard him , and answered in general Terms ; then took the Letter sent by King Emanuel , which was writ in Portugues and Arabick , keeping it to consult with his Ministers about the Answer , promising it should be speedy . The substance was only to settle a friendly correspondence between the two Crowns in order to a Free Trade , which might be to the advantage of both . Gama was entertained in the House of a Catual , or Governour , where the next day he endeavoured to gain him and the other Ministers with Presents , but they being inferiour to their Avarice , he found next time he spoke with them , that he had not won them ; but the King seemed more pleased than the first time , whence may appear the Good Will of a Prince is bought at a cheaper rate , than those who would govern them when raised to their Favour . In fine , he was content that a free Commerce should be setled between the two Kingdoms . 9. The Moors understanding this Agreement , envious of our success , and fearing the damage must ensue to their Trade , made many Objections against our admittance , assuring , that we who came now suing , would settle our selves forcibly in time to come . They bribed the Catual or Governour , and he perswaded the King , our Men were Pirats and not Embassadors . It was wonderful that the King , not knowing how to proceed , because there was none could satisfie him of the truth of this Business , he resolved to rely upon the Faith of him whom his Ministers accused ; for , as if he had known how odious a Lie , though to their advantage , was to the Portugueses , he sent for Vasco de Gama , declaring to him at large how he was informed his Embassie was feigned , and that he was some banished or fugitive Person , making him great offers of a kind reception in case it were so , and promising to rely upon his information for the credit of the whole matter . Gama heard the King with a great deal of firmness in his Countenance , and declared himself highly sensible of the great confidence the King reposed in him , in a most learned Speech , with powerful Arguments answered to all that had been laid to his Charge , and concluded with the same gravity and staidness he had kept through his long discourse . The King who had kept his Eyes fixed upon him all the time his harangue lasted , hoping by exteriour signs to discover the truth of his assertions , drew a conclusion from the security of his Looks , the elegancy of his Words and gravity of his Person , that there could no deceit be couched under such fair appearances , that the Moors proceeded malitiously , and his Ministers were imposed upon . Then very frankly bid him return to his Ships to land what Merchandise he brought , if any , and while that was disposed of , he would prepare such an Answer for the King , as should be to his satisfaction . 10. Vasco de Gama providing to return to his Ships , was detained by Order of the Governour , and finding himself Prisoner , left seven of the twelve he had brought as Hostages . He complained , but to no effect , the faithful Moor Moncayde solliciting for him with all possible diligence . Gama being abroad and finding no fair means could prevail to have his men restored , having called a Council , it was resolved to apply force ; accordingly he sent out after some Fishermen and took twenty of them : Immediately he let fly his Sails , making shew of departing , that they might send to stay him . And accordingly it succeeded , for the King informed of the reason why his Subjects were taken , ordered the seven Portugueses to be exchanged for them , and sent the Answer for our King , and excused the treachery of his People . The fortunate Gama steers homeward , the Moor Moncayde came voluntarily with him , and some of the Prisoners by force , who were not restor'd , it being thought convenient to bring some to shew , promising them they should return . 11. As he was leaving the Sea of Calicut , sixty Vessels , full of Armed Men , set upon and pressed him , but the Cannon being well played , they went off . Sailing along in sight of Land , he set up the Cross of St. Mary in an Island between Baranor and Baticale , which thence took name , with admiration of the Inhabitants . This was the sixth and last he set up this Voyage , they were St. Raphael , in the River Bons Sinays ; St. George , at Mozambique ; St. Stephen , at Melinde ; and St. Gabriel , at Calicut . Whilst he was erecting the last Cross , he writ a Letter to the Zamori or King of Calicut , by the hand of Moncayde , and sent it by a Fisherman of that place : In this Letter he excuses himself for carrying away those Prisoners , which he did not in satisfaction of the Merchandise taken from him , but as an earnest that he would return with them , when he had shewed them to his Prince , and they informed him of the state of their Country ; and that in recompence he would bring a perfect account of Spain . In this Voyage he discovered 1200 Leagues , drawing a strait Line from the River del Infante , found by Bartholomew Diaz , to the Port of Calicut ; for in sailing it is much more . Here he found the Island , the People of Canara call Anchediva , near the Continent , it is small , well shaded with Trees , of a wholsom Air , and has good Water . Anche or Ange singnifies Five , and Diva , Islands ; there being so many , but the Chief has carried the Name . He was here careening his Ships , taking water , and some respite , when a Pirat attacked him with eight small Vessels , so linked and covered with Boughs , that they looked like a small floating Island . He was somewhat surprized at first sight , but perceiving the danger that approached under those Leaves , he attacked it , and having put to flight seven , took one Vessel . The Name of this Pirat was Timoja , we shall hear of him hereafter . The Prince of Goa , by means of a Jew , endeavoured to draw Gama to his ruin ; the Jew from shoar making signs with a Cross , who being taken aboard , and put upon the Wrack , confessed he was sent with an ill design , and repenting , was baptized , and called Gaspar de Gama . Some of the men died whilst they were sailing acro●…s the Great Gulph between India and the Coast of Melinde . He Anchored in sight of the Town of Magadoxa , which stands on an open Coast , but is beautiful and strong . Not far from thence came out against him eight Boats well manned , but were soon repulsed . He came to Melinde , and was received by that King as a Friend . Being again under sail , the Ship St. Raphael struck and was lost , leaving that Name to those Sands . The men were saved by the other two Ships , and they parted by a Storm near Cabo Verde . Nicholas C●…ello arrived at Lisbon , believing his Commander was there before him , but he was burying his Brother , Paul de Gama , in the Island Tercera . Soon after he came up the Tagus , having been out two Years , and almost two Months . He carried out 160 men , and returned only with 55. They were all rewarded by the King. Vasco de Gama had the priviledge of being called Don , annexed to his Family ; to his Arms was added part of the Kings ; he had the Title of Admiral of the Eastern Seas , 3000 Ducats yearly , and afterwards the Title of Count Vidigueyra . Nicholas Coello was made a Fidalgo , which is Noble , and had a 100 Ducats a year . 12. Prince Henry , the First Author of thefe Discoveries , had built a Chappel on the Banks of the River a League below Lisbon , for the conveniency of Sailers . In the same place now did King Emanuel erect a stately Church to the same intent , and with the same name it had before , to wit , Our Lady of Bethlehem , placing the Statue of the Prince over the Great Gate , his own and the Queens over the lesser . This is a Monastery of the Order of St. Hierom , and for its security was built in the Water a strong Tower called St. Vincent , not great , but sightly . CHAP. V. Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1500 till the Year 1502. 1. THere were Publick Thansgivings through the Kingdom for the good success of this Voyage ; to these succeeded Feasts and Joyful Entertainments . And all mens expectation being raised with the glory of the Action and hope of ensuing Profit , it was consulted how to prosecute what was begun , and resolved , that according to the disposition they had found in the People of those Countries there was more need of Force than Intreaty , in order whereunto thirteen Vesses of several sizes were fitted , and Peter Alvarez Cabral was named Admiral . On the 8th of March the King delivered with his own hand to the Admiral the Flag of the Cross. The Shoar was covered with People , who flocked to see the Fleet sail . It contained 1200 Men , 8 Franciscan Friers , 8 Chaplains , and a Chaplain Major . The substance of their Instructions was , to begin by Preaching , and if that failed , to proceed to the decision of the Sword. 2. Twelve days the Fleet sailed with a fair Gale , but at Cape Verde a Storm arose , and one of the Vessels returned to Lisbon . In 10 degrees of South Latitude they saw a Tawny People with lank Hair and flat Faces : They fled from our Men , till halting all together upon ●…n eminence , they were spoke to in several Languages and by Signs , but all in vain . The Fleet passed on , and Anchored upon Easter Eve in a Port they called Seguro , or Safe , because it proved so to them . The People being affable , our Men landed and set up an Altar under a Tree , where there was Mass said and a Sermon preached , to which those Heathens were present with wonderful attention . The Admiral sent a Vessel to advertise the King of this discovery , and erected a Cross on a great Tree , calling the Country Santa Cruz , or Holy Cross. He also left there two Portugueses to enquire into the Customs , Language and Product of the Country . This is that large Province of America , called Brazill , for the abundance of that Wood which it produces , and hither had he been drove by Storms . Having left this Port , on the 12th of May he saw a Comet stretching its Tail to the Cape of Good Hope , which vanished in eight days , and was the forerunner of a terrible Storm , insomuch that the day growing dark , they could not see each other or hear , with the horrid noise of the Winds ; 20 days this Tempest lasted , and swallowed four Ships . The Admiral arrived with only six Ships of all his Fleet upon the 16th of Iuly on the Coast of Zofala . He chased two Ships , the one was stranded , the other taken , they belonged to Moors , and came from the Mine of Zofala , commanded by Xeque Foteyma . The Admiral treated him courteously , restoring all that was taken , because he was Uncle to the King of Melinde , who deserved well of the Portugueses for the kind Offices Vasco de Gama had received of him in time of need . Having quitted the Moor , he arrived at Mozambique on the 20th of Iuly , where he refitted and held on his Voyage . 3. Coasting along , he came to an Anchor before the antient and noble City Quiloa . Abraham , a Man renowed among his People , and rich with the Trade of Zofala , then reigned there . The Admiral sent him word , he had important Affairs to communicate to him from our King. The Answer was , that he should come ashoar and he would hear him . He replied , That according to his Instructions it was not permitted him to land , unless to fight such as refused the Friendship of Portugal ; but that in respect to such a Prince , he would meet him in a Boat in the middle of that Bay. This Answer was surprising , and Fear wrought more than Kindness . Several Boats were set out on both sides , richly adorned and filled with Musick . Our Commander proposed Amity , Trade and Religion . The Moor gave good words , but disguised ill designs . This known , a Councel was held , the Resolution was to go on , leaving the Revenge for a fitter opportunity , and thus they arrived at Melinde the second of August , where they were received with all kindness , not only upon account of the Friendship established with Vasco de Gama , but also for the Generosity wherewith Xeque Foteyma had been treated . They visited and presented each other . Ours which was considerable , was carried by the Factor Ayres Correa , together with a Letter from our King , writ in Arabick , which was so highly prised by that King , that to the end he might keep the Bearer ashoar that night , he sent the Admiral the Ring whereon was his Seal , the greatest security of those Kings . He told how much he was infested by the King of Monbaça for having admitted our Friendship , renewed and confirmed it with words and actions . Soon after our Ships sailed , having taken in two Guzarat Pilots , and set ashoar two Men in order to discover Prester Iohn's Country , the antient desire of our Princes . 4. On St. Bartholomew Eve they reached Anchediva . The Vessels were wash'd and tallow'd , they watered and dealt with the People by signs , and left them satisfied . Then they stood over for Calicut , and discovered it the 17th of September . The Natives beheld us with Pleasure and Admiration ; our Cannon was fired for joy , but struck a terror into the People on the Shoar , who fled . Ayres Correa , who had this employment at Melinde , went to advertise the King Zamori . He setled the manner how the King and Admiral should meet , which was done with much circumspection . There were given as Hostages for the safety of the Admiral , and such as should land with him , six of the Kings principal Ministers of the Family of the Bramenes , whose Names he brought from Portugal by the advice of Moncayde . The Prisoners that Vasco de Gama took , were also returned in performance of what he had writ to Zamori , and that they might give an account of what they had seen in Portugal . 5. The Embassie was delivered with much state , it tending only to the settling Peace and Commerce . After much delay proceeding from Jealousie , Peace was concluded and sworn to , and a House in the Town , with much difficulty , granted for the conveniency of Trade . Ayres Correa took possion of it with sixty able Men. The Merchants of Meca obstructed our getting lading , complaint was made to the King , but no redress . 6. The cause of it was the enmity between two Moorish Governours , one of the Sea , the other of the Land Affairs , the first called Coje Bequi , the other Coje Cemireci . This last was offended that our Factor had made greater application to the other than to him , and contrived to be revenged , as follows . He was informed there sailed from Cochin , a City distant about 30 Leagues , a very great Ship of Ceylon , bound for Cambaya with Elephants , who must pass before us . He therefore told the Factor , that the King having desired one of those Beasts , was refused it by the Owners ; that if our Men would take the Ship they would oblige the King , forward their own business , and possess themselves of a great quantity of Spice which the Merchants of Meca had there . His design was , that we should receive damage in the attempt , that Ship being of great bulk ; and to this purpose gave notice to the Owners , that they might be the better provided ; and in case that did not succeed , at least hereby we should disoblige the Merchants of Cochin . The Admiral sent after the Ship , Peter de Ataide in the St. Peter , who gave her chase , she made no account of our Vessel till some of our Balls reaching her , she bore upon us pouring in her shot , then made away , and was pursued and taken out of the Bay of Cananor . There were aboard seven Elephants , whereof one was killed by a Cannon Ball , and eaten by our men . This contrivance was of advantage to discover the Author , to terrifie the King , seeing such a Vessel taken by one that was not above the sixth part of her bulk , and to gain the Friendship of the King of Cochin ; for the Admiral discovering the fraud , restored the Ship to the Owners , making satisfaction for the damage . Here it was that Duarte Pacheco Pereyra gave the first marks of that Heroick Valour , which after made him renowned in all the World. 7. This evil design turned to our advantage , but not the next ; for the Ships having been there three Months , there were but two laden , and at a dear rate ; and the Factor suspecting that the Ships of Meca laded by night , which hindred ours , complained to the King , who ordered him to make Prize of such Boats. They entred and found nothing , for it was a contrivance of the Moors to incense the People against the Portugueses , and so it fell out , for the attempt being divulged , the Rabble rises in search of the Factor and his Company , whereof they suddenly slew forty ; the others with five Franciscan Fryers escaped that Storm . The Admiral before the blood of those slain was cool , in a rage burnt fifteen great Vessels in the Port , and battered the Town two days from the Ships , doing great damage , and killing above 500 men . 8. Then sailed to Cochin the Metropolis of the Kingdom , of the same Name , having by the way burnt two Ships they met belonging to Calicut . The King lived out of Town . The Admiral sent to advertise him of his coming by a Bramen , a Religious Malabar , one of those who wander naked , girt with Chains and daubed with Filth , who , if Heathens , are called Iogues , and if Moors , Calandars ; this man was afterwards baptized and called Michael . The King returned a favourable answer , and permitted us to lade Spice . It was done slowly , but without interruption . At Cranganor were found some Christians of St. Thomas , under Armenian Bishops . Two were brought to Portugal , one died and the other returned . Zamori of Calicut had gained the ill will of the Neighbouring Princes by his ill manner of proceeding with our men . Those of Cochin and Cananor desiring an opportunity of breaking with him , strove to draw the Portugues Fleet to their Ports . The Governours of Coulan , on the South of Cochin , sent to this effect to the Admiral , he returned thanks , though the Offer was not accepted , having already sufficient lading . He left Goncalo Gil Barbosa as Factor at Cochin with others , to provide lading for the next Ships should come . 9. He had promised to take in some Ginger at Cananor , he went thither to perform his word , and shew he was not afraid to appear before Calicut ; he found that King well affected towards us , who sent with him an Embassador ( he of Cochin sent two ) to King Emanuel with Presents , and offer of a Free Trade . About the middle of Ianuary the Admiral set out in order to return home . On the Coast of Melinde , one of the Ships was drove by bad Weather upon a Bank , the men saved . At Mozambique the rest were refitted , and one sent to settle a Trade at the Mine of Zofala . At Cabo Verde they found Peter Diaz , and his Vessel , which had been parted from them ; he had escaped many dangers by Sea and Land , chiefly in Port Magadoxa near Cape Guardafu . After the Admiral arrived also in Portugal , Peter de Ataide , who had been parted , and the other sent to the discovery of Zofala , with an account of it . 10. In March before this Fleet returned , sailed out of Lisbon four Ships with 400 men , commanded by Iohn de Nova , an able Seaman . In eight Degrees of South Latitude he found the Island he called of the Conception . Beyond the Cape of Good Hope , at the place called Agoado de St. Bras , they found in a Shoe a Letter writ by Peter de Ataide , who Anchored there after the Storm before spoken of ; it gave an account of the Voyage of Peter Alvarez Cabrall . In August they arrived at Mozambique , then at Quiloa , having found an Island , which from the Commander was called of Iohn de Nova . Short of Melinde they gave chase to two great Ships , one was taken , lightned and then burnt . At length they arrived at Cananor ; and that King desirous they should stay there , to oblige them discovered that the King of Calicut was sending against him forty great Ships . This which he thought would detain them , hastned their departure ; for Iohn de Nova , lest the King should think he staid for fear , sailed on towards Cochin , leaving ashoar four Factors , to prepare Goods against his return . In the Road of Calicut they found the Fleet ready , and falling on it lost never a Shot , pouring it in all that day and night , and part of the next ; there were sunk five great Vessels and nine Paraos , which are small ones , the rest fled to the City with the news . At Cochin , Nova took in his lading with speed , it being provided by the Officers Cabrall had left there to that purpose . He returned to Cananor and took the rest of his lading ; at his entrance into that Port he took a Ship of Calicut , plundered and burnt it ; the same hapned to another as he came out . In his return having passed the Cape of Good Hope , he found the Island of St. Helena not inhabited ; it has proved since a most advantagious place to all that use the India Trade , being provided with most excellent Water . It lies in 15 Degrees of South Latitude , distant from Goa 1549 Leagues , from Mozambique 1100 , from the Cape of Good Hope 520 , from Angola 370 , from St. George de la Mina 375 , from Brazil 540. from Lisbon 1100. CHAP. VI. Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Tear 1501 , to the Tear 1503. 1. THE Account Peter Alvarez Cabral brought , shewed it was requisite either to attempt making a great Fortune with a great Force , or else to quit the attempt . Some were of Opinion to desist , but the credit of so great an Action prevailed ; and though many were lost , the gain of those who returned was so great , that it outweighed the consideration of the damage . The King was inspired with the hope of carrying on what the Apostle St. Thomas had begun , and planting the Christian Religion in those Countries , and enlarging his Royal Titles by adding to them , as he did , those of Lord of the Navigation Conquests and Trade of Aethiopia , Arabia , Persia , and India , which were confirmed by the Pope . 2. The King was sensible , that to obtain a Great Name among so many , so powerful and so distant Nations , it was requisite to shew great Power ; therefore in March he set out Three Squadrons ; the first of ten Ships , commanded by Vasco de Gama , now on his Second Voyage . The second of five Ships under Vincent Sodre , which was to scour the Coast of Cochin and Cananor , and hinder the Trade of the Ships of Meca , watching the Mouth of the Red Sea. The third was under Stephen de Gama , but all subordinate to Vasco de Gama . The whole consisted of twenty Ships , and were gone before Iohn de Nova arrived . The King delivered to Vasco de Gama the Flag with great Honour in the Cathedral Church , giving him the Title of Admiral of the Eastern Seas . With him returned the Embassadors of Cochin and Cananor , much honoured by our King. They met off Cabo Verde a Caravel bound for Lisbon , with much Gold from the Mine . Don Vasco shewed some to the Embassadors , and they surprized , said it did not agree with the account the Venetian Embassador in Portugal had given them , that the Portugueses without the help of Venice could scarce put Ships to Sea. This was envy , because they were like to lose their Trade with Grand Cayre . 3. The Admiral arrived the 12th of Iuly at Quiloa , having lost two Ships in bad Weather . He entred furiously , firing all his Canon , and battering the Town in revenge of the ill usage others had received from that King. But he to prevent his total ruin , came in a Boat to appease the Admiral , offering to be subject , and pay Tribute to King Emanuel . Thus the Storm was converted into Joy. Sailing thence he was put by the Port of Melinde , and forced to anchor 8 Leagues below it in a Bay , whence spreading ▪ his Fleet that no Ship might escape him , he took several , but was most severe with those of Calicut . A Ship of great bulk called Meri , belonging to the Sultan of Cayre , most richly laden , and full of many Moors of Quality , who went Pilgrims to Meca , fell so unexpectedly into our hands , that she was taken without the least resistance , and all the Goods shifted into our Ships . But when 260 Moors perceived we were going to force the Vessel , in which , besides them , were above 50 Women and Children , laying hold of what Weapons were at hand , they beat the Boats from the sides ; a Ship coming to her assistance was almost taken , till another relieved it , and the Admiral coming up , the Enemies Vessel was boarded , and after a couragious resistance taken and burnt with all that were in her , except twenty Children who were afterwards baptized . 4. The Admiral sailed to Cananor , and had a meeting with the King upon the Shoar , and Persons were appointed to confer about the business of Trade . Then he sent a Letter to the King of Calicut , signifying to him , that the 260 Moors burnt in the Ship , were upon account for the Portugueses killed by his People ; and the twenty Children made Christians , for one Portugues turned Mahometan . That this was but the earnest of revenge he would soon take upon his City . Mean while they differed at Cananor about the Price of Spice , and at last some few men were left there to agree the matter , and many Threats sent the King for this usage . Then he set forward to perform what he had promised at Calicut . 5. As he coasted along , there met him a Boat , and in it four Noblemen sent by Zamori with offers extorted by fear . Don Vasco thought they might be advantagious ; but resenting that the Proposal was to rest content with the dustruction of almost 300 Moors and a rich Ship , in satisfaction for the loss of the Portugueses , he returned answer , that at his arrival he would burn and destroy the City . The Fleet spread , and took one Ship at anchor , and some Boats. The King prepared himself , but to no purpose ; for the Cannon playing , there was great distraction and confusion . He hanged thirty Moors at the Yard Arms ; then cutting off their Heads Hands and Feet , threw them into the Sea to be cast upon the Shoar by the Tide , warning them it was but a merciful death to what he designed for the Murderers of the Portugueses . Next , the Ship taken was fired , and then he sailed , leaving that Prince and City in a Consternation . 6. The King of Cananor , through fear , granted all he had denied to Entreaties . And the Admiral arriving at Cochin , and having seen the King , perceived it was true ( as he had been informed ) that those three Kings had combined to make him winter there by fraud , hoping thereby to destroy him , finding a Fleet of 200 Sail they had fitted out for that purpose was utterly lost by Storms . At length Peace and Amity was concluded with the King of Cochin , which proved not only advantagious then , but afterwards durable . Don Vasco among other Presents , gave him a Crown of Gold ; and he besides many other things of value , sent the King a Stone of great worth , as being a Sovereign Antidote against all Poyson . This Stone of the bigness of a Hazle Nut , is found in the Head of that Creature the Indians call Bulgodalf . The King of Cananor understanding the good Correspondence there was between Vasco de Gama and him of Cochin , and fearing our Fleet would not return to his Port , declared he was as ready to comply with the Admiral as the other , and received a satisfactory answer . Here Don Vasco received Embassadors , who said they came from some Christian Inhabitants of that Neighbouring Country , the Metropolis whereof was Cranganor , and they to the number of 30000 : That St. Thomas had preached to their Forefathers ; that they were subject to the Patriarch of Armenia ; that they were infested by the Pagans ; that they knew he was an Officer of the most Catholick King of Europe , to whom they submitted themselves , delivering into his hands the Rod of Justice . This Rod was Red , about the length of a Scepter , the ends tipt with Silver , with three Bells at the top . They were dispatched with hopes of a powerful assistance . 7. Whilst the Ships were lading at Cochin , a Bramen of Note , with his Son and Nephew , offered himself to Don Vasco , signifying a desire of coming to Portugal to be instructed in the Faith , and proposing methods of reconciliation with the King of Calicut . He found credit , because his Son and Nephew were to remain as Hostages ; and the Admiral sailed for Calicut in a great Ship , accompanied by only one Caravel , hoping to meet Vincent Sodre , who was gon to set the Embassadors ashore . But he being attacked by the Moors , though he worsted them , was gone to Cananor . The Bremen was landed , and carrying several Messages back and forward , gave time for fitting 100 Paros or great Boats , which suddenly one morning hemmed in the Admiral so boldly , that many offered to board him with Fireworks to burn the Ship. It began to take fire , when cutting the Cable she put off the Fireship , and the Boats to avoid it were discovered , but much more by our Cannon , which being at good distance took effect . Sodre receiving advice by the Caravel the Admiral had sent , when first he missed him , came in good season , and all together charged the Enemy in such manner , they were put to flight with great loss . The Hostages were hanged at the Yard Arms in sight of the City , and then put into a Boat with a Letter for the King , desiring him to accept of that Present in return for his Messengers contrivance . The Admiral returned to Cochin , and being dispatched , left there in a wooden House built for that purpose with the King's leave , a Factor and 32 Portugueses . Then sailed with his ten Ships for Cananor ; not far from Pandarane there met him twenty nine of the King of Calicut . He sent out three Vessels to engage the two foremost of the Enemies , which was performed with such vigour , that when the Admiral came up , the two were taken , the rest fled , 300 Moors killed . The Booty was considerable , the chief thing an Idol of Gold , weighing 30 pound , of monstrous shape , his Eyes were two Emrauds , on his Breast was a very large Ruby , and part of him covered with a Cloak of Gold set with Jewels . Sodre was left there to guard the Coast and Factories ; the Admiral continued his Voyage . He arrived at Lisbon with nine Ships richly laden , and with publick pomp carried the Tribute he with much honour had received of Quiloa , whereof the King ordered to be made a Custodium of Gold for the Church of our Lady of Bethlehem , and gave all his share of such Prizes as should be taken , to the use of that Structure . CHAP. VII . Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1503 , till the Year 1505. 1. THE King of Calicut envying the advantage he of Cochin made of our Trade , got together 50000 men at Patane 16 Leagues from Cochin , with other preparations for War. The People of Cochin fearing that Power , were for delivering up the Portugueses to him of Calicut , who demanded nothing more . But Triumpara , King of Cochin , refused , and went out with three Nephews , and small force to meet the Enemy . At the first charge he was forsaken by some of his Nobles , yet assisted by the Portugueses , valiantly maintained a Pass , till his Nephews being killed , whereof one was General , he was forced to fly and secure himself in the Island Vaipi , near to and more tenable than Cochin , which was burnt ; and he persisted in not delivering up the Portugueses ; a notable example of Fidelity in a Heathen , scarce to be parallel'd among Christians . 2. Whilst the People of Cochin were beseiged in the Island , there sailed from Lisbon nine Ships under three distinct Commanders . The first was Alfonso de Alburquerque , the second Francis de Alburquerque , and the third Antony de Saldanna . The three last were to cruise in the Mouth of the Red Sea against the Ships of Meca ; the others to return with their lading . Francis de Alburquerque arrived first with more Ships than he brought out , having met with those of Vincent Sodre , who was cruising upon the Indian Coast and distressed by Storm ; as also a Vessel that had been separated from D. Vasco de Gama . Sodre had taken four Ships of Calicut , which he carried to Cananor , and burnt several small Vessels ; but this hapned before the invasion of Cochin , to whose King he had offered his assistance , but was not admitted ; and sailing thence touched at Zocotora and Guardafu , and on the Coast of Arabia took some Vessels of Cambaya and Calicut . Winter coming on he took shelter in a Bay near the Islands Curiamuria , and found the Moors of that Coast called Baduiis , who live by their Cattle , were tractable ; and after two Months they advised Sodre to seek a better Harbour , because about that time there arose such Storms in that place that he would be lost . He would not credit them , believing they said it only to be rid of him , but sound they spoke truth , being lost with his Brother , and all the men in a sudden Tempest , the other Vessels with great danger , and suffering much through hunger and thirst escaped , met Francis de Alburquerque , and arrived with him at Cochin . The Commander sent the King a Present into the Island , part whereof was 10000 Ducats in Mony. Then going ashoar the King ran and embraced him , crying , Portugal , Portugal ; and all the People with great cries repeat Portugal , Portugal ; and the Portugueses to return the civility , cried Cochin , Cochin . The Commander comforted the King , giving him assured hopes in the assistance of his Ships and the others he expected . Not to lose time , he fell upon those who held the Island of Cochin for the King of Calicut , and killing many expelled the remainder ; then passed to Vaipi , restoring that Country to its lawful Prince . The Lord of Repelim his Lands were wasted with Fire and Sword , and only four Portugueses lost in this action . The joy Triumpara conceived in being restored by our assistance , moved him to grant us leave to build a Fort in Cochin . The work was begun when Alfonso de Albuquerque arrived , and it was called the Fort of St. Iames , and a Church then built , dedicated to St. Bartholomew . 500 men were put aboard some Vessels taken from the Enemy , who burnt Repelim after a stout defence made by 2000 Nayres . Alfonso de Albuquerque ambitious of performing some notable Exploit by himself , advanced against a Town , when a multitude of expert Heathens issuing , brought him into great danger , and the more by the assistance of thirty three Vessels of Calicut ; but Francis his Brother coming up , they were put to flight , and many killed , as were 700 in the Island Cabalam , where they thought to secure themselves . Duarte Pacheco destroyed another Town , killing many of the Inhabitants . As our men sailed ( though victorious ) spent with fatigue , fifty Ships of Calicut met them , the number surprized them , but our Cannon being well played , the Enemy fled . Antonio do Campo carried the news of this success to Portugal . 3. Pepper was bought with some expence of blood . The Queen of Coulam offered lading for two Ships , Alburquerque went thither , and setled a Trade as in Cochin ; and to manage it left there a Factor and twenty six men . The King of Calicut perceiving our success , desired Peace , it was granted upon our Conditions , some being put in execution , he put a stop to the rest . He loved the Conveniency , but hated the Means , and again prosecuted the War. The King of Cochin representing how just he had been to us , desired some able Commander might be left there with a number of men to his assistance . The demand was reasonable , it was therefore resolved that Duarte Pacheco with his Ship and two Caravels , and 100 men should be left there . Alfonso and Francis de Alburquerque returned towards home . The first arrived safe , and among other things brought the King forty pound of Pearls , and four hundred of the small ; a Diamond of wonderful bigness , and two Horses , one a Persian the other an Arab , which were held in great esteem , being the first that were brought to the Kingdom . Francis de Alburquerque , and the Ships under his Command were never more heard of Peter de Ataide , who followed them , having escaped a Storm , was found with his men at Melinde . 4. Antony de Saldanna , the last of the three Commanders , and who was sent to cruise in the Mouth of the Red Sea , having lost Diego Fernandez Pete●…a came to an Anchor at St. Thomas . Short of the Cape of Good Hope was made famous a place by the name of Aguada del Saldanna , or Saldannas watering place , not for any Water he took , but the Blood of his Men shed there , endeavouring to land . At this time a Storm had parted from him Ruy Lorenço , driving him up to Mozambique , whence he held his course to Quiloa , where he took some small Prizes . An ambition of doing something more remarkable , carried him to the Island Zanzibar , 20 Leagues short of Monbaça , where he took twenty small Vessels . Then he appeared before the Town of that name . The King of it designed to take the Ship with a number of Paraos , or Boats ; but our Long Boat going out with thirty men , killed several , and took four Paraos . The King appeared on the Shoar with 4000 men commanded by his Son , who was killed with some others by the first Volley . Their loss produced our safety , for one of them running from their Croud , with Colours bearing the Arms of Portugal , Peace was concluded , that King agreeing to pay 100 Meticales of Gold yearly , as tributary to Portugal . Thence he visited Melinde , whose King was oppressed by him of Monbaça , for his friendship to us . This obliged Ruy Lorenço to stand in ; by the way he took two Ships and three Zambucos , small Vessels , and in them twelve Magistrates of the City Brava , who , as such , submitted that City to Portugal , with the yearly Tribute of 500 Meticales . The two Kings came to a Battle , and parted upon equal Terms . Now came Antony de Saldanna , whereupon he of Monbaça came to an agreement . Beyond Cape Guardafu , and in the Islands Canacani they worsted some Moors who would hinder their watering : On the upper Coast of Arabia they burnt a Ship laden with Frankincense , and forced ashoar another that carried Pilgrims to Meca . But whilst they sail to India , let us see what is doing at Cochin . 5. Zamori of Calicut called ●…gether the Kings and Lords of Malabar , and there resorted to him those of Tanor , Bespur , Cotugan and Corin , and ten Lords of equal Power , besides the Lesser . They drew together 50000 men , as well for Land as Sea ; for the Sea were 4000 men in 280 Paraos , Caturs , and Tonees , Vessels of several sorts , with 382 Cannons to batter the new Fort ; all the rest was for the Land to attack the Ford of a River that passed to the Island ; these were commanded by Naubea D●…ring , Nephew and Heir to him of Calicut , and by Elancol , Lord of Repelim . The King of Cochin was in fear , seeing many of his Subjects desert , but Duarto Pacheco , who commanded the Portugueses , encouraged him . Pacheco put himself into a posture of Defence . Into the Ship he put 25 men , into the Fort 39 , into the Caravel 26 , into a Boat 23 , he was in another with 22 ; besides these , 300 Malabars attended him ; the King with his Forces was to guard the City . Thus he went to meet Zamori , and finding him quartered in a Village , attacked it , and did much harm . There hapned three fierce ingagement●… about gaining the Pass ; in the first the Enemy lost 20 Paraos sunk by the Cannon , and 180 Persons of Note , above 1000 private men . In the second 19 Paraos and 360 men . In the third 622 Paraos , and 60 fled , and 15000 men by Land , and among them Zamori ; Pacheco pursuing , burnt four Towns. 6. The Moors that were with the King of Cochin ●…ve intelligence to the Enemy . The King gave Pacheco leave to punish them . He took five , secured them , and gave out they were hanged , which the King and all his People rese●…ed . Zamori returns and attempts another Ford. Iames Perez and Peter Raphael with two Caravels and some Boats were posted , where the Lord of Repelim was to attack with 3000 men , sustained by the Prince Naubeadarim with his men . At this time 300 Moors deserted Pacheco ; he wanted Powder , and the Prince of Cochin , to whom he sent for it , did not relieve him , for the Messenger treacherously forbore delivering the message . But Pacheco overcoming all difficulties , killed 650 of Zamori's men , who retired to a Grove of Palm-trees , where nine of his men were killed so near him by a Cannon Ball , that he was sprinkled with their Blood. After this he lost 6000 men by the Plague . 7. Great were the preparations the King of Calicut made , and the mean time fatigued Pacheco with several stratagems and treacheries . The Bramen Conjurers proposed the making a Powder , which being thrown in our mens Eyes , would blind them , and so they would be easily overcome ; besides they had a new invention of Castles that were to destroy them ; and the Moors of Cochin were underhand bribed to poyson the water of the Island . The Powder was looked upon as ridiculous , but great care was taken by Pacheco to prevent the Poyson . The Castles began to appear , and were eight in number , fifteen foot high , and placed upon two Boats each , and carried many men . Pacheco had a 160 men divided into four parts , the Foord , the Fort , the Caravels and the Ship , and herein consisted the principal strength of the Kingdom of Cochin ; for of the 30000 men the King had at first , there were now but 8000 left , many of the Principal Men having deserted . Zamori had brought 80000 men , and lost 20000. Whilst the Towers were preparing Pacheco was attacked by a number of Paraos , in one attack he killed some men , and took five Boats ; in another eight with thirteen Cannons . Six bold Nayres offered to kill him , and in order thereto came over as Deserters , but he having intelligence , apprehended and sent them to the King. Zamori gave out that the Portugueses at Cochin were all killed , to the intent those who resided at Cananor and Coulam should be destroyed ; they were in great danger , one or two killed , and many wounded . The King of Cochin , though he saw the great danger that threatned him , was resolved to endure the utmost miseries , rather than abandon the Portugueses , but feared those few must at last be overpowred by the multitude of the Enemy , and the danger of those brave men grieved him more than his own ; he therefore most earnestly entreated Pacheco to quit that enterprize , and save himself and men for some opportunity wherein he might do his Prince greater service . But Pacheco bid the King be of good courage , and not dishearten his Subjects with any signs of fear , but exhort them to stand firm , and thereby they should overcome all difficulties . And fearing lest some Portugueses , by his example , might faulter in his resolution of dying or conquering , he went aboad the Ship , and made to them a most learned , copious and resolute Speech , which gave new vigour to them all ; but much more his speedy Orders , and Couragious Activity shewn at that very time ; for scarce was the Speech ended , when the Enemy came to assail him ; the Enemies design was to burn our Ships , and therefore those Castles were drove towards them , all the Front flaming . But Pacheco who perceived their intent , threw over long Beams , one end whereof resting against the Ship , the other hindred the approach of those burning Castles . 8. The Enemy appeared with 290 small Vessels , well stored with Men and Artillery , and eight Castles , one carrying 40 men , two 35 each , and every one of the other five 30 men , before all came the Fireworks . The Shoar was covered by 30000 men , with good Artillery ; at the Head of them the Lord of Repelim , with a vast number of Pioneers . The Fight began , the odds being almost 300 Vessels to three . At first the Artillery wrought no effect , but being continued tore those Towers , and the Smoak being somewhat allayed , the Sea appeared covered with broken Boats , Arms , dead Bodies , and others strugling with Death ; the Fight was renewed with great loss to the Enemy , and not one Portugues killed . Next day Zamori returned , and was beaten off with greater damage , having lost 18000 men in the space of five Months that this service lasted . The King by the advice of his Bramens , retired to do Pennance , and by consent of his Councel desired a Peace , which the King of Cochin granted . At this time Pacheco received a Message from the Factor at Coulam , desiring he would come to assist him against five Ships of Moors who obstructed his Market of Pepper . Pacheco went with all speed , and they submitting , he took the Pepper at their own rate , without doing them any harm . He hindred others from coming into that Harbour , and returned to Cochin with the Glory of having struck a general terror through all that Coast. 9. King Emanuel being informed by D. Vasco de Gama , how necessary it was to appear with a greater Force in India , fitted out a Fleet of 13 Ships , the biggest had yet been built in Portugal , and gave the Command of them to Lope Soarez , and in them 1200 men . The first Land of India he touched at was Anchediva , where Antony de Saldanna and Ruy Lorenco were refitting , in order to cruise on the Coast of Cambaya upon the Moors of Meca . But Lope Soarez took them along with him to Cananor , where he staid to give the necessary Orders , and then appearing before Calicut , had some Prisoners , who were taken in the late War , delivered to him ; but because they did not give up all , he battered the City two days , wherein he ruined great part of it , and killed 300 Inhabitants , and then sailed to Cochin at the time that Pacheco was upon his return from Coulam . The King informed him of the damage he received from Cranganor , a Town but 4 Leagues distant , and fortified by Zamori . 10. Lope Soarez with great secrecy provided 20 Vessels , and sailed with them up the River , where he found 5 Ships and 80 Paraos well manned ; which two Ships of ours who had the Vanguard , burnt after a sharp engagement . Then he sailed on , the Prince of Cochin was to join him , but came late . A multitude of Indians and Moors covered the Shoar , who with Showers of Arrows endeavoured to hinder our landing , but our Musquetiers made way , and having reached the Town , it was burnt down to the ground , and the Prince of Calicut who was to have guarded it , fled . This Victory and another obtained by the King of Tanor against that Prince , wherein Lope Soarez was to assist him , though the Succour came late , produced a friendly Peace with that King. 11. Lope Soarez left Manuel Tellez Barreto with four Sail to secure the Fort of Cochin , and set sail in order to return home , with design first to fall upon Banane , a Town subject to Calicut . He was met by twenty Paraos , who freely bestowed their Shot , drawing him into a Bay , where were seventeen great Ships well-stored with Cannon , and with 4000 men . The Ships were all burnt with their lading , which was very rich , and 700 Turks drowned , besides what perished by Fire and Sword ; this Victory cost twenty three men . It was the beginning of Ianuary , when Lope Soarez sailed hence , and he arrived at Lisbon on the 22d of Iuly with thirteen Victorious Ships laden with Riches ; three were of the foregoing years Fleet ; of his own he lost Peter Mendoza , who being st●…nded 14 Leagues from Aguada de S. Bras was never more heard of . One of the other three was that of Diego Fernandez Peteyra , who after taking several Prizes , on the Coast of Melinde , discovered the Island Zocotora . The King placed Duarte Pacheco ( who had so bravely defended Cochin ) by his side under a Canopy , and went with him in that manner to Church , to honour his great Valour . But soon after imprisoned , and suffered him to die miserably : A terrible example of the uncertainty of Royal Favours , and the little regard that is had to True Merit . CHAP. VIII . Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1505 , and beginning of the Government of Don Francisco de Almeyda , first Governour and Viceroy of India , till the Year 1509. 1. BEfore these Discoveries , the Spice was brought to Europe with vast trouble and charge . The Clove of Malucco , the Nutmeg and Mace of Banda , the Sandal of Timor , the Camfir of Borneo , the Gold and Silver of Luconia , and all the other Riches , Spices , Gums , Perfumes , and Curiosities of China , Iava , Siam , and other Kingdoms were carried to the Market of the City Malaca , seated in the Golden Chersonesus , whence the Inhabitants of all the Western Countries as far as the Red Sea , brought them , dealing by way of barter ; for no Mony was used , Silver and Gold being of less value there , than with them that traded thither . This Trade it was enriched the Cities of Calicut , Cambaya , Ormuz and Aden adding to what they brought from Malaca , the Rubies of Pegu , the Stuffs of Bengala , the Pearls of Calicare , the Diamonds of Narsinga , the Cinnamon and richer Rubies of Ceylon , the Pepper , Ginger and other Spice of the Coast of Malabar , and other places Nature had enriched therewith . From Ormuz they were brought to Europe up the Persian Gulph to Bacora at the Mouth of Euphrates , and thence distributed in Caravans through Armenia , Trebisond , Tartary , Aleppo and Damascus , and then at the Port of Barut upon the Mediterranean , the Venetians , Genoese and Catalonians laded with them to their respective Countries . Such as came up the Red Sea were landed at Toro or Sues , Towns at the bottom of that Streight , thence went in Caravans to Grand Cayre , so down the Nile to Alexandria , and thence shipped off . Many Princes , and particularly the Soldan of Cayre , being great losers by this new way found by the Portugueses , they endeavoured to drive them out of India . 2. The Soldan endeavoured to work his ends by a Wile , and therefore gave out , that he was going to destroy the Temple and Holy Places of Ierusalem . Father Maurus of Mount Sinai , fearing the execution , offered to go to Rome to the Pope to procure an accommodation . The Soldan , who desired nothing more , gave him a Letter to the Pope , signifying that his Reasons for destroying those Places , were in revenge of the damage done to his Trade . The Pope sent the same Father Maurus to Portugal . But the Purport of his Message being already known before his arrival , the King made such Preparations , that he returned with admiration , carrying more from Portugal to relate at Cayre , than he brought thence to recount here . However the King gave considerable Alms for the Convent , and answered the Pope , shewing that his Intentions in those Eastern Discoveries tended to the Propagation of the Faith , and extending the Jurisdiction of the See of Rome . 3. On the 25th of March sailed from Lisbon a Fleet of twenty two Ships , eleven of them were to return with Merchandise , and eleven to remain in India ; they carried 1500 fighting men , and were commanded by Don Franciso de Almeyda , who went to govern in India with the Title of Viceroy , and gave great demonstrations of his Prudence and Courage . The second of Iuly hapned a terrible Storm , which tearing to pieces the Sails of Diego Correas Ship , carried three men overboard ; two were lost , the third cried from the Water they should have an Eye after him , for he would keep above water till the next morning , and the next morning the Storm ceasing , they took him up , his name was Fernando Lorenço . Don Francisco de Almeyda arrived at Quiloa with only eight Vessels , the others were separated by stress of Weather , and one lost , but the men saved . He entred that Port and saluted as usual , but was not answered , whereupon he complained to the King. He at first framed excuses , and avoided coming to a Conference , though Don Francisco attended in the place appointed , which set him upon studying revenge . After a Council held , it was resolved to erect a Fort in that place , as was desired by King Emanuel . Having promised some description of all such places as we took possession of , it will be fit to insert here that of the Country , City and Fort of Quiloa . 4. From Cape Guardafu , the most Western point of Africk , to Mocambique are 550 Leagues , a hollow Coast like a Bow when bent . From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes 170 Leagues ; thence to the Cape of Good Hope 340 Leagues ; hence the Coast runs bowing to the Westward as far as the Borders of the Kingdom of Congo ; but by reason of its great length , appears to the Eye to run strait to the Northward . Drawing a Line from the Southern borders of Congo cross the Continent Eastward , there remains to the Southward that great portion of Africk , to which the Barbarous Inhabitants have given no name , but was called by the Persians Caffaria , and the Inhabitants Cafres , which signifies a Rude People , without Law or Government ; and our late Geographers call it Ethiopia Inferior . Above this on the East , runs for above 200 Leagues that Coast which we call . Zanguebar ; but the Arabians and Persians give this name to all the Coast as far as the Cape of Good Hope . Above Zanguebar as far as Point Guardafu , and Mouth of the Red Sea , is that which the Arabs call Aiam , or Aiana , inhabited by the same Arabs , and the Inland by Heathen Blacks . Most of this Coast is very low , and subject to inundations , covered with impenetrable Woods , which made it excessive hot and unhealthy . The Natives are black , of curled Hair , Idolaters , so gi-given to Superstition , that upon frivolous motives they give over the most important Designs , as it hapned to the King of Quiloa at this time ; who because a Black Cat crossed him at his coming out , failed of meeting Don Francisco de Almeyda . The Cattle , Fruit and Grain is answerable to the wildness of the Country . The Moors who inhabit the Coast and adjacent Islands , are little given to Tilling , and feed upon Wild Beasts , and some loathsom things ; those who live in the Inland , and have commerce with the Barbarous Cafres , make use of some Milk. Nature has stored the Country with much Gold , that those People might inhabit it , and our Covetousness , though at such distance , find them out . It was Covetousness that first drew thither the Arabs , called Emozaydii , that is , subjects of Zayde , who built two considerable Towns , only sufficient to secure them against the Cafres . These continued so , till great numbers of other Arabs , who were Neighbourers of the City Laçab , 40 Leagues from the Island Baharem in the Persian Gulph , came over thither , whose first Plantation was Magadoxa , and after Brava ; the former became the Metropolis . The first Arabs separated from these , and mixing with the Cafres , were called Baduiis . The first that had the Trade of the Mine of Zofala , were those of Magadoxa , who discovered it accidentally . Thence they spread themselves , but never durst pass Cape Corrientes , a Point opposite to the Westermost part of the Island Madagascar or St. Laurence , and takes its name from the violent Current of Water which often endangers Ships there . But along these Coasts they possessed themselves of Quiloa , Monbaça , Melinde , the Isles of Pemba , Zanzibar , Monfia , Comoro , and others . Quiloa was the chief of all their Plantations , and thence many were spread , particularly on the Coast of Madagascar . The Sea by degrees wearing away both sides , made Quiloa an Island . It bears many Palm and Thorn-trees , and divers Herbs and Plants ; Cattle , Wild Beasts , and Birds , much after the same manner as Spain ; the Buildings also after our manner , flat at the Top , with Gardens and Orchards behind . On one side is the Royal Palace , built in the manner of a Fort ; the Gate to the Sea opposite to the Anchoring place , where ours at that time were . 5. Don Francisco de Almeyda , having resolved to land , was the first that touched the Shoar with 500 men . He and his Son Laurence at the same time attacked the City in two places . Our men had enough to do to cover themselves with their Shields from the showers of Arrows that flew , yet they advanced ; but finding the greatest damage they received was from the tops of the Houses , they entred and gained some of them , and thereby so much advantage , that the King fled , and set up in the Field Portugues Colours , which stopt the Current of the Conquerors , till he had got over to the Continent with his Wives and Riches . The City was plundered , and not one man lost in this Action , though a considerable number of the Enemies was killed . 6. Mir Abraham now overcome , was but an Usurper , but the 44th Possessor of that Island , of which number many were Tyrants like him . A Kinsman of this Abraham , called Mahomet Anconii had been very faithful and serviceable to the Portugueses ; to requite him Don Francisco ordered when the City was plundered , that nothing appertaining to him should be touched . And after all was setled , sent for , and declared him King of that place , putting a Crown of Gold upon his Head with much Pomp and Ceremony . It was a wonderful act of Moderation in this Barbarian , that as soon as the Crown was on his Head , he declared , that had the lawful King Alfudail , murdered by the late Usurper , been living , he would have resigned that Crown to him , but since he could not do it , he desired the Son of the said Alfudail might be sworn hereditary Prince , though he himself had Children for whom he might covet that Inheritance . This Example in a Heathen might confound the inhuman insolence and barbarity in Christians ( at least those who pretend to the name ) who wade through Seas of Blood , ●…end the most Sacred Bonds of Consanguinity and Alliance ; spoil Provinces , oppress the Good , exalt the Wicked , make Honesty , Treason ; and Perjury , Duty ; and Religion , a property to work their ambitious cursed ends , to wit , to snatch Scepters and Crowns from the Hands and Heads where the Eternal Providence has most worthily placed them . 7. All things being again setled , Don Francisco in twenty days raised a Fort , the Gentlemen , Captains and he himself working at it . He put into it 550 men , and left a Caravel and a Brigantine to cruise there . The 8th of August he set sail for Mombaça , and arrived there with 13 Sail. The City Mombaça is seated in an Island , which is about 14 Leagues in circumference ; it is beautiful and strong ; before it is a large Bay capable of many Ships . Before he entred , two Vessels were sent to sound the Bar , which is commanded by a Platform with eight Pieces of Cannon , which began to play upon them that were fadoming , but they repaid the Courtesie so fortunately , that a Ball falling among the Enemies Powder did great harm , and they quitted the Work. The like success was against two lesser Works , so that our Fleet entred without further resistance . Don Francisco was told the King was prepared , and had hired 1500 Archers of the Cafres besides his own men . He sent a message to him , but was not hearkned to , and only answered , that the Moors of Mombaça were not to be frighted with the noise of Cannon , like those of Quiloa . Don Francisco enraged that some men had been wounded , attempting to burn the Ships of Cambaya in the Port , without succeeding , landed his men and marched to the City . 8. He entred the Town the 15th of August , and drove the Enemy out at the other end , and among them the King , whose Pallace he had possessed himself of , and planted thereon a Cross , and here received the News of the Victory at Sea , the Ships having been burnt as he ordered . In this Action were lost five Portugueses ; of the Moors 1513 killed , and 1200 taken , whereof he kept but 200 , discharging the rest , the Ships being heavy with Plunder ; after which the City was burnt to the ground . Some of the Ships which had been separated by the Storm , joyned the Fleet here . Don Francisco dispatched two before him to carry the News of what he had done , and the necessary Orders till he came . He set out for India with 14 Ships , and anchored in the Bay called Angra de Santa Elena , where he found Iohn Homem , Captain of a Caravel , who having been distressed by Weather had discovered some Islands , and met some of the Ships that had lost the Fleet. Sailing thence , the first Port of India where he touched , was Anchediva . 9. Anchediva ( as was said before ) is the chiefest of five Islands , where the King had ordered a Fort to be built , which was now put in execution . Hither the King of Onor sent Embassadors to Don Francisco with Presents . Hither came to meet him Considerable Men , though Merchants , assuring him of the Good Affection of their Prince to the Portugueses . Hither the Neighbouring Moors of Cincatora brought Gifts to him . All was the effects of Fear , produced by the Fame of his Actions . He was informed there was not far from him a Fort , strong by Nature as well as Art , built by the Prince Sabago , and garrisoned with 800 men , being seated on the Banks of the River Aliga and Borders of Onor ; he sent his Son Don Lorenço on pretence of a Friendly Visit to take a view of it , which he effected , remaining there some days . 10. The Fort being finished , he put a Captain and 80 men into it , leaving a Galeon and two Brigantines to cruise there , and then sailed to the Port of Onor . He was ill received , and resolved to shew himself as terrible there as he had done at Mombaça and Quiloa . The Inhabitants perceiving it , amused him with excuses till they had secured their Wives , Children and Goods in a neighbouring Mountain , and then appeared with shouts and motions , endeavouring to terrifie rather than seem fearful . Don Francisco marched by land , and sent his Son with 150 men in Boats to burn some Ships ; and though innumerable Arrows flew , and Don Francisco was wounded with one , the Town and Ships were fired at the same time . The Wind being in our mens Faces , the Smoak of the Fire did them much harm ; but Don Lorenço taking a compass avoided it , and fell upon 1500 of the Enemy . The confusion was great on both sides , but more on ours , our men beginning to give ground , till Don Francisco coming up , they took heart and drove the Enemy to the Mountain . Timoja Governour of the City , and Owner of some of the Ships that were burnt , and a man of Graceful Presence , with discreet words appeased Don Francisco , and stopt the ensuing ruin . He excused his King , and in his Name offered Vassalage to Portugal . This done Don Francisco sailed to Cananor . CHAP. IX . Conquests under King Emanuel in the Year 1506 , and Government of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda . 1. BEcause the Government of Don Francisco de Almeyda was the Foundation of our Security and Conquests in India , it will be necessary here to say some things of its Ports and Chief Places along the Sea Coasts . Asia is divided from Europe by the River Don or Tanais , and the Euxine or Black Sea , and Streights of the Dardanels . From Africk by the Red Sea , and a Line drawn from Suez , the utmost Port thereof , to the Mediterranean , cross that narrow Neck of Land which joyns these two parts of the World , and is 24 Leagues in length . The different Religions there practised , may be reduced to four principal ones , the Christian , the Mahometan , the Pagan and the Jewish . That part of Asia which makes most to our purpose , may be divided into nine parts , as it runs along the Coast. The first beginning to the Westward , commences at the Mouth of the Red Sea in 12 d. 40 m. of North Latitude , and reaches to the Gulf of Persia. From the Mouth of the Red Sea to the City Aden is 44 Leagues , thence to Cape Fortaque in 14 d. 30 m. Latitude 100 Leagues , with these Towns Abian , Ax , Canacan , Brun , Argel , Zehel the Metropolis , Herit , Cayem , Fartach . Hence to Curia Muria 70 Leagues , in which are the City Dolfor , famous for Frankincense , and 20 Leagues beyond it , Norbate . From Curia Muria to Cape Ra●… Alegate in 22 d. 30 Latitude 120 Leagues , all barren and desert . Here begins the Kingdom of Ormus , and hence to Cape Mozandan are 90 Leagues , with these Cities Colagate , Curiate , Mascate , Soar , Calata , Orfacam , Doba and Lima , 8 Leagues from Monbazam , which Ptolomy calls Cape Assaborum , in 26 degrees of North Latitude . All this tract the Arabs call Ayaman , and we Arabia Felix , because the most fruitful and best inhabited of all Arabia . The second division contains 200 Leagues , from Cape Iaques to the Mouth of Indus is called Chirman , divided into the two Kingdoms , Macran and Madel , with these Towns , Guadel , Calara , Tibique , Calamate , Goadel and Diul , this Coast is barren and much of it desert , because of the shoal Water . The third contains 150 Leagues , 38 from Diul to Cape Iaquete , thence to Dio in the Kingdom Guzarata 50 , with these Towns , Cotinna , Mangalor , Chervar , Patan and Corinar ; from Dio to Cambaya 50 Leagues , and these Towns , Madrafavat , Moha , Talica , Goda and Gundin . Between Cambaya and Iaquete is included a part of the Kingdom of Guzarata , and the Mountain Country of the Resboutos . The fourth contains 290 Leagues , and is the most pretious part of India , and most frequented by the Portugueses . This division is subdivided into three parts by two Rivers that run from East to West . The first separates the Kingdom of Decan from that of Guzarat , which lies North of it ; the second parts Decan from Canara on the South . There are other Rivers which all have their Springs in the Mountain Gate . The chief of all those Rivers is called Ganga , or Guenga , and falls into the Sea near the Mouth of Ganges , between the Cities Angali and Pisolta , in about 22 degrees of Latitude . The River Bate has his Springs in the Mount Gate , and falls into the Sea by Bombaim , parting the Kingdoms of Guzarata and Decan . From the City Cambaya to the Mouth of this River are 70 Leagues . From Chaul South of it , to the River Aliga , the southern extent of Decan 75 Leagues , with these Towns , Bandor , Dabul , Debetele , Cintapori , Coropatan , Banda , Chapora and Goa , our Metropolis and Archiepiscopal See in India . The third district begins where Canara parts from Decan , and ends in Cape Comori , and contains above 140 Leagues . From this River to Mount Delli is about 46 Leagues , with these Towns , Onor , Baticale , Barcalor , Baranor , and others of the Province Canara , subject to the King of Bisnaga . Below this to Cape Comori are 93 Leagues , and is called Malabar , divided into three Kingdoms which own no Superior . The Kingdom of Cananor has 20 Leagues of the Coast , in which are these Towns , Cota , Coulam , Nilichilam , Marabia , ●…olepatam , Cananor , the Metropolis , in the Latitude of 12 degrees , Tremapatan , Cheba , Maim and Purepatan . Here begins the Kingdom of Calicut , and runs 27 Leagues , and has these Towns , Calicut the Metropolis in about 11 degrees 70 minutes of Latitude , Coulete , Chale , Parangale and Tanor , the head of a Kingdom , subject to the Zamori or Emperour of Calicut , and Chatua the last Bound of this Empire . Next is the little Kingdom of Cranganor , which borders on that of Cochin , then that of Coulan , and lastly Travancor , subject to Narsinga . Near Travancor is the Famous Cape Comori , the southermost Inland of this Province of Indostan or India , within Ganges , and 7 degrees and half of North Latitude , where ends the Coast of Malabar , and the fourth of the nine districts I now divide the Coast of Asia into . From Cape Comori in the West , to Cape Cincapura in the East , which is the Southermost Land of the Aurea Chersonesus , or Malaca , are 400 Leagues ; and within this interval is contained the great Bay of Bengala , called by some Sinus Gangeticus , because the River Ganges , after watering the Country of Bengala , falls into this Bay about the Latitude of 23 Degrees . This River is wonderful for the abundance of water it carries , and esteemed Holy by the Neighbouring People , who imagining it conduces to their Salvation when given over , are carried and die with their Feet in its water , which brings the King a great Revenue , for none must wash there without paying a certain Duty . Though this River has many Mouths , the two most remarkable are called Satigan to the West , and Chatigan to the East , near 100 Leagues distant from each other ; and here will end the fifth of the nine Districts . This may be subdivided into three parts , The first the Kingdom of Bisnaga contains 200 Leagues , and these Towns , Tarancurii , Manapar , Vaipar , Trechendur , Caligrande , Charcacale , Tucucurii , Benbar , Calicare , Beadala , Manancort and Cannameira , whence takes name that Cape that stretches out there in 10 degrees of North Latitude ; then Negapatan , Hahor , Triminapatan , Tragambar , Trimenava , Colororam , Puducheira , Calapate , Connumeira , Sadrapatan and Meliapor , now called St. Thomas , because that Apostles Body was found there . From St. Thomas to Palicata are 9 Leagues , then go on Chiricole , Aremogan , Caleturo , Caleciro , Pentipolii , where ends the Kingdom of Bisnagur , and begins that of Orixa , the second part of this District , and contains about 120 Leagues to Cape Palmeiras , with these Towns , Penacote , Calingan , Vizipatan , Bimilepatan , Narsingapatan , Puacatan , Caregare and others . Here begins the third part , which is the Kingdom of Bengala , and extends above 100 Leagues . The sixth District of the nine begins at the East Mouth of Ganges or Chatigan , and ends at Cape Cincapura , in little more than one degree of North Latitude . This Coast contains about 380 Leagues to Cape Negraes , in the Latitude of 16 degrees 100 Leagues , and these Towns , Sore , Satatolu , Arracam , Metropolis of the Kingdom so called , and Dunadiva upon the Point . Hence to Tavay in the Latitude of 13 Degrees 16 Leagues . This is the bounds of the Kingdom of Pegu. From Tavay to Cincapura 220 , the chief Towns along this Coast are Martaban , Lugor , Tanacerin , Lungar , Pedam , Queda , Solongor and Malaca , Head of the Kingdom . At Cincapura begins the seventh District , and ends at the great River of Siam , which falls into the Sea in the Latitude of 14 Degrees , and has its rise in the Lake Chiammay , called by the Natives Menam , that is , source of waters ; upon this Coast are the Towns Pam , Ponciam , Calantaon , Patane , Ligor , Cuii , Perperii , and Bamplacot on the Mouth of the River . The eighth District contains these Kingdoms , that of Cambodia , through which runs the River Mecon , whose Springs are in China ; that of Champa or Tsiompa , whence comes the true Aloes ; on this borders the Kingdom of Cochinchina ; then that of China , divided into fifteen Provinces or Governments , each of which is a great Kingdom ; those on the Sea are Quantung , Fokien , Chekiang , where ends the eighth District . The ninth begins with the Province Nanking and continues that of Xantung and Pecheli , running to the farthest discovered Land of the Coast of Tartary . I shall speak of the Islands that lie along this tract as they are discovered , but the Names of the chief are these , the Maldivy Islands , Ceylon , Sumatra , Iava , Borneo , Banda , Timori , Celebes , the Moluccoes , Mindanao , Luconia and Iapan . Thus much of the Coast of Asia ; let us now see by whom inhabited , and what it produces . 2. Though there be many , and very different manners of Worship in Asia , as well as sundry Nations ; the chief Religions there may be reduced to these four Heads , the Christian , Jewish , Mahometan and Gentile . The first two , for the most part , under the slavery of the latter . With the two latter the Portugues waged War ; their Power is thus divided . All that tract from the River Cintacora , opposite to Anchediva towards the North and West , is subject to Mahometans , thence Eastward , to Pagans , except the Kingdom of Malaca , part of Sumatra , and some parts of Iava and the Molucco Islands , held by the Moors . In that tract which is governed by these , are the following Sovereign Princes . The Kings of Aden , Xael and Fartaque , who have many Ports of great Trade , and their Subjects , the Arabs , are couragious and warlike . Next the King of Ormuz , greater than the other three together ; and then he of Cambaya , equal to Xerxes , Darius , or Porus in grandeur and warlike power . From Chaul to Cin●…atora belonged to Nizamaluco and Hidalcan , two powerful Princes , not inferiour to great Kings , who maintained great Armies composed of sundry warlike Nations well armed . The Moors of Sumatra , Malaca , and the Moluccoes were well disciplin'd , and much better stor'd with Artillery than we that attacked them . The Heathens were the Kings of Bisnagar , Orixa , Bengala , Pegu , Siam and China , all ( but chiefly the last ) so Powerful , it is not to be expressed , and if related scarce credible . Siam extends above 500 Leagues , and has seven Kingdoms subject , which are Cambodia , Como , Lanchaam , Cheneray , Chencran , Chiamay , Camburii and Chaypumo . The King has 30000 Elephants , whereof he carries out 3000 armed to War , and 50000 men only of the City Udia , Metropolis of his Empire . The King of China alone in extent exceeds them all , and all the Princes of Europe put together . China is above 700 Leagues in length , it has abundance of all sorts of Metals , and exceeds Europe in Manufactures ; some of their Works seem beyond Human Wit ; the Silks , Provisions and Pleasures wherewith it abounds , are beyond computation . 3. All the Heathens of India , chiefly between Indus and Ganges , write upon Palm Leaves ( without Ink ) with Wooden or Steel Pens , which easily cut the Letters on the Leaf , whereof I have seen some in Rome curiously folded ; what they design should be lasting , they carve on Stone or Copper ; they begin on the left Hand ; their Histories are fabulous . 600 years before the arrival of the Portugueses in India , there was a King so powerful in Malabar , that the People began their Era or Computation of Time from his Reign , as they did afterwards from our arrival . He was persuaded by the Moors that traded in his Ports , to turn Mahometan , and gave them leave to build Calicut . Being old , he divided his Kingdoms among his Kindred . To the Chief he gave that of Coulan , where he placed the Head See of the Religion of the Bramens , and called him Cobritim , that is , the same as High Priest ; to his Nephew he gave Calicut , with all the Temporal Dominion , calling him Zamori , that is , the same with Emperour . This last Dignity continues in the same place , the other was translated to Cochin . Having disposed of his Dominions , he resolved to die at Meca , but was drowned by the way . Calicut is a plain Country , well watered , plentiful of Pepper and Ginger ; all other Spice it has from its Neighbours . The People are very Superstitious , and do not suffer those of one Trade or Profession to marry into another , or put their Children to Learn . The Nayres who are their Nobles , if they chance to touch any of the Commons , cleanse themselves by washing , as the Samaritans and Jews . The Women of the Nayres are common to them all , but chiefly the Bramens , therefore know no Father , nor is any bound to maintain them . They are most expert at their Weapons , beginning to exercise them at the age of seven years . They use all the antient manners of Augury and Divination . 4. The Viceroy , Don Francisco de Almeyda , had an interview ashoar with the King of Cananor , who brought with him 5000 men well armed . He acquainted him he came to reside some time in India , by reason of some troubles that were so inflamed with the Zamori King of Calicut . He asked leave to build a Fort in the Harbour , and it was granted . Having begun it , he left there Lorenço de Brito to command with 150 men , and two Vessels to cruise upon the Coast. Being arrived at Cochin , he received the News that the Factor of Coulan with all his men , were killed by the Moors . He sent his Son Don Lorenço with three Ships and three Caravels , with Orders to procure Lading , without taking notice of what had past , but in case of denial , to revenge the slaughter . The Messenger was answered by a Shower of Arrows , and twenty four Ships of Calicut and other places prepared to receive ours . Don Lorenço after pouring in his Shot liberally , burnt them all , only a few of the Moors were saved by swimming . Don Lorenço then went to load in another Port. 5. He returned to Cochin , where his Father , according to his Instructions , was preparing to Crown Triumpara , that King , in recompence of the Gallantry wherewith he had defended the Portugueses against their Enemies . But he being retired to follow a Religious Life , and his Nephew Nambead●…ra left Successor , it was thought fit to bestow the same Honour upon him . He was Crowned with great Solemnity with a Crown of Gold set with Jewels , carried from Portugal for that purpose . This was a security for that Prince , and a terror to others ; six Ships were now sent home richly laden . 6. King Emanuel , to secure the Trade of the Gold of Zofala , had caused a Fort to be built at Quiloa , another at Moçambique , and a Factory at Melinde . After Don Francisco he sent out Pedro de Annaya with six Ships to build a Fort at Zofala ; three of the Ships were to go on to India , and return with lading , the other three to cruise on the Coast of Zofala . One of the Captains fell overboard , and was lost ; another had 16 men killed in an Island where he landed . The others found Don Pedro de Annaya in the Port of Zofala . He obtained leave of that King , and raised a Fort , whereby the Trade was secured , which that King never intended , imagining that the Country being unhealthful , the Portugueses would be obliged to quit it . Here Annaya found twenty Portugueses in a miserable condition , after travelling with great hardships from Cape Corientes , where they were forced to run their Ship ashoar , being no longer able to keep above water . Their Captain was Lope Sanchez , whom they would not obey ashoar , but dividing , travelled in several Companies through those unknown Countries . They were all lost except these twenty , and five found by Antony de Magallanes in the River Quiloame , who brought them to Zofala . CHAP. X. A Continuation of the Conquests the same Year 1506. and the Government of the same Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda . 1. THE Kingdom of Zofala is a large tract of Land , of 750 Leagues circumference , subject to the Monomotapa , that is Emperour of that South Part of Africk , called by the same Name , or Ethiopia Inferior ; it is watered by these two Famous Rivers , Rio del Espiritu Santo , and Cuama , the latter Navigable 250 Leagues . These , and many other Rivers that fall into them , have Golden Sands . Most part of the Land enjoys a Temperate Air , pleasant , wholsom and fruitful . In part it bears great flocks of Sheep , of the Skins whereof the Natives are Cloathed , because of the cold South Winds . Along the Banks of Cuama , the Country is Mountanous , covered with Woods , and watered with many Rivers , which make it delightful , and therefore the best Peopled , and the common residence of the Monomopata . It is abundantly stocked with Elephants , and consequenty Ivory , and Mines of Gold encompassed 30 Leagues about , with Mountains , on the tops whereof the Air is serene and clear . They are called the Mines of Manica 50 Leagues South-west of Zofala , there are others 150 Leagues distant , none then much valued by their Owners . Here are some Buildings of wonderful Structure , with Inscriptions of unknown Characters , but the Natives know nothing of their Foundation . They believe in one God , under the Name of Mozima , and use no Idols . Witchcraft , Theft and Adultery are most severely punished by them . They have as many Wives as they can maintain ; the Kings are above 1000 , but the first commands the others , and her Children inherit . In their Funerals they are superstitious ; their Cloathing Cotton , the better sort mixed with some Gold Threads ; the Houses of Wood. The Kings Attendance is more ceremonious than great ; his Guard 200 Dogs , and is always followed by 500 Jesters . He is Sovereign over many Princes , and because they rebel , always keeps their Heirs about him . There are no Law Suits among them ; they fight a foot ; their Arms are Arrows , Javelins or Darts , Daggers and small sharp Hatchets . The Women are so much respected , that if the King's Son meets one , he gives her the way , and stops till she pass . 2. The Moors of Magadoxa were the first that possessed these Mines of Zofala ; after them , those of Quiloa , whose Kings were possessed thereof , till Yçuf , one of their Governours rebelled , and usurped the Sovereignty to himself , with the Title of King , and was the same with whom Pedro de Annaya now treated ; and in this place he built the Fort so much desired by King Emanuel , strong though of Wood. The three trading Ships sailed toward India , under the Command of Peter Barreto . Francisco de Annaya was ordered by his Father to secure the Coast up to Cape Guardafu with two Ships ; both Vessels were lost , and the Captains saved in their Boats. 3. Whilst the Sea swallowed the Guard of the Coast , the Moors studied the destruction of Peter de Annaya at Zofala . The King's Son-in-law persuaded him to get rid of them , at such time as they were so weak , through Diseases contracted by the strange Air , that they joined six of them to bend a Cross-bow . The King laying hold of this opportunity , surrounds the place with 5000 Cafres , and fills the Ditch with Faggots , then gives the assault , darkning the Sun with Showers of Arrows ; but our Cannon being well played made such havock , that they filled with their Carcases the part of the Ditch they had not levelled with Wood. Only 35 Portugueses , who were able to carry Arms , did all this execution . Afterwards Peter de Annaya sallied with 15 or 20 Moors and drove the Cafres first to a Wood of Palm-trees , and then to their Dwellings , with such consternation , that they cried , out , the King of Zofala bad called them to fight against God. Peter de Annaya with a few men attacks the Town by night , and entring the King's House , he stood behind the Door with a Cimiter , and as Annaya entred , wounded him in the Neck , but was soon killed with many more . Next day his Sons with all the Moors assaulted the Fort , but in vain , for the fright cured many of the sick , who joyning in the common defence , the Enemy was repulsed . The two Brothers fell out about the Succession to the Crown , and Solyman gaining Annaya , was by him Crowned ; and for his own security made a strong Alliance with , and supported the Portugueses . 2. Whilst these things hapned at Zofala , in India , the Zamori of Calicut had stirred up the Soldan of Cayre , and hoped with his assistance to drive us out of these Seas ; this was not so private but the King of Cochin had intelligence of it , and advertised the Viceroy Don Francisco , who sent his Son Laurence with 11 Sail to prevent or put a stop to the design . As he visited some Ports , news was brought him , that in the Road of Cananor was a Fleet of 260 Paraos , whereof 60 exceeded our Ships in bulk . He directs his course towards them , and after a very sharp engagement they were put to flight , pursued , and some taken , but many sunk and obliged to run aground , with great loss to the Enemy , and of his own only five or six men ; the chiefest part of the Booty was four Ships laden with Spice . Don Lorenço had scarce time to breath after this Victory , when he understood the Fort of Anchediva was beset by 60 Vessels of Moors and Gentiles well armed and resolute , commanded by a Renegado . The besieged behaved themselves gallantly , and no less the Besiegers ; but having lost some Vessels tore by our Cannon , and hearing of the relief Don Lorenço was about to bring , they went off with all possible speed . 5. The Moors perceiving their Trade was cut off by the Portugueses , thought to shun them by keeping out at Sea in their Voyages to Sumatra and Malaca where they went for Spice , striking through the Maldivy Islands , and bearing away South of Ceylon . The Viceroy sent his Son from Cochin with nine Ships to infest that Course . But the Pilots wandring through unknown Seas , discovered the Island Ceylon , formerly called Trapobana . They anchored at the Port Gale , where many Moors were lading Cinnamon , and taking in Elephants for Cambaya . They fearful of Don Lorenço's anger , presented him in the name of the King with 400 Bahares of Cinnamon . He well understood the contrivance , but thought it at that time better to dissemble and content himself with the Present , and discovery of the Island , planting there a Cross , with an Inscription , signifying his arrival there . In his return to Cochin he fell upon the Town of Biramjam , which he burnt down , putting all to the Sword , in revenge for the Portugueses killed at Coulan , because this Town belonged to that Crown . 6. Cide Barbudo and Peter Quaresma coming with two Ships from Portugal , after many misfortunes , arrived at Zofala , where they found Peter de Annay , and most of his men w●…re dead , and the rest sick . Quarisma remained there to relieve the Fort , and Barbudo sailing towards India , found Quiloa in the same condition whereof he gave the Viceroy an account . He sent with all speed Nunno Vaz Pereyra to the relief of the Fort , who having repaired it , and given necessary Orders , went on to Zofala . Nevertheless the Fort of Quiloa was afterwards razed by the same hands that built it , after having cost many Lives , all the effect of the ill usage of the Portugueses towards the Natives , proceeding from their unlimited Pride and Boundless Avarice . End of the First Part of the First Tome . THE Portugues ASIA . TOM . I. PART II. CHAP. I. Conquests in India under King Emanuel , from the Year 1506 , till the Year 1508 , the Viceroy Don Francisco still Governing , and entring upon the Glorious Exploits of the Great Alfonso de Albuquerque , and the Famous Tristan de Cunna . 1. THE King had resolved to send Tristan de Cunna to Command the Trading Ships , and Alfonso de Albuquerque to cruize on the Coast of Arabia , when Iames Fernandez Piteyra discoverer of the Island Zocotora in the Mouth of the Red Sea arrived . Being by him informed there were Christians there who were subject to the Moors , he ordered the two Commanders to direct their course thither , and endeavour to possess themselves of the Fort , to the intent our Fleets might afterwards winter there , and so the Navigation of that Gulf might be secured . They carried with them a Wooden Fort to be set up there , in case that which was there were not found serviceable . On the 6th of March they sailed from Lisbon with 13 Vessels , and 1300 Fighting-men , whereof some ( being infected , the Plague at that time raging in the City ) died by the way . When they came under the Line the Sickness left them . They had a sight of Cape St. Augustin in Brasil , and in crossing the vast Ocean between that place and the Cape of Good Hope , Tristan de Cuma run so far to the Southward , that some of his men perished with Cold , and discovered the Islands still called by his Name ; where being assaulted by a Storm , all the Ships were parted , each running a different course , till they met again at Mozambique , except Alvaro Tellez , who at Cape Guardufu took 6 Ships so laden with all sorts of Goods , that from them to his own Vessel he made a Bridge of Bails thrown into the Sea , over which the men passed as on dry land . Ruy Pereyra , who fell into Matatanna , a Port in the Island Madagascar ; being informed it abounded in Spice , especially Ginger , invited thither Tristan de Cunna . He came and anchored in a Bay which Nunno de Cunna his Son called de Dona Maria de Cunna , a Lady he courted ; others named it of the Conception , so it retained the name of Mary , either Religious or Profanely . Some Blacks appeared upon the Coast ; he sent a Moor to speak to them , but they hearing he spoke of Christians , had killed him , had not our Cannon from the Ships forced them to retire . Sailing three Leagues farther , they fell upon a Village on the Bank of a River , where , among others , they took the Lord of it , whom they call Xeque . This man the next night carried our Commander to another Town in a close Bay , which receives the great River Lulangan . This was inhabited by Moors , somewhat civilized , who fearful of our Fleet , fled over to the firm Land in Boats so overladen , that many perished by the way . But our men encompassing the Island , took 500 Prisoners , whereof only 20 Men , the rest Women and Children , among them their Xeque or Lord , a man of Age and a respectful Aspect . The Morning discovered the Sea thronged with Boats with about 600 armed men , who came to release the Women and Children . The Portugues Commander notified his designs to them , and they with very discreet words persuaded him to restore their People . He was satisfied to understand the Island Madagascar was peopled by Cafres , most of them Black , and produced little Ginger , to the contrary of the account he had received . Afterwards he would have entred the Town they call Zada , but it being an unseasonable hour , the People in a fury set fire to it , which raged so , that from the Sea it appeared as if the whole Mountain had burnt . 2. Hence he sent Alfonso de Albuquerque with 4 Sail to Moçambique , because he designed against some places on the Coast of Melinde , whilst he with 3 Ships went round to Matatana , where was Clove , Ginger and Silver . One of Tristan's Ships was lost , the Pilot and only seven men saved , this forced him to Steer for Moçambique , but the Wind carryed him to the Island Angoxa . At night he discovered the Light of the Ship St. Iames , which he had left at Moçambique , whither they both returned , and soon after arrived Iohn de Nova , who had wintered in Angoxa , laden with Pepper . Hence he sailed after meeting Alfonso de Albuquerque , and sending him before to Melinde . He met two other Ships at Quiloa , and went on to Melinde . The King obliged him to fall upon Oja , a City , that with the assistance of the King of Monbaça infested him . The Arabs inhabited this Country , where are seen some antient and wonderful Structures . Each City , and almost Village has a King whom they call ●…eque ; the Chief are Quiloa , Zanzibar and Monbaça ; but he of Melinde pretends to be the antientest , deducing his Pedegree from those of Quita●… , a City 18 Leagues from him , though ruined , shews the footsteps of its former Grandeur , having been superiour to all its Neighbours , which are Luziva , Parimunda , Lamon , Iaca , Oja , and others . The Country is watered by the River Gulimanja . George Alfonso going up this River in the term of five days , saw on the Banks impenetrable Woods , and in the water an infinite number of Sea-Horses . Tristan de Cunna ( with seven Ships less than he brought from Portugal , whereof one lost , some were separated by Storm , and others sent away ) appeared before the City Oja , 17 Leagues from Melinde , on an open Shoar , secured with a Wall , which hides it from the Cafres towards the Land. He sent word to the Xeque he had important affairs to communicate with him . Who answered , That he was a Subject of the Soldan of Cayre , head Calif of the House of Mahomet , and therefore could not treat with People that were so much his Enemies . Tristan considering the danger of delays , as soon as day appeared , divided his men into two parts in Boats , one part commanded by Alfonso de Albuquerque , the other by himself : And though the Sea seemed to favour the Moors , who stood on the Shoar to hinder our landing , they were forced to flie to the shelter of the Walls , and not trusting to them , entred at one Gate and run out at the other . Nunno de Cunna and Alfonso de Noronha finding the King fled with many of his men to a Wood of Palm-trees , pursued and killed him in the midst of them . George Silveyra perceiving a Grave Moor who led a Beautiful Young Woman through a Path in the Wood , made at him , and the Moor making signs to the Woman to flie whilst they fought , she followed him , signifying she had rather die or be taken with him , than escape alone ; and Sylveyra seeing them strive who should give the greatest demonstrations of Love , let them both go away , saying God forbid my Sword should part so much love . The Town taken , was plundered , and then burnt with such precipitation , that some of our men perished in the flames . The City Lamo , 15 Leagues distant , knowing what had hapned to its Neighbour , submitted to the Portugueses ; and to make it the more acceptable , the Xeque came to make the submission , and offer a Tribute of 600 Meticales of Gold yearly , and paid the first year in hand ; Meticales are a Coin of about a Ducate value each . The Fleet went on to the City Brava , a populous place , before conquered , but in rebellion , and vain-glorious now with 6000 armed men it exposed on the Shoar . But Cunna and Albuquerque next day landed in two Bodies , and in spight of Showers of Arrows , Darts and Stones , scaled the Walls and routed the Moors , after washing the Streets with their Blood , and killing so many , their number was not known ; of ours 42 were lost , not half by the Sword , but through Covetousness , for overloading a Boat with the Spoil , they were drowned with it . These were they , who blind with Avarice , barbarously cut off the Hands and Ears of Women to take off their Bracelets and Earings , to save time in taking them off . 3. The City Burnt and Plundered , Tristan de Cunna set sail , and met off of Cape Guardafu , Alvaro Tellez , who had been in a Storm with the rich Booty before spoken of . Having discovered the Cape , he stood for Zocotora . Zocotora is an Island 20 Leagues in length , and 9 in breadth , it lies almost East and West , in the Latitude of 12 Degrees 40 Minutes . It is the biggest about the Mouth of the Red Sea , but has no Ports fit for any great number of Ships to winter . Athwart the middle of it runs a ridge of Hills as high as the Clouds , yet not free from the Sand of the Shoar , which is carried up to the very top by the North Winds , and is therefore barren , not only of Plants but Trees , only some small Valleys that are under shelter of those Winds . It is distant from the Arabian Continent 50 Leagues , and 30 from Cape Guardafu . The Ports most used by us , are Zoco , inhabited by Moors ; or Calancea to the Westward , and Beni to the Eastward . The Natives are unpolished . Those Valleys that are sheltred from the Sand , produce Apple and Palm-trees , and the best Aloes , which for its excellency is called Zocotorinos . The Common Food is Maiz or Indian Wheat , Tamarins and Milk. They are all Jacobite Christians , as the Ethiopians ; the Men use the Names of the Apostles , the Women chiefly that of Mary . They worship the Cross , which they wear on their Cloaths , and set up in their Churches , where they pray thrice aday in the Caldean Language alternatively as in a Choir ; they receive but one Wife , use Circumcision , Fasting and Tythes . The Men comly , the Women so manly , that they follow the War , and live like Amazons ; some of them for Propagation making use of such Men as arrive there , and even bringing some by Witchcraft . Their Cloathing , some Cloath and Skins ; their Habitation in Caves , their Weapons , Stones and Slings . They were subject to the Arabian King of Caxem . Cunna found here an indifferent sort , not ill manned or unprovided . He sent a Message to the Xeque , and his Answer provoked his Anger . He resolved ( though it were dangerous ) to land with Albuquerque , but the first who leaped ashoar , was his Nephew Don Alfonso de Noronha ; who to prove himself worthy the choice the King had made of him to Command that Fort , if gained , advanced with a few , but brave men . The Xeque received him with no great number , though much Gallantry , maintaining his ground , and threatning Cunna , who , through a shower of Bullets and Stones made his approach to the Fort , and was briskly repulsed by the Xeque , whom then Don Alfonso struck down with his Lance. There was a sharp skirmish , the Moors endeavouring to carry him off , and ours to hinder it , till he and eight more were slain . The Enemy fled to the Castle , which was scaled , and those who entred opening the Gate , gave entrance into a very large Court , presently possessed by our men . About the inward Fort was a bloody Fight , the Moors fighting to the last man , so that of eighty there was but one left alive , besides a Blind Man who was found in a Well , and being asked how he could get in there ; answered , that Blind Men saw only one thing , which is the way to liberty , and which even Blind Men covet . He had his liberty given him . We lost six men . The Natives who had kept off , hearing of our success , came with their Wives and Children to thank our Commander for delivering them from the Heavy Yoke of those Infidels ; and he , to their great satisfaction received them under the protection of the King of Portugal . The Mosque was cleansed and made a Church of the Invocation of our Lady of Victory , and many were there baptized ; in which Pious Work the Labours of F. Antony of St. Francis were very remarkable . Cunna gave the Command of the Fort , now called St. Michael , to Don Alfonso de Noronha , who had well deserved it by his Valour , though he had not been appointed for it by the King ; he named his other Officers , and gave him 100 men . After this he wintered , though with inconveniency , in those Ports , and then sailed for India , and Albuquerque for the Coast of Arabia . 4. Whilst these things hapned at Zocotora , the King of Calicut was arming afresh against the Portugueses , relying on the promises of his Southsayers and Wizards , who finding the arrival of Tristan de Cunna was delayed , assured him of success in that lucky opportunity , and on account of a great change of Affairs , which they said must necessarily follow , as foretold by a great Earthquake and Eclipse of the Sun which hapned , and was so great , that the Stars appeared for a considerable time , which were interpreted as Omens of our destruction . But the Viceroy Don Francisco shewed him a greater Power than he imagined to defend the Trade of Malabar , composing a Squadron of ten Ships , whereof he gave the Command to his Son Don Lorenço . There remained behind at Cananor , Gonzalo Vaz with his Vessel , taking in Water , who followed , and meeting a Ship of Cananor with a Portugues Pass , he sunk it , and all the Moors sewed up in a Sail , that they might never be seen . A wicked action , for which he was broke , if that could be reckoned a sufficient puni●…ment for so great a Crime , as violating the Publick Faith ; such Enormities producing the Calamities that after befel us in India . Don Lorenço lay before the Port of Chaul , when seven Ships arrived , which taking no notice that he saluted them , stood in without making any return . He followed them in his Boa●…s , and the Moors leaped overboard to gain the Shoar , but he was so ready to receive them , that many perished by the way . The Ships were laden with Horses , and other Goods , in the sale whereof some of the Moors dealing deceitfully , Don Lorenço ordered them all to be burnt , to their great admiration , because Covetousness had not moved him to save any part thereof . Imagining he should find the Fleet of Calicut at Dabul , he sailed thither , and anchored at the Mouth of the River , where discovering the Fleet , and the narrowness of the place to engage , it was carried in Council to desist , contrary to the Opinion of Don Lorenço , who was inflamed with a desire of fighting . He passed on 4 Leagues , and a Brigantin and Parao that had the Van , saw a Ship sailing up the River . They pursued till it cast Anchor over against a Town , where were many other Vessels . Don Lorenço seeing the two Vessels follow the Ship , sent after them a Galley , and they three together began to clear the Shoar with their Shot , of many Moors who flocked thither . The noise of Cannon called upon Don Lorenço . He made haste , but before his coming up , the others had gained the Vessels in the Harbour , and ashoar burnt a House full of considerable Merchandise . All the Ships in the Harbour were burnt , except two they carried away laden with Riches from Ormuz . At his return to Cochin with Victory and Spoils , he expected to be received by his Father with joy , and applause ; but he on the contrary designed to punish him severely for not fighting the Fleet of Calicut , and was excused only , because it appeared he was overswayed by the Votes of all the Captains , contrary to his own Opinion . The Viceroy immediately broke , and sent them all to Portugal . This severity much troubled his Son , and obliged him afterwards , endeavouring to restore himself to his Fathers esteem , to lose his Life with as much Rashness as Valour . 5. The King of Cananor desiring to break with the Portugueses , was encouraged by the Zamori , and grounded this Rupture upon finding on the Shoar the Body of a Nephew of Mamale , a rich Merchant of Malabar , which was one of those Gonçalo Vaz had thrown into the Sea sowed up in the Sail. This Action was not known there , and the blame was laid upon Laurence de Brito , Captain of the Fort , whose Pass that Ship carried . Brito having discovered the design , and finding himself weak , advertised the Viceroy . The Message was delivered him at Church , whilst he assisted at the Service of Maundy Thursday , and he immediately left the Church , and went about taking up from every one what Provisions they had , and shipped the men with such haste , that those who had lent their Arms to them who watched at the Sepulchre ( as the custom is ) went to the Church to disarm them . Don Lorenço was Captain , and had O●…ders when he came to Cananor to obey Laurence de Brito . But Brito insisted , that the other , as Son of the Viceroy , and so Famous an Officer , should command ; Don Lorenço was positive , he would obey Brito , as being Commander of the Fort , and in pursuance of his Fathers Orders . But finding Brito resolved to persist in that Courtesie , and that it might prove dangerous , he left the Relief , and returned alone to Cochin . The Besieged fortified and entrenched themselves , the same was done by the Besiegers , who were 20000 strong . Much Blood was spilt about the Water of a Well , but our men by the help of a Mine , made themselves Masters of it . The Moors after this loss retired to a Wood of Palm-trees , to prepare Engines to batter the Fort. Our Commander had intelligence of it by means of a Nephew of the King of Cananor , who endeavoured to gain our Friendship . He prepared to receive them , and when they gave the assault , succeeded so well , first with his Cannon , and then with the Sword , that he filled the Ditch with their Bodies , which they intended to have done with Faggots . They retired to the Wood , and Brito sending out by Night 80 men , commanded by one Guadalajara a Spaniard , who was his Lieutenant , the Sally was so vigorously executed by the firing of some small Pieces first , in a cold rainy Night , that the Enemy in a consternation knew not where to save themselves , 300 were killed . But this Joy was abated by the Magazine of Provisions taking fire , so that Hunger began to rage , and all Vermin was eaten . The Garrison , part sick and part famished , was reduced to extremity ; but the Sea being then rough , left abundance of Lobsters when it went off on the Point of Land where our Chappel was , which were the only relief our men had . The Zamori sent a powerful supply to the King of Cananor , who gave the last assault to the Fort by Sea and Land , with above 50000 men , who were vigorously received and repulsed with great loss , not one of our men being killed in this action . But now arrives Tristan de Cunna●… and the King of Cananor terrified with his coming , and the defence made by Brito , sues for Peace , which was concluded with great honour to the Portugues Valour . 6. Tristan de Cunna was upon his return home with the Merchant Ships , and the Viceroy bore him company in order to fall upon Panane , a Town subject to Calicut , where our Enemies laded under the shelter of four Ships of the Zamori , Commanded by Cutiale a Couragious Moor. The Viceroy and Tristan anchored at the Bar , held a Councel , and then sent both their Sons in two Barques with several Boats , and they in a Gally followed them . They all went up the River through Showers of Balls sent from the Shoar , which is high . The Moors run into the Water to meet our Boats , and killed three men . But the dispute was now come to their Trenches , which some of ours mounted , and Peter Cam set upon them Don Lorenços Colours . The Colours were flying , when the Viceroy seeing his Son Don Lorenço climing with some difficulty , cried out Ah! Laurence , Laurence , what laziness is that ; and he very readily answered , Sir , I give way to him that has gained the Honour . A large Moor encountred and wounded Don Lorenço , and he gave him such a stroke , as clove his Head to his Breast . The Town being entred , all were put to the Sword. Then all the Ships in the Haven and Docks were fired . We lost 18 Portugueses , none of Note ; of the Enemy above 500 perished . Though the Plunder was of great value , it was all burnt to Ashes , and only the Artillery saved . After this Victory they returned to Cananor to take in some lading , and Tristan de Cunna set sail for Portugal . At Moçambique he met some Ships of 12 that came from Lisbon the year before . Seven were to return with lading , and five under the Command of Vasco Gomez de Abreu , to cruise on the Coast of Melinde , who was also to Command the Fort of Zofala . There were also two Ships to joyn Albuquerque on the Coast of Arabia . Iohn Chanoca , with his Ship , was lost in the River Zanaga ; Iohn Gomez , and his , in another ; Vasco Gomez de Abreu was cast away with four Vessels going for Moçambique . Others , with great danger and Storms , were driven to several places . Misfortunes , terrible , even in the remembrance , but none sufficient to curb Human Avarice and Boldness . CHAP. II. Conquests under King Emanuel , the Year 1508. during the Government of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Almeyda , and continuing the Exploits of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 1. AFter the taking of Zocotora , on the 20th of August , Cunna and Albuquerque parted , the former for India , the latter for the Coast of Arabia and Persia , in pursuance of the Orders they had from the King. Albuquerque had with him 7 Sail ; and 460 Fighting-men . The first place where he touched in the Kingdom of Ormuz , was Calayate , a Town once more Populous , still Beautiful and strong , the Buildings after the manner of Spain . He sent a Message to the Governour , who offered him Refreshment , and established a Peace . He went on to Curiate , 10 Leagues farther , and was ill received , and storming the Town , met with a Vigorous Opposition , but entred with the death of 80 of the Enemy , and loss of three Portugueses ; after the Plunder , the Place was burnt , and with it 14 Vessels that were in the Harbour . Hence he sailed 8 Leagues farther to Mascate , a place stronger than any of the others , and well manned with People , who resorted to it from all Parts , hearing the destruction of Curiate . The Governour fearing the like disaster , made Peace , and sent great store of Provisions , and our men went ashoar for Water ; but on a sudden the Cannon of the Town began to do great execution upon our Ships , which drew off hastily , not knowing the cause of this turn , till some time after they understood 2000 men , sent by the King of Ormuz for the defence of the place , were newly arrived , and their Officers refused to stand to the Peace . Albuquerque had received no small damage from the great Cannon , which was plaid very smartly , but landing his men at break of day , he assaulted the Town so couragiously and fortunately , that as our men entred in at one Gate , the Moors ran out at another . The Place was plundered , all except the Governours House , saved because he received our men friendly , and gave them notice to retire when the Relief came , though he was killed in the confusion , not being known . This done , he passed to Soar , all the Inhabitants whereof fled , except the Governour , and some of the Principal Moors , who offered it up to Albuquerque , and received it back to hold of King Emanuel , paying the same Tribute he had given to him of Ormuz ▪ 15 Leagues farther is Orfucam , where he found little to do , the Inhabitants having deserted it ; he sent after them his Nephew Don Antonio , with 100 men , who having received almost equal damage to what he did , the Moors being numerous , and fighting for their Wives and Children , returned with 22 Prisoners . The Town was plundered for the space of three days , during which time he prepared to enter into the Harbour of Ormuz , which was the Principal End of this Voyage , and to which these exploits were but a prelude , being small in his esteem , though to others they might appear considerable . 2. The City Ormuz is seated in a little Island , called Gerum , at the Mouth of the Persian Gulf , about 3 Leagues in compass , so barren , that it produces nothing but Salt and Sulphur . The Buildings of the City are sumptuous ; it is the great Market of all Goods , brought thither from the East , West and North ; which is the reason , that though it have nothing of its own , it abounds in all things , and is plentifully supplied from the Province M●…gostam , and the Islands Quixome , Lareque and others . About the Year 1273 , King Malec Caez possessed all the Land from the Island Gerum , to that of Baharem , and bordered upon the King of Gordunxa , of the Province of Mogastam ; this King subtilly obtaining of Malec the Island of Gerum , as a place of no worth ; after he was fortified therein , drove him out of all his Country . And translating the City Ormuz , where the King kept his Court before , to this Island , he grew so formidable , that the King of Persia , fearing he would refuse to pay the Tribute the other had done , prepared to invade him . But he of Gordunxa prevented him , by imposing on himself a yearly Tribute , and offering to do him Homage by his Embassadors every five years . In this Tyrant began the City and Kingdom of Ormuz , afterwards possessed by his Heirs and others ▪ for the most part violently . When Albuquerque arrived there , Ceyfadim , a Youth of 12 years of age reigned , and over him his Slave Coje Atar , a man subtil and couragious . Who hearing what had been done by Albuquerque , made preparations , laying an embargo upon all the Ships in the Harbour , and hiring Troops from the Neighbouring Provinces , Persians , Arabians and others , so that when Albuquerque came , there were in the Town 30000 Fighting-men , among them 4000 Persians , most expert Archers , and in the Harbour 400 Vessels , 60 of considerable bulk , with 2500 men . 3. Albuquerque was not ignorant of the reception designed him ; but to shew those People the greatness of his Resolution , he entred that Port about the end of September , and came to an Anchor between five of their greatest Ships . For the more terror he fired his Cannon , and the Shoar was soon covered with above 8000 men . Seeing no Message came from the King , he sent aboard the biggest of those Ships , which was of Cambaya , and seemed to ride Admiral , the Captain whereof presently cam●… to , and was received by him with Civility and State. He told him he had Orders from his King to take him of Ormuz into his Protection , and grant him leave to Trade in those Seas , provided he paid a reasonable Tribute ; but if he refused , his Orders were to make War. It was doubtless no small Presumption to offer a King the liberty of his own Seas ▪ and impose Conditions upon him , with that handful of 460 men against 33000 , and seven Ships to 400 ; but the success justified these proceedings , and verified those Actions , which to some have appeared fabulous . The Moor delivered this Message to the King and his Governour Coje Atar , and presently returned one Coje Beyrame , excusing their not having sent to know what we demanded in that Port , and promising the Governour would come next day to treat . He came not , but the Messages continued , only in order to gain time to sortifie the City , and receive further Supplies . Albuquerque saw into the drift , and told Beyrame , he need only return with the acceptation of Peace as offered , or the declaration of War. He brought answer , that City used not to pay , but receive Tribute . Night coming on , it appeared they prepared to fight by the noise of Warlike Instruments , and Shouts that was heard from the Walls and Ships . The Morning discovered the Walls , Shoar and Vessels covered with Armed Men ; the Windows and tops of the Houses filled with both Sexes and all Ages , as Spectators of what should ensue . Albuquerque having held a Council , and given necessary Orders , began to play his Cannon furiously , and was answered by the Enemy . They taking the advantage of the Smoak , which hindred the sight , attacked our Ships with 130 Boats well manned , which did some damage with Showers of Arrows , but received more , many being sunk , and the rest forced to retire by our Artillery . Yet they made a second onset , but were so received , that the Sea was coloured with Blood. By this time Albuquerque had sunk two of the great Ships , and taken a third , though with great opposition , forcing the Moors to leap into th●… Sea. The mean time the other Captains had mastered other Ships , and perceiving themselves victorious , ran along the Shoar , and set fire to above 30 Ships , which cutting their Cables , were drove flaming upon the Persian Coast , where they burnt others that lay aground . This struck so great a terror into all that multitude , that they fled to the shelter of the City , and Coje Atar sent to offer all that Albuquerque had demanded . He stopt further proceedings , but perceiving the deceitfulness of the Moor , threatned a greater effect of his Anger in case he persisted in his Wiles . And comparing the damage , found , that with the loss of 10 men , most of the Enemies Vessels , with vast Riches , were either sunk , burnt or torn to pieces , and 1700 of them killed . The dead Bodies floating upon the Water , many were seen with Ornaments of beaten Gold , which our men fished for , and observed that many were wounded with their own Arrows , there being none used among the Portugueses . 4. Coje Atar , considering the damage received , and what might ensue , called a Council , where it was agreed to submit to what was demanded by Albuquerque . The Articles were drawn , and sworn to by both Parties ; their substance was , that the King of Ormuz did submit himself to King Emanuel , with the Tribute of 15000 Xeraphines yearly ( a Xeraphin is worth about half a Crown ) and should assign the Portugueses place to build a Fort. The Fort was imdiately begun , and much advanced in few days , but Coje Atar could not bear with it . He feigned Embassadors were come to receive the Tribute they used to pay the King of Persia , and therefore desired Albuquerque to give them an Answer , since his King was now subject to the Crown of Portugal . He guessed at the design , and bid Coje Atar send somebody to him who might carry the Answer ; the Messengers being come , he put into their Hands Bullets and Spears , telling them that was the Coin the Tribute should be paid in . Coje Atar finding his Plot fail , endeavoured to corrupt our Men with Mony . He prevailed with five Seamen , one of them a Founder , who cast some Cannon there ; and another who informed him , that our men were not compleat 460 ; whereby animated he studied to break the Peace , refusing to deliver up those men , and pretending at the same time , it was Albuquerque that broke it . 5. Albuquerque began to revenge this affront , but with little success , because the Captains employed , opposed it . Coje Atar perceiving this , at Night fired a Boat we were building on the Shoar , and one of the Portugues Deserters cried from the Wall , Alfonso de Albuquerque , defend the Boat with your 400 men , and you shall meet 700 Archers . Nor was it to be admired , those vile Wretches should offer these and other Reproaches , since some of the Captains gave intelligence to the Enemy , and persuaded those five to desert . Albuquerque burning with Rage , attempted to fire some Ships in the Arsenal , and failed . He resolved to besiege the City , and having taken some that carried in Provisions , cut off their Hands , Ears and Noses , and sent them in to the great terror of all . There was a hot dispute about filling up some Wells that supplied the Besieged , in so much that they were filled with Carcasses of Men and Horses , the Captain and Guard that maintained them being all slain . The King and Coje Atar came to second this Action , and Albuquerque was in great danger , his retreat being cut off , but a fortunate Cannon Ball opened a way , putting the Enemies Horse into confusion . Albuquerque in these Actions found his men ill disposed to obey ; among the rest , three Captains resolving to leave him and sail for India , drew up a Paper of Reasons , why he ought to desist from that Enterprize , which he gave to one of the Masons to lay under a Stone in the Work , saying , he had answered , and would be glad to see who durst remove the Stone to read his Answer . None replied . But offended with this , and each fearing he should not have the Command of the Fort when built , the three put in execution their design of quitting him . This troubled Albuquerque ; yet he resolved not to desist , though two Captains that staid with him opposed him , desirous to accompany the others ; but he used them with such severity , that they were forced to obey him . From Baharem to Queixome sailed a Fleet with relief of Men and Provisions . Albuquerque having pursued , and missing of it , fell upon a Country House of the Kings , guarded by 300 Foot and 60 Horse , and beat them out , killing 80 with the loss of one man. He returned to Queixome , and fell upon 500 Archers sent to the King of Ormuz by him of Lara , under the Command of his two Nephews , and slew them and most of their men , having but 80 with him , the Brothers he sent to Coje Atar as a Present . The Town was burnt , and there being taken among the Plunder a Carpet , so big , the Souldiers were about cutting it for conveniency of carriage ; Albuquerque bought , and sent it after to Santiago in Galicia . Finding he had but few men left wherewith to continue his enterprize , and those harrased , and Winter coming on , he resolved to go to Zocotora , and gave leave to Iohn de Nova to sail for India . 6. Whilst this hapned at Ormuz , the Soldan of Cayre set out a Fleet of 12 Sail , and 1500 men , Commanded by Mir Hozem , to oppose the Portugueses in India . By the way he attacked Imbo , and killed the Xeque : the same he did at Ioda , and got great Plunder ; then sailed to Diu , where Melique Az Commanded for the King of Cambaya , whom he was to joyn , and treat with , in order to oppose the Portugueses . The Timber whereof these Ships were built , was cut in the Mountains of Dalmatia , by procurement of the Venetians , ( as was said ) because the Soldan and Turk were at variance . A Nephew of the Soldan carried it in 25 Ships , with 800 Mamalukes besides Seamen . Andrew de Amarall , a Portugues , commanded then the Galleys of Malta ; he knowing that Timber was designed against us in India , attacked the 25 Ships of the Enemy , with 600 men in four Galleys and six Ships ; and after a sharp engagement that lasted three hours , took seven and sunk five , the rest fled to Alexandria , whence the Timber was carried up the Nile to Cayr , and thence on Camels to Suez . 7. At this time the Viceroy , Don Francisco de Almeyda , was upon the Coast of Malabar , and had sent his Son Don Lorenço to guard those of Cananor and Cochin , and ran as far as Chaul with 8 Ships . On his way he took some Ships of the Moors . Chaul is seated on the Bank of a River 2 Leagues from the Sea ; one of the chief of that Coast for Greatness and Trade , subject to the Nizamaluco , by whose Order Don Lorenço was well received . They had some intelligence of this Fleet of the Soldan , but gave no credit to it , till it appeared in sight as Don Lorenço was diverting himself ashoar with his Officers . They hasted to the Ships , giving such Orders as the shortness of the time permitted , and were scarce aboard when the Enemy entred the Harbour , with many demonstrations of Joy ; for Mir Hozem thought himself secure of Victory by surprizing our Ships . He designed to board the Portugues Admiral , and t●… rest of his Ships to board the others . Ours were so placed , that the Enemy passed between them , and Mir Hozem coming up with Don Lorenço , poured in Ball , Arrows , Granadoes , and other Fire-works , but was so well answered , that he gave over the resolution of boarding , though the Portugues Vessel was much less than his . The others had the like success , and so passed on , and Night approaching , they prepared themselves for the next Morning . 8. Day appearing , Don Lorenço gave the signal of Battle , and endeavoured to board Mir Hozem , the like was done by the others , but only two Galleys succeeded , which took two of the Enemy , having put all their men to the Sword. Mean while the Cannon was furiously plaid on both sides . Don Lorenzo seemed to have the upper-hand , when Melique Az , Lord of Diu , came with a great number of small Vessels well manned , to the assistance of Mir Hozem . Don Lorenço sent two Galleys and three Caravels to hinder the approach of that Relief . They executed it so effectually , they obliged him to fly to another place for shelter , and the Fight continued till Night parted them , each striving to conceal his loss from the other . The Portugues Captains met in Council , the Result , that it was a rashness to persist in that enterprize , Melique Az being so near with that powerful assistance , that it was convenient to take the open Sea , either in order to escape , or to fight with less disadvantage . Don Lorenço remembring the anger of his Father for not fighting the Fleet of Calicut in the River Dabul , and fearing his retreat might be termed a fearful flight , resolutely expected the Morning , only making some motion to save the Ships of Cochin that were in great danger . Melique Az imagining this motion was in order fly , lanched out from his retreat , not at all daunted to see many of his Vessels torn in pieces by our Cannon , and Charges briskly ; then Don Lorenço's Ship running foul of some Stakes that were drove in the River , made so much water , there was no preventing her sinking , though Don Lorenço laboured indefatigably till a Ball broke his Thigh , and ordering himself to be set against the Main Mast , where he stood encouraging his men , till another Ball broke his Back . The Body was thrown under Deck , and followed down by Laurence Freyre Gato his Page , who bewailed him with Tears of Blood as well as Water , being shot through the Eye with an Arrow . After a vigorous resistance the Moors entred the Ship , and found the Page by his Masters Body , who rising to defend it , killed as many as covered it , and then died upon them . The Ship sunk at last . Of above 100 men that were with Don Lorenço , only 19 escaped , in all the Ships were lost 140 , of the Enemy 600. 9. The other Captains got to Cochin ( where the Viceroy was ) with the News of his Sons death , which he received with a wonderful resolution . The numbers of men slain and taken being yet doubtful ; he endeavoured by all means to get some intelligence , and at that time received a Letter from Melique Az. This Man , born in Slavery , and descended of the Heretick Christians of Roxia , rose by degrees to that height wherein he was then placed . The Principal Action that advanced him was , that a Kite flying over the King of Cambaya , dunged upon his Head , whereat in a Passion he said , I would give all I am worth that Bird were killed . Melique Az , who was a most expert Archer , no sooner heard this , but he let fly an Arrow , which brought down the Kite . The King rewarded this Action so bountifully , that Melique Az came to be made Lord of Diu , a most Famous City , which being seated on a triangular Peninsula , joyned to the Continent by a very smal Istmus , is commonly reputed an Island . This man endeavoured politickly to secure himself at one time , both with the King of Cambaya , and the Portugueses , whose Power he feared , and hated for the damage they brought to the Trade of Din. And to this effect he assisted Mir Hozem , sent the 19 Prisoners to the King of Cambaya , and writ to the Viceroy , condoling the death of his Son , extolling his Bravery , and offering to ransom the Prisoners . Thus he endeavoured to appease the Wrath he knew he had provoked by assisting Mir Hozem , which was the Cause of all our Loss . CHAP. III. Conquests under King Emanuel the Year 1508 and 1509. A continuation of the Government of the Viceroy Don Francisco de Ameyda , and Exploits of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 1. THIS same year 1508 , about the beginning of April , sailed from Lisbon 17 Ships , which being all separated by bad Weather , at length met at Mozambique , except one that was cast away on the Islands of Tristan de Cunna ; these Ships with those of the foregoing year , came together to India , and added Courage to our People to resist their Enemies . The King ordered that Don Francisco de Almeyda should resign the Government to Alfonso de Albuquerque , and return home in one of the Trading Ships . But he suspended the execution of this Order , because already engaged in taking revenge of Mir Hozem . Albuquerque pressed him to obey the Order , Don Francisco excused himself , saying the Ships were gone , and that he had in hand that enterprize upon the Rumes or Turks who had killed his Son. The other answered , there were more Ships ready to sail , and he would undertake to drive the Turks out of India ▪ Almeyda replied , that he had taken up the Sword , and had never resigned it to another to revenge his Wrongs . Albuquerque offended hereat , went to Cochin ; and this was the beginning of some mens protracting the time of their Command , and others pressing them to quit , wherein these two Illustrious Men discovered much of Human Frailty . 2. Precedent to this were the Actions of Albuquerque at Ormuz and Zocotora , where he wintered and relieved the Portugues , who were there oppressed by Famine . To this effect he went himself with his Ship to Cape Guardafu , and sent Francis de Tavor●… towards Melinde , and two Vessels to Cape Fum , to make prize of some Ships for their Provisions ; they all found what they sought , and so put a stop to the growing Evil. He then resolved for Ormuz , though too weak to effect what he intended , yet at least to sound the designs of that King and his Friend Coje Atar . By the way he resolved to be revenged on Calayate for injuries done to some Portugueses . This Town is seated beyond Cape Siagro , called also Cape Rosalgate , at the Mouth of the Persian Gulf. On the Back of it is a Mountain , which has only some Passes , that open a Communication to the Neighbouring Country . One of these Passes is just opposite to the Town , through which is managed most of the Trade of that Province of the Arabs call Ayaman , because ( as they say ) first inhabited by Name , which signifies Plenty or Abundance , a Son of Lot ; and this Land is full of Populous Cities , Fruitful , and of great Trade . Albuquerque no sooner arrived , but he landed and entred the Town , some of the Inhabitants flying to the Mountains , and others being slain in the Streets . Albuquerque staid there three Nights , upon one of which 1000 Moors entred the Town by surprize , and did much hurt ; but our men gathering , killed many , put the rest to flight , and burnt all the place . They got great quantity of Provisions , which was most of the Booty , and arrived at Ormuz the 13th of September . Alfonso de Albuquerque presently advertised the King and Coje Atar of his arrival , and they answered , that as for the Tribute of 15000 Xeraphins they were ready to pay it , but would not consent to build the Fort. He therefore resolved again to besiege the Island , and ordered Martin Coello , with his Ship , to guard the Point Turumbaca , where the Wells are ; Iames de Melo he posted opposite to the Island Queixome , he and Francis de Tavora lay before the City . Thence he viewthe growth of the Fort , for Coje Atar had finished it , making use of what the Portugueses had began , the better to oppose them . The success was much the same as the other time , but he was in great danger himself , and Diego de Melo , with 8 private men , being killed , he returned to India , having taken a Ship that carried much Pearl from Baharem , and Francis de Tavora took one of Meca . 3. The Viceroy having sent Albuquerque to Cochin , and dispatched the Trading Ships homeward-bound , under Fernando Soarez and Ruy de Cunna , who perished by the way , and ordered other lesser matters , he sailed on the 12th of December from Cananor towards Diu in pursuit of Mir Hozem . He had with him 19 Vessels of several sizes , and in them 1600 Souldiers and Seamen , whereof 400 were Malabares . All India was alarmed at this motion of the Viceroy , but chiefly Zamori , and Melique Az , who had used all necessary precautions to secure himself against this danger . The Viceroy being landed with his Officers in the delightful Island Anchediva , made to them a grave and learned Speech , touching upon the great Actions performed , and reflecting upon the damage received from the Turks ; shewed how much they were obliged to God , their King and Country , to revenge that defect , and the death of his Son , with many more circumstances , and concluded , that the more to terrifie the Enemy it were convenient first to fall upon the City Dabul their Neighbour . All that were present unanimously approved of his resolution . 4. The City Dabul is one of the most noted of that Coast , by reason of its Situation , Greatness and Trade ; seated on a Navigable River , 2 Leagues from the Mouth . The Buildings were then stately , the Inhabitants Pagans and Moors . It is on the Boders of the Kingdom of Decan , subject to Sabayo the King , and was then held by a Governour of his , with a good Garrison , being in fear of our Power . Upon notice of our approach 6000 men were sent in , new Works raised , and much Artillery planted . The Viceroy appearing before it , the Inhabitants , though well provided , began to send away their Goods , the Governour forbid it upon pain of death ; and the more to encourage the People brought into the Town his own Wife , who was in a Country House ; this example was followed by many of the Principal Men , whose Wives were abroad in the Country . On the 30th of December our Fleet entred the Port. The Viceroy ordered Peter Barreto to post himself among the Ships that were in the Harbour , and following close , endeavoured to be the first that landed ; but every one being inflamed with the same desire , it was all confusion , leaping over one another , so that all , or none was first ; of the Viceroy's Boat , the first were Fernando Perez de Andrade , and Iohn Gomez . The Works being high , the Shot flew over our Men. Our Cannon plaid not on the Enemy because our Men were under it . The Portugueses having gained the Shoar , divided themselves in order at once to attack three Gates , which the Moors perceiving , made so brave a resistance at all three , that the dead Bodies caused a greater stop than the living Defendants , or their Works . The Place was narrow , and the Confusion great ' every one thronging for fear of being last . The Viceroy cleared all by sending Nunno Vaz Pereyra to gain entrance another way , who after a hot dispute , though the Moors came on in great numbers , put them to flight , some retiring to a Mosque , others flying to the Mountain . The Commander of the Enemies did all he could to hinder their flight , seeing only ten Portugueses pursue a Multitude , who through hast falling over each other , retarded their own escape . The Fight lasted about five hours , in which time , with the loss of 16 Portugueses , were killed 1500 Enemies , all hand to hand , for the Cannon on neither side was plaid . The Viceroy remained that Night in the Mosque ; he distributed his men about the Town with Orders to keep Guard. George de Melo and his Company , stood all Night at their Arms , expecting the Enemy that fled to the Mountain would return . Nor was he deceived , for they by the favour of the Night , stole into the Town , hoping to recover their Wives , Children and Goods . Little was done till Morning , when the Viceroy gave leave to Plunder , which was hindred by the sudden firing of the Town , so that in few hours it was only a heap of Ashes , and therefore the Booty exceeded not 150000 Ducats . It was afterwards known that the Viceroy was the cause of that Conflagration , fearing the men , taken up with those Riches , might retard his other Design . The Ships in the Harbour had the same end , with no small confusion among ours , scarce able to endure the Flames so near them . The Viceroy had laid in no great store of Provisions , not doubting to get enough along that Coast ; but very little was found here where most was expected , the furious Flames , perhaps fiercer than expected , having devoured all . He thought to remedy this by sending to the Neighbouring Villages , but to no effect , because all was destroyed by multitudes of Locusts , whereof they found many kept in Pots , that were Food to the Natives , which some Portugueses tasting found pleasing to the Pallate , not unlike our Shrimps , which made them conclude these were Shrimps of the Land , as the others of the Sea. So in some places , particularly the Vineyards about Rome are found Crabs , not unlike those of the Sea. So that if those Creatures came not so numerous as to destroy the Harvest , they might be coveted as Food , not dreaded as a Plague . Such were the Locusts the Scripture mentions the Baptist fed on in the Desert . 5. The Viceroy parted from Dabul without Provisions , hoping to get them along the Coast. Payo de Sousa run up a River in his Gally , having seen some Cattle upon the Shoar , and hoping to take some of it ; the Owners opposed , and killed him and George Guedez . Iames Mendez succeeded in the Command of the Gally , and met another passing from Diu to Dabul ; this was well manned , and commanded by a Couragious and Expert Turk , who no sooner discovered our Gally , but keeping his men close , so that only they that rowed were in sight , he drew on Iames Mendez to board him without suspecting any danger , when immediately the Turks that were hid , rushing out had almost gained our Gally ; but our men recovering themselves , gained their Gally with the death of all the Turks , without losing one of ours . The Chief Prize was a Noble Beautiful Hungarian Young Woman , who was brought to the Viceroy , and by him given to Gaspar de la India , who gave her to Iames Pereyra of Cochin , and he married her for her Virtuous Qualities , so well suiting with her Birth and Beauty ; Perfections seldom to be found together in the World. Farther on they took in the River of Bombaim , a Barque with 24 Moors of Guzarette , by whose means the Governour sent some Sheep and Rice , whilst Cattle was brought from other places . The same was done at the Fort of Maim ; for the People terrified with what had hapned at Dabul , fled to the Mountains . The Viceroy arrived the 2d of February at Diu , which appearing high at Sea , girt with Walls and Towers , beautiful and strong , populous and well governed , after the manner of ours in Spain , renewed in our men the memory of our Country , and that inflamed their Courage and Vigour . Melique Az , Lord of this City , was absent 20 Leagues off , with his Army against the Resbuti , but had still advice of the motions of our Fleet , which scarce anchored before the City , when with wonderful celerity he flew thither . He had already used precuation , that Mir Hozem might not perceive how little he was inclin'd to assist him ; and that he might not altogether exasperate the Viceroy , and both of them equally feared him . The Viceroy considered the strong situation of the Place , much improved by Art , the Courage and conduct of Melique Az , and Mir Hozem , and the number of above 200 Vessels well manned , and furnished with all things necessary . Having called a Council , it was resolved , that Nunno Vaz Pereira should be the Forlorn Hope with his Ship , in which were 120 Fighting-men , most Gentlemen , and of known Valour . He was to be seconded by George de Melo , with the like number , who was to be followed by Peter Ba●…reto de Magallanes , and he by Francis de Tavora , then Garcia de Sousa , and so the other Vessels , carrying from 25 to 80 men each . The Night was spent particularly on our sides , in preparing their Consciences and Arms , for the danger was to be encountred next Morning . 6. Between 9 and 10 in the Morning , when there was Flood enough for the Ships to swim , the Admiral gave the signal for entring the Port. On a sudden all moved with loud Shouts , and sound of Warlike Instruments on both sides . Melique Az his Vessels ran to hinder the entrance of ours , Showring Bullets and Arrows , which immediately slew 10 men in Iames Perez his Gally , that led the way to Nunno Vaz . Yet Nunno pierces forward , and pouring his Shot among the Great Ships , sunk one to rights . He was in great danger between two of them , when George de Melo came up with such fury , that running foul of one of the two , he drove it upon that of Nunno Vaz , and thereby gave way to Sebastian de Miranda to board it , which he performed . Then George de Melo went on to another , in like manner the other Captains . The Viceroy in the midst of the Enemies Vessels , gave them a sufficient diversion , that they might not hinder what the others were acting ; and tho' they did him some damage with their continual Shot , he destroyed them with his , till the Paraos of Calicut fled , spreading the News along the Shoar , that the Rumes or Turks were victorious . Mir Hozem being wounded , in despair slipt out of his Ship disguised into a Brigantine , and thence to Shoar , where taking Horse , he never stopt till he came before the King of Cambaya , no less fearful of our Fury , than the falshood of Melique Az , who had assisted him with his Vessels , but not with his Person . The absence of Mir Hozem did not discourage those in his Vessel ; for being boarded , they never yielded , but were all slain . A great Ship belonging to Melique being attempted by some of ours , and not able to carry her , the Viceroy discharged all his Cannon upon , and sunk her . Antony de Campo took a Galeon . Ruy Soarez , one of the last in order of Battel , but not in Courage , running through all , placed himself before the City , and plying most dexterously , took two Gallies , having forced the Defendants to quit them , in such manner , that the Viceroy seeing him at a distance , in a glorious emulation cried out , Who is that who so much excels the rest ? O that I were he ! The Victory being now no longer doubtful , because some harm was done us by the Artillery on the Shoar , the Viceroy made up to the Ships , where our Gallies and other lesser Vessels killed all that leaped into the Sea , so that the Water was turned to Blood. This Victory was not cheap , for we lost near 40 men . Of the Enemy above 1500 were killed . The Ships being plundered , there were great Riches found in them ; and by the great variety of Books in several Languages , was judged , the men were of sundry Nations ; among the Books were some Latin , Italian and Portugues . The Soldan and Mir Hozem's Colours were sent to Portugal . Of all the Vessels that were taken , the Viceroy ordered four Ships and two Gallies should be preserved , the rest were burned . The Victory had been more Glorious , had not the Conquered been treated with such Barbarous Cruelty , that many , not without reason , judged the unhappy end of the Viceroy and other Gentlemen , to be a just punishment of that Crime . We shall soon see it . 7. Next Morning Melique Az pretending to be much pleased with the Viceroys Victory , sent Cide Ale , a Moor of Granada to wish him joy . There was a Report that the City was in a great Consternation , fearing the Conqueror would assault it , and that many were filled with this apprehension . Our men finding the Viceroy inclined to admit Melique Az his deceitful Congratulation , began to mutter , and complain that he stopped the course of his Good Fortune , which the Enemies began now to fear . He calling together the Principal Men told them , that he ●…ad no regard to Melique Az , but the King of Cambaya , who was our Friend , and whose City that was ; that the Town was strong and they tired ; that of 1200 men he Commanded , only 600 were able to bear Arms ; that though the Town were taken , it could not be maintained ; and that they might be revenged against Melique Az on his Trading Ships . All agreed there should be no more said of the Assault , ●…nd should give ear to the Moor. The Viceroy received him courteously , and told him , that two Motives chiefly brought him to that Port , the one to be revenged on the Rumes , the other to recover the Portugeses that were taken , and who were to him instead of a Son. The first Point he had obtained , and the second he must gain by having them delivered to him ; that he should also deliver to him all the Artillery and Munitions belonging to the Rumes that were in the Ships haled in , and they burned , and sell him Provisions . All this seemed little to Melique Az , and was performed with such expedition and exactness , that it setled a profitable Peace with the Viceroy , who left one of the Prisoners there to load two Ships with such things as were wanting at Cochin and Cananor . He dispatched Don Antonio de Noronha with Provisions , and some of the Booty of the Ships , to relieve his Brother , Don Alfonso , at Zocotora . Then the Viceroy sailed , and arriving at Chaul ; that King terrified with the late Victory , became tributary . Passing by Cananor , he was there received with Honour , and at Cochin in Triumphant Manner ; but before he had laid aside his Fest●…al Ornaments , he was accosted by Alfonso de Albuquerque , pressing to deliver up the Government according to the King's Orders . The Answer was , he should give him leasure to put off that Heavy Robe , and there would be time afterwards . Albuquerque pressed and the Viceroy delayed . 8. Some Gentlemen persuaded the Viceroy not to resign the Government , whilst Albuquerque made instance to have it delivered up , Evil Spirits fomenting these Feuds . The King of Cochin , urged by these Divisions , delayed the lading with Pepper , two Ships that were to return home , till Albuquerque were possessed of the Government . In fine , the Viceroy sent Albuquerque Prisoner to Cananor , where he was courteously entertained by that Governour , who then was Laurence de Brito , to whom in few days the Viceroy writ , that he should treat his Prisoner as one who soon must Govern India . 9. King Emanuel being informed of the preparations made by the Soldan of Cayre at Su●…z , resolved to send a powerful Relief to India . This consisted of 15 Sail , Commanded by Don Fernando Coutinno , who had an extraordinary Power given him , the King ( as was thought ) having some inkling of the disagreement was like to be between the Viceroy and Albuquerque . Nothing of note hapned him till he arrived at Cananor , whence he carried Alfonso de Albuquerque to Co●…bin , treating him as Governour of India . Though there passed some Acts of Civility between the Viceroy and Coutinno , the rest was not suitable ; for a Ship he had prepared to pass to Portugal was denied him , and he obliged to take another he had no mind to . He sailed with two more on the 19th of November , and had fair Weather till passed the Cape of Good Hope , when he said , now ( God be praised ) the Witches of Cochin are Liars , who said we should not pass this Cape . Near there he put into the Bay of Saldanna to take Water ; and some men going to exchange Goods with the Blacks , a Servant of the Viceroy treated two of them so ill , that they knocked out his Teeth , and sent him away bloody . Some Gentlemen looking upon this as an Affront , persuaded the Viceroy to go ashoar , when they ought to advise him to punish his Servant for abusing People where they sought Relief . This had been Justice . He yielded , but so much against his Will , that as he went into the Boat he said , Ah! whether , and to what end do they now carry the 60 years ? Hereby declaring , that was an Action of Raw Heads . There went with him 150 , the Flower of the Ships . They went on to a miserable Village , and returned with some Cattle and Children , when 170 Blacks coming down from the Mountain , whither they had fled , attacked them in defence of their Children , casting Stakes with sharp Points , hardned at the Fire , so furiously , that in a little time they killed 50 Gentlemen , and among them the Viceroy , who died kneeling on the Sand , with his Eyes lifted up to Heaven , struck through the Throat with one of these Stakes . George de Melo returned with the wounded Men to the Ships , and when he thought the Blacks were withdrawn , went ashore and buried the Viceroy and the rest . This was a manifest judgment of God , that so few unarmed Barbarians should overcome those who had done such Noble Actions in India . George de Melo carried the News to Lisbon , where it was received with great Grief . The Viceroy , Don Francisco de Almeyda , was seventh Son of Don Lope de Almeyda , Count of Abrantes , and of Donna Beatriz de Sylva his Wife . He was married to Donna Ioanna Pereyra ; he was Knight of the Order of St. Iames ; He was of a Graceful Presence , Ripe Councel , and Obliging Carryage ; he was very Continent , an Enemy of Avarice , very Liberal and Grateful . Don Francisco wore the Coat or upper Garment ( which then was instead of the Cloak used now ) Black , the Doublet of Crimson Sattin , the Sleeves whereof appeared ; the Breeches also Black , which were Breeches and Stockins reaching from the Feet to the Waste , over them Boots , a Truncheon in the Right Hand , the Left upon his Sword , which hung almost before . He was the first Viceroy and Governour of India . CHAP. IV. Conquests under King Emanuel , the Year 1510 , Alfonso de Albuquerque now Governing India , who held it from the Year 1509 , till the Year 1515. 1. ALfonso de Albuquerque , now possessed of the Government , prepared to fall upon Calicut , with Don Fernando Coutinno . The Design was kept private , but Zamori provided , as did all the Princes of that Coast when the Portugues were in motion . They set out from Cochin with 30 Vessels and 1800 men , besides some Boats of Malabares , who followed in hopes of Plunder . They arrived at Calicut the 2d of Ianuary , and weighing the difficulties of Landing , consulted about the manner ; and Ordered that part of the Fleet which belonged to Albuquerque , should be committed to the care of his Nephew Don Antonio de Noronha ; and the part of Coutinno to Rodrigo Rabelo . Every one strove to be so posted as to land first . Our Men were at Arms all Night , and so tired in the Morning , they had more mind to sleep than to land , though the desire of landing had kept them from sleep ; but they soon recovered , the signal being given , and the Cannon Playing . Coutinno had 800 men , and some Field-pieces : Albuquerque had the same number , and besides them 600 Malabares . They marched with more Confusion than Order , each striving to be foremost ; the first that attacked the Bulwark of Cerame were George de Cunna and Francis de Sousa ; they found there 600 men , who made a vigorous resistance , till Albuquerque coming up , they quitted it . Albuquerque being fearful of the disorder of his men , gave notice to Coutinno , who running with all speed to his relief , and our Colours being already set up , judging it had rather been a contrivance of the Governour , than disorder of the Men , took the liberty to say unto him , What means this Sir ? Was you ambitious the Rabble of Lisbon should report you were the first at taking Calicut , which you so extol to the King ? But I shall go to Lisbon and tell the King I could have entred it with only this Cane in my Hand . And since I find no body to fight with , I will not be satisfied till I enter the Pallace of Zamori , and dine in one of his Rooms . This said , without expecting the Answer Albuquerque was about to make , he marched with his men towards that Pallace , where Zamori then was not . He was tired when he reached it , being above 5 Leagues from the Shoar , the Road encumbred with Palm-trees , and having marched hard , and met with opposition by the way , he rested a while in a Plain before the Pallace . Which being then attacked , though well defended , was entred , the Moors flying to the Mountains . Our men now possessed of the Pallance , fell to plundering , without shame or sense of honour , and with as much disorder as if they had been on the Shoar , and their Enemy destroyed . The Enemy now reinforced , returned , and falling upon our disordered men , put all into great confusion , killing many under their Burdens , and doing great harm , though Vasco de Sylveyra signalized himself , killing two of thier Chiefs , whom they call Caymales . In the mean time Albuquerque had entred the City , and fired it ; and having nothing to divert him , marched to see what Coutinno had done . He found all about the Pallace thronged with Armed Men , and that Coutinno was within in eminent danger . Finding it best to hinder the Enemies from pressing upon him , he sent him word he waited his coming . Coutinno answered not till the third Message , and then returned , that Albuquerque might march , and he would follow , being busie in gathering his men , who were dispersed about the House . Albuquerque marched , and the Enemy pressed him doing much damage , till News was brought , Coutinno's life was in great danger . He endeavoured to return to his relief , but was hindred by the multitude of the Enemy , who slew many of his men , and wounded him with a Dart in the Throat , and a Stone in the Head , and in such manner that he was carried sensless to the Shoar . By this time Coutinno and many more were slain in the Pallace , and several on the way , being oppressed by the multitude , and spent with the labour and heat , and stifled with the great Dust. Doubtless they had all perished , if Iames Mendez Vasconcellos , and Simon de Andrade , whom Albuquerque left in the City with 2000 men , had not stopt the fury of the Enemies , and obliged them to retire . There hapned as great a contest about being the last on Shoar , as had been about landing first , not considering all their misfortune had proceeded from that foolish dispute . At last they sailed , having lost 80 men , among them many of Note , whereof Coutinno was one . Albuquerque being come to himself , gave out several Orders at Sea , and dispatched the Trading Ships homeward-bound ; and when arrived at Cochin , made preparations for a third attempt upon the Island Ormuz . While he is employed about this Business , we will give some account of what was done by two of the Captains spoken of in the beginning of the third Chapter , which could not conveniently be inserted before . 2. One of these two Captains was Duarte de Lemos , who , after a Storm , arrived at the place called Medones de Oro , thence he went to Madagascar , or the Island of St. Laurence , and thence to Mozambique , where the rest of his Squadron joyned him . George de Aguiar being lost , he took upon him the Command of the Coast of Ethiopia and Arabia , given him by the King , that Government being then divided into three Parts . From Mozambique he sailed to Melinde ; then set out to visit some Islands of that Coast that had neglected to pay the usual Tribute to Quiloa since it was taken . Monfia submitted immediately ; Zanzibar made resistance , but they were drove to the Mountains , and the Town plundered . At Pemba hapned the same , the Inhabitants flying to Monbaza , leaving nothing in their Houses ; but some little plunder was taken in a Fort whether the Xeque had conveyed such things as he had not time to secure otherwise . Lemos gave the necessary Orders at Melinde , particularly in relation to the Factory for the Trade of Zofala . Hence he set out with seven Sail for the Coast of Arabia ; one Vessel Commanded by Gregory de Quadra , insensibly was separated from the rest in the Night on the Coast of Magadoxa , and carried by the Current to the Mouth of the Red Sea , where the City Zeila is seated , and was there taken . Lemos resolved to take a view of Ormuz , and managed the Towns of that Coast more with cunning than force . The same at Ormuz , where he received of the King and Coje Atar the 15000 Xeraphens , imposed on them as Tribute by Albuquerque , and was well treated . Hence he sent to India , Vasco de Sylveyra , who was killed at Calicut . Then he sailed to Zocotora , and gave the Command of that Fort to Peter Ferreira , sending to India , Don Antonio de Noronha , who took a Rich Ship of the Moors , which being manned by some Portugueses , was cast away in a Storm between Dabul and Goa , and the men made Prisoners : His own Ship was stranded in the Bay of Cambaya , where he and some others endeavouring to escape in the Boat , were all lost ; about 30 that remained in the Ship were taken by the Moors and sent to the King of Cambaya . Lemos , on his return to Melinde , took a Vessel richly laden . The Winter being passed , he returned to Zocotora , and found there Francis Pantoja , who came from India with Provisions , and had taken a rich Ship of Cambaya , the great wealth whereof he shared with Lemos his men , saying they had right to it , as being taken in the Precincts of his Government . A rare example of Bounty . Lemos finding himself unprovided for other undertakings , sailed to India , and was received by Albuquerque with great Pomp and Civility . 3. The other of the two Captains mentioned was Iames Lopez de Siqueira , who was entrusted with the discovery of the Island of Madagascar and Malaca . In the Island St. Laurence he arrived in the Port of St. Sebastian . He run along the Coast , making use of a Portugues as Interpreter , who had been left there , and forced by necessity to learn the Language . He spoke with a King called Diaman . and was by him civilly treated , but had no intelligence of any Spice or Silver , the great end of his Voyage . Having had much trouble and no profit , he sailed to India . Don Francisco , then Viceroy , received him well , and to assist in the discovery of Malaca , gave him another Ship , Commanded by Garcia de Sousa . He passed by Pedir , and that King sent him some Presents , and made him great Offers . The same the King of Paçem ; in both places he erected Crosses . At last he anchored in the Port of Malaca , and terrified the Coast with the thundring of his Cannon , so that all the People running to the Ships and Vessels in the Harbour , shewed the apprehension they had of their new Guest . A Boat came to Lopez his Ship to enquire who they were ; he answered , there was an Embassador from the King of Portugal , who came to propose such things as might be advantagious to that City . There came back a Message from the King in doubtful language , such as is usual when the designs are pernicious ; for some forreign Merchants , Enemies to the Portugueses , had persuaded him and his Favourite Bandara , with the Powerful Argument of Rich Presents , to destroy Iames Lopez . The third day Lopez sent Hierom Teixeyra with a handsome Retinue as Embassador , who was well received on the Shoar , and placed upon an Elephant , so carried to the King , from whom he returned well pleased . 4. All this was but a Bait to ensnare our People , and therefore the King gave out he would do Lopez the Honour to dine with him in Publick . He sent to invite him , and the Invitation was accepted , till he was informed by a Friend of Iao Utimutiraja , that the Invitation was to murder him . Then he gave credit to the advice sent him from a Persian Hostess by Duarte Fernandez after she had endeavoured to come aboard at Night , and was not admitted by Sequeyra , judging it some Love Intrigue , but it proved one means to save those Ships . Lopez excused himself by counterfitting an indisposition . Another way was contrived to carry on the Treachery , which was by offering lading of Spice , saying it was requisite to send for it to three several places . This took so well , that 30 men were sent according to agreement , whilst a Fleet of several Vessels was behind a Point of Land , ready to assault our Ships , at the same time the 30 were killed in the Town . Mean while a Son of Utimutiraja came to visit Lopez , and found him playing at Draughts . He persuaded Lopez to continue his Game , that he might the less observe him , who offered a thousand times with a Dagger to kill him , and only waited the sign from the Town , when a Seaman , who was Centinel upon one of the tops seeing a throng , and hearing noise , cried out , Sir , Sir , Treachery , Treachery , they kill our men . Lopez threw away the Draught-board with such fury , that Utimutiraja's Son and those with him , in a consternation leaped into their Boats : All was done that could be expected upon a sudden , and having sunk many of the Enemies Boats , and forced the rest to retire , and left 60 of our men in slavery , and 8 killed , they sailed , and soon after took two Vessels bound for Malaca . Lopez arrived at Cape Comori , sent Teixeira and Sousa with their Ships to Cochin ; resolving , though ill provided , to return to Portugal alone , being fearful of Albuquerque , because he had sided with the Viceroy . With great hazard he arrived at the Island Tercera . 5. Albuquerque had now fixed every thing for his design upon Ormuz , dispatched the Trading Ships , and other affairs with great expedition . About the end of Ianuary he sailed from Cochin with 1700 men in 21 Vessels of several sorts and sizes . Albuquerque at the River Onor , sent for the Pirat Timoja ( before spoken of ) who desirous of our Friendship , and being Powerful , came presently with much Provision . He being skilful in the affairs of Asia , Albuquerque communicated his design to him . But he dissuaded , shewing how much better it was to attempt Goa , that was unprovided , and would be more advantagious . This pleased Albuquerque , and hereupon calling his Captains to Council , it was proposed to them by the said Timoja , and the Design approved of and commended by all . Timoja furnished 12 Ships , giving out he would accompany the Portugueses to Ormuz , to the end that Goa might be less provided . Timoja had been dispossessed of his Fortune , and ill treated by his Kindred and Neighbours . The desire of revenge , and recovering what he had lost , caused his Love to our People , that it may always appear , that private Interests are the ruin of the Country . On the 25th of February they came to an anchor in the Port of Goa . CHAP. V. A continuation of the Conquest of the same Year 1510 , Albuquerque Governing , and King Emanuel Reigning . 1. TIcuari is an Island on the Coast of Canara , formed by two Mouths of the River Gacim , its length from East to West 3 Leagues , the breadth one . There is in it Hill and Plain , has good Water , very Fruitful , Pleasant , Beautiful and Healthy . On the Northern part of it is seated the City Goa , which formerly was on the South . This now in being was built by Melique Hozem , a Moor , 40 years before the arrival of the Portugueses . The Old is not known when founded ; but some Authentick Writings have been found , wherein is mentioned , that Mantrasat , King thereof , above 100 years before , confesses one only God , the Incarnation of his Son , and the Trinity and Unity ; whence appears they had knowledge of the true Faith ; to which may be added , that when the City was taken , there was found in a Wall a Copper Crucifix . These might be the fruits of the Apostle St. Thomas's Preaching . 2. About the year 1300 the Moors began to conquer India . The first that attempted it with great Power was Xa Nosaradin , King of Delhi ; with a Powerful Army he came down from the North , conquering all the Gentiles as far as the Kingdom of Canara . Thence he returned to Delhi , leaving Habedxa to prosecute the Conquests , who by his Valour and Conduct became so great , that he coped with his Master , which beginning , his Nephew Madura prosecuting , possessed himself of the Kingdom of Canara , and casting off his Allegiance to the King , he called the Kingdom Decan , from the sundry Nations wherewith he Conquered it , this Word signifying so much in that Language . Too great an Empire always threatens ruin . Mamudxa fearing this , used great industry to secure himself , which was effectual for some time ; but at length several Governours intrusted with Provinces of this Empire , erected them into Sovereignties . The greatest of these was he of Goa , about the time of our coming into India , called Sabayo , deceased about the time of Albuquerque's design upon Goa ; and Cufo , King of Hidalcan , had possessed himself of the City , and put it into the Hands of his Son Ismael . The other Princes were Nizamaluco , Mudremaluco Melic Verido , Coje Moçadan , Abexeiapado and Cotamaluco , all great , some very great . Sabayo was born at Saba , a City of Persia , of very mean extraction , but served the King of Decan so fortunately , that he gave him the City Calberga . Thence he extended his Conquests of the Pagans of Bisnagar , and after over the Island of Goa , lately possessed by the Moors come from Onor , Melique Hozem being then Lord of it , who defended it with 1200 men , and was killed in the defence . Goa had several dependencies , and with these and others he gained Sabayo , became the most Powerful of those Princes , and consequently hated of them all . He maintained himself against all whilst he lived , sometimes by Policy , sometimes by Force ; but his death produced great alteration . 3. We left the great Albuquerque at anchor before the Bar of Goa , let us see what he acted . It was necessary to sail up the River , on whose Bank the City is seated ; therefore he sent his Nephew Don Antonio de Noronha and Timoja to sound it . A light Vessel leading the way , spied a Brigantine of the Moors , and giving it chase , found they drew under a Fort well stored with Artillery and 400 men , Commanded by Yaçu Gorgi , a valiant Turk , to secure the entrance of the River . Don Antonio seeing the other in the chase , pressed after him ; and though the attack of the Bulwark seemed difficult , they attacked , and after a stout resistance took it , the Commander having almost lost a Hand , and not able to stop the flight of his men , retired to the City . Mean while Timoja , not to be out-done , took another Bulwark on the Continent , defended by some Artillery and 30 men . Then they sounded the River . Next day as Albuquerque entred the River , he was met by Mirali , and other Chief Men of the City , who came to surrender it , upon condition their Lives , Liberties and Estates should be secured . The reason of this surrender was , that the Turk Yaçu had terrified them with the relation of what he had seen a few Portugueses do , and that a Iogue ( these are Religious Men among those People , esteemed Saints and Prophets ) not long before had declared , that place should soon be subject to Strangers . Albuquerque accepted the offer , and anchoring before the City on the 17th of February , was received on the Shoar as if he had been their Natural Prince . He mounted on a Horse , they brought him , with Rich Furniture , at the Gate received the Keys , and went on to the Pallace , built by Sabayo . He found there much Cannon , Arms , Tackle , and many Horses . Next he gave such Orders as were to the satisfaction of all the City , then dispatched several Embassies to divers Kings , which produced no effect , only shewed the greatness of his Thought . 4. The Neighbouring Towns depending on Goa , came instantly to make their submission , and were kindly received . The Command of the Fort was given to Don Antonio de Noronna ; the Government of the Infidels to Timoja , and so the other Posts to the general satisfaction . Understanding that Ships of Ormuz , and the ●…oast of Arabia were lading at Baticala , four Vessels were sent thither , which took and carried them to Cochin , sending plenty of Provision to Albuquerque . Now our Fortune begins to frown . The Moors begin to exercise their Treachery . Those whom Albuquerque most relied upon conspire , and after four Months revolt , notwithstanding the most faithful Timoja blamed his confidence . They had delivered themselves up so easily to shun their own ruin , and gain time till Ismael Hidalcam prepared to come to their relief . So it fell out , and he came on with great Power , sending before his great General Camalcam , with 1500 Horse and 8000 Foot. Albuquerque disposed his men with great diligence and order to receive him . 5. The first step was to secure the Heads of the Conspiracy , and the chief being Mir Cazem , to whom he had given the Command of 400 Moors , and his Nephew , they were hewed to pieces by his Guards , others were hanged in publick places , and others kept Prisoners , there being 100 convicted . This discovery , with the punishment , terrified the City . Camalcam attempted to pass over to the Island , having prepared Boats to that effect . Don Antonio opposed him , and took 12 Boats. Many of the Enemies were killed , many devoured by the Crocodiles , wherewith that River abounds . Nevertheless Camalcam landed in the Island , which was quitted by our men , and some Cannon had been lost , had not two Masons maintained it , though our Gentry fled , till they were killed , and it brought off . After some resistance , all retired into the City . Camalcam encamped about it , playing his Cannon effectually ; Albuquerque did what the Place permitted , and now comes up Hidalcam with 60000 Men , whereof 5000 were Horse . Part of this Army passed the River , and the rest was divided into two parts , one Commanded by a Famous Officer , the other by his Mother and Women , who maintained their Souldiers by the gain of 4000 Common Women they had with them ; so that the Women lived upon them , and they upon the Women . The siege was closed by the coming of the King , and no place left Albuquerque to act any thing considerable . It is prudence sometimes to yield to necessity . It was resolved in a Council , before day to abandon the City . This was executed with great hazard , for the way to the Ships began to be stopped by Hidalcam , and Albuquerque had his Horse killed , yet got off without loss , after a siege of 20 days . 6. It was resolved to winter in that Sea , and to this effect drew into a Bay ▪ though not commodious , the best thereabouts ; and because the Fort of Pangi with much Artillery incommoded them , there was no remedy but gaining of it ; 300 Portugueses were appointed for the attack . Don Antonio de Noronha , with a Party , was appointed as a reserve , to relieve where there was most need , and Albuquerque to guard the Shoar . At the same time they prepared by Night to appear with the day before the Fort ; there marched 500 men , sent by Hidalcam to reinforce it . They Joy of these People was so great , that those without , as well as those within being all drunk , they mistook our Men , one side thinking it was the Relief sent them , and the other believing it was the Garrison came out to receive them . They were undeceived by the execution done upon them , 340 being slain , the rest rouced , with the loss of one man accidentally drowned . The same hapned at the Bulwark Timoja had before gained at Bardes . Hidalcam hearing of this , was so terrified , that he went from the City , and his fear was the more , because some Conjurer had told him he should be killed by a great Shot near some River . He sent some ceremonious Messages to Albuquerque , to discover what was doing aboard the Ships , and he answered , still adding to his fear . By this means he exchanged those Moors he had kept Prisoners , for the Portugueses that were left in the City at their abandoning of it . 7. Albuquerque had intelligence some Vessels were preparing to burn his Ships , and he resolved to anticipate by firing them , and they being drove up the Harbour , Don Antonio de Noronha was killed in this action . This man used to moderate the Violent Passions of his Uncle Albuquerque , who immediately after shewed the effect of his rigid Severity , by hanging a Souldier because he found him with one of the Slaves he called Daughters , that he used to give in Marriage . And when some of the Officers asked him what Authority he had to put this in execution , putting them under Deck , he lifted his Sword over them , saying , That was his Commission against all that were disobedient , and then broke them all . They all suffered much hardship this Winter , especially Hunger . Sailing hence they discovered four Sail , which were judged to be Turks ; but coming nearer , appeared to be some of the Fleet come from Portugal . 8. This year King Emanuel had dispatched two Squadrons for India , one of seven the other of four Ships ; after them went out two Ships more , and a third to settle a Trade at Madagascar . The four Ships under Iames Mendez were those Albuquerque met at his setting out from Goa , and gave him the News of the other Ships that were on their way , which was a great satisfaction to him , being the better enabled to prosecute his great designs . Gonçalo Siqueira with the seven Ships arrived at Cananor , soon after Albuquerque , who communicated the enterprize upon Goa , but was over-ruled by Siqueira and went to Cochin . By the way he obtained a Victory over the Malabares of Calicut , who opposed our lading Pepper ; then he dispatched Siqueira with the Trading Ships homeward-bound , and soon after Duarte de Lemos with four more , and then turned his view again to the affair of Goa . Iames Mendez , who commanded the four Ships , and was before inclinable to the design , now excused himself . Albuqu●… finding this , commanded him and his Captains , upon the severest penalties , not to stir without his Orders . It troubled them because they feared losing the opportunity of going to Malaca , whither the King sent them ; but they obeyed . Albuquerque set out from Cananor with 23 Sail , and therein 1500 Fighting-men . He passed by Onor to joyn Timoja , whom he found busied in his Wedding , being to marry the Daughter of a Queen , and he desiring to be honoured with the Presence of Albuquerque , obliged him to land , which proved very dangerous , for a Storm rising kept them ashoar three days , and when he returned to his Ships , a Boat with 30 men was lost . Timoja sent with him three Ships , and promised to join him at Goa with 6000 men . 9. On the 22th of November Albuquerque anchored the second time before the Bar Calling to mind the dangers he had there escaped , and the discontent that was among some of his Officers , he thought fit to sooth the Principals with an obliging Harangue , and therewith won all their Inclinations . At break of day , on the Feast of St. Catharine , the City was assaulted with great slaughter of the Enemy that maintained the Shoar , but ( though it seem strange ) not one Portugues killed . The Enemy fled to recover one of the Gates of the City , and our men to enter with them . Here the Fight was renewed , till many Portugueses forced their way in , doing great execution in the Streets . They cleared all to the Pallace with great danger , and loss of five Men of Note ; and there was a most furious Contest begun with equal Valour on both sides . Now Albuquerque having done what became him , came up , and Fortune appearing wholly on our side , the Moors fled , and abandoned the City , endeavouring to get over to the Continent , but through hast and confusion perished in the River . After the Victory it was found , that of 9000 Fighting-men who defended the Town , 6000 had perished , and 50 Portugueses . Medeorao , who commanded the three Ships sent by Timoja , behaved himself well . Timoja with 3000 men came too late , he was only Witness to the Slaughter . The booty of Horses , Artillery , Arms , Provisions and Ships was excessive , and such as was necessary for the great designs Albuquerque had conceived . 10. Our Dead were honourably buried , those of the Enemy in the Bellies of the Crocodiles of that River , into which they were cast . Not one Moor was left alive in the Island . The Gentiles , who were Country-men , were restored to their Farms , and the Government of them given to Timoja , and after to Melrao , a Nephew of the King of Onor . Whilst Albuquerque setled these Affairs , he received many Embassadors with Congratulations of his success from several Princes of Malabar . Many of Hidalean's Officers , then , and afterwards made inroads as far as Goa , but always returned with loss . Iames Mendez and his two other Captains , desirous to go to Malaca , stole away out of the Port by Night , contrary to Albuquerque's Orders . He sent after them , and being brought back Prisoners , he Ordered they should be sent to answer it in Portugal , and two Pilots condemned to be hanged at the Yard-arms . Some were suspicious that Albuquerque detained Iames Mendez , lest he should take Malaca , which Action he designed for himself ; others said , he kept him from the danger Siqueira met with there , that Enterprize requiring a greater Power . 11. Albuquerque providing for the safety of Goa , laid the Foundation of a Fort , which he called Emanuel , being the King's Name . He caused the Names of the Captains who were at the taking of it , to be carved upon a Stone ; but because every one would be named before the others , he turned down the Stone , hiding the Names , and on what was visible put this Inscription , Lapidem quem reprobraverunt aedificantes ; and thus they were all pleased ; for the Portugueses had rather their own Praise should be forgot , than that another should partake . He coined Mony , that of Gold he called Emanuels , that of Silver , Esperas , and half Esperas that of Copper . He married some Portugueses to Women of the Country , gi●…ing them in Portion , Lands , Houses , or Em●…loyments , the better to secure his Colony . One Night that some of these Weddings ●…ere Celebrated , the Brides were so mixt ●…nd confounded together among the People , ●…at some of the Bridegrooms went to Bed to those that belonged to others , and next Morning finding the mistake , they changed them , each taking his own , and all equal as to the point of Honour . This gave the more occasion to some Gentlemen to ridicule the care of Albuquerque . But he persisted with such Constancy , that he brought to pass what he intended , which was , to make Goa the Portugues Bulwark in India . King Emanuel was very desirous of , and recommended to Albuquerque , with much instance , the taking the City Aden , and raising a Fort there . He now possessed of Goa , thought time lo●… while he attempted not something ; he therefore counterfeits the carrying on this Enterprize , and sent some Ships towards the Red Sea , when at the same time his design was upon Malaca . He went to Cochin , having first secured and ordered all things at Goa : Where was left for the defence of it Rodrigo de Castello Branco with 400 Portugueses and 5000 Gentiles , under Melrao to secure the Country and Revenue . He set out of Cochin for Malaca on the 2d of May with 19 Sail and 1400 Fighting-men , 800 of them Portugueses , the rest Malabares . CHAP. VI. A Continuation of the Conquests under King Emanuel , the Year 1511 , and the Government of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 1. THE City Malaca , whither Albuquerque now directed his Course , is seated on that part of Land , being a Peninsula , commonly called by the name of Aurea Chersonesus , and upon that Channel which parts the Island Sumatra from the Continent of Asia , about the middle of that Channel , in something more than two Degrees of North Latitude , stretched along the Shoar about a League , in the same manner as Lisbon . It is divided by a River , and the two parts joyned by a Bridge . The Buildings of Wood , except the Mosque and Pallace , which were of Stone . It afforded a pleasant Prospect to the Sea , and was well secured with Fortifications . The Port was filled with abundance of Ships , as being the great Market of all those Parts . It was first built by the Celates , a People for the most part imployed in Fishing , who joyned themselves to the Malayes , that before inhabited the Mountains . They were assisted by Parisamora , submitting to him . This Man had been great in the Island of Iava , and expelled by a Tyrant who usurped his Lordship , fled to Cincapura , where being well entertained by that King , he rebelled against him , and was again cast out by the King of Siam , and so forced to wander about Malaca ; a just punishment for his ingratitude . He having increased the new Colony , gave it the name of his Fortune ; for Malaca in that Language signifies a Banished Man. The first King of Malaca was Xaque Darxa , or as another Author says , Raal Sabu ) Son of Paramisora , subject to him of Siam , from whom his Successors revolted . The Country of Malaca is subject to Inundations , full of thick Woods , stored with hurtful and dangerous Creatures , chiefly Tigers , which obliges many people to pass the Nights on the tops of high Trees , because they fetch them off the low ones with a leap . The Men are couragious , the Women wanton . The Trade of the East and West make Malaca most Rich and Populous . Mahomet reigned at this time , against whom the King of Siam had sent an Army of 40000 men , most whereof perished by sundry accidents , and partly by the treachery of Mahomet , which he practised with Iames Lopez de Siqueira ; but now came Albuquerque to revenge them all . Mohomet feared the reward of his baseness , and therefore brought to his aid the King of Pam with a great Force , and had now 30000 men and 8000 pieces of Cannon , and yet his fear was greater than his preparations . 2. Albuquerque sailing from Cochin , by the way he took five Ships of the Moors bound for Malaca , off of Ceylon . The King of Pedir , in the Island Sumatra , sent some Moors to visit him , and with Iohn de Viegas , one of the Portugueses left behind by Siqueira , who , with others , flying from Slavery , arrived at Pedir . The same was done by the King of Paçem . Neboada Beeguea , of the Principals of the Treachery of Malaca , was fled from Pedir , and being beaten and taken at Sea by Ayres Pereyra , to the general astonishment of all that beheld him , he shed not one drop of Blood , though pierced with several mortal Wounds ; but scarce had they taken off his Arm a Bracelet of Bone , when the Blood gushed out . The Indians discovered the Secret , saying it was the Bone of a Beast that breeds in Iava , which has that virtue ; it was esteemed a great Prize , and brought to Albuquerque . Next they met a Vessel with 300 Moors , so resolute , Albuquerque was forced to come up himself to take it , not without some danger . In this Vessel was Geniall , the rightful King of Paçem , banished by the tyranny of the present Possessor . Three other Vessels were taken soon after , whereof one gave intelligence of the affairs of Malaca , in which Port our Fleet anchored on the 1st of Iuly with much noise of Warlike Instruments and Cannon , terrifying all the People that covered the Shoar ; for the guilt of what they had before acted , made then sensible what this Fleet was designed for ; there being no surer foreteller of their punishment to wicked men , than their own Conscience . 3. Next day came a Gallant Moor , with a deceitful Message , from the King to Albuquerque . He received him with great state , the greatest was that of his Person and Venerable Beard , which had never been cut since he was at Ormuz , he saying it should never be cut till he sat to that purpose upon the Back of Coje Atar ; so it grew to such a length , that he knotted it to his Girdle . He treated the Moor courteously , whose Message contained , that if he came for Merchandize it was ready . The Answer was , That the Merchandize he sought for , were some Portugueses that were in the City ever since Siqueira went away ; that having got them , he would let the King know what more he demanded of the King and City . The Moor at his return spread the terror of this Answer , and it was generally agreed to buy off that danger by restoring the Portugueses , and paying a sum of Mony. Prince Alodim and his Brother-in-law the King of Pam prevented the executing this , and made ready to defend themselves . Albuquerque began some military execution , whereupon the King restored the Captives . Other Messages were sent by the King in order to appease Albuquerque , who answered , That he offered him Peace upon condition he permitted him instantly to raise a Fort there , and repayed the Charge of his and Siqueira coming to that Port , since his Falshood had been the cause of all the damage sustained ; and that he must immediately return an answer , whether he chose Peace or War. The King desired an Accommodation , but his Son and the King of Pam opposed it . At last they all made the necessary preparations to repel the danger . 4. On the Eve of St. Iames the Apostle , the Signal was given for landing , with great Shouts and noise of Guns ; immediately the Portugueses leap ashoar , and mix with the Enemy . The hottest of the dispute was about gaining and maintaing the Bridge , which Albuquerque had undertaken himself , and was vigorously defended till the Enemies pressed , leaped into the River , where many were killed , and many drowned . The Prince and King of Pam bravely withstood another party of ours that would make their way to the Bridge . King Mahomet came out on a bulky Elephant , with two more carrying Castles on their Backs , whence flew a great number of Darts . Our men attacking the Beasts , so wounded them , that they fled , trampling their own men , and making way for ours to joyn those at the Bridge . Albuquerque then fortified himself there , and because much harm was done with poisoned Arrows from the tops of neighbouring Houses , he caused them to be burnt . Albuquerque bestowing great Praises on his Captains for their Valour , and perceiving they were scorched with the heat , and faint for want of Meat , retired with them to the Ships about Night , where ten died of poisoned Arrows . The Enemies loss was not known . The King of Pam went away , on pretence of bringing a recruit , but returned not . 5. Whilst Albuquerque rested in his Ships refreshing his men , the King harrased his , undermining the Streets to blow us up , and covering them with poisoned Thorns that might gore us at coming in ; he planted more Artillery in many places , and secured the Bridge . Albuquerque sent Antony de Abreu in a Vessel well manned , to gain it ; from the Bridge flew Showers of Bullets , and Deniz Fernandez de Melo seeing him near killed , endeavoured to carry him off to the Ships to be dressed , but he with wonderful constancy said , Though I have neither strength to Fight , nor voice to Command , I have still life to keep my Post. Floats of Wildfire were drove along the River to burn the Vessel , and no remedy to prevent it , till Albuquerque effected it by gaining the Bridge ; then the Vessel had liberty to act . Our Commander enters the City through Showers of Bullets , Arrows and Darts . Understanding the danger of the Mines which were in a broad Street , he took another way and gained the Mosque ; and at last with vast slaughter of the Enemy , took entire possession of the City , having with him in this Action only 800 Portugueses and 200 Malabares . 6. In nine days time all the Moors were killed , or driven out of that great Place . It was Peopled again by Strangers , and some Malayes , to whom leave was granted . Among them came that Powerful Native of Iava Utimutiraja , whose Son had like to kill Siqueira . The Souldiers had three days liberty to plunder . There were found 3000 Pieces of great Cannon ; of 8000 that King Mahomet relied upon , being with the rest retired to Bintam , where with Prince Alodim he fortified himself . This would be of dangerous consequence , therefore Albuquerque sent out 400 of his men , and with them went 400 of Utimutiraja , and 300 belonging to the Merchants of Pegu , these put the Prince to flight , took seven Elephants with costly Trappings , and retired . The King now wandred the Woods , blaming the obstinacy of his Son and the King of Pam ; so the Father and Son fell out and parted , each shifting for himself . Albuquerque instantly built the Fort , which he called Famosa for its beauty , and Church dedicated to the Visitation of our Lady . He Coined Mony ( as had been done at Goa ) of several Names and different Value , which was proclaimed about the Streets , and some scattered among the People . By these and other honourable Actions he gained the Hearts of the Strangers , and secured this most Important Place . 7. Albuquerque , though he saw into the Soul of Utimutiraja , knowing it sometimes convenient to trust an Enemy , gave him the Command of the Moors who remained in the City . But he kept private Correspondence with Prince Alodim , on pretence to restore him , but in reality to the intent to set himself up . This was not so private but it was discovered , and he , his Son , and Son-in-law were apprehended , and publickly ( after Conviction ) executed on the same Scaffold they had erected for Siqueira . This was the first piece of Publick Justice executed by the Portugueses in India . One Fire is followed by another . Pate Quitir , a Native of Iava , to whom Alfonso gave that Government , took a sum of Mony of the Wife of Utimutiraja ( whom he had succeeded ) and a promise to give him her Daughter , upon condition he would revenge the death of her Husband on the Portugueses , to whom she had offered 100000 Ducats for his Life . Pate accepted the Offer , with the same intention of seizing the City . The King of Campar also having this design , sent to Congratulate with Albuquerque , offering his Service , and asking the Command of Pate Quitir . But this had no effect now , in its time it shall be related . Albuquerque received here several Embassies , particularly from the King of Siam , who rejoyced to see his Quarrel revenged , though by another hand . He also sent Embassadors to Siam , to Pegu ; and two to discover the Islands of Maluco and Banda . They had all Orders to publish every where what had hapned at Malaca , and offer the Trade of that Place on better terms than it was before . All things being ordered , the best the time would permit , he resolved to return to Cochin , leaving Ruy de Brito Patalim to Command in the Fort with above 300 men . The like number to guard the Sea , in ten Ships , under Fernando Perez de Andrade . Albuquerque carried with himself four Sail. 8. Whilst this passed at Malaca , there broke out a Rebellion of many of the Natives at Goa , and Pulate Cam , an Officer of Hidalcam , appeared before it with a good Body of Men ; he passed over into the Island and besieged the City . One of the Principal Exploits was a Sally made by our Commander Rodrigo Rebelo , in which was done much execution . But soon after he was killed , and with him Manuel de Cunna , so that things were in a bad posture . To remedy this , by Publick Consent Iames Mendez de Vasconcellos was chose Commander . 9. Pulate Cam gave some jealousie , that he designed to usurp this Territory , to prevent which Hidalcam sent his Brother-in-law Rotzmo Cam , who overcame him with the assistance of Iames Mendez , whom he drew to his Aid , and after would drive out of the City , finding himself with a power of 7000 men , there being then not above 1200 in the Town , whereof the third part only were Portugueses . He laid siege , and Hunger began to press within , and some of our men deserted , whereof part repenting , returned , which gave the first hopes to the Besieged 10. Next came Emanuel de la Cerda , left to cruize upon that Sea , and had wintered at Cochin ; then Iames Fernandez de Beja , who had been demolishing the Fort at Zocotora , and receiving the Tribute at Ormuz . The abundance of Provisions and Recruits of Men they brought , gave new life to the almost dismayed besieged . After these arrived , Iohn Serram , who came from Portugal the year before with Payo de Sa , in order to settle some Trade in the Island Madagascar , where they made several attempts to no effect . Christopher de Brito , who was at Cananor with one great and four smaller Ships , hearing of the condition of Goa , went thither , carrying many Men and much Provision , and secured the Town which had suffered much that Winter . CHAP. VII . Conquests in India under King Emanuel , from the Year 1511 , till the Year 1513 , Alfonso de Albuquerque still Governing . 1. ALbuquerque sailing from Malaca to Cochin , off Cape Timia , of the Kingdom Aru , in the Island Sumatra , his Ship set upon a Rock , which so split it athwart the Keel , that those in the Poop could not come at them in the Forecastle , and the contrary ; neither could the other Vessels , by reason of the darkness of the Night , come to relieve them . Till day appearing Albuquerque was seen holding in his Arms a Girl , Chance had conducted to him in the Confusion ; Peter de Alpoem coming up , though with much danger , saved him . The loss he most lamented was that Bone which hindred the wounded Moor from bleeding , and some Iron Lions of curious Work , which he had designed for Supporters to his Tomb. Some men were lost . Albuquerque went into Alpoem's Ship , and prosecuting his Voyage , took two Ships of Moors , which , though Rich , made not amends for his great loss . Immediately upon his arrival at Cochin , being informed of the distress of Goa , he dispatched thither eight Vessels with Men and Provisions , and a Promise of his speedy coming in Person . There were then in the Town 1000 men , and the Besiegers were 20000 strong . 2. Six Ships arrived in India from Portugal , Commanded by Don Garcia de Noronha , who had a tedious Voyage , having spent a whole year without touching in any Port : And though the men were tired and sick , yet they relieved some places . The mean while sailed from Portugal to India a Fleet of 13 Ships , whereof one perished at the Islands of Angoxa . 3. This Fleet containing 1800 men , anchored at the Bar of Goa on the 15th of August . They presently visited the Enemy in their Fort of Benastarim , and then Don Garcia , and George de Melo with their Squadrons passed on , carrying with them Iohn Machado and others newly delivered from the slavery of Cambaya . Albuquerque rejoyced more than at his Victories to see his Nephew Don Garcia with that Command , the great succour he and Melo brought , the Captives released , and all things concurring to further his designs . His satisfaction was increased by the arrival of Antony de Sadanna with the Garrison of Quiloa , which Place being of small importance , they had quitted . At the same time came an Embassador from the King of Persia , and one from him of Ormuz to go to Portugal . Albuquerque ordered the affairs of Cochin to pass to Goa , and by the way left George de Melo in the Fort of Cananor . 4. He was received at Goa as a publick Father , and being informed of the past as well as present posture of Affairs ; he visited the Fortifications , and studied how to drive Rotzomo Cam from his Works . The sixth day from his arrival , being on an eminence with some Gentlemen viewing 4000 Moors and 200 Horse , who diverted themselves in the Field , it being Friday , which is their Sabbath , he could not hinder our men from rushing upon them , and driving them up to their Fortifications , where was a hot Skirmish , and our men victorious with some Booty , having killed above 100 , and lost one Captain and another man , and some wounded . 5. Albuquerque resolving to take that Fortress from the Enemy , gave the assault by Land and Sea , and thinking it was not vigorously carried on by Sea , he leaped into a Boat , and came so near that a Cannon Ball killed a Canara that steered the Vessels , dashing his Brains and Blood on his Beard . This so inflamed him , that he promised a reward to any that should break that Cannon , and immediately one of our Gunners directed a Ball into the Mouth of it , wherewith it flew in pieces and killed the Canonier . This made way for our men to come up the River and lay the siege closer , when Zufolari appearing on the Continent with 7000 men coming to the relief of it , but finding nothing could be done , he retired with some loss sustained by our Cannon . Albuquerque set down before the place with 4000 men , whereof 3000 were Portugueses , in two Bodies , one Commanded by himself , the other by his Nephew Don Garcia de Noronha . At first we received some damage , but afterwards did so much , that Rotzomo Cam surrendred upon condition to leave the Fort with all the Cannon and Ammunition , and deliver all the Slaves and Renegadoes , which last Albuquerque punished by cutting off their Noses , Ears , Right Hands , and Thumbs of the Left , and sending them so maimed to Portugal . One of these was Ferdinando Lopez , who to do Pennance for his Sins , voluntarily staid with a Black in the Island St. Helena , where he was afterward serviceable to some Ships , and began to sow that Island . Albuquerque endeavoured to bring Rotzomo Cam over to the Portugues Service , but succeeded not . But this his Fortune terrified many Princes . The King of Calicut concluded a Treaty with Don Garcia de Noronha , whom his Uncle had sent to Cochin to take charge of Affairs there . Those of Narsinga and Bisa , Hidalcam and others sent Embassadors , to all which he answered , extolling the value of the Portugueses Amity , and the terror of their Arms ; and being dispatched , sent after them Messengers of his own to inform those Princes , and gain intelligence of them . Now arrived at Goa , Mathew , Embassador from Prester Iohn , in order to go to Portugal ; he brought with him a piece of the Holy Cross , and Letters from Queen Helena , who Governed that Kingdom during the minority of her Son David . The design of this Embassie was to settle Amity with our King , and ask Aid against the Moors , who ever infested that Empire . The Embassador said , that at his Masters Court there were then three Portugueses , one called Iohn , who stiled himself Embassador of the King of Portugal , and two who said they had been lately set ashoar at Cape Guardafu to discover the Country . These were Iohn Gomez and Iohn Sanchez , set ashoar there by Order of Albuquerque himself , with a Moor for that discovery . 7. Finding the Affairs of Goa in so good a posture , he resolved to put in execution an Enterprize he had been charged with by King Emanuel . This was the Conquest of the City Aden . He fitted 20 Ships , without acquainting any body with the design When ready to sail he acquainted the Captains with his intentions . The number of the men was 1700 Portugueses , and 800 Canaras and Malabars . They set sail the 18th of February , and arrived safe at Aden . Miramirzan , Governour of the Town , sent to complement Albuquerque , and a Present of Provision . Several Messages passing , and no hopes of a surrender appearing , it was resolved to give the assault . 8. The City Aden is seated on the Coast of Arabia Felix , near the Mouth of the Red Sea , called by Ptolomy , Modocan . Over it appears the Mountain Arzira , all a barren Rock , in many Cliffs . The Town from the Sea looks beautiful and strong . It is rich and famous for the great resort thither of many Nations . The Soil so scarce of Water , that it has only a few Wells and Cisterns . Even from the Clouds it is scarce watered above once in two or three years ; whence it is void of all Trees , Plants and Orchards , the delight and pleasure of other Towns. 9. Albuquerque found the Enterprize was more difficult than it had been represented . On Easter-Eve in the Morning our men landed with Scaling Ladders , this being thought the proper method for gaining the place . It was doubtful who first mounted the Wall , but several being already upon it , the Ladders , overburdened with the multitude that pressed to get up , broke several times , so that there was no hope of relieving those who had gained the top , and stood in great danger , and Albuquerque was forced to order them down , making one out of the broken Ladders , some fighting while the others came off . After four hours engagement , they retired with great danger and loss , more sustained by the accident than the Enemy . George Silveyra and five men were killed , some died after of their wounds , and some with the fall from the Wall. 10. Albuquerque complying with his ill fortune , and the persuasions of his Captains , and to save time , resolved to give over that attempt , and sail towards the Mouth of the Red Sea. But first they took a Bulwark that guarded the Port , where many Moors were killed , and 37 great pieces of Cannon found . The Ships were all first plundered , and then burnt . The fourth day after their arrival they sailed out of this Port , and arrived at the Mouth of the Red Sea , next the Coast of Arabia , which was much celebrated with great signs of Joy by Albuquerque , as being the first of our Nation that had entred those Seas . CHAP. VIII . A Continuation of the Conquests of the Year 1513 , the Reign of King Emanuel , and Government of Alfonso de Albuquerque . 1. THE Form of the Red Sea is not unlike to that of a Crocodile , the Mouth of it is the place answerable to the narrow Neck , and the Head is that Sea which lies out between Cape Guardafu and Cape Fartaque , and the Point of the Tail reaches to the Town of Suez ; it lies N. N. W. and S. S. E. The length of it 350 Leagues , the breadth where widest 40. The Channel is in the middle , and has Water enough to carry the greatest Ships ; but the sides ar●… shoal , full of little Islands and Banks of Sand. No River of any note falls into it . By the Moors it is called Bahar Corzu , that is , closed in ; by others the Sea of Meca ; by us the Red Sea , from the Colour it takes of the Bottom , as was experienced by the Viceroy Don Iohn de Castro , who caused to be taken up in some places a matter Red , like Corral ; in others , Green ; and in others , White ; and in each the Water seemed of that Colour , but the most is Red , and the Water taken up is as clear as any other . There are some fisheries of small Pearl in many parts of this Sea ; it abounds not in Fish. The Mouth lies between 12 and 13 degrees of North Latitude , and is as it were locked up by seven small Islands , the greatest called Mehun , and Perantonomasiam Island . From the Mouth of the streight till Suez , along the Coast of Arabia , for the first 44 Leagues , are some Ports of small note , till we come to the Island Camaran , subject to King of Aden . Thence to Gezan , a great Town 60 Leagues , where are seven considerable Ports . From Gezan to Imbo 130 Leagues , all the Dominion of Meca , wherein are good Towns and Ports ; among which Ziden , a famous Town , then Ioda , much known , and Meca 15 Leagues up the Country ; 60 Leagues from Imbo , is Toro , where it is said the Children of Israel crossed the Red Sea , which is here 3 Leagues over ; hence to Suez 40 Leagues , and there ends the Coast of Arabia . Let us now return from Suez to the streight , where we began , running along the opposite Coast of Egypt and Ethiopia : 20 Leagues from Suez is Grand Cayr , the vast Metropolis of Egypt , but it lies upon the Nile , not the Red Sea ; 45 Leagues from it to Alcozer ; thence 135 , in which space are many Ports to the City Zuanquem ; 70 Leagues farther Mazua , in a small Island , as is the other , and opposite to it Arquico ; hence 85 Leagues to the Mouth of the Sea. Behind a ridge of Mountains that runs along this Coast lies the Empire of Prester Iohn , which has always preserved Christianity after their manner , and has of late been much supported therein by the Portugues Arms. 2. Albuquerque sailing along this Sea , arrived at the Island Camaran , abandoned by its Inhabitants for fear of his coming . Here he took four Ships richly laden , one belonging the Soldan of Cayr , two more he had taken by the way . From this Island he visited others , and now appeared in the Sky , visibly to all , a Red Crols very bright , seeming to be about a Fadom athwart , and of a proportionable length . They all knelt , and Albuquerque made a devout Prayer , and the Vision was Celebrated with Joy and sound of Musick , and Cannon , till by degrees it was covered by a bright Cloud . He returned to Camaran , designing to winter there , the Wind having failed him to sail to Ioda , as he had designed . 3. Here they suffered extreamly by Famine , and after many died by sickness , caused by the ill Food . Albuquerque parted hence when the Weather would permit , which was in Iuly , resolving to appear again before Aden , He touched at the Island Mehun , at the Mouth of the Streight , and called it Vera Cruz , because he erected there a very high Cross on an Eminence . He dispatched two Ships to discover the City Zeyla , where they burnt two Vessels in the Harbour and joyned him again at Aden . 4. Albuquerque found this City newly fortified . The Cannon on both sides was plaid with almost equal damage . Nothing considerable was performed , but some Ships taken and burnt , and then sailed for India . 5. About the middle of August he anchored off of Diu ; the Lord of it Melique Az , more out of Fear than affection , sent him some Provisions , and a courteous Message . Albuquerque knowing him , dealt cautiously , and demanded leave to raise a Fort there ; he excused himself with the King of Cambaya ; at the same time advising him to deny it if asked . However it was agreed a Factor and some others should be left there to settle Trade ; and at parting Melique treated Albuquerque with such civility and cunning , that he after said he had not seen a more perfect Courtier , or fitter to deceive , and at the same time please an understanding man. Afterwards leave was obtained of the King of Cambaya to raise a Fort at Diu , upon condition he might build another at Malaca , and other reasonable Proposals which were admitted . 6. Now arrived in India two Ships from Portugal , a third being cast away , but the men saved , and taken up by the others at Melinde ; the Captain of her was after lost in a Boat. Albuquerque went to Goa , and sent his Nephew Noronha to dispatch these two , and three other Ships homewards . These Ships carried an Embassador from Zamori to King Emanuel , he being now in amity with us , and having permitted a Fort to be erected where it was desired . They carried also the offers of several Princes , and many Captives taken in War , as Testimonies of what he had acted . There went also a Portugues Jew , an Inhabitant of Ierusalem , sent by the Guardian of the Franciscans there , to acquaint Albuquerque , that the Soldan of Cayr threatned the destruction of all the Holy Places . CHAP. IX . A Continuation of the Conquests , the Year 1513 , till the Year 1514 , the same King Reigning in Portugal , and the same Governour Ruling India . 1. THat Powerful Native of Iava , Pate Quitir , who had been honoured and preferred at Malaca by Albuquerque , and at the time of his departure was in Rebellion , improved his absence to carry on his Treason . One Night he killed a Captain of ours , and took some Cannon , and fortified himself therewith and with what he had before , and 6000 Men and two Elephants . Ferdinando Perez and Alfonso Pessoa with 320 Men attacked him , one by Land , the other by Water ; after a vigorous defence , many of his men being slain , he fled to the Woods . In his Fort was found much Artillery , Ammunition and other Riches , and all that part where he lived was burnt to the ground . 2. Pate Quitir having received succour from Iava , and King Mahomet who lost Malaca , begins to raise another Fort in a convenien●… place , appearing Powerful by Sea and Land , in hopes to usurp the Dominion of the City . Ferdinando Perez went again to oppose him , but though he fought with the same resolution , had not the same success as before , being forced to retire with loss of three Captains and four private men . Lacsamana , a Commander of King Mahomet , now enters the River with many Men and much Cannon in several Vessels . Ferdinando Perez goes to meet him with three Ships , the Fight lasted very furious the space of three hours , with much advantage on the Portugues side . Lacsamana with wonderful celerity that Night , threw up a notable Fortification , whilst Perez guarded the River , fearing he should fly from him . It was thought a rashness in their condition to attack him , so they retired to the City to consult their own safety , but before they consulted their relief came unexpected . 3. Just then entred the Port three Ships from India with Ammunition and 150 Men. Whilst they considered how to put in execution the Orders sent by Albuquerque , Lacsamana took all the Vessels that carried Provisions to the Town . Hunger so pressed the Town that some fainted about the Streets , the same Plague attended Pate Quitir in his Quarters . The Weather being fit to sail , Ferdinando Perez set out with ten Ships and one Gally . As they sailed toward Cincapura , the Gally going before , discovered a Sail and kept it in play till the Fleet coming up took and found it stored with Provision and Ammunition , designed for Pate Quitir . Perez brought the Captain and Principal Men over to his own Ship , who resolved to kill our Men , and began to execute it , running Perez into the Back with a Poniard ; some of them were taken , others leaped into the Sea. Being put to the Rack , they confessed there was a Son of Pate Quitir among them , and that they were followed by three Vessels with the like lading , which were also taken , and all carried to the City . At the same time arrived Gomez de Cunna with his Ship laden with Provision ; he came from Pegu , where he had been settling Peace with that King. The Famine being appeased , and Men recovered , Ferdinando Perez with his Fleet attacked Pate Quitir , and fortunately burnt his Fort , obliging him to fly to Iava . Lacsamana seeing this success , drew off . But at Iava a great Fleet is preparing to fall upon Malaca . 4. Iava is an Island S. E. of Sumatra , they are divided by a Streight 15 Leagues over , it is long and narrow , the length lying from East to West , is almost 200 Leagues . All the length of it runs a Mountain ( like the Apennine in Italy ) which hinders the Commerce between those People : It has some Ports and good Cities . The Inhabitants came from China . Afterwards Moors from Malaca possessed themselves of the Coast. Pate Unuz , who was after King of Zunda , was now Lord of the City Iapara . This Man now prepared a Fleet of 90 Sail to fall upon Malaca ; among these , some equal in bigness to our Galeons , and that which he was to go in , greater than any of them . He had been seven years making this preparation , and kept private intelligence with the Natives of Iava that were in Maiaca . He had 12000 men and much Cannon . On a sudden they appeared before the Town . Ferdinando Perez with 17 Vessels , and in them 350 Portugueses and some Natives , met them , had a sharp engagement , and did much execution . 5. The Night parted the Fleets , and was spent in consulting what should be done next Morning . Pate Unuz endeavoured to gain the River Muar . Perez pursues and pierces into the middle of the Enemy , playing his Cannon and Fire works with such success , that many Ships were sunk and fired . The Fight was very furious , till Pate Unuz fled , and was pursued in ●…in , for he never stopt till in Iava , where he preserved that vast Vessel as a memorial of his escape , and the grandeur of his Fleet , not without reason , for a Merchant of Malaca offered for it 10000 Ducats in case it were taken . This Victory cost some Lives and much Blood , few escaping without some Wounds . Thus were those of Iava for ever banished from Malaca . Ferdinando Perez laden with Spice and Victory sailed to Cochin , in Company of Lope de Azevedo and Antony de Abreu , who came from the discovery of the Maluccoes with three Ships . After them arrived Antony de Miranda from Siam , to the great Joy of Albuquerque , seeing the good Fruits of his Labour and Care for Malaca , and happy return of those he had sent to other places . 6. King Mahomet who had lost Malaca , had not yet lost the hopes of being restord to it . He drew near , and having tried all ways by force , resolved to make use of a Stratagem . He ordered that Tuam Maxeliz , a Favourite of his , should imitate the great Zopirus of Babylon . With his consent he did him some great injuries . He then fled to Malaca with some Companions , giving out he fled from the tyranny of his Prince . Ruy de Brito who commanded the Fort , gave credit to him , and by Presents and Policy he gained such freedom , that he had admittance at all times , till he came prepared to kill Brito , the King at the same time being ready to second and bring him off ; six men were suddenly slain by his followers : Brito then opened his Eyes ( for he was sleeping ) and gathering his Men , drove the Traitor out at the very time that a Party of Mahomets came up to the Fort. The Commander of the Party Tuam Calascar understanding the miscarriage , with a ready wit counterfeited he came to the assistance of Brito , and retired . Now arrived Peter de Faria from the Streight of Sabam , bringing with him Abdela , King of Campar , who no longer able to endure his Son-in-law Mahomet , came to live under the Portugueses in Malaca . This was in the Month of Iuly , and George de Albuquerque was come from Goa to Command in this City , with instructions what to do with the King of Campar , which in effect were to give him the charge of Bendara ( that is , Governour of the Natives ) till th●… possest by Ninachetu , on whom for his go 〈◊〉 Services Albuquerque had before bestowed it , and now took it from him for some miscarriages . This Heathen so much resented it , that he resolved to give a wonderful demonstration of his Constancy and concernment . He was very rich , and ordered in a Market-place a Scaffold to be erected , adorned with Rich Silks and Cloath of Gold ; in the middle he placed a great heap of sweet Aromatick Wood , and strewed the Street from his House thither with sweet Herbs and Flowers , and hung it answerable to the scaffold . He invited his Friends , and clad himself and Family richly . Then mounting upon the Scaf fold , whilst by his Order that Rich Pile was fired and kindled , he made a long Harangue , protesting his Innocence and the Zeal wherewith he had served the Portugueses , and saying he would fly up to Heaven in that Flame and Smoke , he cast himself into that Fire , to the great admiration of all the Beholders . 7. The King of Campar was gone home , designing to return and take upon him the charge of Bendara , but was hindred by the King of Bintam and Mahomet . They fitted out a Fleet of 70 Sail , and 2500 Men , under the Command of the King of Linga ; they besieged Campar , and 8 Portugues Vessels set out to shut them up , with some Boats equipped by the Town . The King of Linga observing them somewhat careless , on a sudden fell upon George Botello the Commander , with his Gally , all the Fleet fol●…wing him , but he was well received , his ●…ally taken , the Fleet put to flight , and the King forced to leap overboard . They took in the King of Campar , and brought him to Malaca , where he exercised the Charge of Bendara so excellently , that in four Months time the City was visibly improved , many People resorting to it who had fled to Mahomet , offended at Ninachetu . Mahomet perceiving the growth of the City caused by his Son-in-law Abdela , to put a stop to it made use of a Fraud peculiar to a Moor. He gave out in private , but so that it might be spread abroad , that his Son-inlaw was gone over to Malaca by common consent , and the same was done by such as seemed to fly from Bintam , with a design to seize upon the Fort the first opportunity , and deliver it to him as lawful Prince . This secret ( as Mahomet had designed it ) was divulged at Malaca , and had the effect he pretended ; for George de Albuquerque gave more credit to the Report , than to the Honest proceeding of the Bendara , who was tried and condemned as a Traytor , and his Head cut off upon a publick Scaffold . The City escaped not the punishment of this Crime , being left almost desolate by the flight of the Inhabitants , and then oppressed by Famine . CHAP. X. From the Year 1514 , till the Year 1515 , concluding with the Government and Life of the Great Alfonso de Albuquerque . 1. WHilst what is before related hapned at Malaca , Albuquerque visited the Important Places of his Province , and gave the necessary Orders for their security . He dispatched Don Garcia de Noronha to Cochin , thence to encourage the work of the Fort that was building at Calicut , He appointed four Sail to cruize in the Mouth of the Red Sea , under the Command of his Nephew Peter de Albuquerque , with Orders to touch at Ormuz , and receive the Tribute when it became due , and then discover the Island of Baharem . He dispatched Embassadors well attended , to several Princes . Iames Fernandez de Beja went to the King of Cambaya to treat about the Fort of Diu , which he had consented to before , and now refused , induced thereto by Melique Az. The Embassadour returned with Presents to Albuquerque , among other things a Rhinoceros or Abada , which was afterwards lost in the Mediterranean , being sent by King Emanuel to the Pope , with other Rarities of India ▪ Iohn Gonzalez de Castellobranco was sent to Hidalcan about the pretensions of Goa , to less effect than the other in the affairs of Diu. 2. In September arrived at Goa five Ships from Portugal , under the Command of Christopher de Brito , one was after lost , bound for Cambaya ; care was taken to dispatch the lading of the others . Albuquerque eased of these more Profitable than Honourable Cares , prepared to set forwards , yet unresolved , whether he should steer to Ormuz or the Red Sea , the King having Ordered both . In order to fix a Resolution , he consulted with his Captains . It was agreed the Enterprize should be upon Ormuz , a suitable determination to Albuquerque's desires . On the 20th of February he directed his Course thither . His Fleet consisted of 27 Sail , 1500 Portugueses and 600 Malabares and Canaras . They anchored in the Port of Ormuz on the 26th of March. Immediately came aboard a Visit and Presents from the King. But what best pleased Albuquerque was , that he found there Michael Ferreyra whom he had sent to Xeque Ismael of Persia , to procure Amity with him , whereof he brought great hopes . 3. Raez Hamet was now possessed of the Favour of the King of Ormuz , as Coje Atar had been with his Predecesso●… , both these being dead . Among other things Albuquerque sent to demand of him the delivery of the Fort he had begun there , and that he should send some Principal Men with the Instrument of the Submission of that Kingdom made by King Ceyfadim . All was consented to , because there was no power to resist . The Governour Raez Nordim came with his Nephew to ratifie all , to whom Albuquerque gave rich Presents , and by them sent the King a rich Coller of Gold , no less valuable for the Workmanship than the Mettal , and a Standard with the Portugues Arms , to declare the Union between both Nations . Publick demonstrations of Joy were made on both sides for this agreement , with sound of Warlike Instruments and noise of Cannon . On Palm Sunday Albuquerque took possession of the Fort before begun , which in few days did rise to a great height , and Albuquerque with some of his Captains went into the Houses neighbouring to it . 4. Albuquerque prepared to receive an Embassador that came from the King of Persia with Michael Ferreyra with Presents , on a Scaffold near those Houses ; this Audience was so long deferred to shew to those of Ormuz , that so powerful a Prince sought his Friendship . The King of Ormuz was at a Window to see this Reception . The Present consisted of Ounces , Brocards , Precious Stones , and Jewels of Gold , and many Silks . The Embassador was honourably received , and the Treaty concluded with mutual satisfaction . 5. Raez Hamet was come from Persia with a design to secure Ormuz , and deliver it up to his King Ismael . He so far gained upon the King , that he absolutely governed him , and nothing was done but by his direction . The better to carry on the Enterpize , he underhand brought People into Ormuz , and was actually in readiness to kill the King , but deferred it till a more favourable opportunity . Albuquerque was informed of all these practices , and how much the King desired to be delivered from that oppression ; he studied , and Fortune offered him the occasion of executing it . An interview was appointed between the King and Albuquerque . His Evil Conscience warned Raez Hamet to shun that danger . He proposed Albuquerque should come to the King , lest the King going should carry him . The other insisted that the King should come to him , and carried it , upon condition that neither Party should be Armed . Some of Raez Hamet's Men broke the Condition , carrying hidden Arms. He was armed himself , and entring the first with much rudeness , Albuquerque cried to his Captains , kill him , which was instantly obeyed . The King came , and the Conference began ; but was interrupted by the noise of the People , supposing the King was killed . Raez Hamet's Men knowing it was he who was slain , ran and possessed themselves of , and fortified the King's House . Albuquerque would presently have scaled it , but was hindred by the King , who with the assistance of his Governours , found other means to expel those Enemies the City . They were to the number of 700 , who all went away to Persia. This disorder was succeeded by the Pomp wherewith Albuquerque and all his Captains accompanied the King to his Pallace , to the great Joy of the whole City , seeing their Prince delivered from that Tyrany , and restored to the Majesty of a King. Then Albuquerque dispatched the King of Persia's Embassador , sending along with him Ferdinando Gomez , with a Present of double the value of that he had received . He was to give an account of what had been done at Ormuz . He was well received , and brought a favourable Answer . 6. It requires a larger History to give an account of the Affairs and Kings of Persia. Let it suffice to say , that the Valiant Prince Reigning at this time , was embroiled in War with the Turk , which was one cause of sending this Embassie , hoping to make an advantage of our Arms against his Enemy . 7. Whilst the Fort was building , or rather finishing , Albuquerque persuaded the King it was for the safety of the City to put all their Cannon into the Fort , pretending thereby to secure them against their Enemies , but in reality to disable them from offending him . Security is a Powerful Argument where there is Fear . The King and his Governours , though with some reluctancy , consented to all was demanded . The Command of the Fort was given to Peter de Albuquerque . So was that Rich and Powerful Kingdom brought under the Portugues subjection , rather to the advantage than detriment of its Natural Kings ; more oppressed before by the tyranny of their Ministers , than by the Tribute they afterwards paid . Besides the security it enjoyed , being protected by our Arms ; but that Liberty is sweeter than all other Conveniencies . 8. These Affairs settled , Albuquerque applied himself to dispatch the Trading Ships homeward-bound . He sent to this purpose his Nephew Don Garcia de Noronha with most of the Fleet to Cochin , staying behind himself to conclude such affairs as required his Presence . Soon after he fell sick , and the Disease increasing , was persuaded for the recovery of his health , to go to India , which he consented to , to the great grief of the King , who looked upon him as a Father . By the way he met the News , that there were arrived in India 12 Ships from Portugal , who brought Orders for him to return home . Lope Soarez , who Commanded them , being appointed his Successor ; hearing this , he cried out , Lope Soarez Governour of India ; this is he , it could be no other . D●… Iames Mendez and Iames Pereyra , whom I sent Prisoners for hainous Crimes , return , the one Governour of Cochin , the other Secretary ? It is time for me to take Sanctuary in the Church , for I have incurred the Kings displeasure for his Subjects sakes , and the Subjects anger for the King's sake . Old Man fly to the Church , it concerns your Honour you should die , and you never omitted any thing that concerned your Honour . Then lifting his Eyes and Hands to Heaven gave God thanks a Governour came so opportunely , not doubting he should die . He was seized with a profound Melancholy , and arrived at Dabul , almost in the Arms of Death , and there writ these last Lines to the King. This is , Sir , the last Letter which I write to your Highness , now under the Pangs of Death , of many that I writ full of Life , because mine was then free from the Confusion of the last Hour , and employed in your Service . I left in that Kingdom a Son , called Blas de Albuquerque , I beg your Highness will make him as great as my Service deserves . As to the Affairs of India , it will answer for it self and me . Upon the Bar of Goa ( which he called his Land of Promise ) he gave up the Ghost on the 16th of December , in the 63d year of his Age , in his Perfect Senses , and like a Good Christian. He was buried in a Chappel built by himself at the City Gate , and called Sennora de la Sierra , or Our Lady of the Mountain . He was Second Son to Gonçalo de Albuquerque , Lord of Villaverde , and of Donna Leonor de Meneses , Daughter of Alvaro Gonzales de Atayde , first Count of Atouguia . He had been Master of the Horse to King Iohn the Second . Of a moderate Stature , his Countenance pleasing , and venerable by the Beard which reached below his Girdle , to which he wore it knotted ; that and his Complexion very White ; his Picture shews his Breeches , Double●… , Cloak , Cap and Coif all Black , with Gold Trimming ; the Wastcoat striped with Green Velvet , with small Spots like Studs . It was doubted whether he was a better Man or Officer . When Angry , his Looks somewhat Terrible ; when Merry , Pleasant and Witty. He was twice before Ormuz , twice before Goa , and twice before Malaca , three Famous Islands and Kingdoms in Asia , whereof he gloriously Triumphed . 9. After a long resistance made by the People of Goa , his Bones were brought to Lisbon , and buried in the Church of Our Lady of Grace . He was the first had the Title of Governour of India , as Don Francisco de Almeyda the first of Viceroy . End of the Second Part of the First Tome . THE PORTUGUES ASIA . TOM . II. PART III. CHAP. I. The Government of the Viceroy D. Anton. de Noronna from the Year 1564 , till 1568 , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. WE concluded the Second Part with the Arrival at Goa of the Viceroy D'Anton . de Noronna . His good Service in India preferred him to the command of Ormur , and his wise Conduct there to the Government of India . 2. With him went four Ships , and he was received with a general Satisfaction . He immediately sent Relief to Cananor , which was Besieged , giving the Command of the Land to D. Antony de Noronna , and that of the S●…a to Gonçalo Pereyra Marramaque with a good Fleet. D. Francis Mascarenas , who was there with a Squadron before , deliver'd it to him , and went away to his Command of Moçambique : This was occasion'd by that Morish Woman spoke of in the end of Iohn de Mendoça his Government . 3. Peter de Silva and Meneses , had the command of seven Ships given him to secure the Boats that brought Provisions to Goa , whereof their was a scarcity . About the River Cannaroto he lost sight of three of his Ships by stress of Weather , and after found them encreased to six , for the three had met and taken as many of the Malabars , and were sailing after their Admiral . Returning to the Place where they were dispersed , between the Islands and the Continent , they met the More Murimuja with seventeen Paraos well provided to meet all dangers . He instantly made to our Ships , and after the discharge of Cannon on both sides , they boarded , and having received some damage , the Portugueses sunk two and took five , one of them being Murimujas who was kill'd ; the others flying , were pursued to the River Pudepatan , where three Paraos and above fifty Almadies or great Boats came to their Relief . Ou●… Cannon repulsed them , and they run up the River : Of the Enemy five hundred were killed , and three Portuguses . 4. The Viceroy being in care for Cananor , sent thither D. Paul de Lima Pereyra , with four Ships . Being at Anchor in the Bay of Bate●…ala , the Malabar Pyrat Canatali came upon him with seven Paraos loaded with Booty taken on the Northern Coast. Paul seeing him come , sets out to meet him . After the usual Salutes with their Cannon , Canatale with three of his Ships lays D. Paul's Galliot on Board , the others did the like to the other three , whereof two shamefully fled , the third stood by it till he was sunk . Now all the Enemies force fell upon D. Paul , who , with fifty Men he had , did things behond belief , killing above two hundred Mores , but with the loss of thirty Portugueses . D. Paul was so wounded , he was forc'd to sit down and gave order to make to the Enemy , who was drawn off . Canatale , who was preparing to fall on again , seeing the Galliot beyond Expectation make at him , stood away ; D. Paul return'd to God , being in no condition to reach Cananor . 5. There our Men were much streightned by the number of the Enemies who were Masters of the Field . Andrew de Sousa made a good resistance , till he dying , and D. Antony de Noronna succeeding him , with the relief he carried , in several re●…counters they kill'd above Two thousand Mores , and cut down Forty thousand Palm-trees . This is the greatest harm can be done that People , because those Trees are their princi●…l Sustenance . The City enrag'd hereat , ●…ll'd together all the Neighbourhood to the number of Ninety Thousand , to take Revenge ▪ They had the boldness to assault and scale th●… For●… with such confidence of carrying it , that they had before-hand divided the Booty . Nic●…aripo a Nayre did us great Service , advising D. Payo de Noronna then commanding there , to put the Men and Riches of the Town , as not tenable , into the Fort. All was drawn in , except D. Antony de Noronn●… and his Men , who said he would live and die by those Walls , and staid accordingly . The Men all prepared themselves for Death , and stood at their Arms all the last night . 6. By break of day the Enemy attack'd the Works with great crys , and above Two thousand of them entred the City . In one place Emanuel Trava●…s with Thirty Men did great Execution upon them . D. Antony appear'd in all Parts , Thomas de Sousa , Gasper de Brito , and the two Betancores , made great slaughter at their Posts . The Field was so cover'd , that never a Bullet was lost . The Enemy began to give back , when two Cazices brought them on again . The assault lasted till Sun-setting , then the Enemy retired to their Camp , with a resolution to protract the Siege . About Five thousand of them were kill'd . 7. At this time came Gon●…la Pereyra with his Fleet , and was a great encouragement to them all ; and after him Alvaro Paez de 〈◊〉 to succeed D. Payo . They both prosecuted the War , and utterly destroyed the City of Aderrajao who commanded at the Siege , and cut down a great Wood of Palm-trees with considerable slaughter to the Enemy , and without losing one Man. This was the end of that Siege . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. Anton. de Noronna . 1. THE Tyrant Raju disturb'd the Peace of Ceylen , resolving to make himself Master of the whole Island : He gather'd a numerous Army , and the better to surprize the Portugueses in Columbo , gave out , his design was upon Cota . He encamped between the two Forts and alarming Cota , imagin'd they were unprovided at Columbo , and suddenly attacques it by Night , so that above Two thousand Men mounted the Walls , but were as soon thrown down by the Commander Iames de Ataide and his Men. The Assault was renew'd , but at length the Enemy , having lost Five hundred Men , retired ; Raju resolv'd to carry both places by Famine , since he could not by force . At Cota he attempted to drain the Ditch by turning away the River , and had compassed it , had not Peter de Ataide with some Musqueteers oblig'd his Workmen to give over , killing Three hundred of them . It is said , a Cloud miraculously hung between our Men and the Enemy , which conceal'd the former from the latter , but not them from us , so that they fired at a Mark without being seen . 2. But now Provisions began to fail in Cota , and they fed on things loathsom . Ataide thinking to take some of the Enemies Elephants that were in a Wood hard by , sallied out with Eighty Men , but being over-power'd with a multitude was forc'd to retire , having lost two . Raju knowing how famine raged , had corrupted not only the Natives , but some Portugueses . Luis Carvallo , rather through Dispair than good Will , discover'd the Treason ; and Ataide , without taking notice he knew it , gain'd the Hearts of the Conspirators , by favouring and cherishing them . The little Silver he had he coin'd and distributed among them . 3. George de Melo commanding in the Island Man●…r , easily perswaded the King of Candea , as being an Enemy to Raju , to invade his Country now he was absent , thinking by that means to draw him from the Siege . He sent Five thousand Men , and with them Thirty ●…gueses commanded by Belchior de Sousa ; they destroyed all as they went , and ●…tterly fa●…ed the great City Chilao , yet Raju 〈◊〉 stir'd . On the contrary he prepar'd 〈◊〉 Assault Cota by Night . A Chingala Woman appear'd at the foot of the Bastion Prea●… desiring to be carried to our Captain ▪ 〈◊〉 discover'd to him Raju's design , and 〈◊〉 the saving of the City . Some believed 〈◊〉 Woman was an Angel ; the truth is , she was Mistress to one of our Souldiers , and ●…ing her Lover's danger , made this disco●… . There is nothing so ●…d , but at some●… does good . 4. Pe●… de Ataide sent Antony de Silv●… to 〈◊〉 to order Iames , as soon as he hear●… C●…on 〈◊〉 at Night , to sally with his Men , and fall upon the back of Raju's Army , that would be then busie in the Assault . George de Melo was already come thither from Manar with One hundred Men , seeing the Project of Candea take no effect . In the dead of Night the Enemy attacks the City on all hands , and finds those of Cota ready to receive him : Yet killing some of the Defendants , they enter the Works in one place , thither the King and Peter hast , and with incredible bravery drive them out again . Stephen Gouzales , Captain of the Innamos , with Seven Men did the like upon the like occasion . 5. At this time came from Columbo the other Ataide and Melo , who by reason of the darkness of the Night , could do no more but fire the Enemy's Camp , and return to their Fort , lest if he succeeded here , he should immediately attack it . Raju in Person with the Flower of his Army attacks the Bastion of Preacota , where he found Fifty Soldiers , that seem'd to him to be Fifty thousand by the harm they did him . These Men afterwards declared , That they saw in the Air a beautiful Woman , who with her Vail cover'd them and received therein the Enemies Bullets and Arrows , whereof many returned upon and kill'd them . By her side was a venerable old Man with a General 's Staff in his hand . This was supposed to be the Blessed Virgin and St. Ioseph . Raju in the Morning seeing this great disappointment fled to Ceytavaca , leaveing above Two thousand Men dead . 6. Peter de Ataide fearing he might return , and being quite destitute of Provisions , caused Four hundred of the fattest Men that were killed to be salted , and a Mulato tasted them eating up a Liver . F. Simon of Nazareth urged the unlawfulness of this Food , and Ataide pleaded necessity : But no use was made of it ; for it being known that Raju was not in a Condition to return , Provision soon came from Columbo . Thus ended this Siege of four Months , the last forty Days whereof , there was scarce any thing to eat . The Portugueses alone obtained this Victory , for all the King's Men deserted . Those were not above Three hundred , some sick and old . 7. What Raju had design'd we now did our selves ; for it being difficult and troublesome to maintain Cota , it was judged expedient to demolish it , and remove the King to Columbo , where he was no less tormented with the Covetousness of the Portugues Commanders , than he had been before with the Tyranny of Raju . This was performed by Iames de Melo , who went to succeed Peter de Ataide in that Command . 8. Three thousand Mogol Horse appear'd ●…ore the Fort of Damam , where Iohn de Sousa commanded , he sent advice to the Viceroy and the neighbouring Places , and began to fortifie . His greatest Confidence was in the Palisade made of the Plant Leobera ( that is , Milk ) which is not be assaulted , because when struck it casts out drops like Milk , ( from whence it has the name ) which if they touch the Eyes infallibly blind . Trestan de Mendo●…a Commander of Chaul came with Two hundred Men. The Viceroy sent four Ships : They marched out to fight the Enemy , who was encamped three Leagues off , who fled at the first sight , leaving a rich Booty in their Camp. 9. The Bassa of Ba●…ora , during the Government of the Count de Redondo , desiring the Turks might have a free Trade at Ormuz , had made some overtures of Peace , and the Count thinking it a Matter of too great Concern to be transacted without the great Turks Concurrence , sent Antony Teyxeyra a Gentleman sufficiently qualified Embassador to Constantinople . He entred the Pallace this Year , scattering gold Coin. The Grand Signior to receive him was seated on the ground sewing Caps , which his Grandees bought at excessive Rates . The Embassador told him , That the Bassa had proposed a Peace to the Viceroy , and a free Trade for the Subjects of the Turkish Empire . The Great Turk , without lifting up his head from stitching , answer'd , I ask Peace of no Body : If the King of Portugal desires it , let him send some Great Man of his Court , and he shall be heard . The Embassador brought a Letter containing this Answer to Portugal , and it was thought fit not to reply to it , because they found the Turk did not speak like a Taylor . 10. D. Ferdinand de Monroy , a Spanish Gentleman , was out with two Ships and four Galliots , to intercept the Fleet bound from Achem to Meca ; he lay in the Chanel of Cardu among the Maldivy Islands . Peter Lopez Rabelo in his Ship met one of those they waited for of great force and value , and after a long fight they both took Fire , and were entirely consumed . The Captain and some Mores were saved in a Galliot that followed him , and Iames Ferreyra de Padilla who commanded it , was very insolent with D. Ferdinand about the Distribution of the Mores . D. Iames Pereyra , who set out afterwards upon the same design with five Galleons , and six small Vessels , had yet worse Fortune . Being deceived by the Mores ▪ at those same Islands he went to wait for the Fleet at the Mouth of the Red Sea : As he returned without doing any thing , a violent Storm that lasted eight days swallowed up two Galleons , whereof his was one ; the others were dispersed , and put in where Chance guided them , almost Four hundred Men were lost . 11. At length the War of Cannanor ended , for that King wearied out begged a Peace , which was concluded to our Advantage . The concluding Acts of this War were , the taking several Malabar Vessels by Gouzalo Pereyra Marramaque ; the slaughter of many Mores that opposed Emanuel de Brito , who conveyed the Ships from Malaca , China , Molucos , Pegu , Bengala , and Coast of Coromandel trading to India , when he was taking Water at Mount Delii ; and several other Rencounters in which we were successful , except in one , where D. Lope de Moura was killed . I will conclude with a remarkable Accident . Calisto de Sequeyra a most expert Marksman , dug a hole in the Field , and lying close did not miss a shot ; the Enemy a long time could not perceive whence that harm came , till another well skill'd in the same Art among them found it out , and placing himself in the same manner the other had done , they both aimed at one another so exactly , that both fell down dead . 12. Brama King of Pegu being told by Astrologers he was to marry a Daughter of the King of Columbo , sent to demand her , and he had never a one ; but his Chamberlain had one the King esteem'd as his own : They both agreed to put her upon him , as really the King 's . And the Chamberlain the more to oblige the King of Pegu , seeking thereby to cast off the Portugues Yoke , feign'd he had that Tooth which was taken at Iafanapatan and burnt at Goa , and would give it in Dowry with the Bride . The Embassadors easily crediting what they desired , took the Bride and the Tooth without acquainting the Portugueses , and sent advice to Brama , who received the Wife first , and then the Relick , with the greatest Pomp that ever has yet been heard of . Many Gallies were fitted out , but that which was for the Queen was covered with Plates of Gold , and rowed by beautiful young Women richly clad and brought up to this Exercise , so that they were more expert then Men. They were of those Women who there live without Men in separate Quarters by two and two like Man and Wife A new sort of Amazons . 13. The King of Candea understanding the deceit of this Marriage , and envying that great Fortune , acquainted Brama therewith , offering him a true Daughter and Tooth , and affirming , both that of Columbo and the other of D. Constantin were Counterfeit , and the true one was in his Hands . If the Daughter was not more real than the Tooth , he was even with the King of Columbo . Brama considering it was as bad for a Prince to own himself cheated as to be so , gave ear to the Embassadors , but not to their Information . The King of Candea missed his aim , and discover'd his ill Affection . Two things are here worthy consideration , the one that the Portugues Commanders , through their Avarice , exposed that important place to evident danger of being lost , had not Brama being undeceived , grown cold ; the other , that had D. Constantin sold the Tooth as he was advised , there had not now been two set up to be adored by so many People . 14. The Trade of India was this Year at a very low Ebb , by reason of the Desolation of the Kingdom of Bisnagar , whose Riches are equal to its great extent , which is from the Borders of Bengala to those of Cinde . The Kings of Decan , Nizamaluco , Idalca , and Cutubixa , jealous of that Grandure , entred into a League to suppress it . They took the Field with Fifty thousand Horse , and Three hundred thousand Foot : The King of Bisnagar met them with double that Power , and his Age was double , being Ninety six Years old . He had the better at first , but Fortune turning to the other side , he lost his Head , and they remained Victorious . They spent five Months in plundering Bisnagar , and yet they were not the ●…rst , for the Natives in three days time had carried away One thousand five hundred and fifty Elephants loaded with Money and Jewels worth above One hundred Millions of Gold , and the Royal Chair for great Days that could not be valued . Notwithstanding all this , Idalxa found a Diamond as big as an ordinary Egg , on which the late King's Horse's Feather used to be fixed ; and another , tho' not so large , yet of an extraordinary size , besides other Jewels of incredible value . That Crown was divided between the Sons and Nephews of the deceased . CHAP. III. Continues the Government of D. Anton de Noronna , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. THE beginning of this Year Gonzalo Pereyra Marramaque sailed for Amboino with One thousand Men in Twelve Ships , Embassadors from that Island having represented in how great danger those were who had newly receiv'd the Faith. D. Emanuel de Noronna sailed for Banda , and was stabbed by the way by the Purser of his Gally , whom he had affronted with a Cane . Great Men may command , but not abuse the lesser , for the small have Honour as well as the great . No Man , though never so little , owes any submission in Point of Honour to the greatest , and in point of Condition he owes no more than he pleases to impose upon himself . Alvaro Paez de Sotomayor ( the War of Cananor being ended ) sails for the Coast of Malaba●… with twenty Sail : Iames Lopez de Mesquita with three for the Molucos ; D. George de Meneses Barroche for the Red Sea with four Galleons , one Gally , and four small Vessels ; Lisuarte de Aragon for Ceylon with one Ship ; D. Leonis Pereyra for Malaca with six ; George de Moura for the North with the same number ; D. Francis Mascarennas for Olala to suppress that Queen , who was about to refuse her Tribute ; for this use Twenty-seven Ships were allotted , and Iohn Peixot●… went before with eight of them . 2. The Viceroy was fitting a good Fleet in order to follow those that were gone before to Olala , designing to build a Fort at Mangalor , to curb Bucadevi Chantar the Queen . The Fleet consisted of seven Gallies , two Galleons , and five small Vessels , and carried about 3000 fighting Men. 3. The Viceroy anchor'd in the Bay of that City called Mangalor and Olala , seated on the Banks of a River that washes both sides of it not far distant from the Sea , whence was to be seen a Wall wherewith the Queen had fortified her self , within which and the other Works were Thirteen thousand Men with sufficient Cannon . The Viceroy divided his Men into six Battalions , and landed on the 4th of Ianuary . At night the Portugueses sitting to supper , and to play with many lights , and the same security as if they had been at Goa , the Enemy laying hold of the Opportunity sallied in a body of Five hundred , followed by Fifteen hundred , fell upon and put them into such a disorder , they scarce had time to take their Arms. D. Francis Mascarennas who had the advanced Post , fared worst ; and though he fought well , lost several Men , most perhaps killed by our own Fire , for through the darkness and confusion no body knew what they aimed at . D. Luia de Almeyda relieved him with his Men , who all slipped away to nine , that behaved themselves with incredible Valour . 4. On the Eve of the Epiphany they gave the Assault , and being as desirous of Revenge as entring the City , soon forc'd their way and fired the Town , at the same time cutting down the Palm-trees . The Queen fled to a Mountain . Of the Enemy Five hundred were slain , about Forty of the Portugueses . The Viceroy immediately laid the Foundations of the Fort , giving it the name of St. Sebastian , because the first stone was laid upon his day , and that day chose in Honour of our King then Reigning . By the middle of March the Work was finished with a Church and other Conveniencies . He gave the command of it to his Brother-in-Law Antony Pereyra with 300 Men , and Ammunition for six Months , and returned to Goa . Afterwards in the time of D. Luis de Ataides Government , the Queen sued for a Peace , and purchased it by a new imposition of Tribute , and a summ of ready Money . 5. The King of Achem had now entred into a League with many Princes of the East , and the Turk , who desired to get footing in India , not doubting with this united Power of carrying Malaca : He Imbarqued with his Wife and Children as if he had gone to take Possession of , rather than to Besiege that City . On a sudden he appear'd before it with 450 Sail , 200 Brass Cannons , and 20000 Men. D. Leonis Pereyra was at that time on the Shore celebrating the Birth-day of King Sebastian , with a certain Exercise used among Portugueses on Horseback , and perceiving some of the Company were surprized at the sight of the Fleet , he ordered the Sport to continue , drawing down nearer to the Shore , that the Enemy might not imagin they could disturb his Pastime . 6. Afterwards he gave the necessary Orders , and making a review , found he had Fifteen hundred Men , whereof only Two hundred were Portugueses . The King of Achem began with Complements , and shews of desiring accommodation , but all tended only to discover what was the Condition of the Town . D. Leonis who understood him was wary , and carried it on with dissimulation . At length the King perceiving no artifice succeeded , and that he advanc'd but slowly , resolved to put the whole Event upon on●… furious Assault . After the Discharge of th●… Cannon , above two hundred scaling Ladders were laid to the Wall with great Shouts on both sides . D. Leonis had also distributed his Men in their several Posts . The Priests had undertaken to defend one , but no sooner did the Enemy attack , than they fled to the Church . 7. In the heat of the Action a Party of ours sallies out upon the Enemies Works , making a great slaughter ; among the rest was killed the King of Aru. Our Men retired with one Cannon , and loaded with Musquets , Cimiters , and Heads of all sorts of People that compos'd that Army , having lost but one Portugues and six Malayes . The Enemy encourag'd by the King who looked on , mounted our Works , and were as soon thrown down by the Defendants . The King in a rage stamp'd and blasphem'd , and seeing three days furious Assault had not gained a foot of Ground , he utterly despair'd of Success ; therefore with great Secrecy Shipping off all his Army and Train , except Four thousand Men that were killed , he set sail , firing the Ships that were to spare by the loss of those Men. This great Success cost us but three Portugueses . 8. The Commander , D. Leonis , bestow'd not only Praises , but Money and Jewels on all that had signaliz'd themselves , to the value of 15000 Crowns . The Viceroy receiving advice of the danger the City was in , sent to its relief Iohn de Silva Pereyra with Men and Ammunition in seven Ships , but he came when the Siege was raised . So the King of Ujantana our Neighbour with sixty Sail , who visited our Captain in the Fort , and was received with Royal Magnificence , rejoycing at our Success not without trouble that he had no share in it . 9. The Viceroy offended at the Insolence of the Natives of the Island Salsete , who persecuted the new converted Christians , fitted out a Fleet against them without letting his design be known . When those of Sal●…te least thought of it , he fell upon them , and destroyed 200 of their Idolatrous Temples . Because we have sometimes mentioned this Island , without speaking of an ancient and wonderful Structure that is in it , it will not be amiss to say something of it here . 10. In this Island is a high Mountain , winding about which are 3000 Cells with each of them a Cistern all cut out of the solid Rock . Under the same Mountain is a way cut through the same Rock , with such Cells on the sides , which is said to go as far as Cambaya , which , if so , must run under the Sea. F. Antony de Porto , a Franciscan , resolving to enquire into this Secret , got Company , Provision , Torches , and great quantity of strong Packthread , and fastning an end at the Mouth of the way , travelled seven days through it . Then finding no end , and the Provision growing short , he returned by the help of the Thread , having as he believed travelled fifty Leagues to his great admiration , but not satisfied . The Gentils said , this was the Work of Bimilamansa , who 〈◊〉 300 Years before was King of all that is between Bengala and the Mogol's Country . Formerly a Learned Man of those Parts affirm'd , this and some others were the Works of the holy Prince Iosaphat . 11. The Affairs of the Molucos were not at all successful . We left Gon●…alo Pereyra Marramaque on his Voyage to Amboyna , he joined with the Kings of Bacham and 〈◊〉 , set out for the Island Cebu , where some Spaniards had settled under the Command of Michael Lopez de Lagaspa à Biscainer , and a Man so valiant and subtle , that he amuzed our Captain , till he got together his Men that were dispersed , and then expelled him the Island with shame , for that if attacked at first , the Spaniard had been utterly defeated . To add to this Misfortune , he lost almost Three hundred Men by a Sickness natural to that Country . 12. Hence he passed to Amboina or Ito , for it is called by both Names , a most beautiful and pleasant Island , abounding in Fish , Flesh , and Fruit of all sorts and delicious taste . It is inhabited by two sorts of people , the Ulimas , who are native Mahometans , and have three Towns ; the Ulensivas are Heathens , and have four . Our Captain found the Natives assisted by Six hundred of the Islanders of Iava , and well fortified under the Command of Gemiro Governour of those Islands . He attacked them with such peril , and was so vigorously opposed , he seemed rather to fight for Life than Victory . 13. At length the Portugueses prevailing , were in danger of being overcome by their great Disorder in plundering . The Captain rectified all by firing the Booty , and many of the Men were scorched , whose Covetousness overcame the fear of the Flames . The Enemy retired to a Mountain , and there compounded only for Life , laying down their Arms. But the People of Amboina having been the first among those Islands who admitted the Portugueses offering Subjection to our Crown , Lands , and leave to erect a Pillar in their Metropolis with the Royal Arms of Portugal , and finally embracing our Religion , and contracting Marriages with us , it will be convenient to look a little back in order to proceed in the relation of these Affairs , and particularly of one wonderful Passage , that may serve as an Example to such as pretend to Plant Colonies . CHAP. IV. The End of the Government of the Viceroy D. Anton. de Noronna . 1. THEY who know with what kindness the People of Amboina at first received us , will be earnest to understand the Cause why now they are become our mortal Enemies . The worst is , they had so just a Cause , which was thus . The People of Curon ( I suppose this should be Ceram ) became implacable Enemies to those of Amboina , on no other account but that they received the Portugueses , admitted their Religion , and contracted Marriages with them . Hereupon they resolved to expel not only the Portugueses , but even the Natives out of the Island , accordingly on a sudden came uponthem with a great Power . Those of Amboina had been ruin'd , but that the Portugues stood by them , and to be short , utterly defeated their Enemies . 2. The People of Amboina , to shew their Gratitude to those who had defended them , invited them to a splendid Entertainment . The Wives of those who made the Feast came abroad to see the Portugueses entertain'd . One of these ( doubtless he was drunk ) was so charmed with the Beauty of one of those Women , or so blinded with Lust , that leaping suddenly from his Seat he catched her in his Arms with such insolence , after being three times admonished without desisting , that if Genulius , a Man of great Authority , had not interposed , the Portugueses had there been all cut to pieces . And well they had deserved it ; for it appears they did not hinder or obstruct so insolent and publick a lustful Extravagancy , which openly in the sight of the World , durst force a Hand to those Parts , which even with consent are not touched but in private , and without Witnesses . 3. Those People burned with the desire of Revenge for the affront they had receiv'd , and look'd upon as most hainous . Nor could Genulius appease them , but by expelling the impudent Guests , which he desir'd as much as any , looking upon himself equally concerned in that Injury : and knowing it was a new offence every time the injured saw him that gave the wrong ; he therefore reproaching them with the hainousness of the Crime , and shewing how greatly they were favour'd in having their Lives spared , ordered them instantly to depart the Island , and never more presume to set their feet upon it . 4. The People overturning the Tables with furious Countenances , gave them to understand they would by force execute what Genulius had directed , if the Portugueses doubted doing of it by fair means . There was nothing to do but submit , so they went away to their Ships full of shame ; their general Confusion paying for the Impudence of one in which all had a share , because none reproved it . 5. Scarce had the Portugueses left the Shore , when those of Amboina prescribed the same Laws to the People of Atire and Tavire , that the Curons , or Cerams , had done to them before . That was , they threatned them with War if they received the Portugueses into their Ports : But those People answer'd , That they were Christians , and as such would admit to their Ports and Houses the Portugueses , though it were with hazard of their Lives . 6. They of Amboina were so irritated with this Answer , that falling suddenly upon them , they routed and put to the Sword most of the Inhabitants of those two Places , bringing under their Subjection those Towns that had submitted to the Crown of Portugal ; such as refused were reduced by Fire , and Sword , and Slavery . They were not content to put to Death those who were constant in the Faith , unless they did it with barbarous and cruel Tortures . One may serve as an Example of all their other Barbarities . 7. A little King of Elate was taken , who because he would not renounce the Christian Faith , was tied to a Stake , and Pans of Fire being set before him , they cut off pieces of his Flesh , broi●…ed and eat it in his sight : Some they made him eat , and asked whether he liked it ? He with much patience answer'd he did , and was pleased to do that for Christ , who had suffer'd for him : That if after he was dead , they would put a piece of his Flesh into a new Pot , within twenty four hours they would find it converted into Oil , in testimony of the Truth of the Christian Doctrine , and , in fine , that the Portugueses would revenge his Death . 8. They continued the Torments till he died , and then to try what he had said , put a piece of his Flesh into a new Pot covering it , and the Twenty four hours being expired found it full of most sweet Oil. They were astonished , but did not repent ; and soon after the Prophecy was fulfilled by their Ruine . 9. Gonçalo Pereyra ( as was before said ) coming thither defeated them and their Succors they had from Iava and other Places , and reduced them , notwithstanding they fortified themselves in the Mountains . In this Action five Portugueses were lost , and Pereyra left D. Duartes de Meneses to command there . 10. At this time Iames Lopez de M●…squita , a most wicked Man , commanded at Ternate . Aeyro King of that Island , who had been so unjustly treated by D. Duarte Deça , had always carried himself respectfully to the Portugueses without any Merit of theirs , but was now at variance , because they killed his Nephew . He began to revenge it , killing three of them , because they refused to do him Justice . This difference was composed by some well meaning Persons , and the King and Mesquita solemnly swore to the Reconciliation . But it being all deceit in the latter , before six days were expired he murder'd the King as he visited him . This was done at parting , he waited on him to the Door , and his Nephew Martin Alfonso Pimentel stabbed him by the Unkle's Order . 11. When this King the last time Embraced that false Friendship , he took to witness of his sincerity the Scutcheon of the Portugueses Arms , which represent the Wounds of our Saviour . As he was stabb'd , he laid hold of a Cannon about the place where those same Arms were , saying , Ah Gentlemen , why do you thus kill the best Subject your King my Master has ? Neither these words , nor the sacredness of the Place , it being hallowed Ground , asswaged their fury . There they strip'd and cut him in pieces , which being salted and put into a Chest were cast into the Sea in sight of his Queen and Daughters , who begged only for leave to bury him . Such was then the Portugues Government , that these and other the like Cruelties and Villainies passed unpunished by them . But God did not so , who first with shame deprived them of those Dominions , and afterwards of a Prince of their own . Gui I hil Babu , Son to the deceased , succeeded him in the Crown , and just desire of Revenge for such inhuman Oppression . He fortified himself , and entred into a League with all the Neighbouring Princes against us , beginning the War with the slaughter of some Portugueses , and persecution of the new converted Christians in all those Islands . But this happened later , we shall see it in its proper place . 12. The Viceroy order'd D. Luis de Almeyda in the Spring to Cruize in the Sea of Suratte , to examin what Ships sailed there without our Passes . He had six Ships with him , and was joined by fourteen more , they took three great Ships richly laden , and brought two of them to Damam , one having foundred at Sea. This was the last publick Action of the Viceroy . He embarqued to return home and died in the Voyage . It was ordered in his Will , that his right Arm should be cut off , and preserved , to be buried with his Unkle D. Nunno Alvarez at Ceuta , and that the Body should be cast into the Sea. It was accordingly performed , and some observed that the cutting off this Arm was the Execution of the Sentence he had given against himself , when a Relation prevailing upon him to sign an unjust Paper , he said , The hand that signs such a thing deserves to be cut off . Such is the force of Affection , it makes a Man do the very thing he abhors . 13. D. Anton. de Noronna was a Man of a good Disposition , Judgment and Inclination . He was Viceroy the term of four Years the 11th of that number , and twenty-third of the Governours , the first of that Name , and third of the Sirname . 14. During the Government of D. Anton. the Ships that came from Lisbon to India were , in the Year 1565 four , in 1566 four more , and four in 1567. 15. This Year our great Poet Luis de Camoens was at Zofala . Being very poor in India , where he served sixteen Years , Peter Barreto who was going to Command at Zofala promised him great things , and Camoens finding nothing came of them , after waiting long he resolved to come for Portugal in a Ship that had touched there , in which was Hector de Silveyra and other Gentlemen . Being about to depart , Peter Barreto who had made those Promises not to prefer him , but divert himself , demanded Two hundred Ducats he said he had spent upon him ; and those Gentlemen paid the Money and brought him away . So it may be said , Luis de Camoens his Person , and Barretto his Honour , were at once sold for that Money . He arrived at Lisbon the Year 1569 , when the Plague raged in that City ; so that famous Man always flying one Plague fell into another . CHAP. V. The Government of the Viceroy D. Luis de Ataide , Count de Atouguia ; from the Year 1568 , t●… 1571 , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. To D. Anton. de Noronna succeeded with the same Title of Viceroy D. Luis de Ataide , Count de Atouguia , a Person meritorious of this Government , or of a greater , if ever any greater was committed by a Prince to one single Person . He was the first who carried Orders that a Gentleman should be bare when they spoke to the Governor , and be seated on a Chair without a Back . He was the first also sent by King Sebastian after he was out of his Minority . 2. With him went five Ships with a great number of Men , and great part of them of Note . He arrived at Goa in October , and was received in the City with a general Satisfaction of all Men. Though he found the number of Shiping but small yet in few days he set out so many Sail , as caused admiration ; and good Squadrons were sent to several Expeditions . 3. Luis de Melo de Sylva went in February with thirteen Sail to relieve D. Leonis de Pereyra at Malaca , the News of his Success not being yet come to Goa , Alfonso Pereyra de la Cerda sailed towards the North with six in November : And Martin Alfonso de Miranda with thirty six to scour the Coast of Malabar , infested with Pyrats . The Natives were o●… with a considerable Strength , and lost five great Vessels , many Men and much Ammunition ; but Martin being wounded with a Cannon Ball was carried to Cochin , and died there . D. George de Meneses set out with two Gallies and five small Vessels to seek the Pyrate Canatale , whom he found not ; but discovering many Vessels in the River Carapatan he made to them , and came up himself with a Gally in which 180 Mores fought so desperately , that none being left alive but a Father and Son , the former killed the latter , and stabbing himself leap'd over-board . 4. Ayrez Tellez de Meneses set out with seven Sail , and D. Paul de Lima Pereyra with eight for the North. In the River Banda near Goa he found four Catures , or Barges of Malabares , who after losing many Men escaped . Then he held on his Voyage , which was to relieve Rostumecan , besieged by the Mogols in Baroche , which place he had Usurped , laying hold of the Confusions of Cambaya , since the Death of the King Badur in the Sea of Diu. Itimican now held that Government in his Hands by great Subtilty and Artifice , having perswaded the Guzarates , that a young Man his own Son was the last King's , and therefore he secured that Crown in him for himself . 5. Whilst Ayrez Tellez sailed , D. Peter de Almeyda Commander of Damam went to Suratte , to call to an account Agaluchem Lord of that Town , by the same Title as Rostumecan , for loading two great Ships without the Viceroy's leave , the Ships were taken , and valued above 100000 Duccats . As Almeyda had done , Tellez began to play his part , which was to force the Mogols from Baroche . He performed it effectually : But Rostumecan being out of danger , forgot his Promise to the Viceroy , which was to become Tributary to us . So easie it is to make promises in danger , and to break them when delivered . 6. D. Iames de Meneses on the Coast of Malabar did such Execution , that Zamori was not in a condition to relieve Agaluchem , who sent from Zuratte to beg his assistance , being distressed by Nunno Vello Pereyra , who was come from Damam to clear the Bay of Cambaya of Enemies . He burnt two Villages and some Vessels , and brought away many Prisoners . Then with 400 Men he pursued a Body of Mog●…ls who were fled to a Mountain ( called Parnel ) almost impregnable by Art and Nature , and three Leagues distant from Damam . Nunno neither knew the strength of the place , nor number of the Enemies , who were above 800 , and so began to Mount that difficult ascent , whence great Stones were rowled down to hi●…der the Passage . But the Souldiers climing upon Hands and Feet , reached the first Intrenchment , which after a vigorous opposition was entred . Then they assaulted the Fort , where both Parties fought desperately . In some places they came so near as to lay hold of one another's Weapons . Antony de Fo●…seca was lifted up by his Lance which some of the Mogols held , and he never quitted it but laughed . Being afterwards asked what he laughed at , he said , To think the Barbarians believed they could get the Lance out of my hands . At length they let him fall . Nunno Vello seeing he strove in vain , retired after losing seven Men , having killed above thirty of the Enemy , and taken much Provision , fifty Horses , some Camels and Oxen , with which he drew off not without danger , being pursued by 500 of the Enemy , whereof 100 where Horse . 7. He consulted this Affair with Alvar●… Perez de Tavora who had the Command of Damam ; the result was , that Nunno marched with 100 Portugues and 50 Morish Horse , 650 Foot , half Portugues , half Mores . They went up the Mountain with great Labour , through ways never before trod , carrying three pieces of Cannon . They met with considerable opposition , five Cannon playing upon them from the Fort , and some Horse breaking out of the Woods ; so they lost eight Men , six killed and two taken . Three days were spent in climing the Mountain , being got to the top Nunno planted his Cannon , and batter'd the Work with such fury , that the Enemy the sixth Night abandoned it . The Fort was razed . 8. The great importance of the impregnable Fort of Azarim , moved the Kings of Coles and Sarcetas to attempt the gaining of it . They entred the Country of Bacaim , in which it is , and after doing great harm , set down before it ; but Andrew de Villalob●… who commanded there , bravely defended it till the Viceroy sent Relief . Being then Eight hundred strong they fell upon the two Kings , and not only forced them from the Siege , but following into their Countries put all to Fire and Sword , and returned Victorious . The Viceroy now sent out D. Roderick de Sousa with six Ships from Cambaya ; Peter Lopez Rabelo and Giles de Goes with two Ships and three Galleons for Aden ; D. Iames de Meneses with twelve Gallies and thirty small Vessels for Malabar ; Peter de Silva de Meneses with thirteen Sail for Braçalor . Braçalor is a new Fort between Goa and Malabar , upon the Mouth of a River . The Viceroy offended at the King of Tolar designed to possess himself of it , and agreed with him that commanded to betray it . Peter de Silva going to take possession of it , by the way entred the River Sanguise , which runs through the Lands of Hidalen , where he burnt two Towns and some Vessels . The Commander of Braçalor according to promise delivered up the Fort by Night , and our Men falling upon the Town , killed and took above Two hundred of the Inhabitants . The Kings of Tolar and Cambolim came up that Night with 1500 Men , and the next with 5000 , in a hot Engagement they lost many Men , and we five . The place not being judged tenable , was quitted with Honour , bringing away twenty Cannon , and a great quantity of Ammunition and Arms. 9. Mem Lopez Carrasco sailing for Sunda with only one Ship , and only forty fighting Men in it , passed in sight of the Port of Achem at such time as that King in person was setting out against Malaca with 20 Gallies , as many Galleons , and 160 other Vessels . Carrasco finding it impossible to shun them , resolved to sell his Life as dear as he could . The whole Fleet attacks them , and tears all their Rigging to pieces , Night parted , and Morning brings them together again , three Gallies board them and are beaten off . The Fight lasted three days ; the King having lost forty Vessels and many Men returned into his Harbor . As much of our Ship got to Malaca as was hid by the Water , all that was above being shattered to pieces ; and thus for that time was Malaca delivered of that trouble . 10. Miran , a King between the Mogul and Cambaya , design'd to possess himself of the Crown of Cambaya , to which he thought he had the best Title , since it had been usurped from the lawful Heirs upon the Death of Badur . He treated about it with the Viceroy , offering him at present a sum of Mony , and afterwards some Towns , if he would assist him in gaining that Kingdom , and expelling the Tyrant Himican . The Viceroy admits the Proposals , sends an Embassador of his own with the Kings , and makes such diligent ▪ Preparations , that on a sudden the Sea of Goa was covered with 140 Sail. To amuze the Enemy he gave out the Design was against Malabar . Whilst an Answer could come from Miran , the Viceroy , to keep his Men out of Idleness , sailed towards the Rivers of Braçalor and Onor , whose Banks are peopled by Canara's , who at the I●…stigation of the Malabars , refused to pay the Acknowledgments due to the Portugueses . CHAP. VI. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Luis de Ataide . 1. WHilst the Viceroy was busie in these Preparations , four Ships from Lisbon arriv'd opportunely at Goa . D. Paul de Lima with one Galleon and six Ships , and Martin Alfonso de Melo Commander of Baçaim meditating Revenge against the Kings of Cole and Sarcetas , got together One hundred and thirty Horse , and Eight hundred Portugues Foot. The Enemy had Four hundred of the former , and Two thousand of the latter , yet were put to flight , and even in the flight cut off Emanuel Pereyra and all his Men. So much is an Enemy to be fear'd even when he flies . The Cities of Darila and Varem were destroyed , and all the Countries about them . D. Paul in his return took two Ships of the Enemy , though forsaken by some of his own Vessels , and those that left him had afterwards the Impudence to boast of the Victory . The Viceroy receiv'd D. Paul with much Honour ; and one of those that had forsaken him coming to kiss ( as was the Custom ) the Viceroy's Cloak , he said to him , Keep off , go kiss your Mother's hand . 2. In November the Viceroy set out of Goa with above One hundred and thirty Sail , some of them were Tenders , and some Merchants : In the fighting Ships were Three thousand Portugueses besides Indians . He entred the River of Onor , and landed Two thousand three hundred Men , not without opposition . The place seem'd impregnable both by Art and Nature , yet our Men with great difficulty beginning to ascend the Hill , notwithstanding the Bullets that fell from above , soon discovered the People flying out of the City , and the Queen of Guarcopa retiring to the Inland , as despairing the Fort could hold out , though Garrison'd with Five hundred resolute Men , and well stored with Artillery and Ammunition . 3. The City which was rich and beautiful was first Plundered , and then reduced to Ashes . Our Forces sat down before the Fort , and batter'd it without intermission four days , without the least molestation from a Body of the Natives who came to hinder their Progress : Which the Besieged perceiving , surrendred upon condition to march away without Arms. The Booty was small , the most considerable part of it Cannon and Ammunition . The next day being St. Catharines , a place was cleansed to say Mass in . The Command of it was given to George de Moura with Four hundred Men , half of them Portugueses . 4. Here the Ingenier Simon de Ruan fought alone with thirty of the Enemy till he fell as was thought dead , but as they put him into a Shroud a small motion was perceived , and soon after , to the admiration of all Men , he recovered . In this Action we lost twenty Men. Next the Viceroy passed to Bracalor , which is much like the other in strength and situation . The Landing was somewhat more difficult , being obstructed by 11000 Men , but at length Two hundred of them being killed ( with the loss of nine on our side ) our Men possessed themselves of a Work which much dismay'd the Enemy . 5. Those in the Fort , before the Viceroy could besiege , abandon'd it . Soon after the Kings of Tolar and Cambolim attack the Fort on a very dark Night , but found Peter Lopez Rabelo who commanded it with Two hundred Men so ready to receive them , that they lost Three hundred , killing only five of his , and despairing of any Success , concluded a Peace with the imposition of a greater Tribute than they paid before . The Viceroy had an interview with those two Princes and the Queen of Cambolim , and they parted very good Friends . Above a Month was spent in building a new Fort in a convenient place , which was the mid-way between the City and the Mouth of the River . The Command of it was given to Antony Botello , who spilt the first Blood in this Action . 6. The Viceroy was in great care , that he received no answer from Miran . But there is no security in humane Policies . Miran thought to tie the Mogol to his Interest , by marrying his Brother to the Mogol's Sister . But scarce did the Brother , assisted by his Father-in-law the Mogol , see Miran march towards Cambaya , when he enters his Kingdom with a great Power ; and Miran having notice hereof , was forced to stay to secure a certainty of his own , rather than to go to a doubtful Purchase . The Viceroy was much concern'd at this News , and having no present Imployment for so great a Fleet , divided it into several Squadrons , and sent them upon different Expeditions . D. Peter de Casto had one to secure the Ships trading to Goa ; Ferdinand Tellez , who not not long before had taken some Ships of the Enemy , went with another to the North. Of his Squadron were Ruy Diaz Cabral , and D. Henry de Meneses , who being separated from him , met fifty Sail of Malabars , and rashly fell upon them . Ruy Deaz and seventy Men they both commanded were all killed ; D. Henry from among the dead was carried into slavery , and after ransom'd . D. Emanuel Pereyra and Iohn de Silva Barreto came too late to prevent this Misfortune , but not to put the Enemy to flight after receiving and doing much harm . 7. The Viceroy resented this loss not so much for its greatness , as because it was the first time Fortune had frowned on him . He went to Mangalor , twelve Leagues to the Southward , to appease some Disturbance that lessened the King's Revenue , and was prejudicial to Trade . This proceeded from the Enmity between the King of Bangu●… and Queen of O●…la ; the Dominion of the latter lies to the South , and that of the other to the North of that Place . The Viceroy being better received at Mangalor than he expected , had a meeting with those two Princes , and agreed their Differences . In his return to Goa , he left with Antony Botello Commander of Braçalor for the Security of that Place , six hundred fresh Men ; and Antony Cabrall at Sea with three Vessels well provided . At Onor he added to George de Moura Five hundred Men , and left on that Sea Francis and Rocque de Miranda , Brothers , with six Ships , who with Fire and Sword destroyed some Towns and Ships , because they rebelled as soon as the Viceroy had turned his back . 8. At the end of this Year arrived at Goa five Ships from Portugal . The Queen of Guarcopa who was fled to the Mountain , rather for fear than good Will , came now to an Accommodation . 9. In those Seas were left D. Iames de Meneses with Forty two Sail ; Luis de Melo de Silva with fifteen ; Vincent de Salda●…na with eight ; D. Iohn Coutinno with Four ; and D. Francis de Almeyda with Two Galleons : The first of these carried Fire and Sword all along the Coast of Malabar , to the Terror of all that Empire . The strong Towns of Coulete , Ti●…acole , Capocate , Padrarigale , Panane and Calicut felt this fury . Above 1000 Heathens were killed or made Prisoners , above Sixty Vessels taken , and many more sunk and burnt . We lost but four Men in all those Actions . 10. Zamori thought to put a stop to the Ruine of his Country by offering Proposals of Peace , but no Ear was given to them . The Weather effected what that did not , it being no longer practicable to lie upon that Coast. Luis de Melo disappointed the Artifices of the Queen of Guarcopa , who treated of Peace , and prepared for War. He burnt many of her Towns , ravaged the Country and demolished her Fort of Sanguise . Vincent Saldanna in the Sea of Mangalor did his Duty , securing our Ships that traded that way . D. Iohn Coutinno did the same about Cambaya , Cochim and Chaul . D. Francis de Almeyda disabled and put to flight at Diu six Malabar Galliots that attempted the entring that ●…ort to burn the Ships that were in it . 11. In the beginning of Winter the Viceroy fitted out two Squadrons to relieve Onor and Daman , fearing the Mogol design'd against the last , and the Queen of Guarcopa against the other . His greatest care was for On●…r , hearing the Enemy had attempted to des●…roy ou●… Men by Treachery , bribing some Ca●…raes who were in it , to poison our Men with the Fruit of the Herb Du●…uro , whose quality is such , it makes Men forget all things , and renders them wholly insensible , even of Wounds . The Treachery was discovered , and the Conspirators hanged over the Walls in sight of them that employed them , who then betook themselves to open force , having failed in this private Practice . At that time entred the Port a Galley and three other Vessels with a Body of choice Men for the Relief of the Fort. 12. The Wickedness of the Portugueses in killing the King of Ternate , began to be punished : That King's Son and Heir had commenced his Revenge , as was said before , and now sent his Unkle Calacinco with twelve Gallies to Amboina . He was near taking our Fort , whilst the Commander of it D. Duarte de Meneses was consulting far off with Gonçalo Pereyra about the manner of maintaining it , but Baltasar de Sousa who supplied his place defended it well . Baltasar Vieyra saved it , killing with a Musquet Shot a Caciz of Note , upon whose Death the Enemy withdrew to the Island Varenula , and had they not retired , they had carried the Fort before Pereyra and Meneses could come to relieve it . 13. They being come , Pereyra puts to Sea with six Sail. One of them commanded by Lawrence Furtado being hard set by the Enemies Admiral , Furtado leaps into it and kills the old Commander , and the Galley was taken , two other were also taken , and the Enemy fled to other Islands , not thinking themselves safe at Varenula . Above Nine thousand Men were killed in these Expeditions . 14. Whilst this happened at Amboina , the Fort at Tornate was so close besieged , that our Men wished for Vermin to feed on , having eaten all that could be found . The King perceiving the besieged did not treat of a Surrender , joined with the King of 〈◊〉 dore , gave so furious an assault , that he 〈◊〉 twenty Portugueses and entred the Tre●…es . The next Night they had as good success . Luis de la Mo defended his Bastion with great Bravery , and Belchior Vieyra for this time delivered the Fort , killing Beneuoa General of Tidore , at which sight his Men fled . Pereyra hearing of this Posture of Affairs , left Sancho de Vasconcelos to command at Amboina , because D. Duarte was dead , and hasted to Ternate with three Vessels that rowed , and One hundred Men. At Bacham where the King was our friend , he encreased to fourteen Sail. 15. The Confederate Kings set out to meet Pereyra with fifty Coracoraes , which are great Gallies . Pereyra receives them , and they fought with much bravery : The King of Tidore attacks our Admiral Galley , but being almost killed , drew back with his Galley quite disabled . The Enemy gave way , and Pereyra came to the Fort , and brought fresh vigor with that Success . But those of Ternate were so intent upon Revenge , that they continued the Siege five Years , and our Men were forced to abandon the Fort. The King of Tidore received those that would stay with him , the rest dispersed into several Countries . We shall see in time how they were expelled Tidore : And it is rather a wonder they continued there so long , being guilty of such Villainies , than that they were at last drove away . But great Storms threaten India now , and our Viceroy is preparing to meet them . CHAP. VII . The dangerous Sieges of Goa and Chaul ; and first of the foremost , continuing the Government of D. Luis de Ataide , and Reign of King Sebastian . 1. ALL humane Grandure is subject to Envy . The Princes of Asia seeing the vast increase of the Portugues Power , resolved to give it one fatal Blow ; and to this purpose entred into a League , which was five Years in forming and concluding , and carried on with wonderful secrecy . 2. These Princes were Hidalcan Alecdaxa , Nizamaluco Xaoxem , and Zamori . Their Design to extirpate the Portugueses in India . To this effect they raised powerful Armies , and made so sure of the success , that they had before hand divided their imagined Conquests . The first was to have Goa , Onor , and Braçalor ; the second , Chaul , Damam , and Baçaim ; and the third , Cananor , Mangalor , Cochim , and Chale . Hidalcan had assigned his principal Men Offices at Goa , and some Portugues Women that were cried up for Beauties . The King of Achem was at the same time to make an attempt upon Malaca . In fine , those Princes broke out like impetuous Torrents , covering the Fields with multitudes o●… Men. Hidalcan marched to besiege Goa , Nizamaluco to Chaul , without any respect to the Peace which had been no way infringed . 3. The Viceroy upon this occasion shew'd an undaunted Spirit . It was generally agreed Chaul should be abandoned , for the greater security of Goa , but the Viceroy resolved the Enemy should have nothing but what was dearly bought . He immediately sent D. Francis Mascarennas with 600 Men in four Gallies and five small Vessels to the Relief of Chaul . Among these went many Gentlemen of Note , to serve as private Souldiers . They set out about the end of September . 4. Next the Viceroy applied himself to provide for the defence of Goa . He posted Ferdinand de Sousa de Castellobrance , an old Souldier in Asia , in the Pass of Benastarim with 120 Men ; D. Paul de Lima at Rachol with 60 , and thus in other places he distributed 1500 Natives of the Island . There were not compleat 700 Portugueses in it , these he reserved to relieve where ever the greatest danger threatned . The City he put into the Hands of the Dominicans , Franciscans and Clergy , who exceeded not 300 , assisted by 1000 Slaves . Captain Iohn de Sousa with 50 Horse was to be ready to appear where-ever there was occasion . D. George de Meneses , ●…rnamed Barroche was to keep the River with 25 Sail. At the same time the Viceroy caused Ammunition and Provisions to be brought from all Parts , the Works to be repaired , and about the middle of December he took his Post upon the Bank of the River . No sooner was he there , than several Bodies of Men appeared coming down the Mountain Gate , and encamping at Ponda , commanded by Norican , Hidalcan's General . About the end of December he advanced , and encamped over-against the Pass of Benastarim , pitching his Master's Tents , who spent eight days in coming down the Mountain by reason of the greatness of his Army . At night he lighted so many Fires to discover the Paths of the Mountain , that at a great distance the multitude of his men could be seen . Being come to Ponda he covered those vast Plains with rich and costly Tents . 6. This Army consisted of 100000 fighting Men , besides an infinite number of Followers ; 35000 Horse ; 2140 warlike Elephants ; 350 pieces of Cannon , most of an extraordinary bigness , and some great Barques brought upon Mules , to be lanched for all occasions upon the River . The chief Commanders of this multitude were , Norican called Hener Maluco , of such quality , that he never appeared with his Prince but in the Field ; Rumercan and Cogercan , who for their quality had distant Quarters on the edge of the Water . The Army encamped in such manner , it looked rather like a regular City than a Camp. Their order of Battle was thus : Hidalcan at Ponda with 4000 Horse , 6000 Musqueteers , 300 Elephants , 220 Cannons ; Cogercan , Rumercan , and Mortazacan near the Mouth of the Channel Ganja with 3000 Horse , 130 Elephants ; and nine Cannons . Norican opposite to the Island of Iohn Lopez with 7000 Horse , 180 Elephants , and eight great Cannons . Camilcan and Delirracan facing the Pass of Benastarim with 9000 Horse , 200 Elephants , and 32 battering Pieces . Solyman Aga on a height above Benastarim with 1500 Horse , and two Field Pieces . Anjozcan opposite to the Island of Iohn Bang●…l with 2500 Horse , 50 Elephants , and six Cannons . Xatiarviatan in sight of Sapal with 1500 Horse , 6 Elephants , and 6 Cannons . Danlatecan , Xatiatimanaique , Chitican , and Codemenacan facing the Pass of Agaçaim with 9000 Horse , 200 Elephants , and 26 Cannons . The rest of the Army covered the Mountains capable to strike a Terror into the boldest Spirits . 7. The Viceroy viewed all the Posts , offering his Person to the greatest danger . The ranging of the Enemies Army caused him to alter his first method , being now reinforced with some men come from several Parts , he posted his men thus : The dry Pass which he had designed for himself , he committed to D. Peter de Almeyda , and D. George Deça with 120 men , and went himself to that of Benastarim , where Ferdinand de Sousa de Castellobranco was with the like number , taking to himself the Command of one of the lesser Posts there , rather than remove that Officer . D. Michael de Castro not far from Madre de Dios with 150 ; Iames Barradas on the point of the dry Pass with 60 ; D. Peter de Castro towards Benastarim with 120 maintained at his own Charge ; Iames de Azambuja hard-by with 50 ; Francis Pereyra a little farther with 20 ; Vincent Diaz Villalobos at Sapal with 60 ; next Gaspar Fernandez with 50 ; then D. Luis de Almeyda , D. Ferdinand Monroy , and D. Martin de Castellobranco with each 60 ; Francis Marquez Botello with 50 ; Alvaro Mendoça between the Viceroy and Pass of Mercantor with 10 ; a little farther Simon de Mendoça with 120 ; Emanuel Rolim at St. Iohns Pass with 100 ; In the Pass of Marque the City placed 80 ; Iohn de Sousa with his 50 Horse went from Agacaim to the Bar , to receive and execute his Orders ; Baltasar Lobo de Sousa at Pard●… with 50 ; Peter Alvarez de Faria near him with 80 ; Vasco Perez de Faria at Necra with a Company ; Damian de Sousa at Bachol with the like Body ; and Francis de Silveyra at Norva with 30. 8. Several Vessels with small Guns were to run along the River to relieve all these Posts . Thus the number of the Viceroy's Men was not above 1600 , and he had but 30 Cannons in all those Posts . This was the force we had to oppose that great Power , the like was at Chaul . 9. For Nizamaluco set down before it at the same time , as Hidalcan did before Goa . They two being suspitious of each other , kept time in their Preparations , Setting out and Marches . But that we may not confound the Actions by mixing them , we will first relate those at Goa , and then proceed to Chaul . The Cannon began to play , the flashes whereof enlightned the Night and the smoak darkned the day . The Enemy spent their first Fury on the Fort and Works of Benastarim , and did great harm , but could not perceive it ; for whatever they ruined by day was repaired by night . They poured in showers of Bullets , for only in Alvaro de Mendoça his Post 600 were found , some of them of two Spans diameter ; we could not answer with the like number , but could see we did great execution . And our Vessels sailing nimbly about , plied their small Guns with good effect . Ferdinand de Sousa de Castellobranco one night by the help of a great number of Torches that went before spied an Officer of the Enemies crosing , a height opposite to him with young Women a dancing before , Sousa desirous to untune their harmony , caused a Cannon to be so luckily levelled at them , that the Officer , some of those that lighted , and two couple of the young Women were seen to fly into the Air. 10. This was the time for the return-Ships to sail for Portugal , and every Body advised the Viceroy to stop them , because they would carry 400 Men that might be a great help in the present distress . But the Viceroy ambitious of making his Glory the greater , by conquering the greater difficulties , answer'd , There was want of them in Portugal , and he trusted those that remained were sufficient for the work he had in hand . So the Ships set sail . 11. Hitherto the Portugueses did much more harm than they received , having killed many of the Enemy , and among them some of Note , and lost no number nor any person considerable , only some were dangerously wounded . D. Francis de Sylva being wounded with a Cannon Ball so that his Guts hung out , continued encouraging his Men holding them up with his hand . Peter Homem de Silva losing much Blood at three Musket Shots he had received , and being perswaded to go off , said , It could be no matter of moment since he felt it not . Our Vessels did good Service ; and the Enemies were not idle , carrying their men from one place to another . Our men had the boldness often to land and attack the Enemy in their Posts , and still brought away Prisoners , the heads of those they killed , Colours and Arms. D. George de Meneses Barroche in his Vessels , and D. Peter de Castro by Land with 200 Portugueses made such a slaughter , that the Viceroy to animate the City , and show them what was done abroad , sent them two Carts loaded with Heads . Gaspar Diaz and his Brother Lancelot running up the Country one night a League and half with 80 men , burnt two Villages and many Farm Houses , and brought away many Prisoners , heads of the ●…in , and of Cattle . 12 Another time these two Brothers with 130 men , attack the Quarters of Cogergan and Rumergan , and making a great havock , destroyed all they had provided in order to pass over into the Island of Iohn Lopez . In this Action Francis de Cunna Coutino , Servant to the Viceroy , going alone before the rest , came so close up to 500 Mores , that he threw two Granadoes among them , which did some execution , and retired without hurt . The Enemy admired the smallness of our number , and greatness of our Actions ; but was more surprized when he heard , that in the heat of all this fury , the Viceroy had order'd D. Iames de Meneses who came from the Coast of Malabar with his Squadron , to return thither ; and D. Ferdinand de Vasconcelos to go with four Gallies and two small Vessels to destroy the City Dabul , to show Hidalcan , whose it was , how little account he made of all his Power . D. Ferdinand burnt there two great Ships of Meca , and many small Vessels ; then landing fired some Villages , and had done the same to the City , had not his own Captains opposed it . 13. He returned to Goa , and attacking the Quarters of Angoscan , a principal Man among the Enemy , three Miles distant from the Viceroy , entred them with great slaughter . But his Men with the success falling into Disorder , the Enemy rallied and fell upon them , killing some , the rest fled leaving their Captain , who , weakned with loss of Blood , and tired with the weight of his Arms , could not get into a Boat , but fought in the Water till he fell down dead . His Ensign Augustin Fernandez died honourably with his Colours in the left hand , which he bravely defended with the right . Forty were killed , their Heads with the Colours were carried to Hidalcan . The Viceroy immediately sent Barroche with 100 Men more to burn D. Ferdinand's Vessel taken by the Enemy , which he performed , bringing away the Cannon that was left in it by the Enemy , believing no Body durst come where it lay . CHAP. VIII . Continues the Siege of Goa , and Government of D. Luis de Ataide . 1. AT this time Zamori made Proposals of Peace to the Viceroy , either to amuse him while he went upon other designs pursuant to the Articles of the League , or else hoping to gain some advantage in that pressing Conjuncture . The Viceroy gave him to understand he would not yield the least point for fear , and continued firm in this resolution , notwithstanding Hidalcan had prevailed with the Queen of Guarcopa to declare War at Onor : That Prince was astonished to see him send relief thither , when he thought there was not force to supply Goa . The Viceroy at this time also relieved Marramaque at the Malucos , and Francis Barreto at Mocambique . 2. The grand design of Hidalcan was to get over into the Island , in order to it his General Norican began to lay a Bridge over the River with a vast number of Workmen . The Viceroy falling upon them made a great havock . There was a Report that Hidalcan designed to pass over to the Island in Person , and carnestly desired a fine Horse the Viceroy had , for which he had before offered a great Sum of Mony. The Viceroy sent it him for a present , assuring nothing should be more pleasing than to see him come over to Goa . Hidalcan accepted of the Horse , and caused him to lie upon silk Quilts under Canopies of Cloath of Gold , to be covered with embroidered Dammask , and his Trappings to be adorned with massy Gold , and his Provender was mixed with Preserves and other Dainties . The Horse enjoyed it not long , being killed by a Cannon-Ball . At this time such a violent Storm of Rain fell , that most Posts were abandoned ; the Viceroy desired to take a Standard that was left in one ; a French Gunner with only one Man went over in a Boat to fetch it , and were both killed . 3. It was now the beginning of March , and the Siege had lasted two Months , without abating any thing of the Fury . Many of our Buildings were ruined by the Enemies Cannon , many of them killed by ours . Antony Cabral run up the River Chapora with four Vessels , and landing fifty Men , burnt four Villages , and above fifty Sail , bringing away some Booty . D. Paul de Lima with forty Men did as much at Rachol . The Viceroy laying hold of a Rope at the Pass of Benastarim to draw a Cannon , others refusing for fear of the many Bullets that flew , one hit him upon the Arm , and only pierced the sleeve without doing him any harm . Afterwards being in the Church of Santiago , the Roof of it was beat down and hung over his head , Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno stepped up to save him , by receiving the Blow , but he acknowledging the Kindness reproved the Action . 4. The Viceroy used all possible means to have Intelligence from the Enemies Camp. He bribed some Renagado Portugueses that served there , but what is more , he corrupted Hidalcan's most beloved Wife , and by her means knew the King's secret Thoughts , which he could not conceal from her . 5. Hidalcan now began to consider the damage done by so few Men to so numerous an Army , that now the Portugueses increased in strength by the arrival of several Squadrons that had been abroad , among which Iames de Meneses returned victorious from Achem , and Luis de Melo de Silva from Malabar . He desired Peace , but was loath to propose it . The Viceroy who knew his Thoughts ordered it so , that a Treaty was in a manner set on foot , so that no body could discern who was the Author of it . Yet at length Hidalcan stooped to make the first Proposals . But still the Siege was carried on , and April was began . Seven hundred Mores attack a Pass , Two hundred Portugueses at first opposed them , but seeing they were relieved , fled in such Disorder , that neither their Officers nor the Viceroy could rally them . Their two Captains were killed . 6. The Action of D. Iames de Meneses relating to Zamori , shall be referred to the Chapter of Chaul ; that of Luis de Melo is fit for this place . He set out with Fourteen Sail in search of the Fleet of Achem , and met it near that Port ; it consisted of Sixty Sail well Manned and provided with Cannon , commanded by the King's Son and Heir . Melo and he met first , and our first Shot killed him and several of his Men. The Fleets met and fought resolutely on both sides ; but the Enemy was utterly destroyed , three Galleys and six small Vessels taken , all the rest sunk but one . We lost not one Man ; of the Enemy Twelve hundred were killed , and Three hundred made Prisoners . Melo returned to Malaca with the Vessels and Cannon he had taken , and thence sent some Men to the Malucos , and came to Goa with Fifteen hundred , and Vasco Lorenço de Barbuda whom he found at Cochim preparing to bring some Relief . 7. These Commanders being come to Goa , took their Posts . Meneses executing his Office of Admiral was carried off wounded , at such time as Three thousand of the Enemy began to enter the Island of Iohn Lopez . Antony Fernandez de Cale with One hundred and twenty Men met and put them to flight , killing a great number . 8. During this time , before Winter came on , several Attempts were made upon the Enemies Quarters and Inroads into the Country always with success . One Night One hundred and fifty Men beat the Enemy out of a Post at Benastarim and after another at Angoscan , ruining all the Works they had raised . They did the same at Xatiar●…ao , Chatigan and Rachol , burning Villages demolishing the Works , and killing very many . 9. Hidalcan , though almost in despair , began to plant Gardens , and other Works , as if he designed either to take Goa , or live in that Field : He resolved to enter the Island with Nine thousand Men at the Pass of Mercantor , which was not guarded , because the River is wide there . Our Men hearing a Drum , which never beats but when that Prince marches in Person , run thither , and saw him on the other side encouraging his . Advice being brought to the Viceroy , he sent several Parties and followed himself . In spight of all opposition Five thousand Men got over under the Command of the Turk Soliman Aga , Captain of the Guard. Fresh Men still flocked to the Viceroy , till he was Two thousand strong . All the Posts which extended two Leagues were in Action . 10. All the Thirteenth of April , from Morning till Night the attack lasted , and from the next Morning till the Day following . Hidalcan all the while looking on , cursing his Prophet Mahomet , and throwing his Turbant on the Ground . Of the Portugueses scarce Twenty were killed , of the Enemy almost Four thousand , and among them Soliman Aga ; Hidalcan's Brother-in-Law , and other Persons of Note , some Colours , and Plunder were taken . 11. F. George de St. Lucia a Dominican and Bishop of Malaca , foretold this Success to the Viceroy . Hidalcan raged , and in publick vowed not to stir thence , but in private wished a conclusion , but used not the means . He proposed a Pence , and despaired of concluding it upon the Terms he offered ; one of them was the Surrender of Goa , as if the Portugueses had all this while tought for any thing but to keep it . Our Viceroy treated with Norican about killing the King , offering him either the Crown of great Power in the Government . Norican admits the Proposals , and as the blow was ready to be given , the Treachery was discovered , he secured , and so the other Conspirators desisted . This was about the end of April . 12. The treaty of Peace failing , the Siege went on , but not with the vigour as before . The Enemies Cannon ruined our Buildings , ours their Men , and Parties of ours burnt all the Country . Sebastian de Resende with only four Men attempts a Post of the Enemies , and killing some , would have brought away one alive , but he making much opposition , Resende was forc'd to kill him . Lancelot Picardo and others with forty Men did great execution . Antony Fernandez with thirty falling upon Rumercan's Quarters where there was eighty , killed eighteen , and retired without any damage received . The Viceroy leaning one day on a Page , a Ball took away his Prop. Being at rest one night he heared a great Noise , and instantly came abroad , and a Bullet hitting him on the Breast , fell at his feet without doing the least hurt . 13. Hidalcan to divide and weaken the Viceroy , again perswades the Queen of Guarcopa to attack Onor . She consents , and joining Three thousand Men of her own to Two thousand sent by him , besieges the Fort. It was the middle of Iuly , the dead of Winter there , when the Viceroy received Advice thereof . He sent instantly Antony Fernandez de Chale with two Galleys and eight Vessels , and what Men they could contain : Antony in five days enters that Port , and joining with George de Moura commanding there , falls upon the Enemy and puts them to flight , killing many , and bringing all the Cannon into the Fort. About this time Zamori broke out in another place , but that requires a particular Chapter . 14. The Viceroy underhand endeavoured to stir up other Princes to invade Hidalcan's Dominions , by that means to draw him from the Siege . Both endeavoured to hide their desire of Peace . Hidalcan made appear as if he resolved not to stir , and the Viceroy as if he valued not his lying there . In fine , the whole Winter was spent , and towards the end of August , when Summer begins , and the Enemy might better keep the Field , the number of Tents was seen to decrease , then the Men , and lastly the Cannon vanished , without coming to any accommodation , after a Siege of ten Months , wherein the Enemy lost Twelve thousand Men , Three hundred Elephants , Four thousand Horses , and Six thousand Oxen , part by the Sword , and part by the Weather . Thus Goa was suddenly delivered . Let us now see what was done at Chaul by Nizamaluco , the second Chief of this League . CHAP. IX . The Siege of Chaul . 1. NIzamaluco keeping time with Hidalcan , set down before Chaul at the same time the other did before Goa . His General Faretecan invested the place with Eight thousand Horse and Twenty thousand Foot ; and on the last day of November the Enemy broke ground with a horrid noise of warlike Instruments . 2. Luis Ferreyra de Andrade , a Man well deserving such a Post , commanded at Chaul , and laboured long under great Wants of all Necessaries , supplying those Defects with his and his Men's Valour , till D. Francis Mascarennas came to his assistance with Six hundred Men in four Gallies and five small Vessels , and some Barques loaded with Ammunition and Provision . 3. The Fort of Chaul is seated in about 18 deg . of N. Lat. on the Bank of a River , not twelve Miles from the Mouth of it . There were in it but fifty Horse , and a small number of Foot. The first bold Action done here was by Sebastian Gonzales de Alvelos , who passing over a small Creek alone , challenged any of that number of Enemies , and none durst answer him . Then Alexander de Sousa went over with fifteen Horse to discover the Enemy , and stayed so long till 5000 came upon them , among which they killed a considerable Officer . At this time Faretecan was marching down the Mountain Gate with 8000 Horse , a great number of Foot , and twenty Elephants ; he sat down before Chaul , and began to plant Cannon . 4. Faretecan desiring to do somewhat before his Prince came , set the Castles upon the Elephants and tied Syths to their Trunks to give an Assault . All turned to his Loss , for he was repulsed by Sea and Land , and forced to retire as far as the Church de la Madre de Dios , or Mother of God , where his men rallied . 5. Here it is said some Miracles were seen , as that a Bullet hitting a Souldier on the hand , rebounded from it as a Ball struck with a Racket . The fight lasted three hours with great slaughter of Mores , and loss of three Portugueses . 6. The Enemy having lodged themselves about the Town , it was thought convenient to demolish all the Buildings that were any thing distant . Nothing remarkable happened till after December . Some Mores being then gathering Fruit in an Orchard , Nunno Vello went out with five Soldiers , and killing one of them , others came on still till they made up Six thousand , and ours encreased to two hundred ; who behaved themselves with such bravery , they drove that multitude , killing One hundred and eighty , with the loss of two . 7. Nizamaluco came before Chaul in the beginning of Ianuary with the rest of his Army , which now together consisted of 34000 Horse , 100000 Foot , 16000 Pioniers , 4000 Smiths , Masons and other Trades of sundry Nations , as Turks , Coraçons , Persians and Ethiopians , 360 Elephants , an infinite number of Bufalos and Oxen , and forty pieces of Cannon most of a prodigious bigness , some carrying Balls of 100 , some 200 , and even 300 weight , and had Names answerable , as Cruel Butcher , Devourer , Orlando Furioso , and the like . Thus 150000 Men so well provided , planted themselves before a Town that had only a single Wall , a Fort like a House , and a handful of Men. Faretecan lodged himself in the Vicar's House near the Chapel of the Mother of God with 7000 Horse and twenty Elephants . Agalascan in the House of Iames Lopez with 6000 Horse ; Ximirican between that and upper Chaul with 2000 , so the City was beset from Sea to Sea. At the same time 4000 Horse ravaged the Lands of Baçaim . The King took his Quarters at the farther end of the Town ; thus the space of two Leagues was covered with Tents . 8. The Portugues●…s at first being but few , and the Works inconsiderable , had no particular Posts , but were wherever the danger threatned . Soon after the News of the danger of Chaul being spread abroad , many Gentlemen flocked thither with supplies of Men , so that in a little time there were 2000 Men in the Town . It was resolved to maintain the Monastery of St. Francis , and it was committed to Alexander de Sousa . Some Houses were also judged fit to be defended . Nuno Alvarez Pereyra with forty Men had those on the Shore , those between the Misericordia and St. Dominick D. Gonçalo de Meneses , others near Nunno Vello Pereyra , and so in other Places . 9. Mean while it was generally voted at Goa , that Chaul ought to be abandoned , but the Viceroy resolutely opposed , and was seconded by Ferdinand de Sousa de Castellobranco . He immediately sent thither D. Duarte de Lima and Ferdinand Tellez de Meneses with their two Gallies , and some Men in four other Vessels . Let us see what was done at Chaul whilst they are under Sail. 10. Nimirican had promised Nizamaluco he would be the first man should enter the Town , in order thereto he vigorously attacks the Posts of Henry de Betancor and Ferdinand Pereyra de Miranda . They bravely made good their Ground , and being reliev'd repulsed him , killing Three hundred of his Men , seven of ours were lost . The Enemy turn their Cannon upon the Monastery of St. Francis where we had some Pieces , and both sides striving to burst or dismount the opposite Guns ; the Gunners were so dextrous , that Bullets were seen to meet by the way . On the Eve of St. Sebastian a Party of ours sallied upon some Houses where the Mores had fortified themselves , and killed a great number without losing one Man. 11. Nizamaluco enraged at the last repulse desired Revenge , and that same night attacks the Fort of St. Francis with Five thousand Men. The Mores thought to surprize ours , but were soon undeceived by the Execution done among them . The attack lasted very furious the space of five hours . The Portugueses suspected the Enemy worked under the Wall , and could not see by reason of the darkness , but Christopher Curvo three several times put half his Body out of a Window , with a lighted Torch in one hand , and a Buckler in the other , to discover what was doing . The noise was very great , and those in the City fearing for those that were assaulted , sent them Relief though with great hazard . The Morning discovered the Fort stuck with Arrows , and under it above Three hundred Mores slain , without the loss of one Portugues . 12. Next day the Enemy repeated the Assault , and continued it five days with great resolution , with as great bravery were they received by the Portugueses , who often fallying covered the Field with dead Bodies and took several Colours . However it was at last judged expedient to quit that Fort , and withdraw the Men into the City , lest the losing of it should prove more prejudicial than the defending it could avail . Seventeen Men were killed in it . One of these being on a high place to give notice when the Enemy fired their Cannon , said to those that were below : If they should now fire Raspadillo ( that was a Cannon eighteen Foot long so called ) without doubt they would send me all in pieces to sup with Iesus Christ , to whom l commend my self , for the Gun points at me . Scarce had he spoke the words when he was torn in pieces by a Ball from that Cannon . 13. The Mores being possessed of the Fort and Monastery of St. Francis , fired a whole Street , but attempting to gain some Houses lost Four hundred Men. Three of them challenged a like number of ours , who thinking it a disparagement to answer them upon equal terms , only two went out , which were Gomez Freyre and Luis del Valle , who carried a great Hanger . The Mores refused the odds , and one of them withdrew . Valle with the advantage of the Hanger overcame his Adversary , and then assisted Freyre to kill the other . So both sides might be said to be conquer'd , the Mores losing their Lives , and ours their Honour by taking the Advantage . 14. Chaul being now streightned , Ruy Gonçalez de Camara was sent to Goa for Relief ; which he brought in two Galleys . At this time appeared here , and before Mangalor , the Malabar-Ships , sent by Zamori , pursuant to the Articles of the Consederacy . But our Method being to relate what each of the Confederates did separately , this shall be referred to another Chapter . Let us see one of the bravest Actions that has been heard of , performed by Stephen Perestrelo , Commander of the weak Fort of Caranja . 15. It was said , above 5000 of Nizamaluco's Horse marched into the Lands of Baçaim . They resolved to attempt some of our Garrisons ; and being beaten off at Açarim and Damam , went and sate down before Caranja , where Stephen Perestrelo was , with only Forty Men , Caranja is a small , inconsiderable Work , between Chaul and Damam , on the Edge of the Water , and is , in some measure , an Island , being encompassed by small Brooks . As the Enemy sate down before it , Emanuel de Melo came with Thirty Men. Being now Seventy strong , Perestrelo falls upon that great Number , with such Success , that after covering the little Island with dead Bodies , the rest fled , leaving their Cannon , and a considerable Quantity of Arms and Ammunition . 16. But to return to Chaul : The Moors furiously batter'd it with Seventy Pieces of large Cannon , for the space of a Month ; the least that was spent every Day being 160 Balls . They made great havock among the Houses , in which many were killed ; one single Ball slew six Persons that were eating together ; others fell into the Ships , and failed not o●… Execution there . This Battery began against the Bastion of the Cross , and w●…s carried on to the Place where Peter Ferreyra and Mem Dornelas were posted , levelling all with the Ground . The Besieged worked incessantly to cover themselves ; but the Enemy's Gunners were so expert , they mounted their Balls so , that they fell among those that thought they were within Shelter . Augustine Nunez found an Expedient to avoid this Danger , which , though thought difficult at first , was afterwards their only Security . 17. Our Commander seeing the Battery on the other side of St. Dominick never ceased , thought fit to attack the Enemy's Quarters opposite to it . Alexander de Sousa and Augustine Nunez undertook it with One Hundred and Twenty Men , and , though vigorously opposed , drove the Enemy thence ; killing many , and firing the Works . 18. Iohn Alvarez Suarez , an Officer of the Revenue , hearing the Danger of Chaul , fitted out a Vessel at his own Charge , and came thither with some Soldiers ; where he behaved himself beyond what was expected of one , whose Business seemed to be only the Pen , though now he converted it to the Sword. 19. Coming now at the time of the Attack of those Works , he was one of the first that mounted . Ferdinand Casqueiro hearing the Moors play at Tables in an House , ran in , and killed two of them , driving the rest from the Sport. The Work was levelled with the Ground , without any Loss on our Side . Among the Arms taken in this Action , was a Cymiter with this Inscription , IESUS SAVE ME. CHAP. X. Continues the Siege of Chaul . 1. THE Enemy attacked some considerable Houses , and were repulsed , with Loss of one Man of ours ; but we having undermined that of Hector de Sampaio , to blow it up , they ran furiously , and set their Colours upon the Top of it . This incensed our Men , and there followed an obstinate Dispute in the House , till some Fire accidentally falling into the Powder , it blew up , killing Forty Two of our Soldiers : Some escaped so disfigured , that their own Friends mistaking them for Moors , ran out to kill them . 2. The Moors escaped here unhurt , and set their Colours upon the Ruins of the House , and upon that of Xira , which they took next . Ximirican assaults by Night the Bastion of the Cross , with Six Hundred Men ; but Ferdinand Pereyra opposed them with Thirty ; and Henry de Betancor seconding him with some others , they beat them off , and took five Colours they had planted upon the Work. Betancor fought with the Left Hand only , having before lost the Right : And Dominick del Al●…ma being lame , caused himself to be brought out in a Chair . 3. April was now begun , and the Enemy seemed resolved to continue there all the Winter , and were raising new Works . Alexander de S●…sa and D. Goncalo de Meneses were appointed to sally upon them . Their Soldiers understanding it , ran out without Orders , to the Number of Two Hundred , and furiously drove the Enemy from their Works , which , their Captains coming up , they ruined . Above Fifty Moors were killed , and some few Portugueses . 4. Nizamaluco perplexed with so many Losses , gives a general Assault with his whole Army , at once attacking all our Pos●…s . There was scarce any of our Works that the Moors did not enter , and plant their Colours ; and with the same Vigour and Fury were repulsed , and drove out of them . In the Morning above Five Hundred Moors appeared slain , and Four or Five Portugueses . This was the Posture of Affairs , when some Supplies came from Goa , Diu and Bacaim , being above Two Hundred Men , and a sufficient Quantity of Ammunition . 5. Two other Dangers now terrified the Besieged : The on●… a troublesome , though not mortal Disea●…e ; being great Swellings all over their Bodies , which deprived them of the Use of their Limbs . The other , that Nizamaluco sollicited the King of Sarçeta , and some Rebels of Camb●…a , to fall upon the Portugueses in other Places ; by that means to hinder Relief coming to them . But neither of them gave ear to him . This Prince seeing he must finish alone what ●…e had undertaken alone , fell to battering 〈◊〉 House of D. Nunno Alvarez Pere●…ra , 〈◊〉 continued it for the Time of Forty Two Days . He assaults it wi●…h Five Thou●… Men : The Defendants at first were but ●…ty ; soon after , Twenty more came to their Assistance ; and some others also after that . We lost but One Man , and killed above Fifty Moors . One being taken , and brough●… to the Captain , told him , above Five Thousand had been killed during the Siege . 6. The House of Nunno Vello was battered and assaulted Thirty Days , with much the same Success ; only this Difference , that we lost Ten Men. Only Thirty Soldiers sustained these furious Assaults , till it being judged no longer needful to defend the House , it was agreed to blow it up . The Enemy hastily ran to possess themselves of it , setting up their Colours at such time as part of the Building flew into the Air , doing good Execution though not so much 〈◊〉 was expected . But what this fell short , was made up by another Mine , and by the Valour of D. Francis Mascarennas ; who falling upon those that escaped the Mine , put them to the Sword , and came off much hurt . In like manner , the House of Francis de Mel●… was quitted , after they had been defended to Admiration . 7. The Summer was now almost spent : There were thrown into the City above Six Thousand Cannon-Balls , some of a prodigious Bigness ; and Nizamal●…co was making Preparations to lie there the Winter . Above Two Hundred Portugueses , fear●…g the Ruin of the City , had deserted ; but instead of them , Three Hundred came from Goa , which put Chaul into somewhat a better Posture . On 〈◊〉 11th of April , Ruy Gonçalez de Camara ●…ell upon Five Hundred Moors , in an Orchard , with such Success , that only Fifty of them escaped . He took Five Colours , and lost only Two Men , but had many wounded . 8. Fortune could not be always favourable to the Besieged , sometimes they must meet Disasters . The Moors enraged at that Loss , played their great Cannon incessantly : A Chance-●…all from one of them , lighting upon one of the Galleys that brought the Relief , sunk her downright , with all that was in her , being ●…rty Men , and Goods valued at Forty Thousand Ducats . The Moors did not lo●… rejoyce a●… this Accident ; for Ferdina●…●…ez fallying the next Day with Four Hundred Men on the Side of St. Francis , obtained anothe●… 〈◊〉 , equal to that of Ruy Goncalez , and brought away some Ammunition , Arms , one Piece of Cannon , and other Booty . Nizamaluco beheld this Action , and mounting on Horse-back , offered to come down in Person , with a Lance in his Hand ; then changing it to a Whip , in a Rage threatned his Men , and upbraided them as Cowards . 9. Our Men were now so accustomed to Danger , nothing could terrifie them ; and they seemed to court Death , as if she had not been busie enough about them . Some of our Soldiers being employed , levelling the Enemy's Works we had driven them from about St. Francis , and being more handy at the Sword than Spade , drew upon themselves a great Number of Enemies , whereof they killed above Two Hundred , not without Loss on our Side . 10. D. Iohn de Lima , Francis de Sá , and D. Nunno Alvarez went out to discover some Mines it was thought the Enemy was carrying on . They executed their Command , entring those Quarters , where they put all that were in them to the Sword. In these two Actions we lost Six Private Soldiers , and D. Luis de Gastellobranco , who having lost one Leg , offered the other ; D. Iohn de Lima , who seeing a Moor miss several Shots he made at him , stood still till he was killed ; performing his Promise made on his Brother D. Duarte's Grave , that he would soon follow him ; Anthony de Fonseca , he who hung by his Lance at Parnel , and laughed at the Enemy ; Francis Barradas , and Ruy Pereyra de Sa , and Five other Gentlemen of note . 11. After the King had made it appear he designed to continue the Siege all the Winter , and all Things were on both Sides disposed in order thereto , Faretecan made some Overtures of Peace , but without any visible Commission from his Prince , who caused him to be apprehended , not for acting therein without Orders , for , doubtless , he had private Instructions ; but upon suspition that he was corrupted . It was no wonder if Nizamaluco desired a Peace , after lying before a Town Seven Months , without any Success , but losing as many Thousand Men. Nor was it strange the Portugueses should wish it , having already lost above Four Hundred of their own , besides Indians . But the Hopes of Peace being extinguished by the Imprisonment of Faretecan , George Pereyra Coutinno went out with his Ships , and , without any considerable Loss , burnt Three that belonged to Nizamaluco . 12. It was now the Beginning of Iune , and the Attacks and Batteries were carried on with such Vigour , as if they then began . The first Attempt was upon D. Nunno Alvarez his House , which was lost through Carelesness . Yet after it was taken , some Gentlemen attempting to recover it , lost at least Twenty Portugueses , without doing any considerable Execution . Next , the Enemy possessed themselves of the Monastery of St. Dominick , where great Slaughter was made . At D. Gonçalo de Meneses his House it was well fought , but to our great Loss . In all the other Quarters , the Cannon-Balls ●…lew like Hail . Let us come to the last Assault . 13. The Batteries never ceased from the End of May , till the End of Iune ; Nizamaluco resolving to make a Breach fit for his whole Army to try its Fortune . On the 28th the Elephants appeared loaded with Castles , and the Castles full of Men. A valiant Moor , well mounted , walked leisurely before all our Works , within Musquet-shot , and never altered his Pace ; notwithstanding above Five Hundred Shot was made at him , and his Horse wounded , he went off unhurt . The whole Army expected the Sign to move , but it was not given because our Cannon killed an Officer of Note , which the King took as an ill Omen , and put off the Assault till next Day . Six of our Men venturing out of the Works , drew a great Multitude of the Enemy within reach of our Shot which was so well bestowed , that One Hundred and Eighteen fell down dead , and above Five Hundred were wounded , with out doing us the least hurt . 14. The next Day about Noon the King gave the Signal to fall on ; and the whole Body of Men and Elephants advanced with horrible Cries , and Noise of Warlike Instruments . Agalascan attacked Iames Suarez de Albergaria , Iohn de Silva Barreto , Roderick Homen de Silva , and Laurence de Brito , in their Posts . Faretecan and Sujatecan fell on the Quarter of the Misericordia . Misnarr●… , Captain of the Guards , on that of Ruy Gonçalez . D. Francis , our Commander in Chief , being to relieve where-ever the greatest Danger pressed , planted himself opposite to the King with part of his Men , having distributed the rest where there was need . 15. The Day was darken'd with Smoak , at Times lighted with Flames ; the Slaughter and Confusion was great on all Sides . Some of the Enemy's Colours were planted on our Works , but soon taken , or cast down , with those who had boldly set them up . The Elephants , made drunk by the Nayres , that they might be the more fierce , being burnt and wounded , ran madly about the Field . One much valued by the King , being fired in the Flames , ran into the Water , and swam over the Bar , where one of our Vessels killed him with a Cannon-Shot . In fine , The Assault ended with the Day , the Portugueses remaining Masters of all their Works , after killing above Three Thousand of the Enemies ; among which , one was the Son of Agalascan , and many more of Note . 16. This Action cost us but a few private Soldiers , and Eight Gentlemen . D. Henry de Meneses being lame , having his Legs burnt , caused himself to be carried in a Chair . Laurence de Brito took a Colours . Gonçalo Rodriguez Caldera and Hierome Curv●… would not leave their Posts , after receiving many dangerous Wounds . In fine , All did more than mortal Actions ; it would be a Lessening of others to commend some , and we cannot particularize them all . 17. The Moors asked Leave to bury their Dead ; which being granted , as they drew them off , they asked the Portugueses , What Woman it was that went before them in the Fight , and whether she was alive ? One answered , Yes ; for , doubtless , she was immortal . And they replied , Then certainly , it was the Lady Marian. So they call the Blessed Virgin . Many said they saw her at Lawrence de Brito's Quarter , so bright , that she blinded them . And some who went to see her Image in the Churches , were converted , and staid in Town . 18. Nizamaluco was desirous to treat of Peace , but was not willing to shew it : Our Commander wished as much as he , and was as backward in making it appear . At length both Sides abated , and a Treaty was set on foot : Faretecan and Azafacan were Commissioners for Nizamaluco : Peter de Silva , and Meneses , and Anthony de Teyve , for our Commander in Chief ; and D. Francis Mascarennas Baroche , for the Captain of the City . The Substance of the Accommodation was a League Offensive and Defensive between Nizamaluco and King Sebastian . This Agreement was celebrated with great Joy , and sending of rich Presents on both Sides . All this might have been done , without so much Effusion of Blood. Nizamaluco raised his Camp , and returned home . CHAP. XI . The Proceedings of Zamori upon this Occasion , and during the Government of D. Luis de Ataide . 1. ZAmori the third Chief of this League , who was to act by Sea as Sovereign thereof among those of India , performed his Part very coldly . After Goa and Chaul had been Besieged a Month , he instead of putting his Fleet to Sea , sent to treat of Peace with the Viceroy , either by this means to amuze him , or else to gain some Advantage upon his pressing Necessities . For few Princes follow the Dictates of Honour , when opposite to their Interest . This Affair being proposed in Council at Goa , it was unanimously agreed to accept of a Peace though upon hard terms . But the Viceroy who had resolved to loose all or nothing , said , He would make no Peace unless upon such Terms , as he might expect in the most flourishing Condition . 2. Zamori seeing this Design fail , set out a Fleet about the end of February under the Command of Catiproca Marca . He soon appeared before Chaul with twenty-one Sail , and a great number of Men , whereof above One thousand were Musqueteers , and passed by Night through all our Gallies and Galleons that filled the Port without opposition . The Entrance was defended against only two Paraos , whereof one got in , the other not . The Malabars with reason boasted of this Action , and Nizamaluco's Men rejoyced at the Success . 3. Nizamaluco was much pleased at the arrival of the Malabars , posted the 1000 Musqueteers , and then perswaded the Officers to attack our Ships , which were under the Command of Leonel de Sousa . A great number of Calemutes , which are small Vessels that King made use of , were crammed full of Men to accompany the twenty-one Malabars , every one going as to a sure Victory . They set out with great eagerness , bearing down upon Lionel de Sousa , and fled with the same precipitation seeing him make at them . Yet for all their haste our Gallies did considerable execution among them . Nizamaluco , who from a height had been looking on , did all he could to perswade them to try their Fortune again , but to no purpose ; for after twenty days they stole away by night out of that Harbour with the same good Fortune they came in . 4. The Queen of Mangalor thinking to make some Advantage of these Confusions , and hearing : that Catiproca was near with his Fleet , represented to him how easily our Fort might be surprized , and offered to defray the Charge . He accepted the Proposal , thinking to regain the Credit lost at Chaul . Unexpectedly he applies scaling Ladders , and some of his Men mounted Some Servants of D. Antony Pereyra , who Commanded there , awaking , and seeing the Enemy , threw out of a Window the first thing came to hand , which was a Chest of their Master 's full of Silver , and with it beat down those that were upon the Ladder . Pereyra waking with the noise , threw down those that had mounted , the other fled carrying away the Chest aboard the Ships . As they passed before Cananor , D. Iames with his Squadron fell upon and totally routed them . D. Iames follows them up the River of Tiracole , and not one Ship of them escaped , Cutiproca was killed , and his Nephew Cutiale taken , as also D. Antony's Chest recovered . 5. Zamori did not fulfil the Articles of the League by sending this Fleet , for every one had promised to undertake something in Person ; till now D. Iames de Meneses had obstructed him , scouring that Sea , burning many Towns and Ships , and taking many which he carried to Goa . Towards the end of Iune , when D. Iames was gone , and Hidalcau and Nizamaluco were about drawing off , Zamori fate down before the Fort of Cbale with 100000 Men , most of them Musqueteers . This place is but two Leagues from Calicut , that Prince's Court , and was then held by D. George de Castro . The Enemy planted forty Pieces of Brass Cannon , and girting the place round thought they had shut out all hopes of Relief . Some was sent from Cochim under the Conduct of D. Antony de Noronna , who could not put it into the Place , for the furious Batteries of the Enemies Cannon . Francis Pereyra de Sousa coming from Cananor with extravagant Bravery , conquered the difficulty , but the Relief was small because the Vessels were so . As soon as the Viceroy had advice , he sent D. Iames de Meneses with eighteen Sail to carry Supplies to the Fort. He with great difficulty got to Chale about the end of September , when the Besieged were reduced to the last Extremities , there being at least Six hundred Persons in the place , whereof not above Seventy that could bear Arms. 6. It seemed impracticable to attempt the putting in any Relief , for the mouth of the Harbour was very narrow , and all the Hills about it were planted with Cannon . But our Commander resolved to surmount all Difficulties : A great Vessel was filled with Provisions for two months , and fifty Soldiers put into it . Iames de Azambuja went before in his Gally , and Antony Fernandez and D. Luis de Meneses cover'd it with their Vessels . They pierced with incredible Courage through Showrs of Bullets , and Ferdinand de Mendoca , Nephew to D. Iames , run in all the Supplies , whilst Francis de Sousa with his Men killed above Five hundred of the Enemy , who endeavour'd to obstruct it . This done , they retired through the same Dangers with loss of forty Men. As they were cutting off a Soldier 's Leg he asked whether the Succour was got in , and hearing it was , Then , said he , let me die in God's Name , for I cannot die more honourably . 7. Though it was not possible to bring the ●…ss People out of the Fort , as was design'd , yet the putting in of Relief was an Action scarce to be parallell'd , for the great hazard and difficulty that attended , and vast Power that opposed it . 8. The King of Achem , the Fourth of these great Confederates , whose thoughts were always employed against Malaca , did not in point of time answer the Covenants of the League , but we shall see him at length in the Government of D. Antony de Noronna performing what he so long delayed . The Queen of Guarcopa and others , as has been related , made up what was wanting in him . 9. This was the end of that mighty League ; this the Government , Valour and Fortune of our Viceroy ; who opposing all the united Power of India , re-established the Portugues Reputation , so much decayed ; For which he deserves an everlasting Fame . 10. D. Luis de Ataide Lord of Atouguia was of unquestioned Valour , had great Experience in Military Affairs , to which he had applied himself from his Youth , and of a Spirit so free from the Infection of Avarice , that as others brought from Asia to Portugal heaps of Treasure , he brought four Jars of Water from the four famous Rivers , Indus , Ganges , Tigris and Euphrates , which were preserved many Years in his Castle of Penicbe . 11. After serving in Europe and Africk he went over to India , and served there , and at the Age of twenty-two , was Knighted at Mount Sinai by the Governor D. Stephen 〈◊〉 Gama . Returning to Portugal he went A●… bassador to the Emperor Charles V. and was in that Battle in which the Emperor defeated the Lutherans under the Landtgrave and Duke of Saxony ; where he behaved himself so well , that Charles V. offered to Knight him , and he said , He had already received that Honour at Mount Sinai , and was therefore sorry he could not admit it then . The Emperor in the hearing of all answer'd , He more envyed that Honour , than he rejoyced in his Victory . 12. At his arrival at Lisbon King Sebastian caused him to be received under a Canopy , yet afterwards ( like King Emanuel and Duarle Pacheco ) very much slighted him . We shall see it when he is made the second time Viceroy , being the first that was so twice . D. Antony de Noronna succeeded him now : He was the Tenth that had this Title , and of Governours the Twenty-fourth : The First of the Name and Sirname , the Third Count that had that Post : He was of the larger size , had a good Meen , his Complexion white . CHAP. XII . The Government of the Viceroy D. Antony de Noronna , from the Year 1571 till 1573 , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. KING Sebastian thinking the Government of India , as it was then extended , too great a Burden for one Man , divided it into three Parts : The first from Cape Guardafu to the Island Ceylon , which is that of India : The second from Cape Corrientes to Guardufu , which is Monomotapa : The third from Pegu to China , which is that of Malaca . The first was given to D. Antony de Noronna , with the Title of Viceroy ; the second to Francis Barreto , and the third to Antony Moniz Barreto , both stiled Governors . Though it may alter things as to point of time , I will speak of them in distinct Chapters , beginning with D. Antony de Noronna . 2. He set out from Lisbon with five Ships , and was followed by two more . They arrived at Goa the beginning of September safe as to the number of Ships , for none was lost ; but not so as to Men , 2000 dying at Sea of sickness of 4000 that set out . D. Antony came before Hidalcan had raised the Siege , and thereby obtained part of the Honour of obliging him to quit it . Hidalcan lest Commissioners to conclude the Peace with the new Viceroy . It was proclaimed with great Joy on the 13th of December , and so the Year and the War ended together . 3. The first care of the new Viceroy was to send Relief to Chale in two Galleys , one Galleon and four Ships , and after them two Galleys and t●…ee other Vessels . But these were soon applied to other uses ; D. Iames de Meneses coming from Chale , he sent him back with 1500 Men , who came too late , the Fort being already delivered to Zamori upon Conditions . This surrender was made contrary to the plurality of Votes by the Commander D. George de Castro , overcome by the Prayers and Tears of his Wife and other Ladies that were there , without considering that he was Eighty Years of Age , and ought rather to chuse an honourable Death , than a short term of infamous Life . Nor was this all his fault , for the Provision had lasted longer , had not he put it into his Wife's Hands , and she into those of her Slaves . Thus she was the first Eve among the Portugueses of India that tempted her Husband to a Crime of this nature , this being the first place so delivered by them to the Enemy . And the Viceroy could not but lose more Honour by loss of Chale , than he could justly pretend to by the raising the Siege of Goa . 4. D. Iames gathering the People that came out of Chale , and were under the Protection of the King of Tanor , left them at Cochin , Then dividing his Fleet with Mathi●… de Albuquerque , they clear'd the Sea of Pyrats and secured the Coasts ; next they took and demolished a Fort built by a Nayque subject to Hidalcan , at the mouth of the River Sanguicer . Here was killed Antony Fernandez . Chale , a Malabar , who for his Valour and Conduct had often the Honour to Command many of the bravest Gentlemen that were in India at that time . He was of the Order of Christ , was carried to Goa , and there buried with greater State than any till that day , that had not been Governor of India . 5. When the Viceroy accepted this Command in Portugal , so much lessened by the Division of Governments , his great aim was to get an Estate , being poor , and having Children . He thought India might mend his broken Fortune , and that Antony Moniz Barr●…to would be satisfied with less than was ordered to fit him out for the Government of Malaca ; he was deceived , for Moniz was not satisfied with what could be done , nor was India in a Condition to give what was promised him in order to go to Malaca , nor Malaca in a posture for a Man , who look'd upon his Reputation , to go thither with that Title without a considerable Force . The one would not go with what was given him , and the other could not give more . Difficulties hard to be composed . 6. Moniz resolved not to go to Malaca , and writ to Portugal that the Reason was , because the Viceroy would not furnish him with what was requisite , as not desiring he should go . Malicious Whispers are generally grateful to Princes and great Men. Those who govern'd King Sebastia●… ( unhappy Kingdom , whose King is a Child ! ) without any other Information besides this Gentleman's , which all tended to his own Advantage , committed the weakest Act that has been heard of : Moniz himself will shame them and himself , as shall appear in its proper place . 7. The Vice-Roy , after fitting out several Squadrons as usual , and receiving four Ships from Portugal , two whereof were lost in their Return , was obliged to make ready a considerable Succour for Damam , threatned by the Mogol , on account that that Place and Ba●…aim both belonged to the Kingdom of Cambaya , whereof he was now possessed ; and by this Means Sultan Mamud , Heir to the late King of Cambaia , was left to the Tuition of three Great Men , Alucan , Itimitican and Madremaluco . Each of these envying the others Fortune , strove to make himself Master of the young King : And he finding all their Aim was Power , fled from Madremaluco , where he thought himself in danger , to Itimitican , and totally lost himself . They were all three bad , but this was the worst of all . Therefore , considering the young King might flee from him , as he had done from the others , he resolved to lay aside all Shame , and betray him . Gelalde 〈◊〉 Hecbar Taxa , King of the Mogols , was now in great Power ; to him he offers to deliver the King ; by which means , with a small Army , he might possess himself of that Kingdom , whereof he should be Viceroy , as a Reward of his Treachery . Hecbar agreed , set forward with a good Army ; and at the City Amadaba , the Traitor delivered up his Prince to him ; and so the Mogol , without drawing Sword , was seated in the Throne of Cambaia . 8. Hecbar not satisfied with what he had got , resolved to recover the Lands and Towns of Baçaim and Damam . This Design being known , D. Luis de Almeyda , Commander of Damam , gave Advice to the Viceroy ; who immediately sent some Succours , and prepared to follow in Person . He set out from Goa the Latter End of December , with nine Galleys , five Gallions , eight Galliots , and ninety other Vessels . 9. The Viceroy being come into the River of Damam , struck such a Terrour into the Enemy , who was encamped two Leagues off , that the King immediately sent an Ambassador to the Viceroy , to treat of Peace . The Viceroy received him in his Galley with great State , and firing all the Cannon of the Fleet ; and having heard his Proposals , sent back with him Anthony Cabrall , who concluded the Peace to the Content of both Parties . The Viceroy returned to Goa , and the Mogol setled himself in the Possession of the Kingdom of Cambaya , cutting off the Head of the Traitor Itimitican , a just Reward of his Villany . 10. The Inhabitants of 〈◊〉 were offended at the Fort lately bui●…t by us there ; they besieged it to the number of 6000. Ruy Gonçalez de Camara , who commanded there , gave Advice to the Viceroy , and provided to make a good Defence . Five Sail came immediately to his Relief ; then twelve more , under the Command of D. George de Meneses , who by the Way destroyed the Town of the Naique of Sanguiçer , with great Slaughter of the Enemy , and Loss of two Men. Without the Bay of Braçalor he took a Ship of Meca ; and entring , found all was safe , with the Succour of the first Ships . 11. D. Henry de Meneses sailing to the Northward with one Galley and seven other Vessels , near the Islands of Angerula , eight Leagues from Chaul , took two great Ships belonging to Hidalcan ; but a Storm arising , they were all drove ashore , and taken by Malabars , who carried them to Hidalcan ; and he , because the Ships were taken after the late Conclusion of Peace , ( though the Fault was theirs , for answering with their Cannon , when they were required to shew Portuguese . Passes , as had been agreed ) caused D. Henry , and all the Portugueses then at his Court , to be put into the Castle of Bilgam ; and it cost some trouble to release them , and appease that Prince . 12. It was the Middle of October when the King of Achem ( though late , yet pursuant to the great League before spoke of ) appeared before Malaca , with almost 100 Sail , 7000 Men , and a vast quantity of Ammunition . He landed the same Night of his Arrival , and suddenly set fire to the Town of Iller ; which had been burnt to the Ground , had not as sudden and violent a Shower of Rain quenched it . Iohn Bandara , Captain of the Horse , ran with more Zeal than Discretion to succour the Town , and was killed . 13. The Enemy attempted to burn our Ships ; but failing in this , and other Designs , he sate down before the City , resolving to carry it by a regular Siege , having at first thought it would not cost him that Trouble . The City was in a miserable Condition , very poor , without Men , unhealthy and out of heart , having suffered much by Shipwrecks , Sickness and Famine , not without deserving it ; for Malaca was ( I know not whether it is ) the Portuguese Ninive in Asia . CHAP. XIII . The Siege of Malaca , with other Occurrences , and End of the Government of D. Anthony de Noronna . 1. MAlaca had , in a manner , no Hopes of Defence ; the Enemy incessantly battered the Walls , and cut off all Provision from coming to it : There was nothing within but Misery , and Calling upon God for Mercy , without deserving it by any other Action , but because they implored it . So cas●…e it is to appease the Divine Wrath. 2. So it happened ; for in this Extremity , accidentally came into that Port Tristan Vaz de Vega , with one only Ship , in which he sailed for Sanda , to load with Spice . The Be●…ged earnestly ●…ntreated him to assist them , and he could not but give ear to their Intreaty , though it seemed a Rashness to engage a Fleet of an Hundred Sail with Ten , whereof Nine were almost rotten , and unrigged . Among these were distributed 300 Soldiers , as naked as hungry . The Captain , who might repose much Confidence in his own Valour , acknowledging , in such Cases there ought to be no Trust but in God , gave the Example , and caused all his Men to confess , and prepare themselves for Death . 3. About the End of November he sailed , and discovered the Enemy's Fleet in the River 〈◊〉 . He gave the Command of his own Ship to Emanuel Ferreyra , and went himself into a Galliot with his Sword in his Hand , to encourage the Men , seeing him expose himself to the greatest Danger with them . The Signal being given , and the Cannon furiously discharged , our Captain lays the Enemy's Admiral on Board , makes great Havock among 200 Men that were in her , beats down her Flag , and she getting loose , shews him her Stern . 4. Mean while , Ferdinand Perez , with only thirteen Men , in a small Vessel , took a Galley . Ferdinand de Lemos runs his Ship with such force against another , that he overset and sunk her . Francis de Lima having taken another , burnt it , to be at leisure to return to the Fight , that still continued . Emanuel Ferreyra , who was in Vega's Ship , sunk three Vessels , unrigged others , and killed many Men. To be short , Every one fought to admiration , the whole Enemies Fleet fled , except four Galleys and seven small Vessels that were burnt or sunk ; 700 of the Enemy were kill'd and taken , of ours only five were slain : Our Ships waited three days to see if the Enemy would return , and then carried this joyful News to Malaca , where it was scarce believed . 5. Let us see what was doing at the Malucos . Whilst Gonçalo Pereyra Marramaque , our Admiral in those Seas , carried Relief to Ternate from Amboina , this Fort was Besieg'd by the Fleet of Ternate , sent by the King either to stop Pereyra from going to relieve our Men whom he held in great Distress , or if he were gone to possess themselves of those Islands . They being too late to stop him , besieged the People of Ulate in the Islands of Iliacer . They had been forty days shut up , when D. Duarte de Meneses with Sancho de Vasconcelos , who commanded at Sea , came to their Relief . They of Ulate encourag'd with this Succor , fell upon the Besiegers and put them to flight . They presented our Captain with Baskets of Heads , and he returning to Amboina , found D. Duarte dead , and succeeded him in that Command . The Command of the Sea he gave to Simon de Abreu , call'd Papabierro , that is Sword-swallower , because , being concern'd in many Duels , he always disarm'd his Adversary . 6. Being abroad with his Squadron he met that of Ternate , and there began a furious Battle , but the other Vessels in the heat of the Action forsook him , and he overpower'd by the Multitude was killed , and 25 men with him . Autony Lop●…z de Resende , who went not off with those Cowards , came to succour him , but it being too late ; the Enemy offer'd him Quarter , and he refused it , saying , He bad rather die as his Commander had done . The Admiral of Ternate attacks , him , and he taking a Cannon upon his Shoulder ( I suppose it was a little one ) order'd a Souldier to give fire to it , so succesfully , that it broke the Admiral 's Leg. His Men thought him dead , and whilst they were busie about him Resende had time to make his escape , having lost four Men in this great Action . 7. The little King of Atua , a new Convert , who had fought bravely , was betrayed to Reboanje , Commander of the Ternatenses , who offer'd him his Life if he would renounce the Faith , and threatned him with a new sort of Martyrdom if he refused : He continued firm ; and being hung by a Rope between two Vessels , Reboanje's Galley run with all its force at , and tore him to pieces . 8. Iohn de Silva succeeded in the Command of the Sea. All our Men seeing so many misfortunes befal us in those Islands , were for quitting them : Only Sancho de Vasconcelos protested he would not abandon the Christians of those Islands , affirming , if no Body would bear him Company he would stay alone and defend them with the Natives , They were all asham'd , and yielded to his Resolution . They quitted Ito , and fortified themselves upon the Point of Rosanive , where the Land makes a Bay of four Leagues in Length , and three Leagues over at the mouth , and runs up still narrower like a Pyramid ; on one side of the Point is the pleasant and plentiful Town of Rosanive , the Inhabitants thereof and the neighbouring Places were our Friends . There the new Fort was built , the Atives and Tavires labouring at it with great Fidelity to the Portugueses , by whom they were reduced to the Faith , which they firmly adhered to . Iohn de Silva went to Malaca for Succor , which was granted him by Francis de Costa commanding there , and was cast away in the Bay of Tapara , where the Men were made Slaves . 9. Though these were lost , yet some Supplies came to Amboina , sent by the Viceroy . Our Enemies at Atua falling on a sudden upon the Portugueses , killed five and an Italian ●…esuit . Mascarennas fled into the Woods , whence he was brought out at the end of eight days almost famished . Sancho gathering our Friends , fell upon Atua , and killed not only the Children at their Mother's Breasts , but the very Beasts . In the Island 〈◊〉 , twelve Leagues distant , he did the same , some of the Natives retiring to a Mountain . 10. At this time time arrived at Goa four Ships from Portugal , under the Command of D. Francis de Sousa , who as soon as he landed , went to the Archbishop D. Gasper , and deliver'd to him a Letter from the King , and other Papers . Scarce had that ancient and learned Man seen them , when without any consideration , he committed a great weakness , putting those Orders in Execution ; for there being several Circumstances that ought to be weighed by a Person of his Years and Profession , he instantly with great disorder called together several persons appointed for this extravagant Action into the Church ▪ 11. The Orders were read by a Cryer ; they contain'd , That D. Antony de Noronn●… should be deposed from the Viceroyship , and that Antony Moniz Barreto should immediately succeed him with the Title of Governour . All Noronna's Crime , whereby he merited to be thus deposed , was , that he gave not to Moniz what was not in his power to give ; and all the Merit of Moniz , that he promised that which afterwards he could not perform . D. Antony return'd to Portugal , though slighted , not inglorious ; for extravagant Injuries done by Superiors , are rather Honours than Affronts to the Person that receives them : Yet he not well considering it , died for Grief , as did his Wife and Brother-in-law ; and that Minister 〈◊〉 State who was the cause of their Death , by crediting so slightly the Information of Antony Moniz , being sensible of the wrong he had done , broke his Heart : And King Sebastian hearing of the Death of D. Antony , declared he was sorry it happen'd before 〈◊〉 had made him reparation of his Hono●… D. Antony was a Man of great Honour , Si●… cerity and Prudence , and who , according to the Rules of the World , deserved his ill Fortune . His Visage long and disagreeable , his Body large and gross . In the number of Viceroys he was the 11th , in that of Governors the 25th ; the 1st of the Name , and 4th of the Sirname ; he held the Government ●…wo Years , and deserved to hold it many . CHAP. XIV . The Government of Antony Moniz Barreto , from the Year 1573 till 1576 , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. SCarce had the Bishop concluded that Act so misbecoming the Pastoral Staff , when he took out another Order , wherein Gonçalo Pereyra Marramaque was appointed to succeed Antony Moniz Barreto in the Government of Malaca , and in default of him D. Leonis Pereyra was named . The latter succeeded , for the other died after relieving of Ternate . This done , that Pharisaical Caba●… broke up , and hasted to carry the News to ●…he Viceroy , who received it with such unconcernedness as might well put them all out of Countenance . 2. Advice is now brought , that Malaca ●…s again in danger , the K●…ng of Achem being again before it , assisted by the Queen of Ia●…a . The new Governor orders D. Leonis Per●…yra to be gone to his Government to ●…ccour that place ; D. Leonis demands of ●…im what he had before demanded of D. A●…tony , and he returns the same answer No●…a had given him , without remembring what he had writ to the King , or considering he had now less reason to refuse D. L●…onis , than Noronna had to deny him , for then India was threatned by all the Power of the East , and was now deliver'd of that danger . D. Leonis , to take all manner of excuse from him , would have been satisfied with much less now , than Moniz demanded before : But even that was not given him , and he came away for Portugal ; where that was his Justification for not taking upon him that Command , but was not esteemed an Offence to deprive Moniz of the Government , as it was with less reason in the Case of D. Antony ; whereby it appears , the Will of Ministers of State makes the Crimes or Merit of such as depend on them . 3. This Year passed without any thing remarkable , and about the end of it arriv'd six Ships from Portugal : They carried an Order for Trying and Executing D. George do Castro , for delivering up the Fort of 〈◊〉 to Zamori . He was taken into Custody , and with him his Wife Donna Felipa , who , tho' really guilty of the Crime , was not liable to undergo the Punishment . He suffer'd for her , and all that were in fault , having his Head cut off upon a Scaffold in the Market Place of Goa ; and it was observ'd , that others who were as much to blame as he , did not only escape unpunish'd , but were rewarded ; and it is yet more remarkable , that a Year after a Commission was sent from Portugal , for D. George de Castro to serve in another Post. 4. Scarce did India begin to breath , after so many Troubles , and particularly Malaca , when the Queen of Iapara sent to Besiege it , her General Quiaidaman with 15000 chosen Natives of Iava , in almost 80 great Galleons , and above 220 smaller Vessels . Tristan Vaz de Vega was come back thither from Sunda after the late Victory : By common Consent , and with much Justice , he was chose Commander of that Place , D. Francis Enriquez his Predecessor being dead . He gave Advice of the danger to the Governor Antony Moniz , and he to all the neighbouring Places , promising to requite whatever they should do in order to relieve the Besieged ; whereby such Succours came into them on a sudden , as put them into a good posture of Defence . 5. Mean while Moniz demanded of the Chamber of Goa to lend him 20000 Pardaos to fit out a Fleet , and finding them backward , offer'd his Son Duarte Moniz , a Boy of eight Years of age , as a Pledge ; the Chamber gave the Money , and took the Pledge . 6. Whilst this Fleet was fitting out , the General of Iava began to act in the same manner the Ring of 〈◊〉 had done , attacking Iller ; and D. Antony de Castro coming with only ten Men to defend it was killed , as Bandara had been the last Siege . The whole Army landed and lodged themselves ●…ound the Town . Vega sent Iohn Pereyra and Martin Ferreyra with 150 men to beat the Enemy from a Post ; they killed 70 of them , levelled their Works , and brought off seven Pieces of Cannon . Pereyra afterwards burnt above 30 of their Galleons , and some great Engines they had framed to attack a Bastion . Ferdinand Perez de Andrade a d●… Bernardin de Silva burnt their Palisades . In all these Actions we lost 15 or 20 me●… . The River being thus cleared , Pereyra with our Vessels besieges the Besiegers , and at In takes the Provisions that were coming to them ; whereupon in great Consternation they Imbarqued and went off by night . P●…reyra pursues and cuts off their Rear : Almost half the 15000 perished by Fire , Sword , and Sickness during the Siege , which lasted three months , and the pursuit of three hours . 7. The King of Achem and Queen of I●…para took it by turns , for when he left the Port she came in , and he now comes in 〈◊〉 she goes out . He came now with 40 Gallies , some Ships , Galliots and other Vessels , to the number of 100 , with a great Train of Artillery . Tristan Vaz order'd Iohn Perey●… in a Galley , Bernardin de Silv●… in a Caravel , and Ferdinand de Pall●…res in a Ship with each 40 Men to go out to guard the Provisions that were coming , and whereof the City was in great want ; the Enemy falls upon them , and in an instant beat all three to pieces ; 75 Men perish'd by Fire ; Sword and Water , 40 were taken , and only five sav'd themselves by swimming , the three Captains fought to their last breath . Iohn Pereyra promised s●… to do , to one who seeing all lost offered hi●… a Boat in which he might have escaped . Only 150 men remained in Malaca to defend it , and of these 100 were sick and aged . Want of Men and Ammunition caused them to be very still in the City . The Enemy not knowing the Cause , imagined they had some cunning Stratagem in hand , and in a panick Fear raised the Siege , when they might have carried the Town , contenting themselves with their success against the three Captains . They came into the Port in the beginning of Ianuary , and went out about the latter end . 8. The Priests , Women and Children had cried loud with sighs and tears , imploring the Mercy of God , which at length they obtain'd : Next to God the City was saved by Tristan Vaz de Vega's Courage , being ready upon all Occasions ; and by his liberality having spent above 20000 Ducats , wherewith he has purchased a never-dying Honour . The Succours the Governour sent came too late . 9. D. Iohn de Costa , Admiral of the Malabar Seas , cruized there victorious with two Gallies and 24 other Vessels . He fell upon the Town of Gaipar , near Braçalor , then in Rebellion , kill'd 1500 of the Inhabitants , burnt the Town , and cut down the Woods . Thus the King of Tolar , grown haughty , was humbled . In the River of Chale he destroyed an Island belonging to Zamori . Above that his City of Parapangulem could not escape its Ruin. The Heir of the Crown coming to the Relief of it , was killed with 200 Moors . At Cap●…cate 300 were ●…ain , with the loss of two on our side . At Mount Delii , the Town of Nilachiram was consumed to Ashes . Between these Actions , several Vessels were taken , which supplied the Galleys with Slaves , and the Fleet with Provisions . 10. Let us now see our Dominion in the Molucos drawing to an end . New Commanders were still sent to ruin all by their Avarice , with strength to maintain the Fort : D. Alvaro de Ataide was now there , and Nanno Pereyra under Sail to succeed him . The King of Ternate continued the Seige , and the place was almost famished . It looked as if God had undertaken the Revenge of his Father's Death , and assisted him to starve that Garrison ; for no Succor was sent thither , but perished . Of all Marramaque his Squ●…dron not the least Vessel return'd to Goa ; four Ships that went with Antony de Valadares and Lacerda were cast away in several places , and he got thither alone , and after him Francis de Lima with a Galliot . These were comforts to the Besieged , but no perfect Cure. The King of Ujantana , our Friend , supplied the Enemy with Arms. Sancho de Vasconcelos coming from Amboina to succor the Besieged to small effect , found a Galleon of his loaded with them in the Port ; and a Portugues Ship at Banda in danger of falling into the hands of those People : For , seeing the decay of ou●… Affairs on that side , every one strove to hasten our Ruin. Belchior Botello going with one Galleon to relieve the Fort , was ca●… away on the Sands Solocos , Another in which D. Alvaro was going , away , after resigning that Command to Nunno , was beat to pieces in the Harbor . The great Ship of Lionel de Brito came when there was no Fort therē , and was lost afterwards . Other Supplies , a great deal of Cannon , much Merchandise and Ammunition , and above 2000 Men design'd thither , perish'd all by lamentable disasters . The Murderer of that innocent King was stabbed by the People of Iava , rather as Executioners of God's Justice , than Enemies to the Portugueses . Gonçalo Pereyra Marramaque , who consented to the Murder , died for meer Grief of so many Misfortunes , as he sailed for Amboina , and was cast into the Sea. 11. In ●…ine , our Dominion in that Island came to a dishonourable Period ; for those who had so insolently treated the Ternatenses , were forced to beg their Lives of them , delivering up the Fort to the King , who treated them better than they deserved . 12. The King entring the Fort , protested before the Portugueses , he did not take possession of it for himself , but in trust for the King of Portugal , and would deliver it to whoever he should appoint , as soon as the Murder of his Father was punish'd . I believe they never demanded the Fort , becaus●… they would not oblige themselves to do Justice . This was the second Place we lost after this manner in Asia . The loss of this Place was not punished as that of Chale , the C●…ime being the same , only with this difference , that the Tears of the Women extorted the one , and the Perswasions of Jesuits the other . The arrival of that Ship , with sufficient Supplies was a testimony of the Guilt . But both places being lost for want of Relief , they ought rather to have been Executed who did not relieve , than they that surrendred them . It was a good answer of the King of Persia to a Portugues Ambassador , when asking , How many Governours of India the King had beheaded ? the Ambassador said , None : Then replied the King , The Dominion of the Portugueses in India will not last long . 13. Our Affairs at Amboina were not in much better a posture ; for though Sancho de Vasconcelos did more than could be expected of his force , yet it was less than was requisite , it was but rising and falling . He defeated two Fleets of Ternate , killed their Commanders , and Cachil Tidore ; the People of Amboina slew Maladam , and many more , and eat them ; for they use to eat those they kill in the Church . By his Order Alexander de Mattos destroyed the Island Iamam , but at length the Natives killed him and all his Men ; but afterwards D. Henry , Unkle to the King of Tidore , coming with Two hundred and fifty Men , slew Two thousand of them . Two Natives of those Islands , as big as Giants , killed with their own hands , the one above Twenty , the other above Thirty Men. San ho returned again , and entred the same Town . 14. The People of Amboina designed privately to Murder Sancho de Vasconcelos . He suspecting that Ruy de Sousa , a new Convert , and the principal Man of Rosanive , was the Author of that Conspiracy , sent friendly for , and then secured him by the advice of some Portugueses , not without the help of the Jesuits , believing it was for the better , and they ruined all : For Sousa escaping out of Prison , did what he never had design'd , joining our Enemy , and killing a good number of our Men , which put our Affairs into a desperate Posture . 15. This Year F. Peter de Alfaro with three Companions entred the City of Quantung , and perceiving he did not profit much there , returned to Macao , where he built the Church . He was a Spaniard , and seem'd to foresce , that what belong'd now to the Portugueses only would soon belong to his Nation . A token of his Sanctity is , that perishing by Shipwrack , he was afterwards found on the Shore upon his Knees . 16. This Year concludes with the arrival of four Ships from Portugal . Since there is no Account to be found of what our Governor acted the next Year till D. Iames de Meneses succeeded him , let his Government end here , and I will go over to the Relation of what was done these very Years , in Monomotapa , by the Governour Francis Barreto , and his Successour Vasco Fernandez Homem . Antony Moniz Barreto was a Man deserving of that Post he obtained , though he got it not fairly , and was one of the best Governors of India , the Twenty-sixth of that Number , and Second of the Name and Sirname . CHAP. XV. The Government of Francis Barreto in Monomotapa , beginning in the Year 1569 , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. SInce , by reason of the Disagreement between Antony Moniz Barreto , and the Viceroy D. Antony de Norronna , and D. Leonis Pereyra , the Government of Malaca , one of the three into which that Dominion was divided , took no effect , let us go over to the other of Monomotapa , which was erected , though it lasted not long . When Francis Barreto returned to Portugal , after having been Governor of India , he was appointed Admiral of the Gallies : He exercised this Command at the time of that memorable Action of Pennon , by which he gain'd great Reputation . Being come back to Lisbon , and the King resolv'd to make that Division of Governments , he named him for Monomotapa , with the additional Title of Conqueror of the Mines there . The great inducement to this Conquest , was the Information and Experience of the vast quantity of Gold found , particularly at Manica in the Kingdom of Bocaranga . 2. The Doubt was , whether it were proper for a Man who had been Governour of all our Dominions in Asia , and this Southern Part of Africk to accept of this , which was the least considerable part into which it was divided , but the danger and difficulty of it made amends for the greatness . Three things prevailed with him to accept of it ; the first , that he was poor ; the second , that he thought it no lessening to take a less Command in Obedience to his Prince ; and the third , that it was allowed him , in case the Viceroy and he met at Sea , their Power should be equal in all respects . 3. In fine , Francis Barreto submitted to his King's Command , and the Desires of his Country , and sailed from Lisbon in April , 1569 , as Captain , General , and Governor of that Conquest , with three Ships . He carried One thousand Landmen , and might have had more , if the Vessels could have contained them ; for the noise of Gold drowned the thoughts of danger , and nothing raises Men like the thoughts of gain . Among these were many Gentlemen and old African Soldiers . Being come to Moçambique , he went to subdue the King of Pate , who was revolted from us . 4. Barreto had Orders not to undertake any thing without the Advice of Francis de Monclaros , a Jesuit , who was the cause of the ill Success of this Enterprize . So great an Error it is to subject a Soldier to a religious Man : So indiscreet a Presumption for a religious Man to undertake what does not belong to his profession : There were two ways to the Mines , the one through Monomotapa , the other by Zofala , Barreto was for this , Monclaros for the other , and carryed it , notwithstanding , all the Votes to the contrary , and so the first step they gave was to their ruin . 5. Now the Governor enters upon this Conquest , let us say somthing of its Climate , quality , and extent . The Coast from Cape Delgado to Mozambique , is in the form of a bow ; it begins in 9 deg of S. lat . and ends in 14 d. 3 m. in which space are the Islands Pajaros , Mesa ; one at the Mouth of the River Paudagi , Mocoloe , Matemo , Queriba , Cobra , near the River Menluane , Quisve , and Cabras , or Del Açotado . Then follow the Rivers , M●…cutii , Mucululo , Situ , Habe , Xanga , Samoco , Veloso , Pinda , Quizimaluco , Tintagone . Between these last are the Bays of Xanga and Fuego , and the Sands of Pinda . From Mocambique to the Port of the Bay of Cauea , in 21 deg and half of S. lat . The Continent runs to the Westward , gathering the Waters , where appears the Parcel de Z●…fala , the dangerous Scylla , and Caribdis of those Seas , into which falls these Rivers , Moeugo , Bayones , M●…ge , Mojuncoale , Sangage , Ambuzi , ( here lie the three Islands of Angoxa , ) Monca , Macolonga , ( with three other Islands ) Tondamaje , Corombeca , Quesungo , Loranga , Chimani , Mogundo , Mafusa , ( between the last are the Ports of Quilimane , and Luabo , with the Island Chimgoma , ) Tendicalu , Quiloe , Sabam , Bagoe , Miave , Zofala , ( with the opposite Island called Inbansato ) Quiloane , Mambony , Molimon , Quilamancohi . Between Cape B●…siqua in 32 deg . of S. lat . and Cape Correntes in 23 , is the great Bay of Sau●…a . Into this Bay falls the River Inhambane , where is the Trade of Ivory . From these names I infer the Language of those People , cannot be harsh , being mostly compounded of the soft Letters , L. and M. 6. The Empire of Monomotapa from the Mouth of Cuama in the East , runs 250 Leagues , is divided by the great River Zambere , which falls into that of Chiri , running through the Country of Borero , where are many other large Rivers , and on their banks many King 's , some absolute , some Subjects of Monomotapa ; the greatest of the first is Mongas , bordering on C●…ama and Zambere , which falls into the Sea , between Mozambique and Zofala , to the S. E. by four Mouths . The first that of Quilimane , 90 Leagues from Mozambique . The second Cuama , 25 to the Southward . The third Luabo , 5 Leagues lower , and the fourth Luaboel , 15 more to the South . Between them are fruitful and large Islands , whereof one is 60 Leagues in compass . The River is Navigable , the same number of Leagues up to the Town of Sena , inhabited by Portugueses , and as many more to Tete , a Colony of theirs also . The richest Mines are those of Musapa , called Anfur , the Ophir where the Queen of Saba had her Riches , when she went to Hierusalem . In these Mines has been found a lum●… of Gold worth 12000 Ducats , and another of the value of 400000. It is not only found among Stones , but grows up within the bark of several Trees to the top , where the branches spread . The Mines of Mancbica and Butica are not much inferior to these . There are many others not so considerable . There are three Fairs or Markets , whither our People Trade for this Gold , from the Castle of Tete on the River Zambeze , 120 ●…ngues from the Sea ; the first is Luane four Days journey up the inland . The second Buento farther distant , and Masapa the third , yet farther of . This Gold was purchased for Cloth , glass-beads , and other things of no value among us . At Masapa resides a Portugues Officer appointed by the Commander of Moçambique , by consent of the Emperor of Monomotapa , but upon condition , not to go into the Country , without his leave upon pain of Death : He is Judge of the differences that arise there . There are Churches of the Dominicans at Massapa , Bocuto , and Luanze . 7. The Original , number and time of the Reign of the Kings is not known ; it is believed , there were several in the time of the Queen of Saba , and that they were subject to her , for thence she had her Gold. In the Mountain Afur , near Masapa , are seen the ruins of stately buildings , supposed to be Pallaces and Castles ; in Process of time , the Empire was divided into three Kingdoms , Quiteve , Sabanda , and Chiganga , this last the most powerful , as possessing the Mines of Manchica , Butua , and others ; its believed , the Blacks of Butua of the Kingdom of Chicanga , are those that carry the Gold to Angola , because 't is thought there are but 100 Leagues distance between those two places ; this Country bears Rice , and what we call Indian-wheat , has abundance of all sorts of Cattle , Fowl , and Gardening : Their chief care is Pastorage and Tillage ; this Empire is divided into 25 Kingdoms , which are Mongas , Baroe , Manica , Boesa , Macingo , Remo , Chique , Chiria , Chidima , Boquizo , Inbanzo , Chiruvia , Condesaca , Daburia , Macurumbe , Mungussi , Antiovaza , Cbove , Chungue , Dvia , Romba , Rassini , Chirao , Mocaranga , and Remo de Beza ; there are many Lordships , that have not the Title of Kings . 8. The Emperor has a great Palace , though of Wood ; the chief Apartments of it are three , one for himself , another for his Wife , and a third for his menial Servants ; it has three Doors into a Court , one for the Queen , to go in and out at , another for him and the Servants that attend his Person , and are Sons of his Noblemen ; the third for the Cooks , who are two great Men and his Relations ; and the under-Cooks who are also Men of Quality . None of these must be above 20 Years of Age , for till that Age , they do not believe they have to do with Women , and if any do , they are severely punished ; after that time , they are preferred to great imployments : Those within Doors , are governed by a Captain , and those without by another , as formerly in Spain , the Alcalde de los Donçeles . 9. The Principal Officers about the King are , Ningomoxa Governor of the Kingdoms , Mocomoaxa , Captain General , Ambuya great Steward ; to him it belongs when the Mazarira or the King 's Principal Wife dies , to name another in her stead , but it must be one of the King's Sisters or nearest Relations ; Inbantovo , the head Musitian , who has many under him , and is a great Lord ; Nurucao , Captain of the Van-guard ; Bucurumo , which signifies the King's Right-hand ; Magande , the chief Conjurer ; Netambe , the Apothecary that keeps the Ointments and utencils for Sorcery ; Nebono , chief Porter . All these Offices are executed by Lords ; there is no delicacy in Cookery used ; they only Eat boyl'd and roasted , they Eat the same as is usual among us , with the addition of mice , which they esteem as good as Partridge or Rabbet . 10. The King has many Wives , only nine called great Queens , which are his Sisters , or near Relations ; the others the Daughters of Nobles . The chiefest is called Mazarira , and Mother of the Portugueses , who often present her , because she sollicites their business with the King ; and he sends no Embassador to them without some Servant of hers ; the second is Inahanda , that sollicites for the Moors ; the third Nabuiza that lives in the same Apartment with him ; the fourth Navemba ; the fifth Nemangore ; the sixth Nizingoapangi ; the seventh Nemongoro ; the eight Nessani ; the ninth Necarunda , each of them lives apart , with as great state as the King , and have several Revenues and Kingdoms for their expence . As soon as one dies , another succeeds in place and name ; they have power to reward and punish , as well as the King ; sometimes he goes to them , sometimes they come to him ; there are many Women waiting on them , of whom he makes use as he pleases . 11. The Principal People of Monomotapa , and whereof the Emperor is , are the Mocarangi , not warlike , nor furnished with any other Arms , but Bows , Arrows , and Javelines ; they have no Religion nor Idols , but acknowledge one only God , and believe there is a Devil , that he is wicked , and they call him Muzuco : They believe their Kings go to Heaven , and call them Muzimos , and call upon them in time of need , as we on the Saints . They speak of things past by tradition , having no knowledge of Letters . They give Ear to the Doctrine of Christianity ; the lame and blind they call the King 's Poor , because maintained by him with great Charity ; and if they travel , the Towns they go through are obliged to maintain and furnish them guides from one place to another . A good example for Christians . 12. Every Month has its Festival Days , and is divided into three Weeks , each of 10 Days ; the first Day is that of the New-Moon , and the Festivals the fourth and fifth of each Week : On these Days they put on their best Apparel , the King gives publick Audience to all , holding a Truncheon about three quarters of a Yard long in each hand , as it were leaning upon it ; they who speak to him lye prostrate , this lasts from Morning till Evening : If he is indisposed , Ningomoxa stands in his place , no body can speak to him , or go to Court , on the 8th Day of the New-Moon , because it is held most unlucky . 13. On the Day the New-Moon appears , the King with two Javelins runs about in his House , as if he were Fighting , the great Men are present at this pastime , and it being ended , a pot full of Indian wheat , boyled whole , is brought , which he scatters about the Ground , bidding them Eat , because it is the growth of the Earth ; they know how to flatter , for every one strives to gather most , knowing that pleases him , and they Eat it as savourly , as if it were the greatest dainty . 14. Their greatest Holy-day , is the first Day of the Moon of May , they call it Chuavo : On this Day all the great Men , which are a vast number , resort to Court , and there with Javelins in their Hands run about representing a Fight ; the sport lasts all Day , then the King withdraws , and is not seen in eight Days after , during which time , the Drums never cease beating . On the last Day he orders the Nobleman he has the least affection for to be killed ; this is in the nature of a Sacrifice he offers to his Muzimos , or Ancestors ; this done , the Drums cease , and every Man goes home . The Mumbos Eat Man's flesh , whereof there is a Publick Butchery . Let this suffice for the Customs of this Empire , for it would be endless to relate all . CHAP. XVI . Continues the Government of Francis Barreto in Monomotapa . 1. SUch was the Country whether the Governour Francis Barreto was now going , he set out from Mozambique with more Vessels than he brought and more Men , Tools , Camels , Horses , and other necessaries for War , and for the work of the Mines ; having Sailed Ninety Leagues , he went up the River Cuama , called by our first discoverer De las buenas sennales , he came to Sena , or Fort St. Marcalis , as F. Monclaros desired , and repaired the Town Inaparapala , which is near to another of the Moors , they being always professed Enemies to the Christians , began to undermine our designs , as they had formerly done in India ; they attempted to poyson our Army , and some Men and Horses began to Die , and the cause being discovered by one of them , they were all put to the Sword , and the Chief of them torn to pieces at the mouths of Guns , except one ( called Mahomet Iame ) who affirming the Blessed Virgin had appeared to him , and commanded him to become a Christian , by the name of Lawrence ; he had the favour to be strangled . The discoverer was pardoned . 2. Barreto sent an Embassador to the Emperor , who for the more honour admitted him to his Presence , not as other Embassadors were treated at this Court , which is to go without Arms , bare-footed , on their Knees , and when they come near , prostrating themselves on the ground . The effect of the Embassy was to desire leave to punish the King of Mongas who was in Rebellion , and go on to the Mines of Butua and Manchica : The first part was a piece of flattery , to obtain the second , because the Lands of Mongas lie between Sena and the Mines , and it was necessary to make way with the Sword. He consented to all , and offered One hundred thousand Men ; Bareto accepted not of them , because he would give him no share in the Honour gained in that War , and thinking thereby to oblige him the more . 3. He marched ten Days with Twenty three Horse , and Five hundred and sixty Musquetiers , ( enduring much by Hunger and Thirst ) for the most part along the River Zambeze , over whose most rapid stream hang pieces of the high Mountain Lupata , ninety Leagues distant from the Ethiopian Sea. At the end of this tedious march , they began to discover part of the Enemy , and soon after saw the-Mountains and Valleys covered with Arm'd Men , the Governor was not daunted , seeing it was hard to discover the end of that multitude , he drew up , and gave the Van to Vasco Fernando Homem , he had the Rear , and between the bodies was the baggage , and some Field pieces ; when they came to charge , he removed the Canon to the Front and Flanks , the two unequal bodies advanced , the Enemy in the sorm of a half-Moon ; before they engaged , an old Woman advanced and scattered some Powder towards our Men , having perswaded the Enemy ( she was a notorious Witch ) that that Powder alone would gain the Victory . 4. Barreto understanding the superstition , having seen t●…e like in India , ordered a Gunner to level a ●…iece at her ; which was so well performed , the old Woman was torn to pieces ; the Cafres were astonished , believing her immortal . Barreto rewarded the Gunner with a Gold Chain ; the Enemy advance without order , either through ignorance , or relying on their multitude , and clouds of Arrows and Darts begin to fly , but our Musquetiers killing them by Hundreds , they turned their backs , many were killed in the pursuit , and then our Men ordered to halt ; the Governor marches to the City Mongas , and meets another multitude like the former , which in like manner was put to flight , above Six thousand Cafres were slain , and two of our Men , and the Governor was sorced to alight and lead his Men ; the City was entered without opposition , being abandoned , our Men entrench'd , and in the Morning discovered an Army as great as both the former ; the Cafres were again routed , and beg'd peace in the King's name . The Governor received the Messenger with such Majesty , that he was astonished , and could not speak ; being come to himself , and having delivered his Message , Barreto promised he would see the King , and mat ters should be adjusted . 5. The next Day our Men marched and incamped in a convenient place where Embassadors came from the King to treat of Peace . It happened one of our Camels broke loose and came so near the Governor , that he stoped him till they came up that were in pursuit of him ; ●…e Cafres having never seen such a Beast , admired it stopped at the Governor , thinking it some submission it made to him , and began to ask some questions . He making his advantage of their ignorance , told them , he had many of those Beasts that only fed upon Man's flesh , and having devoured all that were killed , that Beast came from the rest to desire he would not make Peace , because they would come to want Food ; they astonished hereat , earnestly intreated him , he would desire the Camels to be satisfied with good Beef , and they would instantly bring them a great number . He granted their request , and marched on . He was in great distress for Provision when news came his presence was required at Mocambique . He gave the Command of the Forces to Vasco , and departed●… The cause was this , 6. Antony Pereyra Brandam , who at the Molucos had committed Crimes that deserved the severest punishment , in Portugal was condemned to banishment into Africk ; he desired the Governor he might be permitted to go with him to Monomotapa ; he did it , and being come to Moçambique , gave him the Command of that Fort. Brandam , though Eighty Years of Age , and under such obligations , resolved to secure himself in the Fort , and defame Francis Barreto with false informations sent to the King : the Original Papers fell into the Governor's Hands , who being come to Moçambique , showed them to him , and he falling down and kissing his Feet begg'd Pardon ; Barreto lifted up and forgave him , then giving the Command of the Fort to Laurence Godino , returned to prosecute his design . 7. Our Governor being come to the Fort of Sena , F. Monclaros came out in a great rage to tell him , he should desist from that Conquest , with which he had imposed upon the King , that no more Men might be lost , for he should be answerable to God for what had , and should die . It was most certain , Barreto was not the promoter of that Conquest , and Monclaros was in fault for all the miscarriage that had been committed ; Barreto took this insolence so much to Heart , that he died within two Days without any other Sickness , breathing out his Soul in sighs . Doubtless the Jesuit had more to answer for his death , than he , for the miscarriages the Jesuit was guilty of . 8. King Sebastian much resented this loss , and particularly expressed it by the honourable Reception he made to his Body when brought to Lisbon . So this great Man having escaped so many Bullets among the Indians , so many Darts and Arrows among the Cafres , and the Malice of a Villain , fell by the Words of a religious Man. CHAP. XVII . The Government of Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. THE Governor Francis Barreto being dead , an order of the King 's found among his Papers was opened , by which Vasco Fernândez Homem his Major , was appointed to succeed him . The Perswasions of F. Monclaros , who now disliked the Conquest , so far prevailed with him , that forgetting his Duty he returned to Moçambique . There some understanding Persons , and chiefly Francis Pinto Pimentel his Kinsman , represented this Affair in such manner to him , that he returned to Monomotapa . Being now delivered of that religious Man , who went away to Portugal , he set out by the way of Zofala , as Francis Barreto would have done , that being the properest Road for the Design in hand : He marched directly towards the Mines of Manchica of the Kingdom Chicanga , bordering by the Inland with that of Quiteyve , the next in Power to Monomotapa . With him was the same number of Men , and sorts of Instruments his Predecessor had . To oblige the King of Quiteyve , he Complemented and sent him Presents , and tho' these are the most efficacious means to make all things easie , that Prince grew so jealous of these Solicitations , that he received all very coldly . 2. The Governor not making much account of his Answer , marched into his Kingdom . Several Bodies of Cafres attempted to stop his Passage , but were routed with great slaughter . The King seeing he did not prevail by force of Arms , had recourse to Policy . He caused all the People and Provisions to be withdrawn from the Towns and Country , so that our Men suffered extream want till they came to Zimbaoe his Court , whence he was fled , and had fortified himself in inaccessible Mountains . Vasco burnt the City , and marched on to Chicanga , the King whereof rather through fear than love , received him with exterior signs of Affection , and gave him free passage to the Mines . Our Men marched to them , many believing they should gather Gold by handfuls ; but seeing the Natives with much difficulty gather'd but little in a long time , and not being expert at that work , and that to make any thing of it , more Men and Materials were requisite , they return'd the way they came , and parted Friends with that King. 3. Though they obtained not what was sought this way , yet the ease wherewith they came to the place designed , evinced how great an Error it was to impose F. Monclaros as Director to the late Governor , who , only to follow his own extravagant Humour , lead him a way so dangerous and tedious . Vasco returned to Quiteyve , and that King did now for fear what he refused before , permitting the Portugueses to march to the Mines of Maninnas , only upon condition they should pay him Twenty Crowns yearly . Vasco passed thence to the Kingdom of Chicova , bordering upon Monomotapa to the Norward along the Inland . The cause of undertaking this March was , the Account he had of rich Silver Mines . Having encamped , he ask the Cafres for the Mines and they seeing it was in vain to resist , and fearing the discovery of the Mines would be their Ruine , scattering some Ore far enough from the Mines , shewed it , telling them , there they were . 4. By this means the Cafres got time to escape ; for our Men giving credit to them let them go , perhaps not desiring they should see what Treasure they got . The Governor caused all round about to be dug , and after much labour it was no wonder he did not find what was not there . Provision growing scarce , and finding no Fruit of his Labour , he marched away , leaving Captain Antony Cardoso de Almeyda with Two hundred Men , and Necessaries to continue there some Days , to examine into the Truth of that so much coveted Corner of the Earth . 5. Vasco being gone , Cardoso suffered himself to be again deceived by the Cafres , who had before imposed upon him . They offered , since he could not find a Vein there , they would show him a place where he might ; and leading him the way of Death rather than that of the Mines , killed him and all his Men , after they had defended themselves with incredible Bravery . This may convince those who affirm , numbers of Cafres would fly from a Gun , as not having before seen them , since here Two hundred Men fighting with them for their lives , were all slain by their Darts and Arrows . 6. This was the end of that Government , scarce begun sooner than ended , and possest by two Governors , who no sooner saw , but they lost it . The first killed by rash words , the second expelled by a prudent , not barbarous , Stratagem . However the Peace and Trade with the Emperor of Monomatapa continued . These Actions of Francis Barreto and Vasco Fernandez Homem , were in the time of the Government of D. Luis de Ataide , D. Antony de Noronna , and Antony Moniz Barreto ; but we could never exactly find when the first died , and the last desisted . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Viceroy Ruy Lorenco de Tavora , and the Government of D. James de Meneses , from the Year 1576 till 1578 , in the Reign of King Sebastian . 1. IN the beginning of this Year sailed from Lisbon Ruy Lorenço de Tavora , to succeed Antony Moniz Barreto , with the Title of Viceroy of India , and four Ships : He died at Moçambique , and was the first that came short , being appointed for that Government . The Ships arriving at Goa , the Royal Patents of Succession were opened , and D. Iames de Meneses there present was the Person named in the first . So he was rather Successor to Antony Moniz , than Ruy Lorenço . However , since he was designed for it , we will reckon Tavora the Twelfth of the Viceroy's , and Twenty-seventh of Governors , and First of the Name and Sirname . 2. D. Iames de Meneses having held this Command near two Years , there is no doubt but there happened more remarkable Passages than I heer relate , but I could find no more , having used all possible endeavours to get some farther Memoirs of his Time. Certain it is there are some , but our Portugues Gentlemen , though they make no use of , keep them as close as Misers do their Treasure . The little I could gather is thus : 3. As soon as D. Iames took upon him the Government , he fitted out several Squadrons for the usual purposes . At that time some Captains were upon the Northern Coast upon their own account , as D. Hierome Mascarennas , D. Iames and D. Antony de Silveyra Brothers , and Francis Pessoa . They anker'd in the River of Dabul , that City being then at Peace with us , and were received by the Tanadar Melique Tocan with feigned kindness . He proferred to furnish them with what they wanted , and invited them home to dine with him , having Men ready to murder them in the height of their Merriment . All things succeeded as he desired , for they put themselves into his Power unarmed , except Mascarennas , who forboding some Treachery stayed in the River . Those that accepted the invitation were killed , except a few who fled to the Shore , and the Murderers after them had like to have entred Mascarennas his Vessel , but that he and those few that were with him laying hold of Arms repulsed the bloody Assassins . Mascarennas carried the news of this Disaster to Goa . 5. Towards the end of this Year arrived the Ships that sailed from Lisbon the beginning of it ; they were six in number , two set out first under Mathias de Albuquerque , appointed to Command at Malaca , and four after . 5. As soon as the Governor was informed by D. Hierome de Mascarennas of the Villainy committed by the Tanadar of Dabul , he dispatched D. Peter de Meneses with a small Squadron to Revenge that wrong , ordering him to lay wait for the Ships of Meca , and do all the Mischief he could on the Coast subject to Hidalcan . Meneses met two great Ships of M●…ca , and after a sharp dispute forced them a Shoar , where the Sea running high they beat to pieces . This was the posture of Affairs when in August arrived D. Luis de Ataide Count de Atouguia , to take upon him that Government the second time , which D. Iames de Meneses then quitted , having been the Twenty-eighth Governor , the Second of the Name , and Third of the Sirname . CHAP. XIX . The Count D. Luis de Ataide is the Second time Viceroy of India ; he set out in the Year 1577 , and Governs till 1581 , and is the last sent out by King Sebastian . 1. WHEN King Sebastian had resolved ( though he designed better ) to bury the Glory of his Kingdom in the Sands of Africk , he appointed D. Luis de Ataide Count de Atouguia , General of his Forces : But soon after , not able to conform his Youthful Heat to the prudent Circumspection of the Count , that he might have a plausible Colour for removing him , he again constituted him Viceroy of India , pretending there was need of such a Man there ; as if he had not much more need of his Conduct himself . 2. The Count well understood the drift of this Change , but not willing to disgust the King , took no notice of it . He desired to have along with him Nunno Vello Pereyra , a Man more Expert than Fortunate in Military and Sea Affairs , as will appear hereafter , and Iohn Alvarez Suarez , a Man versed in the Revenue , and who had given good Proof of his Courage , as was related in the Siege of Chaul . D. Luis had a prosperous Voyage , and was received at Goa with great Joy. 3. His arrival at Goa was about the end of August : The first thing he did after receiving the Sword , was the spreading the News that King Sabastian would infallibly that Year go over into Africk , where he was already killed when this was given out . The Viceroy foreseeing that disaster , and the ill Consequences might arise from it , fitted out such a mighty Fleet , as struck a Terror into all the neighbouring Princes , who measure their own safety by our Power . The design of this Fleet he never revealed to any Man. 4. Amidst these greater Cares he forgot not the less , but sent Supplies to D. Peter de Meneses to enable him to act the more vigorously against Melique the Tanadar of Dabul . The Viceroy in Person carried on the War against Hidalcan along the River of Goa , whether his Dominions extended ; and he no longer able to endure it , proposed a Peace , promising the Traytor Melique should be for ever banished Dabul , and all his Dominions . The Peace was concluded , and our Forces withdrew . At that time arrived at Goa three Ships from Portugal , and were the last sent sent by King Sebastian . When these came to India , two Caravels set out from Lisbon with the News of the King's Death , one bound for Goa , the other for Malaca . 5. Henry the Cardinal succeeded in the Throne , and from amidst those Ruines dispatched five Ships for India , fearing lest the loss of King Sebastian being known , new Troubles might arise , if those Dominions were not timely supplied . 5. The Viceroy understanding that Melique Tocan , contrary to the Articles of the Peace concluded the Year before , continued at Dabul publickly exercising his Office , and was ready to Launch a great Ship to Trade to Meca , he resolved to show how much he resented that wrong , and to that purpose sent thither D. Paul de Lima Pereyra with ten Sail. 7. D. Paul coming to the Mouth of the River found all the Shore fortified , and a great number of Cannon planted in all convenient Places : He forces his way in through all the Batteries , and sees Six thousand Horse , and great number of Foot covering the Shore , and pouring showers of Bullets and Arrows upon him ; nevertheless he attempts to burn two Ships belonging to Hidalcan , but finding it impossible to come at them for the number of the Enemy's Cannon , he runs up the River , and spent some days in burning all the Towns along the Coast. 8. The Enemy calls in to their Aid Cartale and Mandaviray , two Malabar Pyrats who were in the Sea of Chaul with five Galliots : To these Melique joins other five Sail he had ready with Five hundred Turks , Persians , and other resolute Men. The Shore was cover'd with People that came to see this Action . D. Paul prepared to receive them , and after the Discharge of the Cannon they came up board and board , and hand to hand . 9. D. Paul boarded the first Galliot , they were ten to ten , though the Enemy had the advantage of the bigness of the Vessels and number of Men ; but our Captains following the Example of their Admiral , behaved themselves so bravely , that only one of the Enemy's Galliots escaped , the rest were all taken . We lost but two or three Men in this Action , which was as fortunate as any we perform'd in Asia . 10. Having taken this Revenge of Melique for his Crime , and of Hidalcan for winking at it , D. Paul sailed out of the River through the same Dangers he came in , losing one Man. Being come to Goa with Nineteen Sail , whereas he went thence with only Ten ; the Viceroy came out to receive him , and in the hearing of all that were present , said , What is it you mean , D. Paul , will you with such Acts of Bravery provoke my Envy to poison you ? Thus Heroes praise great Men , and at the same time upbraid those who enviously Rail at noble Actions . 11. The Emperor of Ceylon had some time since by his Ambassadors desired King Iohn III. to send him some Religious Men of the Order of St. Francis , to instruct him in the Christian Religion : They being come to him he recanted . F. Iohn de Villa de Conde was this Year at his Court , and had several times confuted the Bramenes disputing of Religion . Yet they refusing to yield themselves overcome , he offer'd with a lively Faith , that he and one of them should be cast into a River full of great Crocodiles , or into a great Fire , and that his Religion , who came out unhurt , should be allowed to be the true . They refused , and the Franciscan immediately reaped the Fruit of this Victory , baptising D. Iohn Parea Pandar King of Cota , in the same Island . 12. The Kingdom of Angola is near Monomotapa , whereof we lately spoke , and therefore will relate what happened there this Year , because it is a remarkable Passage . Paul Diaz undertook to War with that King , who had treacherously kill'd a number of our Men : This Captain with only two Galleys did Wonders on the Banks of the River Coanza , till he fortified himself in an Island formed by this and the River Lucula . Then joining the King of Congo and other Princes with only 150 Portugueses he several times defeated the Enemy . But the most remarkable is the Battle wherein that King had a Million of Men , which were put to flight in such Confusion they kill'd one another . 13. At the beginning of this Year , when the Ships sailed for India , our Kingdom , by the Death of the old Cardinal , King Henry , was under the Direction of five Governors , who dispatched them . They were four , whereof one was forc'd back to Lisbon , the last sent under a Portugues Government , and the last our Viceroy saw : For he having done no more than what is related , or if he did , having left no memory of it , died the beginning of the Year , having in some manner foretold it For some time before leave being asked of him to bury his Cousin Antony Rotello by his Brother D. Iohn de Ataide , he refused it , saying , He had long since designed that place for himself . 14. At the end of his first Government something was said of his Qualities and Merit , and I have referred it to this place to speak of his undaunted Courage , as a virtue most peculiar to him . Some Proof of it has been given in the former Part of his Life , I will now give another Instance . At the attack ( as I think ) of Onor he sailed in a Brigantine , sitting on a Chair , and a famous Musician by him playing upon a Harp. The Enemy's Cannon from the Fort reached the Vessels , and grated the Musicians Ear ; D. Luis , who was pleased to hear the Musick , seeing him give over , as if he had not seen the Cause , asked him , why he left off ; the Musician told him ; and he stretching out his hand , said , I pray let nothing disturb thee , go on with that Tune , for it is a very good one . 15. One of the Gentlemen that were standing behind him , seeing this was too great a Contempt of Danger , said , Tell that Man , if he happens to be killed , all will be lost : And another answer'd , Do not tell him so ; for if he be killed , here are Men enough fit to succeed him . 16. D. Luis this second time govern'd the Term of two Years and seven Months , and may be reckoned in the number of Viceroys the Thirteenth , in that of Governors the Twenty-ninth ; the First of the Name and Sirname . CHAP. XX. The Government of Ferdinand Tellez de Meneses , who was named by the Governors of Portugal , upon the Decease of the Cardinal King Henry , in the Year 1581. 1. THE Ships dispatched by the Governors of Portugal the last Year , carried new Patents of Succession . In the first was named Ferdinand Tellez de Meneses . The Bishop of Malaca , D. Iohn Ribeyro Gayo , was President at this Ceremony , which was celebrated with such Demonstrations of Joy , as if there had been no Memory of their fresh Subjects of Tears . 2. Whilst the Affairs of Portugal were in this miserable Condition , those in the Kingdom of Visapor were no better , the Succession being uncertain upon the decease of Hidalcan , who died without Heirs in the 23d Year of his Reign , and 50th of his Age. He studied less to have Wives to get Children , than young Men instead of Wives . A Youth of 18 Years of Age , who had more Honour than to consent to such Baseness , killed him as he was endeavouring to allure him to his brutal Appetite . Abraham , Son of Xatamas , one of two Brothers not long before slain by him , succeeded in the Throne . Qui●…balechan , a powerful Man , conspiring with others , enters Visapor with Forces , and seizes that Prince . Not long after the Ethiopians ( who are the Guard of those Princes ) did the same under three Heads , chose by themselves to this purpose , who were Acalachan , Armichan , and Delarnachan . This last secures the other two , and takes all the Power into his own hands . Our Governor kept a watchful Eye over all these Proceedings , knowing the Happiness of our Affairs , depended much upon the Event of those . 3. At this time were brought to India new Instructions from the Governors of Portugal , and Philip the Second then sworn King , and First of the Name there . The Governor was order'd to tender the Oath there . Ferdinand Tellez performed the Ceremony with great Solemnity in the Church of Goa on the third of September . 4. The Captains then commanding our Forts there were at Goa , D. Tristan de Meneses ; at Zofala and Moçambique , D. Peter de Castro ; at Ormuz , D. Gonzalo de Meneses ; at Damam , Martin Alfonso de Melo ; at Baçaim , D. Emanuel de Almada ; at Chaul , D. Ferdinand de Castro ; at Cananor , George Toscano ; at Cochim , D. George de Meneses Baroche ; at Columbo , Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno ; at Tidore , Iames de Azambuja ; and at Malaca D. Iohn de Gama . 5. The Governor understanding that four Galliots of Malabar Pyrats were harboured in some of the Rivers about Goa , immediately sent Mathias de Albuquerque with ten small Merchant Ships that were the readiest at hand , after them . He found them in the River Carapatan ; three of our Vessels that were foremost falling violently upon them , forced the Malabars to leap into the Water , and by that time Albuquerque came up , each of them had taken one . 6. There were at Mazulopatan two Ships of the bigness of ours that Trade to India ; one belonging to the King of Achem , loaded with Ammunition , design'd , as was believed , against Malaca ; the other to the King of Pegu richly loaden . The Governor sent Gonçalo Vaz de Camoens with four Ships to seize upon them : The first of the two had notice of it , and went off , and Gonçalo Vaz being informed of the great Force of the other , by the consent of his Men left that Design , and went over to the Coast of Pegu , where the Malabar Pyrats took one of his Ships Commanded by Francis Serram , and a Galliot of Ferdinand de Lima. They came to the Mouth of the River Negraes , just at such time as the Ship they feared to Encounter at Mazulapatan was entring . They could not in Honour avoid engaging her , though they were but two Galliots : After a desperate Fight , which lasted almost two days , the Ship was sunk , our Men having first rifled her with such covetousness , that our Vessels had sunk , had not the Captain thrown many of the Goods over-board . 7. The Galliots setting out again , were for some time carried about by the Weather , it being the beginning of Winter , till about the place where they sunk the Ship , they discover'd the Prince of Fegu with a Fleet of 1300 Sail , design'd for the Conquest of the Kingdom of Arracam . The Prince desired to meet with these Galliots , having advice they were thereabouts , and that his Father would be as much pleased with taking of them , as the Conquest of that Kingdom . Sixteen of the best Sailers advancing , began to play their Cannon , and were as well answer'd , till they came to Board . After a sharp Engagement , three of the Enemy's Ships were disabled , some entred , many Prisoners and 18 Pieces of Cannon taken ; then our Men seeing all that Multitude was coming upon them , making all the Sail they could and plying their Oars , got into the Port of Arracam . The King rejoycing for the share he had in this Success , and well pleased that Gonçalo Vaz made him a present of some of his Subjects taken in the great Ships , gave liberty to some Portugueses he had long kept in Prison . 8. About this time three Turkish Gallies set out of the Port at Moca , sent by the Bassa Mirazenam to plunder Moscate , having Intelligence from Moors living there ; that the Town was Rich , and unprovided of Defence . Alibec , a Turk , used to Robbing undertook this Design . Mirazenam was born at Otranto of Christian Parents , and was Governor of all that Part of Arabia Felix and Petrea , which the Natives call Ayaman , he resided in the City Cana , the Center of Arabia Felix . 60 Leagues North of Moca , and as many from Xael . Cana is built upon a Hill , encompassed with a good Wall , and thought to be the Foundation of Cham the Son of Noah , and to have been the Court of the famous Queen of Saba . The Province is most fruitful , called by the Ancients , Siria Mumifera , because it produces Frankincense , Myrrh , and Storax . 9. Alibec being before Mascate , landed his Men , ordering those that remained in the Galleys to enter the Port , and as soon as they were in to play their Cannon furiously , that so the Inhabitants being imployed on that side , he might come in upon their Backs . It succeeded as he desired ; for most Men saved themselves by flight , but few their Goods , and he in an instant entred and plundred the Town . Iames Machado going out to bury some Treasure , was killed , and himself and Money deprived of Burial . 10. Let us in some manner describe the situation of this Town : Extend the right Hand with the Palm of it down , stretch out the Thumb from the fore-finger , and separate that from the middle Finger , keep that close to the other two . The space between the middle and fore-fingers , is a Bay called Seabo , running up as the hand represents . The distance between the Thumb and Fore-finger is another Bay , not so deep , along the Shore whereof the Town is bailt , shut in by two Mountains ; one rises at the point of Seabo next that part where the three Fingers are together , it has only one Path that leads to Mascate so narrow , that two Men cannot pass it a-breast . This way Alibec come into the Town , no Body imagining he would attempt it , for four Men with one Cannon might maintain it against the Universe . 11. Let us not deny any Man the Honour that is due to him : They that fled from Mascate to Mataro , a Town a League distant , not thinking themselves safe there went to Bruxel , a Fort four Leagues up the Inland , belonging to Catani , Head of a Hord of Arabs . This place at that time was commanded by an Officer of his , a Man so Just and Honourable , that hearing the Misfortune of those People who came to him for Refuge , ( for in great Dangers the lesser is a Refuge ) he went out to receive , comfort , and entertain them . This was much , but what follows is more ; His Men seeing the Portugueses come loaded with Riches , advised him to make use of that Opportunity , and not show too much Weakness or Pity . And he fearing , lest Covetousness should make them Disobedient , laboured with soft Expressions and sweet Words , to disswade them from their wicked Design . 12. They all submitted themselves to their Officer's Reasons , and , with kind Usage , much comforted the Disconsolate Portugueses , who continued there till Alibec being gone , they returned to Mascate , always relating and admiring how honourably that Moor treated them , without suffering the least wrong to be offered to their Persons or Goods . 13. The News of the Ruine of Mascate being brought to Ormuz , The Commander , D. Gonçalo de Meneses caused the Gallies to be closely watched , and Ships to be fitted out immediately to follow them . He made Luis de Almeyda Commander in chief , giving him a Galleon , a Galley , and six other vessels , with Four hundred good Men. But he not observing the Orders of Meneses that were to follow the Galleys , fell into the Coast of the Naytaques , where they intended to Surprize the beautiful and rich City Pesani . But Francis Machado having given the Alarm , by falling upon some People that were passing in two Boats , the Inhabitants all fled . 14. They plundered the City without Honour or Danger , and after burnt it and near Fifty Sail that were in the Bay. The very same Fate attended the City Guadel , not inferior to Pesani , and that of Teis of the Abindos , a barbarous and fierce Nation , the last of Gedrosia , on the Banks of the River Calamen , the People of it join with the Naytaques in their Piracies . 15. All these Things were begun , though not absolutely transacted , when D. Francis de Mascarennas arrived in India with the Title of Viceroy , being the first sent by our first King Philip , who was second of Spain . Ferdinand Tellez left the Government in a peaceable Condition , and the Sea of Goa well furnished with good Ships . He was the last Governor appointed by the Portugues Authority , in Number the Thirtieth , held it Six Months , the First of the Name , and Fourth of the Sirname . The End of the Third Part. THE PORTUGUES ASIA . TOM . II. PART IV. CHAP. I. Of the Gods , Surpestitions and Opinions of the Asiaticks , particularly the Indians , and among them the Malabars . 1. I Have purposely omitted giving so particular an Account and Description of the People and Countries mentioned in this History , as will be expected from me , to avoid interrupting the series of Affairs , and connexion of Matter , reserving it still for a more proper place . The grand Revolution of the Kingdom of Portugal now brought under a foreign Prince , puts a Period to the Proceedings of our own , that we may begin again with what was transacted under our new Sovereigns . Here then it will not be amiss to give the Curious the Satisfaction of some further Information touching the Indians , Ethiopians , Chineses and Iapans , but still with my usual brevity , dividing among them this Fourth Part of this Second Volume . As Asia is divided into several Empires , so it is inhabited by many very different sorts of People , and each People distinguished by very opposite Customs . Yet those that are of one Belief , agree in the essential Part , though they differ in Form. It is so in India , as well as any other considerable Portion of the World , and therefore the Malabars , one of the Nations thereof , may inform us of the Religion and Government of all the rest . 2. As to the Frame of the World , they believe it had a beginning , and will have an end ; but then begin again , and in that manner will be everlasting ; that all things after having encreased , diminish ; that in the beginning as One thousand and Animals were produced One thousand died , but now for One thousand produced One thousand and one die ; that the reason why more die is , because the heat of the Sun increases ; that in the end , a violent Wind shall dissolve all things ; that nothing shall then remain but the Deity Ixoreta , as in the first Chaos ; that he shall be reduced to the bigness of an Egg , and this to the quantity of a Dew drop , scarce discernable ; that after it has sounded like a Cricket , it shall increase by the same measure it diminished , and shall produce within it self the five Elements , ( for they reckon the Heaven the fifth ) that their increasing shall burst the Egg in the middle ; that there shall appear in it seven shels put together like an Onion ; that the Egg being divided into two unequal parts , the biggest will be the Heavens , and the lesser the Earth ; that the Gods were and shall be so formed again . The Egg being open , the Deity will be placed in the upper part , on the Earth will appear a Mountain of Silver , on the top whereof will be seen the instruments of Generation ( which they call the true Ixoreta or Deity , the true God and Causa Causarum ) because all things in the World proceed from the Union of the instruments of Generation ; therefore they particularly adore the noblest , that it is the Male , and place its Image in their Pagods , and on their ways . This they reign to have three Rines , from which proceed the three Gods , Bramá , Vist●… , and Givem , or Ixora . 4. Of the superior and inferior productions , this is their Opinion . Ixora with this instrument of Generation , which was of a prodigious bigness , plowed up the Earth for the space of Seven hundred thousand loxenas , each of these when greatest , is four Leagues , and when least a League and a halfe ; from the Furrows sprung seven Seas and seven Lands , the ridges were the Mountains , the furrows , the Vales and Waters . Then from Ixoras back came the Woman called Cbati , ( this has some resemblance with Eve's being made of Adams Rib , ) and was separated from it by virtue of some words , and they resolved to have copulation . The length of the Generating Instrument ( called Linga ) wherewith Ixora had plowed the Ground hindred ; he cut it into eighteen pieces , whereof were made the Weapons they use , as the Spear , Sword , Bow , and Buckler . Then Ixora with his Finger opened the way of Generation in Chati , which shed much Blood ; he received it in his Hands , and throwing it up into the Air , suddenly of it were produced , the Sun , Moon , Stars , Roses , Flowers , Sweet-herbs , and Snakes , which they use in their Ceremonies , both being then fit for Copulation , by them the World was Peopled , the Beasts and Devils produced , and Heaven filled with Spirits , which they say are Thirty three Millions . 5. The Heaven is fixt upon the Earth , not the Earth , the Center of it . The Sun and Moon move like the Fish in the Water , by Day from East to West , by Night they run about the Northward , not under the Earth , but along the edge of the Horrizon ; they doubt whether the Earth be supported upon a Bulls-horns , or upon the Snake called Ananta ; their Paradize is in some Mountain . The Snake Bassagui fighting with the Wind , would not let it pass , but Ixora commanding her to give it way , the Wind flying the more impetuous for having been detained , tore up a Mountain , which falling into the Sea , formed the Island Ceylon . Other Islands are encompassed with Seas they call of Sugar , Milk , Butter , and Sweet-Water . Happy the Sailers that could find such pleasant Seas . 6. The Bases or Grounds of the Elements are of several matters , that of the Earth of Copper ; that of the Water of Silver ; that of the Fire of Gold ; that of the Air of a Pretious Stone ; that of Heaven of another Stone of more value : They are Gods and move , on the first waits the Bird Anam ; on the second Guereram , on the third a Cart ; on the fourth an Ox ; on the fifth a Horse . 7. There are seven large Subterranean dwellings , called Padalas , where live People who have no other light but that of certain bright Stones , which Snakes have in their Foreheads . One Day of ours is a Year in Heaven , and one of our Years , Three hundred and sixty five there . The Days of the Week ( as among us ) take their names from the Planets , and one of them is a Festival . They believe the transmigration of Souls . 8. The God Givem , or Ixora , is of the colour of Milk ; besides the usual two , he has one Eye in the Forehead , which being of Fire , consumes all things ; his Body of such a length , that Brama , though he endeavoured it , could never find the beginning or end of it . The other Brother Vistnu , who is God of the Transmutations , converted himself into a Hog , and turned up the Earth with his snout , but could never find his Feet . He is so thick that the Snake that girts the World , cannot encompass one of his Arms , ●…e has Sixteen Hands , all employed with Deer , Chairs , a Guitar , a Bell , a Bason , a Trident , a Rope , a Hook , an Ax , Fire , a Drum , Beads , a Staff , a Wheel , a Snake ; on his Forehead , a horned Moon ; his Apparel skins of Beasts , laid down with Snakes ; he has two Wifes , the Goddess of the Water , and Chati , who has already dyed One and twenty times ; and because every time she dies , he puts one of her Bones upon his Neck , he now wears One and twenty Bones there . Having shared his Body with his Wife , and she hers with him , he is halfe Man halfe Woman ; his care is to finish all things , Bram●… to Create , and Vistnu's to govern them . 9. The God Ixora lives in Calaya , a most delicious Mountain for Woods , Gardens , Fountains , Birds and Nymphs , among them there is nothing but Harmony . The desert parts of it are inhabited by Ri●…is , Hermits , much esteemed for sanctity , in a private and most pretious Tabernacle , is the Silver Rose with two Musical white Nymphs , and among them the Linga , or Eternal God , placed on a Lion of inestimable value , and invisible . 10. Brama and Vistnu envying Ixoras's greatness , set themselves against him ; he said if they could find his beginning or end , they should be his Superiors . Vistnu looked for his Feet and Brama and for his Head ; the first was deterred by a Snake , the second disswaded by Roses ; he brib'd them to testifie he had seen his Head , which they did . Vistnu sensible of the fraud , turn'd them into Beasts , and cut off one of his Heads , of his Blood sprang a Man with Five hundred Heads , and One thousand Hands . Ixora did penance for this crime , and travelling , came to a place where they threw several Beasts at him , he catched , ●…ead them , and cloathed himself with their Skins ; being over-powered , Vistnu came to his Aid in the shape of a beautiful Maid , and his Enemies were astonished at her form : Ixora having to do with her , a Son was born , Ixora and Vistnu differed about whom it should belong too , and a Heavenly Spirit reconciled them , taking it to himself . He bred him an expert Archer , and kept him as his guard against Sagatracavaxem , the Giant of Five hundred Heads , and One thousand Hands , sprung from Bramas Head , cut off by Ixora . This pilgrimage of Ixora gave the Original to the Pilgrims , called Iogues , who wander about living upon Charity , wearing Periwigs , and strewed with Ashes . 11. Ixora has four Children , the first has the Face of an Elephant ; the second of a Monkey ; the third is Superbenia , with six Faces and twelve Arms ; the fourth a young Woman called Patracali . The Father and his Wife Chati converted into Elephants , begot a Son with an Elephant's Head and four Arms , he is wonderful big , and rides on a Mouse . The first fruits of all that is sowed are offered to him . 12. The Bramones who are the Masters of their Ceremonies , abstain from Fish , Flesh , Eggs , and Wine , of other things they Eat and Drink without measure , they celebrate the Aniversaries of their Dead with great Banquets ; they are so much afraid of the Moon on the fourth Day after the full , that they shun seeing even the reflection of her in the Water . 13. Chati washing her self in the time of her courses , produced a Man. Her Husband cut of his Head , which rowling to the foot of his Mountain Calaya , brought forth the Tree on which grow the Coco's , which therefore have the resemblance of Eyes , Nose and Mouth . But the Wife complaining Ixora cut of an Elephants Head and put it to the Body , which remained Man and Elephant . Then both converting themselves into Monkeys , begot one , but she ashamed to bring it forth , desired the Wind to translate it to another Womb , and it was removed to that of the Wife of the Heavenly Spirits . She was delivered of , and Ixora gave him great power , calling him Anuman . This is the Reason the Indians adore Monkeys . 14. Patracali Ixoras's Daughter is black , she has eight Faces , and sixteen Arms , great round Eyes , Hogs Teeth , two Elephants for pendants , she is cloathed with Snakes , her Hair like the Peacocks Tails , has several things in her hands , particularly Arms , the Devil Medala waits on her ; she seeing her Father could not overcome the Giant Daridabaxada , Conquered him by Policy . Ixora to deliver her from Enemies , sent her to live invisible among Men. At Sea she overcame some Fishermen , and landed at Coulam , and marryed the Prince of Coulett , who being falsly accused of stealing the Queen of Pande's Bracelets , was impaled . Patracali brought him to Life , caused Sacrifice to he offered to him , and thus freed from the bands of wedlock , remained a Virgin. 15. Ixora in a passion threw his Wig on the ground , which became an Armed fierce Man , who cut off the Head of Lecxaprazava King of the Peringales , and the Hand of the God of Fire , and the Sun's Teeth . Ixora put on a Goats-head upon Lecxaprazava's Shouldiers instead of his own . CHAP. II. The Metamorphoses or , Transformations . 1. THE God Vistnu is black , he has four Hands , and always lies sleeping on his back in the Sea of Milk ; yet so he governs the whole World ; his Bed is the Snake Ananta , which has five Heads ; on four he lays his Hands , on the other his Head ; the Snake asked him , in case she had more Heads , what he would lay on them . Then One thousand Heads sprung out from her , and as many Hands from him to lay on them . He has two Wives , Laexemi and Pumedevi , the first scraches his Head , the other his Feet . 2. Vistnu was born or transformed nine times , into a Fish , a Tortoise , a Hog , half-a Man , half a Lion , a Bramen , Siriparexi Rama , Siri Rama , Belapader , and Siri Christna , and is to be born the Tenth time . In the first shape he overcame Breniacxem in the bottom of the Sea , taking from him the Law he had stole from the heavenly Spirits . In the second he reconciled the Difference between the celestial and infernal Spirits , about parting the Ambrosia from Poison , and giving this to the latter , and that to the former . With Ambrosia he cured King Devaindra , who being Cursed by Rixi for lying with his Wife , was cover'd all over with Privy-Members , which were converted into Eyes . 3. The Sea is salt , because the great Raxi Ag●…ssia having drunk it all up , at the request of Vistnu pissed it out . That there might be no Thieves in the World , he appointed Guards ; these were Indra , King of the higher Spirits ; Vani , God of Fire ; Pidarpati , King of the Devils ; Varuna , God of the Water ; Maril , God of the Wind ; Cabera , God of Riches , and other Persons of Note . The Malabars , in their Poems , make a Jest of this , because they are all Theives . 4. Mave●… , Lord of the World , kept Mankind in such plenty , that none remembred God. Vistnu in one of his Changes remedied this , and then from the Water which washed one of his Feet came the River Ganga , which therefore is the Purgatory of such as when they die are washed therein . Venus endeavouring to hinder the Reformation of Mankind , lost an Eye . 5. The Bramenes are the Masters of the Indian Religion , and proceed from Fishermen ; because the Malabar Churches were delivered to Fishermen , upon condition they should always wear some mark of their Trade . This is the cause they wear abou●… their Necks some threads of their Nets . This is the Original of those Threads they wear , never before mentioned by another Writer . 6. Vistnu turned himself into Siri Rama , and his Snake Ananta , Chocra and Buzio into Men. Siri Rama killed Tarb●…ga Wife to R●…jada , that was a Man-eater , and had the Face of a Lioness , and wore two Elephants as Pendants , her Cloathing Snakes , her Weapon a Trident ; she lived in a Mountain of Bones of the People she had eaten . Siri married the Daughter of King Genega , and went to do Penance for killing Tar●…ega . His Wife went with him , and he obtained of Rixi Anisoya , that he should be always Victorious , and his Wife appear Beautiful to him . They went to Ceylon , where Churp●…naga Sister to Ravena King of that Island being a Widow , asked Siri Rama to get her a Husband , he bid her chuse among the Heavenly Gods , and she liked none of them , but Lacxena Brother to Siri Rama , who despised and cut off one of her Breasts , of the Blood whereof sprung the Leeches . 7. Her Brother Ravena for Revenge ●…ole Siri Rama's Wife Sida . The manner of looking for , finding , and recovering her is so tedious , preposterous , and foolish , as well as the foregoing part , it is not worth the strickest Curiosity to read it . What follows is little better , but something of this monstrous Medley is fit to be related , to show the prodigious stupidity of these Opinions . 8. Siri Rama having found his Wife , and seeing she was very Beautiful said she had wronged him , and lain with his Enemy . He threatned to kill her , and she offered to Purge her self by Fire ; and kindled one so fierce , the heavenly Spirits could not endure it , she stripped her self naked , and walked seven times round it , then turning to the East , said , When Ravena stole and would have taken me by the hand , I doubt whether his Shadow touched me . Afterwards in the Island Ceylon seti●…●…e under the Tree Axogani , he fell at my feet to overcome me , and I doubt whether the Crown he had on his head touched them . There was nothing more that I know of between me and him . Then she threw her self into the Fire , and could not be seen for some time ; then the God of Fire came out , and bidding Siri Rama hold out his Hands , dropt Sida upon them , assuring him her Honour was unstained . 9. This done , Siri Rama placed Bixivem on the Throne of Ceylon , and went himself to possess that of Aioddia , after he had spent Fourteen Years in these Affairs . The Princes , People , Celestial Spirits , and Dancing Women received him . The Queens prevailed with Sida to show them the Figure of Ravena , she drew him with Chalk on a Board , which shook as Siri Rama sate on it ; not knowing his Enemy's Picture was thereon . The Queens told him , Sida had painted him , and he again jealous , though she was with Child , ordered Lecxena to carry her to a Mountain , and there kill her . He carried , but left her there alive . She was delivered of two Sons very like Siri Rama , who seeing them , and knowing she was not dead was satisfied . He went to fetch her , but could not ; for Pumi Goddess of the Earth opened it and swallowed her up . His Sons succeeded him in the Crown of Ajodda . CHAP. III. Other Metamorphoses , and the Consequences of them , of the God Brama , and the Foundation of Pagods ; an Account of the famousest of them . 1. VIstnu turned himself into his younger Brother Siri Christna , who was born very beautiful . At the hour of his Birth the Palace was filled with Brightness , though it was Mid-night ; the Doors flew open , and the Fetters fell off that held Bassudever . He arose and took the Child to carry it to Amparhi , and by the way the Waters of two Rivers divided themselves , that he might pass dry . Camusem consulting Diviners about the Birth of this Child , which was the first Quarter of the Moon , on a Thursday in August , the Sun being in Leo , and the Moon in Taurus , in the time of Minabixam , they answer'd , Siri Christna would govern the whole World , and would kill him in the Sixteenth Year of his Age. They advised him to send a Woman that had venomous Milk , that sucking her might be his Death ; but the Child , instead of her Milk , sucked out her Soul , and she died to the astonishment of his Mother Axoda , who was present . Thus he escaped other Dangers from his Enemies , and at Seven Years of Age , was skilled in all Sciences , and among other Extravagancies defloured the Maids he played with . 2. His Mother whipped , and causing him to open his Mouth to discover whether he smelt of some Butter 't was said he had eaten , she saw within Heaven and Earth and her self . She frighted , bid him shut his Mouth , but he would not till she promised him Figs or Sugar , and other things , and that she would carry him to the River to make Pipes to play upon . He , to be revenged on the Women , watched a Bath where they came , and enjoyed them all . 3. He went afterwards to fight the Snake Caliga that was Nine Leagues long , had Eyes like two Suns , and lived in a Lake made of the Venom she cast out of her mouth . The Snake finding she could not overcome him , perceived he was the God Vistnu , and begged his pardon . Camused caused a Woman turned into a Snake to swallow him , and he swelled till he burst her . In fine , Camused was killed , and Siri Christna's Parents placed on the Throne of the Kingdom of Madure . This done , Vistnu turned into Siri Christna , married 16108 Women , and lying with them all in one day got as many Sons . This is counted the greatest Action of this God. 4. Betele is a Plant , the Leaves whereof pouder'd with Lime and Areca the Indians chew and suck to preserve the Teeth , strengthen the Stomack , and provoke Lust. It is so like our Ivy , that an Ambassador of Hidalcan in Lisbon made use of it instead of Betele , mixing it instead of Areca with Cipress Apples , and said the Virtue was the same . Argionem being upon a Tree Degastri , one of the Wives of the Celestial Spirits came and carried him up in her Chariot , where he found this Plant , and stole a Stock of it which he planted on Earth . This is the reason the Indians believe this Plant came from Heaven , and that it cannot thrive unless he that Plants steal it . 5. The time of Siri Christna's Death drawing on , he gave signs to know it by , which was , that when he expired the World should be inverted from what it ought to be , and is the time of Culi , which now is . Their Writings say , all will come to Confusion . But Vistnu coming to the World again , shall kill all for their Wickedness , except two Kings , who till then shall be doing Penance for the love of Vistnu . These are Mara of the Sun's Charge , and Divappi of the Moon 's . 6. Darmaputrem , one of the hundred Brothers , descended into Hell , where he saw one encompassed with great Treasures , and perishing with hunger : He asked the reason , and the other answer'd , That it was because he had not given Alms while he lived in the World ; but that once he shewed a poor Man the House where the Rice was kept that was given for Charity , pointing at it with his Finger . Then Darmaputrem bid him put that Finger with which he had pointed into his Mouth , which he doing thought he tasted all the Dainties in the World. Darmaputrem and others returning into the World gave great Alms , whereby after Death they purchased Paradice . This proves the Malabars believed Heaven and Hell , and a Reward and Punishment for good and bad Works . 7. Brama is the antientest God of the three , he resides in the Rose that springs from Vistnu's Navel , though he lies in the milky Sea. He descends through the hollow stalk of the Rose to Vistnu's Belly , where are the Ideas of all things , and where he produces these by looking on those . He has four Heads , which are the Original of four Laws ; and because Ixora cut off the fifth Head for the Lye he told , he lost the fifth Law , which is that of God , and therefore the Bramenes want it . He dies and comes to Life very often ; an artificial Day of his contains 120000 Years of the Celestial Spirits . He has two Wives , but never had Children by them . 8. Among the Malabars are four sorts of Nobility , Bramene , Exastri , Baestri , Chadra . The first they say proceed from Brama's Face ; the second ( being Kings called Coilas ) from his Arms ; the third from his Thighs , which Race they say is extinct ; the fourth from the Feet , called Nayres . The Bramenes have the name , because descended from the Face , and are much honoured by the Kings who are not Bramenes , and may sit down before them . 9. Though they attribute the Production of all things to Brama , he acts only in the most perfect , giving others the lesser power . Sometimes he grants so great Power to others , that he is in great danger of them , and forced to fly . Vistnu converted into a Nymph , delivered Brama from one of those Dangers . Ixora seeing that beautiful Form of his got him with Child . He was delivered of two Children , the one at the Mouth , the other at the Thigh . One was called Chartava ; the other Ayapem , who lost his Birthright by drinking too much Wine , and it being put to his choice , whether he would be the Lowest among Angels , or Chief among Devils , he chose the latter , and was constituted such . Ixora gave him Privilege to converse with Men and be serviceable to them , and he came in the Shape of a Nayre to the Court of the King of Pande . He lived in Malabar and turning Physitian , in which he was successful , had Temples dedicated to him His chief offering is Whelps , because he is a Hunter . So ancient a Custom it is for Doctors and Whelps to go together . They say in this Age of Brama all Men have Monkey Faces , and in the next they will be Horse Faces . The contrary is seen among us ; for outwardly we appear Men , and inwardly are Brutes . CHAP. IV. A Continuation of the same Matter . 1. BEfore they build a Pagod they sow the Ground with Kidney-beans , when they are green they turn in a greyish Cow to seed on them , and where she Dungs , they believe is the place for the Pagod , placing on the very spot a Pillar , and on the top of it the Idol , to whom it is dedicated : Then they build the Walls , which are never of great extent , but rich , as being black Marble well carved , covered with Copper-plates , with Globes of Gold , or gilt . The inside is set thick with monstrous Images with many Heads and Arms , and girt with Serpents . Then they build a square Wall about it , on each side of it is an entrance with a sumptuous Portal , with Histories of their Gods carved about them . They are covered in the same nature as the Temples . Underneath are Heads of Elephants , Bears , Lions , Tigers , and other wild Beasts with terrible Eyes and Teeth . It is thought these things are to terrifie those that resort thither , and move them to give Alms ; though their Poet Palcanar laughs at it . Those who go to visit the Idol enter the inclosure , but not the Temple . The Inhabitants of Pande , Subjects of Bisnagar , are singular in these Works . 2. The most famous Pagods are , that of Rettora built by Cheram Perimal living at Cranganor , who placed in it the Statue of a Man ten Cubits in length , lying on a Snake with five Heads in the Sea of Milk. The Temple was covered with Plates of massy Gold , but because they were subject to be stole he put them into the Treasure of the Pagod , and instead of them placed others of Copper . The Idol is still covered with pure bright Gold that shines like Fire ; his Crown is of an inestimable value , and has many precious Stones , in the Forehead three Rubies that exceed all price , on his Feet Buskins valued 200000 Ducats . 3. In the Treasure , besides the covering Plates there laid up , there are nine Boats of Gold set with rich Stones , each big enough to contain three Men ; the same number of Kettles of the same Matter , each deep enough to hide the Bramene with the Idol upon his Head , many Pots , Peacocks and Cocks of Gold and Silver , and an infinite quantity of Co●… . These are useless Vessels , those that are of use and the same Metal are kept more at hand . At the entrance of the Pagod hangs a Gold Candlestick so big , no Man can lift it from the ground , and with the continual smoak looks like Ebony . Several Idols and Candlesticks that stand before the principal Idol are of the same Metal . In fine , the Treasure is unmeasurable , if we may believe a Bramene who turned Christian , and had many good Qualities that show he merited Credit . 4. The Revenues of this Pagod are incredible , and very many live on them . The enclosure is of Marble six Yards high , and above one in thickness ; it is about half a League from the Shore , a beautiful Way leading to it . At each of the wonderful Gates can enter at once four Elephants with all their Furniture . It is guarded by 1000 armed Men : The Coast is dangerous , which secures many great Men who keep their Treasures there . 5. The Pagod called Comori , from which that famous Point of Land takes name , is also remarkable . Comori Pagod , signifies , The Church of the Virgin. It is like the other in Structure , but not in Riches , because they trust them not there , since our Fleets Sail upon those Coasts . The Pagod is dedicated to a Virgin Daughter to a Shepherdess , that was changed for a Son of Davagni Sister to the Giant Maveli , who killed all her Children , because he was told one of them would be his Death . He thought to kill this Virgin , and she giving him a kick flew through the Air into the Desert to the place where the Pagod now stands on the Shore , having been formerly 60 Leagues from the Sea. She after flew a great Giant by the help of the God Vistnu , and set his Head on a Rock that now appears in the Sea , and is above 400 Fathom round . In the very place where the Virgin sate after this Victory , was erected the Pagod . 6. The Pagod of Trivate is more ancient than that of Rettora , but poor , having been plundred by the Nayque of Madure . It is not much frequented . This Temple was instituted in memory of the Giant Naragecoguerpoli , who by destroying the World provoked the God Vistnu ; and still came to Life again , though overcome and killed by him . Vistnu , to end the dispute , laid him on the ground and sate down upon him . This is what is represented in the Pagod . 7. That of upper Cranganor has an Idol on whose Head one of the Bramenes gives several strokes of a hammer every day . For they think if this were not done , he would by this time touch the Stars with his head . In the Frontispiece are several Images in the Portugues Habit , whence is concluded either that Work was finished after their arrival , or such a Habit was formerly used there . 8. That of Canari in the Island Salsete , is bigger than all the others , and exceeds them in sumptuousness of building . It seems to have taken the name from some Builder of that Country , or from Canara King of Bisnagar , the grandure of the Work requiring so great a Founder . It is dug out of a Mountain that looks like one solid Stone , and is black Marble . The Body is very high , the Isles low , but altogether of a vast bigness , somewhat dark , as dug out of the middle of a Mountain . Among at least 3000 Habitations that are cut out about it with each a Cistern by the Door , there are some large Rooms , and one of an extraordinary bigness , in which 't is said are read Lectures of all Sciences . We have already spoke in the Second Chapter of the Second Part of this Tome , of the Way cut under this Mountain said to run as far as Cambaya , of the Franciscan that attempted to discover that Secret , and the Princes that are believed to have made it . 9. The Pagod of Maliassa is in the same Island . At the foot of a Mountain is a Portal of a moderate bigness : The two Pillars that support it are in the Shape of Giants well carved . There are other Figures like those of Angels among Christians . This leads into a large Porch , and on the left hand is the Gate of the Pagod through which the Water runs : Then follows a great Apartment , after that other little ones , and then a strait way , all dug out of the solid Mountain . 10. The Pagod called of the Elephant , because the Figure of one stands upon a Rock at the entrance of it , is in one of the many Islands of the River Bombaim between Bacaim and Chaul . It is like the others , in that it is cut out of a Mountain , but exceeds them much in curious work . The first entrance is into a spacious Room supported by vast Pillars in the form of Giants curiously carved . It has three Isles : The Pillars are all composed of Figures of the same height as the Temple : On one of them is the Giant Briareus with his hundred Hands ; on another the God they call Mahamurte , who has three Faces to one Body , on his Head a Pontifical M●…tre , though of Marble , wrought to admiration . In a Chapel is the Angel turning our first Parents out of Paradice . Pa●…ipbae and the Bull are there also : On one of the Walls is a sort of Altar , and over it are carved many wild Beasts , the most remarkable one with seven Heads . Some Soldiers attempted to enter an Apartment that is very dark , and being fearful took Lights , but were drove out by a multitude of Bats that were frighted at the Light ▪ There are Galleries with rich carved Work of Men and Women , most of them in very immodest Actions and Postures . This ( they say ) was the Choire of their Ceremonies . Their are other Buildings to be admired for their Greatness and Structure , and two remarkable Sepulchres . 11. To conclude , the Pagod dedicated to the Monkey is so great , that only the Cloister in which they shut up the Cattle designed for Sacrifices , has 700 Columes of Marble nothing inferior to those of the Roman Pantheon . CHAP. V. Of the Officers , Rites , Ceremonies , Burials , and other things . 1. EVery Pagod has a Cook who dresses the Rice that is offer'd for himself , for the Idol , and for those who offer . The last divide their share with their Neighbors , who esteem it as a Holy thing . A great Poet of theirs laughs at them for offering more Food to the statue , seeing it has not Eaten the last , and they answer , though he does not Eat , he smels it . 2. The Kings and Nobles every Day use a ceremony ( called Tevaram , that is Divine Ceremony , ) which is with many Prayers to offer Rice , Coco , and Butter , all burnt in honour of their golden Idols , of which they have a number answerable to their Estate ; so that some have above 1000 ; this sacrifice is to obtain Riches for themselves , revenge and destruction of their Enemies : Many have in their Houses familiar Devils , which they call Cutichates , every Day they offer something to them , they get by them ; and some have 300 of them . They make them enter into the bodies of those they would be revenged of , whereof they make great advantage , for many pay to be delivered from them . By the help of them converted into the shapes of Beasts , they hurt People and infest whole Towns : There are those living , who have seen the Town of Cranganor burnt by this means . At Pudiangale near Calicut , a Woman had one of these , and saw it in the shape of a Cock , a Monkey , and a little black Boy with a Truncheon in his Hand : these are not punished in Malabar , but their Kings make use of them in danger : The very Heathens observe that all those who follow that course live and die miserably . 3. In sickness they consult Wizards , not Doctors ; they say a Devil causes the Disease , and bringing him into the Sick Man , make him tell the Reason of molesting him ; then they promise him something to go out again , and he does it . They think the Small-pox is Cured with an offering to Patracale , who they affirm causes them . The Gout they believe is caused by ●…ive she Devils like Sows , tothem they offer Food fit for such Beasts , that they may transfer the Disease to their Enemies . 4. They adore and offer Sacrifice to venemous Snakes , that they may not hurt with their Poyson . The Lawyers on the first Day of September do the same to their Books . 5. Their Baths are used rather to cleanse the Soul than the Body ; they know the ten Commandments , but think not themselves bound by them . It is a great Sin if a Nobleman is touched by one that is not such , though he be never so great by learning , by the Sword , or by Virtue : And even Riches there cannot prevail to gain this point . The King of Travanco●… being resolved to become a Bramene , though not of that descent , was told , he must first be bore of a Cow ; be made one of Gold so big , that going into it , he was born out of it ; he offered it to the Bramenes with a great Snm of Gold , and obtained the dignity , but not Hereditary . 6. They purge themselves from venial Sins , by putting their Heads under Water , one of these is a Nobleman touching a Plebean , and to prevent it , the latter cries as he goes , Po , po , po , that is , have a care ; another is , touch●…ng the Dead or their Friends within fifteen Days ; another , to touch Meat with the right Hand when they Eat ; another , to touch them so touched , or their Houses or Wells ; to touch another with the right ●…and whilst Eating ; to touch a grain of Rice fallen as it is taken up ; to touch a drop of Water disturbed by one not so noble Mortal Sins are not forgiven , so he who commits them ▪ remains subject to Death , and the Lord of the Earth as long as he lives . The mortal are these , To use Pots touched by Men de●…led ; to Eat Rice before Purification , to Eat it boyled by a Man of base race ; to have to do with a Woman of that sort ; to Eat Rice into which is fallen the least grain out of another Man's plate . 7. Their bathing is thus , They believe the stone of the bath is the God Brama ; the lips of it Vistnu , and all together Ixora . When they go in , their nakedness is covered with a rag or leafe ; in the Water they write Om with one Finger , and throw Water over it with three , believing the three Gods bathed there . Then dividing the Water , dip their Heads , and after cast up some towards eight parts of the World , offering Water to the eight Guardians thereof . They call upon Siri Pagod , and wash their Faces three times ; they also cast Water up towards Heaven , offering it to the Sun , then wash their Hands and Feet : On the Palm of their left Hand they put Ashes of Cows-dung and sprinkle it , and believe the left Hand is the Earth , the right Heaven , and and the Palm the place of Generation ; laying one Hand upon the other and shutting them close , they say , Let the end of the World come . 8. This they do in imitation of Ixoras's Egg , and think the upper Hand when opened , represents Heaven , the lower the Earth ; with the right Thumb they write upon the Ashes , Iara , that is the Fight that was in the Egg between Fire and Water . Then that all their limbs may be sanctified , they touch with their Hand the principal parts of the Body , from the privy parts to the crown of the Head , and the Ears , Elbows , Knees , and great Toes : They hold their hands as if they gave something to two Spirits ( who they say attend on us writing our good works on the right Hand , and the bad on the left , ) the same they do to the eight Guards of the World , turning about . The last ceremony is to rub the Forehead , Shoulders and Breast with Ashes taken with two Fingers and the Thumb of the right Hand , in honour of the three Gods. 9. The bathing called Titan , performed in the Sea , is very solemn ; before it they perform a ceremony , in which they offer 〈◊〉 , ( a sort of flowers ) prostrating themselves three times on the ground ▪ once in reverence to the Pagod , once to the Sun , and once to the Sea. The chief places they resort to for this bathing , are three on the Coast of Travancor , ( viz. ) Baçora , Rettor●… , and 〈◊〉 ; the Days appointed are the first of each Moon , chiefly those of Iuly and Ianuary , but if the New-Moon fall on a Wednesday , it adds so much to this devotion , that the Mountains and Valleys can scarce contain the multitude of Pilgrims that resort from above Five hundred Leagues distance , of all Sexes , Ages , and conditions , and all a foot . Above all others , the Ganga of Bengala , is held in veneration for this washing . 10. Ashes of Cows dung is their chief Purgation , powdering their Forehead , Shoulders and Breast with it ; the more of it their Iogues , or Religious Men , have upon them , the more Holy they are reputed ; they carry it in purses to recompence the Alms that are given them : The Reason they esteem this Powder is this , Ixora was sanctified by the Ashes of Gevelinga , Vistnu desiring to partake of this blessing , and impart it to Mankind , carryed a Cow to 〈◊〉 , where she got a mouthful of that dust ; Vistnu took her dung in which was that Ashes she had Eaten , and burning it made more Ashes , which he shared with Man. 11. They also dissolve the same dung and sprinkle their Houses and Highways with it , to purify them ; with this is the way dayly sprinkled through which Zam●…ri goes from his Pallace to the Pagod , and his Table cloth , and a Gold dish , on which the Meat is brought . As soon as they see a Cow piss , they run and catch it in their hands , drink part , and sprinkle themselves with the rest , and believe themselves most pure ; besides the Law that forbids killing a Cow , 't is so great a Sin , that it requires much Alms and other good acts to expiate it . Oxen are not so much valued , though many Princes think themselves descended from a Bull , because all Men being destroyed , and only Women left , one of them had carnal Copulation with a Bull , and brought forth a Boy , who was the restorer of Men. 12. Their manner of swearing is laying a Hand upon a Sons head , if the swearer has one , or else upon a Cows ; to clear themselves when accused of any crime , the party puts his Hand into boiling Butter , or Oyl , then 't is wrapt and sealed up in a cloth ; if on the third Day after it appears found , he is cleared , if otherwise , found guilty , the accuser , if the party be cleared , makes satisfaction with a Sum of Money . They make another Tryal in the River that runs from Cochin to Cranganor , where is the Pagod of the Crocodil . The Brame●…es by their sorceries bring one of them to the shoar , the person accused leaps upon his back , if he is carryed over safe , they account him innocent , if devoured , guilty . Both these Experiments have been made use of in presence of our People of late Years . 13. They have yet another manner of Tryal , which is by putting the Hand into a pot full of Adders , to fetch out a Ring , thereby the more to provoke them . If they sting , the party is guilty , if not , clear . This is used in Cranganor , Mangalor , and other parts of Canara . A King of theirs coveting a most plentiful Wood of Coco's that belonged to a Poor Woman , took it from her by force , and ever after it bore none but hollow empty Coco's ; there are some living who are Eye witnesses of this wonder . 14. They have several Fasts , one called Egadezi , which is kept the eleventh Day of every Moon , on this Fast they Eat nothing but Fruit : That called Giveraseri begins by Night in February , and they neither Eat , D●…ink , nor Sleep , in Twenty four Hours . They walk round the Pagod rehearsing stories out of their Scripture : If any happen to shut his Eyes , overcome with sleep , he washes himself as oft as it happens , and continues his former exercise . In the morning they offer some Money to the Idol : The Fast Tirivadira belongs only to the Women . That for the Dead , which the kindred of the Deceased keep , lasts a Year , during which time they do not Eat , Fish , Flesh , Eggs , drink Wine , or chew Betele . 15. The Fast Masa Upasa is the most religious of them all , and few account themselves so happy as to observe it . He that does , begins the last Day of October , he washes himself , puts on clean cloaths , and visits t●…e Pagod of Vistnu . On the first of November he goes round it One hundred and one times , ( the devoutest One thousand and one ) at each turn in the nature of a Prayer , repeating the name of Vistnu , One hundred and one times : This must be done every Day of November , and the ten first of December . He must Eat only Eggs and Milk , not look upon Women , he must think on nothing but that name , and praises of it . Next Year he must do the same , beginning the first of December , and ending the tenth of Ianuary , so he must go on every Year till twelve be over ; and then begins again the first of November , and fasts the forty Days ; after this he is canonized sor a Saint , in such a manner , that only the sight of him is forgiveness of Sins . CHAP. VI. Continues the same Subject . 1. IN matters of Matrimony they have several customs . The Bramenes may have as many Wifes as they can maintain , though they be not of their Race ; but the Bramene Women can have but one Husband , and must not mix with the Nayres , on pain of losing their quality . They consult Foretune-tellers about a happy time to Marry ; they choose a Husband of their own race born under the same Planet , and the same Day of the Moon , as themselves , to which purpose the times of Nativities are punctually observed . The Bramen that does the duty of Priest , is called Odicon , or Curical ; he for four Days sacrifices in a Den Rice , Butter , Cows , and such like things ; he lights a lamp , and sets aside a portion of Rice for Garapatii , and for the Epicurean Elephant , that he may not disturb the Feast . The Bridegroom ties about the Brides neck , a thread on which hang three little pieces of Gold , in honour of the three Gods ; this is called Tale , and is the mark of a Marryed Woman . Hence among the Malabars Matrimony is called Quo Fa , which signifies binding ; if the Husband dies first , the Woman throws away the thread , or Tale , in token of liberty . 2. The Priest takes the couple by the Hands and says some Prayers , then they go to feast ; they do not lie together till some happy Planetary Conjunction , when that happens , they go to the door of the Room which is half put too , and therewith the Priest say some Prayers , and withdraw ; the next Day they go to a Cauldron of Water , in which are live Fish , and each holding the end of a cloth , draw it through like a Net , the Fish taken they lay respectfully on their Heads , with the right Hand ; if many be taken , they believe they shall have many Children , and the contrary . 3. If any dies a Maid , they cause some poor Man of the family , ( an unheard of beastliness ) to deflour her though very young ; him they pay well for so doing , and as soon as done , throw stones at him till he runs out of reach . Those of the family Exastri , and the Kings that are not Bramenes , make no Royal Marriages , so their Wifes are not Queens , but Concubines , called Natiaras , and all of them may have Gallants . Therefore the Sons do not inherit , but the Nephews born of Sisters . Of their manner of Marrying we have spoke before . 4. The Tale among the meaner sort of Women , serves to tie them to one Husband , and among Ladies , to turn them loose to all lasciviousness . Only the Bramenes have liberty to lie with all sorts of Women , from the meanest to the Queen . The others if they have to do with inferiors are killed , if Women , sould . The Nayres differ not from the others , in the manner of their Weddings . Among the meaner sort as Tradesmen , one of them puts the Tale upon the Young Woman , who is thereby capacitated to follow whom she pleases , or be taken up by whoever likes her . Among Silver-smiths , Black-smiths and Founders , four Brothers , or as many as there are , keep one Wife between them , and have particular Days assigned for each , that the inheritance may not be confounded . Till a Maid is licensed by the Tale , she may be abroad among Men , and ●…one dare presume to meddle with her . 5. The Bramenss of the North do not only celebrate their own Weddings , but those of Beasts and the Elements . In our Age there was a great Man of that Family , who spent above 15000 Ducats at the Wedding of a Bull and a Heifer . There was also a Baneane who making a Well in the Village Calegam for the use of Passengers , and resolving to Marry this Water with some other , despised all that was near , and Marryed it to the River of Suratt , above 30 Leagues distant , and spent above 5000 Crowns in the Wedding . 6. The Chatines Marry as the Bramenes , but their Widdows cannot throw off the Tale , because they must not Marry again , nor keep a Gallant : When they want Heirs , they adopt one , by drinking to the adopted , who pledges in Coco-milk dyed with Safran . If he is a Man they give him one of the names of the Sun , if a Woman , of the names of Gods Wife . 7. The cause the families do not mix , is because the Bramenes descended from the God Bramasface , those of Chatrier ( that is Kings ) from the right Hand , those of Vaixer from the Belly ; those of Chadrer , ( they are the Nayres ) from the Foot. At first they used to mix , but afterwards the Bramenes obtained a priviledge of King Cheraman Perimal to the conrrary ; hence they are so much superior to others , that they are polluted by coming near as well as touching them ; they must not Eat with those of a lower race , nor any thing drest by them , nor out of any Vessel of theirs ; if any of them Marries , or has to do with inferiors , they burn on his Forehead a mark like a daws soot , and his kindred making a statue like him of straw , and the Herb Dorpe , burn it with ceremonies , as if it were a dead Man. The Bramenos loose their birthright of their Family , by Eating Fish , Flesh , or Eggs ; and by Drinking Sura or Orraca , by stealing or killing another Bramen , provided it is not in War●… among the other Families , there are divers customs about being defiled . 8. Saniade or Saniassi is a dignity greater then a King , of which only the Bramenes are capable , the elect is installed by another Saniassi in this manner . The Image of the elect is made in Straw and burnt , to show he is dead to the World ; then the Master leads him to a Bath , cuts of his Corombi , and dips him 72 times , then takes off his piece of Net , the mark of a Bramene , cloaths him in red , and he can never after wear white , only on his back a Fota . He delivers him a rod with a piece of the same cloath , and a straw Hat ; for three or four Days he is under the Masters tuition , must not Eat Fish , Flesh , chew Betle , nor so much as look upon a Woman , and if accidently he meets one , he puts his Hat over his Eyes , and goes on till she is out of sight . He is to take what is given him without complaining , lives in or near the Pagod , succeeds and is Heir to his Master . He bows only to the Idol , and even the King and Bramenes do to him , all his defence is in curses , so much dreaded , that every one endeavours to appease him ; he is not to handle Money ; none can carry his Hat when he goes a foot : If he does any thing contrary to his institution , the Bramenes accuse him before the King ; if convicted , they stain him with Safran and depose him , but he buys it off with bribes . 9. They use no ceremony with those that die under the Age of 7 Years ; those that are above this Age , are burnt towards the South from their Houses , where lives Iemen King of the Devils , that he may the sooner carry away the Soul. For mourning they shave their Heads and Beards , which they do not cut for a whole Year after , nor have to do with Women : Lye 15 Days on a mat , and enter not into the Pagods ; the 15 Days expired , they cast the Ashes into the Sea , if near , if not into some bye place , and plant a Fig-tree where the funeral pile was ; then they wash and put on clean cloaths , cast out all Earthen Vessels , and one comes to purify the House , sprinkling it with Cows piss and Milk. 10. Every Day of the Fast , he that purifies the House puts a little Rice upon a Fig leafe , which the Rooks Eat , or if they fail , which is looked upon as a great misfortune , 't is cast into the Water for the Fish. The Anniversary is a Feast at which there must be no Poor . On the Coast of Coromandel , Goa , and Cambaya the Women burn themselves with their Husbands , unless such as have sucking Children . I●… any refuse , the relations hold it as an affront to them , and force her . 300 burnt themselves with the Naique of Madure . The manner of it is thus , The Woman is carryed on Mens shoulders to the Pagod , in her best attire ▪ and anointed with Sandal , after praying to the Idol , she dances all the way to the place ; where her Husband was burnt , and casts her self into the Fire ; the relations standing round with forks to keep her in , and making a noise with several iustruments that her cryes may not be heard and move compassion . 11. The Original of this Custom was from King Pandues Wife , who voluntarily burnt her self with him , and it is upheld to secure the lives of the Husbands ; it having been observed , that more died by means of the Wifes , then by Sickness . The Saniade or Saniassi is not burnt , but buryed whole in the Pagod where he serves ; they make a hole and seat him in it upon the bench he used before he is quite Dead , with a little Rice , and some without for the Idol , then cover him with Clay without any farther ceremonies , believing he is suddenly gone to Heaven . CHAP. VII . Of the Empire of Aethiopia , and first of the Kingdoms and Provinces into which it is divided ; of the Progress of Christianity therein , and of the Product of the Land. 1. EThiopia was the Second of our Three great Discoveries ( which were India , Ethiopia , and China ) and therefore shall be the Second described . The Reader may be assured of its Truth , as being delivered by an unbiassed and learned Person , that spent a considerable time there , travelling and examining into the Truth of things , and being an Eye witness of the greatest part . 2. The City Danoas was the Metropolis of this Empire , seated on the top of a Mountain : The Country about it is divided into Districts , some mountainous , but all fruitful . Three Miles to the Northward is Ogara so fertile , that the green and ripe Fruit hangs at once upon the Trees . Westward is Dambia , not inferior to the other ; then Amfras , where our Patriarch resided , and had Lands . Next follows Dara and others , till you come to the Nile . 3. In all these Divisions are many Monasteries and Churches , with Priests and Friars . Ethiopia kn●…w not the Sacrament of Confirmation . The Country Tacussa was best disposed to receive Christianity , because many Portugueses lived there , and that of Gorgorro by the Labours of the Jesuits who had a Church there . So the Heathen Ago●…s gave ear to our Doctrine ; these are a warlike People , and possess a plentiful Country . The Damotes , though more polite , received not the Gospel so well , till being overcome in a Battle by their Prince , they submitted and entertained the Religious Men , and there are now theremany Churches and Mo●…asteries . 4. The Kingdom of Gojao was the first that admitted the Observation of Lent , and kept the Catholick Holy-days . It contains a great number of Monasteries , among them those of Gonge and Salalo are famous . The Jesuits had three Residences here , Colelá , Sarcá , and Neb●…sse . The first two have good Churches finished , the third one very magnificent begun . The Stone they are built of is blew , so light it is more like Wood , but yet hard . The Kingdom of Bagamidri received some Catholick Fathers , and there are still Christians there . 5. The Kingdom Amora began to incline to Christianity at the time the Emperor rejected our Doctrine . The Viceroy ●…da Christos and many of the People continued firm . The Faith was not spread into the Kingdoms of Narea and Zemen , or Provinces of Abargale , Borá , Saloá , Casta , Bugua , Orejate , Sarte , Anubas , Sera and others . 6. It took most root in the Kingdom of Tigre , which being the chiefest of Ethiopia , the Description of it will serve to illustrate what relates to all the others . The Kingdom of Tigre is almost round , its extent One hundred Leagues North and South from the Borders of the Amaceus to those of Enderate , with the same distance East and West from Dangali at the mouth of the red Sea to the River Tacasse near Semen . It is divided into several Governments , called Xumetes , and the Governors Xumos , some of them in some cases not subject to the Viceroy , but immediate to the Emperor . In Sire , Enderata , Agamea , Serave and some others , the Xumos must be Natives of the Province , and of certain Families to which those Commands are peculiar . Their Law-suits are like ours in Europe , there lies an Appeal from the Judge to the Viceroy , and from him to the Emperor , except in some Cases , in which the Judge finally determines . 7. The Governments are sold , and he that bids most carries them . A Governor is declared , by putting on him the Cab●…ya , tying a red Ribband about his Head , and he walking about the C●…tama , or Court , a Cryer proclaims ; We have made this our Slave Governor of the Province of Bugna ( or any other . ) Then he returns to Court , and takes his leave of the Emperor , having first laid aside the Ornaments used at this act , for the same serve all upon that Occasion . Then he sends a Servant with such a Riband , to make it known in the Town where the Governors reside . The Viceroy of Tigre for his Place pays Three hundred Oqueas yearly , which is about Two thousand Ducats . The Barnog●… ( corruptly Barnaga●… ) which signifies King of the Sea ; for Bar is the Sea , and Nogus a King , pays Two hundred . The Xumos or Governors according to the value of their Commands , there being no set Rates , but all pay . 8. Along the Coast of Moss●…a Northwards is the Country of the Dobeytas , subject to the Turks ; Southward lie the Xios ; up toward the ●…nland near Enderata and Ojerate the Dob●…s , all Mahometans subject to the Emperor . Next those are the Dorbeytas , Christians only in name , Rebels to the Empire , defended by their inaccessible Mountains . The Mamps●…s follow their Example , and have been often attacked without success . Along the same Coast are these Provinces ; Cantiba the Upper and Lower , Seraoe , Salicit , Sama , Tedexerez , Torates and Galas : Westward is Siré , and its Desart on th●… Banks of the famous River Tacasse bordering on the Cafres ; then Nader and Addit . From the West Southward Tamben , Gralta , Sart , Ojerate , Enderata , the Bugnas , Dobas , and Sera a plentiful Country peculiar to the Queens . Turning again to the West Senafe , both Mambarata's , Agamea , Ambacenete , B●… the greater and lesser , Galá , and many other Governments . The Center of all is Tremona between the famous Church of A●…çum , where the Emmperors are Crowned , and the Famous Monastery of Abb●… Guarima . In each of these Divisions there is a Fair every week , and several Custom Towns , as Barava , Ser●… , Sir●… , that yield a considerable Revenue . 9. There are two Winters , the first of the Sea , and reaches about two days Journey up the Inland , beginning at Massua , and ending beyond the Monastery of Brizan . It begins in December and ends in March. From that place forward towards the Inland it is Summer . The second Winter begins near the famous Church Asmara near Bizan , where the first Winter ended , and reaches over all Ethiopia . The Commencement of it is in Iune , as in India and Coast of Arabia , but not so severe . It Rains the Afternoons only with Thunder and Lightning before , which gives notice to Travellers and Shepherds to get to shelter ; for soon after fall flashes of Fire , and such Hail as kills all it meets . 10. There are also two Summers , the first temperate , the other insupportable , for the burning Wind , which they call Urur , strikes down People , and sometimes they rise no more . In some Places , as Marebo , Tacasse , Nor and others , as soon as Winter expires , pestilent Fevers Rage , proceeding from Vapors the Sun exhales from Bogs . Though the Roads are full of Woods , mountainy and lonesom , they are not so much infested with Highway-men as in Europe . 11. There never was the Plague in this Kingdom , and when it happens in the other Provinces , it kills not many , because there are no great Towns. Such as are Infected , or fearful , go from the Towns into Cottages about the Mountains , and if any dies , he is burnt together with the Cottage , no Body daring to bury him . The People are long lived , and know not what the Pleurisie or Stone is : They have abundance of good and wholsom Springs . From them and what the Country about most produces the Provinces take name . There are also hot Springs doubtless Medicinal , if they knew the use of them . The Cattle drinks of them , and thereby becomes larger and fatter . They have other Springs and Rivers esteemed miraculous . 12. As there are two Winters and Summers , so the Product of the Earth is twofold : They have abundance of Wheat and Barley , Pease , Lentils , Beans , Kidney-beans , Indian-wheat of several Sorts , Hemp , whereof they make no use , Nuga , an Herb with yellow Flowers whereof they make Oil , Zufo for the same use , and serves to die Cloath of a Saffron colour ; Aja , a Grain between Wheat and Rye , but has a scattering Ear , a particular sort of Grain whereof they make Sava answerable to our Beer , though not so clear , yet serves to make them drunk . 13. They have white Rose-trees , white and red Lil●…es very beautiful , Jasmin wonderful for smell and greatness , Hony-suckles , a certain odoriferous Flower that dies by day , and recovers at night . Their Hills , Valleys , Meddows , and Shores are cover'd with variety of Flowers of of all Colours . All sorts of Herbs are there abundantly produced , and some but little Ginger . 14. For Fruit-trees they have the Tamarine , Peach , Pomgranate , Ancoy a sort of Pear , Fig , Orca like the Fig ▪ the ●…e of bigger bulk , but the Leaves less ; another sort of Fig-tree , called Muss , which grows like a Body of a Tree covered with Leaves so big , that a Man may wrap himself in one of them ; out of the top shoots one only Branch on which are the Figs , on each of them , whatever way cut , appears a Cross , for which reason it is concluded to be the Fruit forbidden our First Father Adam , and the cause of his Fall. There are wild Tamarins , the Fruit whereof is not eaten . Vineyards there are none , but some wall Vines whereof they make no Wine , but Reasins . There are Lemmon-trees sweet and sowre , Cedars and Ebony-Trees . They have also Cotten , whereof are made course Clothes for the common Sort , and is used as all other things instead of Mony , of which i●… this Country there is none . 15. They Plow their Ground only superficially , not cutting deep , and their Plows in many places are drawn by Men and Women , most of the Plow-shares are of Wood. Their chief Stocks consist in Cattle , and some Men possess from two to 10000 Head of great Cattle . Some of them divide their Herds by the Colours , and those that have Horns from those that have none , for there are naturally many here without them ; none of the Bulls are fierce . There are many Goats , and it is reckoned a shame to drink their Milk ; no less quantity of Sheep , some of such large Tails , as are equal to one of the Quarters ; they make course Cloath of the Wool for the Poor . They have all other sorts of Beasts and Fowl in abundance . 16. The Conntry abounds in Butter and Honey , the best of the last is that of Enderat●… and Agamea . The Bees , for fear of Theives , are kept within Doors , with holes through the Walls for them to go out . There are wild Bees , and of their Liquor is made the Wine most in esteem ; both Men and Women glory in being drunk with it . Where these swarm , there resorts a little Bird that loves Honey , and fearing the Bees , goes out to meet Passengers , and attracts them with his Note , and leaping from Tree to Tree to the place where the Honey is ; the People knowing this , follow him , take the Honey , and he remains satisfied with what is left . 17. It is certain there are gold Mines here , but not made use of , lest they should provoke the Turks and other Nations to covet the Country . They lie Eastward , and on the right hand of the way from Maigoga to Tamovem . On the top of a neighbouring Mountain is to be seen a Wall , believed to have been a Fort to defend the Mines ; though they are stopped up , some Gold is taken about the Skirts of them . There are other●… in other places , but none known of Silver in this Kingdom , in that of Semen there , are , and those so rich , that two Parts in three of the Oar are pure Metal , they are also stopped up . In Tigre there are Mines of Lead , and many of so good Iron , that they make thereof all sorts of We●…pons without Steel , whereof they have none In Senafe there is abundance of pure Sulphur , and as much Salt-peter at Gralta . 18. Between Baraoa and Massua , there is abundance of a sort of bright Stone which opens in Leaves like Izinglass , and being burnt turns to a white Pouder like Ceruse used by Painters , but not with Oil , for that turns it black . Between Dangali and Senafe is a great Mine of Salt of great value , because there is no other there but what is made with Sea-water between Massua and Defalo . The Salt dug out of the Mine is cut into Bars about a Span in length , and between two and three Fingers broad and thick , which serve for Money in other Parts . Not far from it in a Mountain is a sort of Salt that is a Cure for some Diseases . 19. The Empire of Ethiopia has never a good Sea-port Town , because it reaches not to the Sea , only some little Part of the Kingdom of Tigre . The Port Baclur , the first within the mouth of the Red Sea belongs to the King of Dangali a Mahometan , and is not considerable , being incapable of great Ships . The Port Defalo between that and Arquico where the Turks have a Fort is yet worse . The best Port on the Coast is Arquico , where the Turks have raised another Fort : Between it and Defalo are two large Bays , where any Ships may ride . CHAP. VIII . Of the Laws Customs and Religion of the Empire of Ethiopia . 1. IN Ethiopia there are no written Laws , but ancient Prescription is preserved by Memory , and often proclaimed at the Courts of Kings and Governors . There are no Prisons . When a Man is accused , they fasten a Chain to his right hand , and to the left of the Accuser , or one of his Servants , and so they continue till Sentence is given , so that it is as dangerous to accuse as be accused . When a Man is condemned to death , they deliver him over to the Party aggreived , to kill him as he pleases , without allowing the least time for preparation . 2. The Witnesses may be accepted against , and such as are allowed give their Evidence Viva voce , for nothing is writ . They have a sort of Judges called Umbares , which they hold to be descended from those sent by Salomon with the Queen of Saba , and her Son David , when she returned from Hierusalem . 3. The rich wear Shirts of Bo●…eta lined with the same , or another sort of Linne , they reach to the Ankles , the Sleeves long and close to the Arm with abundance of gathers , the Neck high and stitched , with silver and silk Buttons of several Colours , and Loops of the same instead of Button-holes . Others wear them blew , and all gir●… themselves with silk or Linnen Scarses ; they use no Belts , but such as are fastned to their Swords , which they seldom wear ; their Breeches as long as the Shirt and narrow ; from the mid-thigh downward of Velvet , Damask or Sattin , upward of Linnen , because of the heat . Over all they wear Cabayas , which are like Sheets ( called also Fotetes ) thrown over their Shoulders , to do Reverence to any Body they open these , for they wear nothing on their Heads ; but if they do Reverence to the Queen or Prince , they let fall the Fotete to the waste . If any wear Veils on their Heads they do not take them off . 4. They wear Periwigs , which they call Gatonas , made of sundry shapes , some like the brims of a Hat one over another , some round , others like Horns , and so other sorts . It is a Trade to make them , and they spend a whole day in ordering one ; they are ointed with Butter whereon the Dust settling makes them look monstrous . 5. Some over their Cloaths hang carelesly ●…certain Skins like Sables with little Bells of Gold or Silver ; about their Necks gold Chains with Crosses , Bracelets of the same Metal , and Silver Rings . The poorer sort cloath much in the same Nature , but with Apparel of less value . For the most part they go barefooted ; or if they wear any thing , it is only a sort of Buskins so streight the Foot never goes to the bottom , and so they drag them . The meanest sort of all wear Cow. Hides either with or without the Hair , dressed as soft as any Cloath . 6. The Women of great Quality , as the Oisoros , that are of the Blood-Royal , and others wear Shifts of Silk , or rich Indian Linnen , they cover the whole Body , very close at the Wrist , but the rest of the sleeve so wide it hangs down to the ground . They use Bracelets of Gold and Silver , Necklaces of Glass of several Colours , from the Shoulders downwards they are covered with silk Veils of several Colours , or white as the Men , and they let them fall like them when they make Reverence ; they put nothing on their Heads , their Hair hanging in many breadths , or loose and divided , fastned to the Skin ointed with Butter , the ends are knotted . Men and Women to avoid discomposing this so tedious dress , when they sleep rest their Neck upon sticks so framed , that the Head lies hollow : They always carry Bodkins of Ivory , Ebony , or other things well wrought to scratch themselves with , and are always stuck in the Hair. 7. Round their Eyes and Lips they lay Colour , makes them rather blew than black . The Brides on the Marriage-day die their Hands blacker than they are naturally ; for as among us whiteness is beauty , so blackness among them : They wear Rings on their fingers , on the little one they let the Nail grow so long , it exceeds all the ●…ther fingers , in their Ears great Rings of Gold or Silver . 8. Their Weapons are Firelocks , which they have from the Turks , Darts of several sorts , Maces , Slings , Swords , Hangers , Poiniards , and for the defensive Coats of Mail , Helmets , and Bucklers of Bufalo and Sea-Horses Skins . The warlike Instruments , Trumpets and Kettle-drums , the Musical Tabors , great and lesser Guitars , the first of five , the others of three strings . 9. They love Feasting , and make more account of the Wine than the Meat ; the Tables round ; for Table-cloaths Cakes of Bread of several sorts of Grain , generally three cover the Table , and sometimes one . Their Food much the same as ours . When they wash their hands , every one wipes on the Cloath he wears , and when they eat on a piece of Bread. The greatest Dainty , without which the Feast is not compleat , is Beef just killed and eaten raw , and for the more delicacy , instead of Mustard , dipped in the Excrement of a certain Gut of the same Beast . The Desert is parched Pease and other Grain . Whilst they eat they drink little or nothing , but as soon as dinner is done they go to another place to drink , in which they spend more time than in the former . The drink is Sava , or Beer , and that Liquor of Honey before-mentioned : They drink and talk , till being hot-headed they go out brandishing their Swords , and promising to kill all the Master of the Feast 's Enemies . The Feast is esteemed most splendid , whence most come out drunk . The Women go to Feasts with their Husbands , and the Oisoros without them if they please . 10. The Sons of Women of the Blood-Royal , that is those Oisoros , can never inherit the Crown , nor they marry with Men of the Family , though removed a hundred Degrees . In this they agree with the Chineses . All Men descended from the Male-Line can pretend to the Crown , and he that is descended from a King that Reigned 200 Years ago , has as good a Claim as the Son of the last . The Oisoros Women pay no Reverence to any Body , not to their own Husbands . In this particular we have many Oisoros among us . 11. There can be no fix'd Callendar of their Festivals , for they are many according to every Man's Fancy ; those universally received are Saturday and Sunday in every week , six days of every month , one of the most holy Trinity , another of our Saviour , one of Our Blessed Lady , one of St. Michael , one of the Apostles , and one of a Saint they call Guebramanisascodust . Easter they keep fifteen days ; all the Festivals of the Year they observe according to the old Stile , on the Feast of the Epiphany they also celebrate the Baptism of Christ , and Men and Women repeat their Baptism in some River or Pool . 12. They add more Days to the Lent than we do to make up the forty , because the Saturdays as well as Sundays are kept holy . Their way of Fasting is only to eat after Sun setting till the rising . Throughout the Year they fast Wednesdays and Fridays . They dre●…s their Herbs with Oil of Nuga , having none of Olives , and have little Fish , which must be such as has Scales , for in most things they retain somewhat of the Jewish Customs . 13. The Weddings are celebrated with Trumpets , Tabors and Dancing . Some live together upon promise of Marriage , if they have any Children . The Women are common to the Husband's Brothers and Relations , and the nearer of kin the more free to this beastliness . If the Wife knows the Husband has to do with another Woman , she recovers of her forty of every Creature she has upon the ground , as Forty Cows , Sheep , Goats , or any other thing ; and if she will , the Husband is fined for her use many Cloaths which are delivered to her , for the Wives have their Goods apart . Adultery is not punished with death . 14. In their Funerals they use the same Musick and Dancing as in the Weddings , to signifie it is the same thing to die as to be born . All the difference is the People that follow the Corps wear white Ribbands tied about their Foreheads , and go without Priest or Cross. Instead thereof they carry the dead Man's richest Goods before him . It is a great token of Grief to shave their Heads ( at the Death of their Kings all men are obliged to it ) but yet a greater to accompany the Corps naked from the Wast upwards . 15. Their Mourning is a black Cloath died in a certain sort of mud , for they have no other dying . If a Man be found dead and the Murderer not known , the Country is fined to make satisfaction to the Relations . The same if any Cattle be lost ; the Country People are obliged to maintain the Viceroys and other People when they travel . When two meet after a long absence , their salutation is kissing commonly the Mouth , sometimes the Cheek , or Shoulder . The Women neither spin nor soe , the Husbands mend the Cloaths ; the Poorest Woman would be ashamed to wash her own Cloaths , the Men do it , and the Women bring the Water . 16. They have many Churches , I will say somewhat of the chiefest , that of Acçum is the principal of all Ethiopia for its antiquity , and because the Emperors must be Crowned in it and no other . It stands in the middle of one of their greatest Towns. Near Acçum are the Caves where the Holy King Cabeb and his Son did pennance . They are buried in the Church of St. Pantalion , which stands on the top of a high Mountain ; Pantalion was one of the 9 Saints , they say went from Rome to Preach the Gospel in that Country . 17. The famous Monasteries of Abbagarima and Aleluya and the Church of Acçum stand in the form of a Triangle , a Days journey distant from each other . In the Center is Tremona ; Abbagarima took name from its founder , who was one of the 9 Saints , and Son of a King of Rome , called Isaac , as the Son also was ; but the Ethiopians called him Abbagarima , which signifies , a Man prodigious for Miracles ; they feign that there was a way under ground from this Saints Cave to Rome , and that he used to travel it . 18. The Monastery of Aleluya sormerly the habitation of many religious Men , ●…ow of very few was founded by Abba Samuel Disciple to one that was so to Abba Arragavi , one of those 9 Roman Saints and Preachers . The religious of these Monasteries are of two sorts , those of Abba Tula Aymanot and those of Abba Stateus the founders . They live not in community , but every one where he pleases with Servants ; they observe no noviceship , nor make any vow , such as will Marry and have 2 or three Wives ; most of them have Mistresses , and think it no sin . Such as do profess Chastityare much esteem'd , all their business is to gather Riches , and get Governments . Their Habit is white Shirts , or striped with several colours , over them , a black Scapulary before , a narrow round hood of the same colour ; they never take it of , not even when they consecrate , Cloaks or Mantles as every one can afford , the Poorest or most observant wear Cow hides , like the meanest of the People . All carry crosses in their Hands ; the Masters who are not Marryed bigger then the others ; but they want not for Women even of those they call Nuns . 19. The Nuns make no Vow , live where they will , and wear hoods like the Fryars●… sometimes they retire into Deserts , where they say the religious Men follow them . The Men are well read in Scripture , the Clergy lead much the same life , but must not Marry twice , if they do , they are excluded the Church . The Abugnas who give the Holy Orders scarce do it gratis . They use no ceremonies , nor examine those who are to be ordained ; they pay more respect to the Altar stone on which they lay the blessed Sacrament , then to the the Sacrament it self ; their Chalices are made of Tin , or Copper , very large , that they may hold much Wine for the People to whom it is given in little spoons . The Priest to say Mass puts nothing over his cloaths , but as it were a piece of a Casula which hangs behind and covers his back . The Thuribels have bells to make a noise , they use no Mass book , but say the Mass by Heart ; they assist at it with a confused noise their Chalice cloaths are black and dirty , so rags for other uses , their bells of stone . 20. In the Country of Barnagassa towards Arquico is the famous Monastery of Birau , corruptly called Vizan or Vision . It is of 200 Years standing , had once 500 Fryers , now not above 40. There is a great Church with 3 Isles . sustained upon 12 Pillars , built and dedicated , as they say to the Blessed Virgin before her birth ; about half a League from it , is the Church of St. George , possess'd by the last Patriarch ; near this Church is a large Cave cut out of the Rock , where are kept with great veneration , and even Heathen Sacrifices , some dead bodies they call Saints , and not dead Men , for they say , they rest there , and if any offer to lift the cloaths that cover them , to see what is under they hinder them saying , Do it not for they will wake . 21. There are many other ancient remarkable Churches ; those most admirable which are curiously cut out of Rocks ; those lately built are , that of Dancas , those of Nebesse and Tremona , of Gorgorra , Colena , and Sarca ; most of the Antient ones are round ; Men and Women go not to the same Church , but each Sex to their own apart . 22. Their errors in Faith are many , the chief , that they baptize without saying any thing , or if they do , use not the words instituted by the Church : In confession they use no form of absolution , others absolve without hearing the sins , giving unreasonable Pennances . They say God is like a Man , that the Divinity was born of the Blesied Virgin , that there is but one nature in Christ , that the Holy Ghost proceeds not from the Son , that there is no Purgatory , that the Souls are given by the Parents , not by Heaven , that till the Day of Judgment none goes to Heaven or Hell , even the Blessed Virgin. They Eat not Swines Flesh , Hare , Rabbet , or Eel ; Saturday they keep better then Sunday , no Woman in the time of her courses enters the Church ; nor 40 Days after she is delivered of a Son , and 80 of a Daughter , nor those who have had carnal Copulation the Day they had it . If any one enters the Church when they are communicating , he must receive without confessing , though he be loaded with sin , they had no knowledge of the Sacrament of confirmation , nor extream unction . There is no punishment for errors in matters of Religion . CHAP IX . Of the Nature of the Country of Ethiopia , of its Towns and the Kings it has had , and of the entrance and expulsion of our Doctrine . 1. ALL this Country is divided by vast Mountains , so high , that they appear as if they had been heaped one upon another , of strange figures on which they build impregnable Castles ; some are difficult of ascent , some almost , and others quite impossible to be ascended ; they are beautified with variety of Trees , and inhabited by a rebellious People , that have much of the nature of their habitation . 2. Their Cities and Towns are small , but the ruins of great ones are to be seen . In Accum they appear to have been very sumptuous , for there are Obeliscks of black stone , some ruined , some standing , two whereof are above 40 Yards high . It is believed the Court of their Kings was there kept for some Ages after the famous Queen Saba . I will here give a particular account of the City Adem , though on the Coast of Arabia , because it was in a manner , and is the inlet into Ethiopia . 3. About 30 Leagues from the mouth of the red Sea , a point of the Continent runs into the Sea , making a small Peninsula covered with vast Hills and Rocks that do not produce the least Plant ; on the top of one is a square Fort with Towers ; thence runs down towards the Bar a wall with Bastions , the last of them at the foot of the Mountain . Hence the wall turns along the foot of the Hill , till it joins the lower Fort , making a sort of Circle . This work though it appears formidable at Sea , can do no great harm to the Ships , byreason of its great height , to remedy which fault , there is a Plat-form raised near the Water . In all the works there are about 12 large , and 20 lesser pieces of Canon , and 600 Soldiers armed with good Firelocks , Swords without shells , Cimitars , and Tucks . 4. In a bottom at the foot of the wall and Mountain , lies the City , not the third part of what it has been , girt with a wall and Towers at convenient distances ; it is divided rather into lanes than streets , there are wells the Water whereof is brackish , but used when Rain Water fails , the inhabitants are Arabs and strangers , Moors descended from those who were once masters of it , and Jews who are in all parts of the World and here live meanly . 5. Provisions are brought from the inland on Camels ; their Money pieces of Eight , and another of the same value called Cabres or Xamies . There are no Thieves , and therefore no Locks to the Doors ; their weapons Swords , Semiters , Poniards and Bucklers hanging by straps about their Necks . Their cloath ing black , the better sort wear a thing like a like a shirt down to the Ancles ; the Poor a clout tyed about the waste , reaching half way down the thigh ; the Gallants add a Fota or loose cloak hanging down , or under the Arm , only the Xarises wear Veils on their Heads . The Women use the same sort of shirt or cassack as the Men , except that before it reaches only to their Knees , and behind sweeps the Streets with a train a Yard long . The best sort wear a kind of silk Petticoat of several colours , they cover themselves to the Knees with a kind of Veil , and have only one Eye uncovered in the street . The Arabs easily took this Town from the Turks , and it might as easily be taken from them , if any would attempt it by way of surprise . A Portugues Gentleman , after being possessed of it , shamefully quitted it . 7. The Emperors of Ethiopia since the Queen Saba ( or Maqueda for she was so called ) are these , her Son Solomon , Amna , Sahacam , Baremgabo , Sabacio , Thoasca , Adona , Ausayo , Omacio , Cboa , Luvo , Antata , Bahaca , Savads , Adina , Gotolea , Sasalea , Elgabul , Bautaul , Bavares the first , Bavares the second , Mahase , Nalque , Baisol , in whose time Christ was born ; Chempas Gado , Bhur Sagad , Grima , Casar , Sarado , Cucii Bacheon , Sargay , Zeray , Sona Aogad , Gheona , Gaya ; Macugna , Safa●…da , Agdar , Abraha , and Cabaha , who Reigned together , in whose time went thither a Patriarch called Minatas and Pantale●… , who we said Preached the Gospel there . H●…pba , A●…sid , Anci , Arada , Asadadora , Amamid , in whose time two Christian Kings sailing through the red Sea , landed with some religious Men , and Reign'd there , and then the descendants of the former were restored , and were Saba , Thazena , Caleb , Gabra , Masael , Constantine , B●…gar , Zansagad , Frey , Senay , Adoraza , Aidar , Madai , Calaudamo , Grima Affar , Zergaza , Digna , Micael , Bud Gaza , Arma , Asbanani , Digna , Zana , Ambusao , Demo , Delnaad , hitherto the line of Saba ; those that follow are of another branch , Himnamale , Agba , Acheon , Bhar , Sagad , Hesta , Sarad , Cama , Asgad , Vda●… Arad , Anda Cheon , Caifa Arad , Vd Doma , David , Theadros , Isac , Andreas , Astbinavi , Anda Iesus , Bad Linavi , Iarai , Acob , Beda M●…riad , or Zeriaco , Hescander , or Alexander he that Peter de Covillam saw when Vasco de Gama was discovering the Indian Sea , Andacheon or Nant , David , Oena Saged , whom D. Christopher de Gama went to assist ; Claudius or Athana Saged , to whom went the first Embassador from Portugal . In all 86 Emperors from Queen Saba , till the Year ●…600 , or thereabouts . 8. We have already , at the time it happen'd , spoke of the introduction of a Catholick Patriarch into this Country , and shall in its proper place , in the third Tome , speak of the banishment of them . It is very remarkable that this Emperor , who so joyfully received an Apostical Prelate , and submitted to the Holy See , should after be so cruel an Enemy to it ; and that these People who called themselves Christians , were the backwardest in receiving the true Catholick Doctrine ; the chief cause hereof , is their great inclination to Judaism , as descended from Solomon's Son. Therefore they so rigarously adhere to Circumcision , that not only the Men but Women are Circumcised ; they observe strictly the Saturday ; they take the liberty of being divorced only for their pleasure , and have several Wives , without regarding whether they have been their own Father's Brother's , or other Mens . This obstinacy is not a little helped by the Pontifical Power usurped by their Emperor ; and by a Prophecy they have , that the Franguis or Europeans shall become Masters of their Country , and they fear the Preaching the Faith may be an Introduction to it . They have also another Prophecy , that they , assisted by the Franguis , shall destroy the House of Meca , which they desire as much as any other Christians . But let this suffice for Ethiopia . CHAP. X. Of the Islands of Japan . 1. WE have already in the Eleventh Chapter of the First Part of this Tome spoke of the Situation , Extent , Names , and some other particulars of these Islands , which will be needless to repeat , and shall therefore proceed to what has not yet been related . 2. The Country , though not void of large Plains , is very mountainous , some so high they are much above the Clouds . Two are most remarkable ; that of Fiyenoyama four Leagues from Miaco , and that of Letchu which continually casts out terrible Flames , and among them sometimes the Devil comes out to perswade the People to cast themselves in there , affirming , it is the shortest cut to Heaven . About this Mountain are many Silver Mines : The Fields are water'd with many Rivers , which together with the Summer Rains and Winter Snow make them Fruitful , if the continual Wars did not hinder all Tillage , which is the Reason that Land is undeservedly accounted barren . It bears Rice and Wheat , of which they do not make Bread , but use it after their own manner , all sorts of Fruit usual among us , and many others , abundance of Wood both on the Hills and Plains . It is plentiful of all sorts of Cattle , and abundantly furnished with Fish. Their Water is thin , the Air wholesom ; the Natives are generally long-liv'd , and vigorous to the last ; they apply themselves to the use of Arms at 15 Years of Age , and give it not over till sixty . 3. Their Countenance is agreeable , well-shaped , generally large , and they value the greatest Bodies , very strong , and inured to Labour and Hardship : As soon as born they dip the Children in the Water to make them hardy , and as soon as grown to any strength the Boys hunt wild Beasts in the Woods . They are more ready at Handy-crafts than the Europeans , and their Count●…y People more polished ; this makes them the more tenacious of the Christian Faith , because they admit it not till sufficiently convinced . 4. Honour is no less Worshipped among them than their Idols , and they will endure any thing rather than abate in any point of it ; this makes them very courteous , they show the same civility to Friends and Enemies , they never swear , Princes punish Subjects and Masters Servants in such manner , as neither has cause to complain , all Differences , though between near Relations , are composed by a third hand to avoid Animosities . To speak ill of the absent , is a Crime to them unknown ; so is Play and Theft , and no less begging or borrowing . Poverty , nor any other Misfortune that depends not of the Will , is not looked upon as disgraceful , for they will no way allow Honour to depend upon Fortune . 5. Withal there is no Faith among them , even between Father and Son , but it is a Disgrace for a Man to be open-hearted . Hence it proceeds they commonly Murder one another in their Embraces , Subjects do the same to their Princes , and Servants to Masters . Thus Rebels are caressed by their Sovereigns , for all their study is conveniency ; Mothers instead of suckling strangle their Children ; some kill themselves to save receiving an Affront ; and the Sick have no Relief , for all fly from them , and when dead throw them like Beasts on a Dunghill . They are not only given to Women , but much more to Sodomy . 6. If two happen to lie together , each lays his Head at the other's Feet . Neither Men nor Women wear any thing on their Heads , only the great Men when they travel go under an Umbrello ; they mount on Horseback on our off-side . Instead of bowing when they meet , they draw back their Foot out of the slipper more or less ; when the Inferior sees a Superior he sits down . They , value pretious Stones no more than Straws ; any piece of Antiquity they esteem at extravagant Rates of what sort soever . The King of Bango gave 13000 Crowns for a Vessel among us not worth a Groat . They have the same value for any draught of a famous Master , or for a Blade of a Sword or Hanger . 7. Their Mourning is white , and their festival Apparel black , the same is used by the Chineses . The Men varnish their teeth , the Women their hair . Our Musick to them is ungrateful ; they delight in those Instruments that make most noise : Their Fish they eat raw , and hate Milk or any thing made of it , calling it unconcocted Blood. Beef or Mutton is never eaten but in the utmost Extremities , as loathsom Vermin among us ; the Wheat they make like the Italians into Vermicheli , or Macaroli , and drink Water boil'd with the Herb Cha hot , sipping it ; this I believe is our Tea . The Service of their Tables differs from ours ; the Vessels are all of Gold or Porcelane , for the Silver is all coined into Money . Our sweetest Perfumes are loathsom to them . What would make us sick is the Diet of their Sick , as Fish salt and raw , Limons and other acids . Bleeding is not used , for they say 't is a madness to lavish the Treasure of Life , so they call the Blood. Their Purges are sweet and pleasant , the others , they say , and with reason , do but heap misery on the Patient . 8. Though there are many Kingdoms , the Language is the same ; but so various , it sounds like many ; for they have great variety of Words upon all Occasions : those that are used in serious Discourse serve not to jest , those that are for great Men are not for the meaner , those for the old are not for the young , the same are not for Men as for Women . In Writing they have fourteen different sorts of Characters , all varying not only in form but signification . The Gentry learn to read and write till twelve Years of Age in the Monasteries of the Bonços . There is one sort of Character to write to Princes , another to Nobles , another to the meaner sort , and another for Books , of which they have great plenty in Prose and Rhime very elegant and ingenious : Every Character is a Word . Some of our People that understand the Language of Iapan and Latin , avouch the former to be much more copious , beautiful , soft , and compleat in all particulars . 9. All their Buildings , because of the Earthquakes the Island is subject to , are of Wood , but of such Structure , they are no way inferior to the finest in the World. They are whitened with a Plaster made of shells of Fish , which preserves the Wood from the Weather , and makes the Cities appear most beautiful at a distance . The Tiling is black and of such a nature it will last Five hundred Years . The Curiosity within it not to be parallelled . Hangings are not used , but all the Walls curiously painted with Landskips or Histories of their Ancestors . The floors are covered with fine Mats , and such as go on them wash their Feet first . There are no Chairs nor Bedsteads . On the Beds there are few Cloaths but what they wear by day , but some have coverings of the same Straw as the Mats wrought with Gold. 10. The Poor eat as they can , but always with decency ; the Rich with such state of Servants , Musick , Plays , and variety of Dishes , that a whole night is spent in a Supper . They use as many Tables as Dishes , about a span and half high , because they sit on the ground , each Table about half a yard square curiously wrought of Cedar inlaid with Gold and several Colours . There are no Napkins nor Table-cloaths , because they never touch any thing , but feed themselves with little Cipress sticks so artificially that never any thing drops . The Meat is heaped in the Dishes like Pyramids strewed with Gold , the Fowl whole , the Beaks and Talo●…s gilt . Their Entertainment is generous and friendly , but so ceremonious , it were better to endure hunger than their Complements . 11. All the cloathing is Silk , thin in Summer , more substantial in Winter , and a set time for all People to alter their Dress . They take many Wives , and are easily divorced , yet Adultery is a capital Crime , and the Woman's Relations resent it as hainously as the Husband . The Children are bred as has been said , and at Fifteen have their Sword put on by the Bonzos with much Ceremony . Every Man is so absolute over his Children and Servants , he may punish and kill them without being liable to any penalty for it . CHAP. XI . A further Account of Japan . 1. TILL the Year One thousand there was but one Monarch over all Iapan , he was called Huo , or Dayri . He had two Cucabo's , or Generals of his Army . At that time one of these killed the other , and rebelled against his Prince . Civil Wars ensuing , several Kingdoms were erected . Every Lord of a Province called himself Ia●…ta , that is King. They have four sorts of People , as among us , the Bonço's or Clergy , the Nobility , Gentry and Commonalty , these two last pay great respect to the Nobles , who are called Tonos , and , as among us , have the Distinctions of Dukes , Marqueses , Earls , &c. The chief Trade is Silver and China Silks . In Mechanicks they are excellent . Their Cutlaces are so temper'd , they cut through our Armour as if it were Wood. Their Lances are longer and lighter , their Musquets and other Arms perfectly good , as is their Powder , their Horse Furniture curious beyond expression . Printing among them , as well as the Chineses , is very ancient . All the Land is the King 's , and he gives Parcels of it to Noblemen and Gentlemen to serve him in War and Peace , and they give Portions of it to their Servants . 2. The King has power to recall his Grants , and take back his Lands at pleasure , and hereupon it is not counted infamous in the Subject to forsake his Prince , and go over to his Enemy for Profit : So it often happens that Kings are dethroned , and private Men set up . But this does not only happen in Iapan . 3. No Prince is more difficult of access than those of Iapan ; all Business is done by way of Petition . The People when they see the King , rather adore than reverence him . There is no Prison or juridical proceeding against Criminals , every King , T●… , or Master of a Family punishes without any of our Forms . The Punishment is commonly inflicted by Surprize , for none will receive it without resisting . When the King punishes a great Man , he causes his House to be beset with armed Men , and as an Honor gives him leave to kill or defend himself . If he defends himself , there is a Battle between those that are to execute him and his Family ; if he kills himself , he makes a cross Wound with a Dagger , and throws it into the Air , to shew he fears neither Heaven nor Earth . When they are grown in Years , and have Sons of the Age of Eighteen , they give their Estates to them , reserving only some small thing to live upon , and this they do not for love , but to prevent being turned out and dispossessed by them . There is nothing among them but what is purchased and maintained by force of Arms , and so dividing them into five parts , not above the ●…th dies a natural Death , the other four by the Sword. 4. In the Reign of Dayri sole Monarch of the Island , there rose a Bonço with the name of a Prophet , and introduced Sodomy among them , since which time they have never been free from Rebellions , which are the Destruction of Iapan , to prove God could better endure Idolaters than Sodomites . Of their several sorts of Opinions in Religion enough was said in the Eleventh Chapter of the First Part of this Tome , and somewhat shall be hinted out of a Hebrew Canon in the last Chapter of this same Tome , touching the Preaching of St. Thomas the Apostle in this Island . Bonço is a common name for all the Ministers deputed to the Service of their Gods , as well Camies as F●…oques . Though these differ in Condition and Profession , they agree in three Particulars ; the first , a counterfeit Chastity , for it is not lawful for them to Marry ; the second , Abstinence from all sorts of Fish and Flesh ; and the third , Shaving their Head and Beard , in token they contemn the World. 5. Some live in Towns , and have the Charge of the Varela's or Temples of the Idols , others in great Monasteries . There are also Monasteries of Women , whom they call Biconies , who also profess Chastity , and observe it as ill as the Men. It is wonderful that though both of them be extravagantly Debauched , Proud , Covetous and Cruel , yet on account of their Profession they are held in great Veneration . They had once an infinite number of stately Temples , and even at the time St. Francis Xaverius went thither , he found Five hundred that had escaped the Fury of their Wars . In one of these is that prodigious Altar on which stand Fifteen hundred Idols of the common Stature of a Man , all gilt and orderly placed in nine rows round a principal one , to whom they seem to make their Court. Every one of these has three Heads and above forty Arms , which the Bonços say represent the Power of their Deities . The Silver and Gold Lamps and other rich Gifts presented by Kings and Lords when they go to War , are innumerable . All the City Hara is full of Temples ; in one of them is the Idol Xac●… of gilt Metal , and so big , that a Pigeon standing upon its head , can scarce be seen by those who stand at its feet . 6. In these Buildings there are wonderful Columns of Cedar : In one of them there are Ninety-eight of a vast height , and near twenty-three foot in compass , so wrought that none of them could cost less than Five thousand Ducats . The Porches are Forty Foot high , and twenty-five in breadth , on sides of them are Statues of a monstrous higness with Maces in their Hands , threatning the Devil who lies at their Feet , as St. Mi●…el the Archangel is painted among us . A●… is kept extraordinary clean : In the City Miaco all things more Majestick . The Gardens belonging to these Houses are surprising , adorned with variety of Flowers , many whereof seem rather the work of Art than Nature . The Parks , Ponds , Fountains , Birds of several Colours , and variety of wild Beasts not to be molested , are impossible to be described . The Sons of the principal Men put themselves into these Convents . The Colour of their Habits differs according to their several Sects . They wear Beads , and keep Choir , where they sing in the manner of our Psalms ; Mati●…s at midnight , other hours at break of Day , and others at Sun rising . They are called together by Bells , whereof they have great number , and of extraordinary grandure . They are rung at certain hours of the day for the People to pray , and they do it in the Evening as we Vespers . 7. Their Galleries before their Cells , their Refectories and other Offices are very large and orderly . The funeral Ceremonies are very stately . They grant Indulgences for the Living and Dead , and for the latter Habits which they say carry them directly to Heaven . There is a commemoration of the Souls departed in the great Feast of their ●…amies and F●…toques . They Preach in large Pulpits , and the People is called with a Bell. The Preacher is cloathed in majestick Garments with a gold Fan in his Hand , and moves the Audience with an affected Gravity and Modesty , takes his Text out of their Scripture , and discourses thereon so efficaciously , that the Hearers burst into Tears , calling upon Ami●…da and Xa●…a , and leaving very consideral Alms , the chief aim of the Bonzos passionate Discourse ▪ They study in several Colledges founded by their Kings . 8. They have also a military order , which they call Ne●…goros , consisting of two sorts of Bonzos . One ( the fewest in number ) keep a Choir , and have charge of Idols and Temples ; the other follow the Wars , serve any Prince for pay , to the number of Thirty thousand , and are absolute in their own Conquests . Some of them have Estates of Sixty thousand Ducats a Year . Every day they carry five Arrows to the publick Magazine of Arms. They profess Chastity , and admit no Women into their Towns , but make no scruple of committing Sodomy . 9. Over all these Religious Professions is a head Bonzo called Zaco , who ( in the same nature as the Pope ) has the disposal of all their Church Dignities , orders all Matters of Religion , and grants Dispensations . The Monasteries chuse their Superiors . The Cities have Tundos , answerable to our Bishops , to them all the Bonzos are subject , and they grant Power to the Superiors of them to dispence in lesser Matters . The Pontifical Chair is at Mi●…co , is vastly rich in Revenues , and is in continual War with the Laity about the Succession . 10. Besides those spoke of , there are some remarkable Buildings in Iapan , but I will only touch upon one Fort. Six Leagues from Ca●…goxima in the Kingdom of S●…me , there is a vast high mountain all of one solid Rock . On the top of it is artificially cut out a Castle with all Apartments equal to any great Palace , defended by ten Bastions , and they encompassed by a large deep Ditch , the whole of one entire piece , as being cut out of the very Rock , in the same manner , as if it had been formed of Clay or Wax . We have already and shall again in its place speak of some such Works in India . Let us now go over to China . CHAP. XII . Of the Great Empire of China , and first of its Situation , Division into Provinces , of its Product , Arts and Commerce . 1. THE Island Hainan , the Southermost part of this Empire , is in 19 deg ▪ of North Lat. and the Tartar Wall the utmost Northern bound , in some places exceeds 41 deg . The extent from East to West no less , so that it is not much inferior to all Europe in greatness . On the South Coast are abundance of small Islands so near the Continent , they seem to be all one Body . 2. This vast Empire is divided into Fifteen Provinces , each of them formerly a large Kingdom . Most of the Nine they call the Southern Provinces are watered with such large Rivers , that in some of them the opposite Shore is out of sight ; they are all Navigable , and such multitudes of Vessels upon them , as seems incredible even to those that are Eye-witnesses . A Passenger in less than an hour counted above Three hundred in only an arm of the River M●…mquim . They are curiously built , for round the outside are Galleries for the Sea●…n to Sail them , without incumbring the middle , so that they are more like Pl●…asure-houses than Boats , and that also in respect of their Painting , Gilding , and the Spaciousness of their several upper and lower Apartments . Those of Hang●… 〈◊〉 all the others . 2. The 6 No●… 〈◊〉 being nearer to our Latitude ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the ●…me 〈◊〉 , th●… are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others ▪ and more healthy ; yet 〈◊〉 are ●…lly long liv'd in all of them , ●…d there are many vigorous old Men ; it is so well Peopled , that not only small Towns , but Cities are in sight one of another , and where the Rivers are much frequented , 〈◊〉 a continued Town . They have greater and lesser Cities , Towns , and Castles , which they call Fu , Che●… , 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 , the Villages are innumerable ; they are all guarded throughout the Kingdom by ●…ight , as if they were upon a Frontiere ; the streets are watched with great diligence . 4. The multitude of People is unexpressable ; it is difficult going in the Towns by reason of the concourse , and the Roads are as usually among vs , upon ▪ Fairs . According to their general lists there are near 60 Millions o●… Men wh●…h 〈◊〉 ●…uchs , Women and Children a●…●…erable . The common buildings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●…o ●…ghtly , and lasting as ours , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and clean . They 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a●… C●…ram with great Art in their structures ; C●…aram is a sort of var●… that distils from certain Trees , it mixes with all colours , and is most beautiful as may be ●…en in many things brought from thence . They build no upper ●…oors , looking upon the low to be more convenient ; all neat People have Gardens with Flowers and small Trees ; in the North they use such as bear Fruit , if they have much ground , they plant great Trees , raise Mounts , on which are kept Fowl , as Cran●… and Swans , and Beasts ; as Deer and others . They also make Ponds in which are black and red Fishes with gilded Scales . 5. They first frame the Roof of the Ho●… , then set it upon Pillars , each of them of only one piece of Timber , varnished with 〈◊〉 for the most part black ; then they build the Walls of brick , and a sort of plaste●… like lime which is very hard ; they say that formerly they built after our manner , and have still rules of Architecture only observed in publick buildings , as Pallaces and the like ; they have many Towers of several forms , all beautiful , from 5 to 9 stories high , with winding stairs and others , and galleries without ; their Houshold stuff is various , curious , and very cheap . 6. This Kingdom being of so great an extent and consequently lying under so many several Climates , produces all sorts of Fruit●… that the whole Earth affords . Their common sustenance i●…●…ce , and Wheat , whereof they have such pl●…y , that a Pico of either of them , is sold for 5 Royals , and when dearest for 7. A Pico is a Hundred and a quarter weight of ours . The Northern Provinces make most use of Wheat and Barley , the Southern of Rice ; all other sorts of Grain is plentiful , the Poor use it for Wheat ▪ and it serves to feed Cattle . The comm●…nalty feed on Herbs all the Year , and no other Medicines a●…e found in the Apothecaries Shops . 7. Every Village affords abundance of Meat , the commonest is Pork , Beef is sold without bones , wild Foul and Beasts not so usual , they have of all sorts except Rabbets ; they have Nighting●…ls that sing like ours , but are much bigger ; and ano●…●…ort very beautiful and of delicious 〈◊〉 ▪ they have ●…lso all those sorts of birds we see painted on their works ; they breed infinite quantities of tame Foul , the Geese so nume●… ▪ they are in vast stocks about the Fields . What is 〈◊〉 of their hatching Eggs by art is true , 〈◊〉 it is done only in Summer . 8. As for savage beasts they have many , as Tigers , Wolves , &c. but not hurt●… ▪ Elephants are brought from abroad ; of tame Cattle they have all the same sorts as among us , and use not Oxen for plowing as in India , but Bufalos . Horses are plentiful but not good ; they formerly used Coaches , now Chairs . Their way of Travelling is in Litters , on Mules , or in Chairs carryed by 4 , 6 , or 8 Men , according to every ones ability ; they are bigger than ours . In the Cities of Peking and Nanking , Horses stand in the Streets bridled and ●…addl'd , to be hired to go about the Town . 9. Fish is not so plentiful in the Northern Provinces , because there are not many Rivers , but much comes from the South salted , and otherwise preserved : Their best fruit is in the Southern Provinces , the best Oranges those of Quantung ; in Xeni there are most Grapes , whereof they make Reasins , but no Wine . In the North they make Drink of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , 〈◊〉 ●…e South of Rice only , it is p●…ant to the sight , smell , and taste , and among them Drunkenness is accounted no shame . There are two pleasant and strange fruits , the Suçu , a red Apple like an Orange of excellent taste , and is preserved hung up . The Lequias of the bigness of an ordinary Pear , shaped like a Heart , in colour like a Strawberry , the inside Pearl colour , in the middle a core very pleasant , but not to be kept . 10. They have all sorts of Flowers , many unknown to us , and keep them all the Year , some grow in the dead of Winter , when the leaves are fallen off the Plants : these are called Lamui , and are more agreeable to the smell than sight , being yellow like wax . 11. Their Apparel , Beds , and other furniture , is made of Wollen , Linnen , Silk , and Cotton , of which they have abundance , and work it curiously ; China supplies strangers with the richest commodities of the East , as Gold in thread , beaten , an●… in bars , Rubies , Zasires , Pearl , Musk , Silk raw , and wrought ; Porcelane , Quick-silver , Copper , Tinn , Tortoise-shell , Vermillion , Salt Peter , and Sulphur , Sugar and other things of less value . Their gilding either for use or curiosity is well known ; the vilest things are not lost among them . The Kingdom is rich , but not private Persons ; there are not so many rich Men as in Europe , nor so many Poor ; few possess very much , many have plenty , and scarce any want . 12. Money is scarce as may appear by the price of all things , Servants wages , hire of Work-men , and allowances to Ministers of State. A pound of Mutton is worth a half penny , a Pidgeon not a farthing , a Man's wages not above a Crown a Year ; some things alter the Prizes but all are reasonable , and much about these rates . CHAP. XIII . Of the Provinces into which China is divided . 1. THis vast Empire is divided into two parts , the Northern , and the Southern , and they into 15 Provinces . To the Southern part belong 9 , which are Quantung , Quansi , Yunnan , Fokien , Kiangsi , Suchuen , Huquang , Chekiang , and Nanking . Quantung is the most Southerly , and lies between 20 and 25 deg . of lat . it is large and Rich , and abounds in Wheat and Rice , of the latter , though differing in kind , the Earth gives two crops a Year . Here is much Sugar , Iron , Copper , and Ti●… , all which are wrought with great perfection , as also the works of Charam and gildings brought to us . The People are very ingenious at handicrafts , easily imitate what they see , but are not good at invention . Our Merchants repair twice a Year to the Capital City Quangcheu , 75 Leagues distant from Macao , and Macao is 18 from the Islands , and is about 5 Leagues in circumference . This is the most frequented Port of the whole Kingdom . The Portugues alone export hence Yearly , 53000 Chests of Silks , 22000 bars of Gold , each weighing 12 Ounces , 7 Picos of Musk , which is 8 Hundred and three quarters . Pearl , Sugar , Porcelane , China wood , Reubarb . and other lesser commodities in vast quantity . The Island Haynan belongs to this Province , about it is a great Fishery of Pearl , it is well Peopled on the Northern Coast , on the Southern is a Town that owns no subjection to any body . It produces several sorts of precious Wood. 2. On the N. E. side of Quantung lies the Province of Quang●… , between 23 and 27 deg . of lat . it differs not from the other in any thing considerable . That of Yunnan to the Eastward in the same lat . is the farthest from the Center of China , 't is large but not rich , its principal Commodity being Amber for Beads , and such uses . Here contrary to the custom of all the rest of the Kingdom , the Women go abroad to buy and sell. On the other side of Quantung to the E. N. E. is the Province of Fokien between 24 and 28 deg . of lat , it is for the most part Mountanous ; the Natives contrary to the general Law , travel and trade abroad : It yields Gold , Sugar , Hemp , and Paper of several so●…ts ; the goodness , plenty , and cheapness of it very remarkable . Printing here is very ●…eap , and as Ancient as shal●… be mentioned hereafter , it is not done with loose letters as among us , but cut in Wood , so that the Original remains ; there are an infinite number of Printing Houses , every one may Print what he pleases without a Licence , and notwithstanding this liberty , they never publish any scandalous or immodest Book . This Province lies on the Sea , and thence are exported infinite quantities of Merchandize for Manila , Iapan , and the Island Formosa , which is in sight ; the Dutch trade here . 3. The Province of Kiangsi lies North of Quantung , between 25 and 30 deg . of lat . It is hemm'd in with great Mountains , from which fall two Rivers , one running to the Southward , all the way Navigable ; another to the Northward , which after running through great part of this Province , receives another great one coming from the Province of Huquang , and is the famous Kiang . The feet of these Mountains are adorn'd with good Cities at convenient distances for travellers , and carrying of goods , which are generally on Men's backs , and the concourse is incredible ; the Innkeepers give an account of all that comes in to their Houses , and are obliged to give two Meals to all such Passengers , having other ways to be payed ; every Man carries his own Bed , for the lodgings find nothing but bedsteads . In the Custom-house , which is here very great , they do not visit the goods , but take everyMans word , and the Duties are very easy ; a traveller that is no Merchant , is Custom-free ; the strangers that come to Macao , pay according to the Tunnage of their Vessels without searching . 4. This Province is so populous they miscal it Laocha , that is little Mice , because they spread all over the Kingdom , serving all sorts of Trades , particularly Taylors ; they are very Poor ; the Province has abundance of Rice and Fish ; it is famous for large Soles , but more for Porcelane . The Clay 't is made of , is only found in one Village , and in another place the Water to work it , for if they use any other , it proves not so good . In this work there is none of the mystery generally represented to us , it is meer Clay , but of a most rare quality ; it is wrought after the same manner , as ours , in the same time , and of all colours . This Province Fokien and Quantung meet in an Angle formed of many Mountains , among which is a small Kingdom , the King whereof owes no obedience to him of China ; they allow the use of Phisitians in sickness , but of no Lawyers in their suits . If any scarcity happen , they go a Robbing in the nature of open War. 5. The Province of Suchuen is much in the same Latitude , and has nothing singular ; that of Huquang is in the same lat . more plentiful of Rice than any ; has much Oyl , and Fish in its great Rivers , and Lakes like Seas . The Province Chekiang lies between 27 and 32 deg . upon the Sea , is plain and fruitful , and watered with many Rivers , some whereof run through the Towns ; it is much Richer than the others , particularly in Silk , which is exported only from thence . Hangcheu is the Metropolis , the most populous of China , so delicious and pleasant , that it is a Proverb , Glory in Heaven , and Hangcheu on Earth . Three things make it most famous , the Lake called the rarest in the World , about two Leagues in compass , beset round with curious Pallaces , and they with delightful Hills , the Water runs in at one end , and out at the other , across it are set Dogs of Stone for People to go over upon , many Vessels ply about it , some very large , being built for pleasure and feasting , with Kitchins fore and aft , in the Midship rooms with Tables , above floors for Women , the windows covered with close nets , that they may not be seen , all painted and gilded ; the abundance of Meat in them is wonderful , in these many spend what they have . The second thing famous , is the Silk , and man ner of working it ; the third , the worship of their Idols , and magnificence of their Temples . 6. The last of these 9 Southern Provinces is Nanking , between 29 and 36 deg . of lat . the best in the whole Kingdom . It permits no Foreign Trade , the Merchants , to enhance the value of their goods , say , they are of Nanking ; in only the Town of Xanham , 't is said , there are 200000 loomes for Cotton , which yearly yield the King 450000 Ducats . The Court long resided here , and all the tribunals and priviledges of a Court still remain in the capital City called ( as my Author will have it , ) Ymthienfu , but I find it is by all others named Kiangning . This City is the best in the Kingdom for sumptuous buildings , spacious streets , trade , and abundance of all things ; it has twelve stately Gates well defended with Canon , without the walls runs another , at a great distance much ruined ; the outward circumference will take up a Horseman two Days journey , travelling a good pace , the inward is 6 Leagues ; between the two walls are buildings and tillage , the crop whereof is appropriate to the Souldiery that reside within , to the number of 40000 In one quarter of the Town is a Mount and thereon a sphear of a vast bigness , of curious workmanship , but stands not on a frame ; there is also a rare Tower 7 stories high with all appurtenances made of Porcelane , a most wonderful work . The River runs by the foot of it , called according to my Author Yamcuquiam , by all others I find it named Kiang ; but Yamcuquiam signifies Son of the Sea , because it is one of the greatest in the World , and may perhaps for brevity generally be called Quiam or Kiang ; it has great store of Fish. 7. The Northern Provinces are 6 , their names Honan , Xensi , Xansi , Xantung , Peking , and Leav●…ung . The first lies between 33 and 37 deg . of lat . and produces the most delicious fruit , which is prodigiously cheap , so that One hundred of Apricocks is worth about half a Farthing . A Prince lives here in as great state as the King. 8. The Province Xensi lies to the Eastward of the last in near the same Latitude ; it is large but dry , as the three next to it ; bears little Rice , much Barley , common and Indian Wheat . Their Sheep are shorn three times a Year , Spring , Summer and Autum , but the first shearing is the best . The Wool serves for Hats and such like work , but is not fit to spin . The Goat's Hair is spun , and of it they weave Stuffs richer than of Silk , but it is only of a sort of Down that grows next the Skin under the long Hair. This Province yields Musk , which grows in the Navel of a Beast like a little Deer , the Flesh whereof is eaten . The Purses brought hither are not all the same in which it grows , because the Musk mixed with other Drugs is too much to be contained by them only , and so Purses are made for it of the Skin . Scarce any Musk comes over pure . Here is also some Gold gathered , but in Rivers , for the Mines of it and Silver are not open . Most of the Rhubarb in the World seems to come from hence ; for that which is brought from Persia cannot be of the Prod●…ct of that Country , because none that have travelled there relate they ever saw this Herb grow there . It grows high and bears Leaves bigger than those of Cabbage , requires much care , and grows not wild , as some would have it . 9. This is a Province of great Trade , for the numerous Caravans , some of above One thousand Men , which repair to its two Western Cities , Socheu and Xancheu . In them come Ambassadors from the Mahometan Princes to the King of China , every three Years is an ordinary Embassy , and every fifth one extraordinary , they always bring Presents . The Princes are , the Turk , the Arabs , Camul , Samar●…an , and Tarsan , but none of them , except the last , know any thing of these Embassies or Presents , the Merchants do it at their own cost for the more security of their Trade . The Present consists of a quantity of precious Stones , Three hundred and forty Horses , Three hundred small Sparks of Diamonds , some sine Blew , Six hundred Knives , and as many Files . The King returns for each Horse two pieces of Cloath of Gold ; Thirty of yellow Silk , Thirty Pounds of Cha , Ten of Musk , Fifty of a Medicine called Tienyo , and Fifty of Silver . 10. Cha ( which I suppose to be our Tea ) is the Leaf of a Tree like Myrtle , in some places bigger than others , they dry it in Iron Pots over the Fire , and so it runs up together . There is of it from a Ducat the Pound to less than a Halfpenny , such is its variety . It is their common drink steeped in hot Water , with it they treat Strangers , and relate many Virtues of it . 11. The Province of Xansi lies between 36 and 42 deg . of Lat. the many Mountains make it barren , therefore bears little Wheat , less Rice , and most of Indian Wheat ; it supplies the Kingdom with Resins . Here are Wells of Fire for the use of Houses , like those of Water in other Parts . They make small Mouths , and over them boil any thing . They have Coal-Pits as in England . The Province of Xantung lies between 35 and 38 deg . of Lat. it is poor , subject to Locusts , and often to Famine . It bears a sort of Apples which is carried over most of the Kingdom . 12. The Province of Peking between 36 and 42 degrees of Latitude , is now honoured with the Court in the City of the same name , but more properly Xunt●…ienfu , or Xuntien ; the Moors call it Cambalud . The People ( as all those of the North ) are not so ingenious , but more laborious and warlike . The Land dry and healthy , but barren ; yields Indian Corn , but little Rice or Wheat . The Rice used at Court comes from Nanking , it is pleasant only boiled in Water without any other Addition . The King keeps One thousand Sail that trade to the South for Provisions . This Province sends abroad no Commodities but Pensils and Persumes . The City is not so large as Nanking , but far exceeds it in populousness : The Walls are so thick , twelve Horsemen ride abreast on them ; they are guarded with as much care in Peace as War. At the Gates are Officers to receive the Duty of all things brought in , and that belongs to the Queen . 13. The Magistrates of this City have but very little State in their Persons and Houses , only the chief of them can go in Chairs , the others on Horseback . All People have their Faces covered along the Streets to avoid the Dust , but more to save the Ceremonies to Mandarines . The Cold is more violent here than could be expected in that Latitude . The River and Lakes are froze over , so that they bear . They use a sort of Stoves that conveys the heat underneath which serve in their Gardens , and anticipate the Spring . 14. The last Northern Province is Leaotung , famous for a precious Medicinal Root it produces , which adds strength and vigour to such as are in Health , and gives great comfort to the Sick. This being the Tartar Frontier , is much ruined , and in part possessed by them . Along it runs that so famous Wall for the space of Three hundred Leagues , of great Renown , but little use ; for notwithstanding it the Enemy breaks in at pleasure . In all these Provinces there are Four hundred forty four Cities , and Eleven hundred and fifty Towns of Note ; the others are not to be numbred . Thus much of the Soil , Product and Division of China . CHAP. XIV . Of the People of China , their Customs , Inclinations and Studies . 1. THE People of China are white , the more Northward the whiter ; both Men and Women suffer their Hair to grow to its full length ; it is generally black , and they therefore called by some Nations , The black haired People . Their Eyes are commonly black and small , their Noses little , they look upon ours as deformed , their Beards thin , the black esteemed most beautiful ; it is never cut , but they had rather it should all fall off than one hair of the head . They take great pains in dressing it , and have many Barbers who never cut but only serve to order it . 2. They are handsomest whilst very young , particularly in the South . The Women of 〈◊〉 are counted the most beautiful , thence the great Men have their Concubines . The Men , as they grow above twenty-five Years of Age loose their Colour , but not so much of their Features , yet grow ugly ; they are well made , strong , and inclined to Labour . In Tillage they are very industrious , sometimes plowing with a Plow of three Coulters that makes as many Furrows , and on it carry a Tray with a hole , through which Kidneys-Beans drop , and the Ground is sowed at once ; other Grain is sowed after Plowing . Often he that drives a Beast loaded carries a burden . 3. Nothing that can be of use is lost . There are often seen many Vessels loaden with only w●…s for Candles taken out of the heart of a Rush. Others that carry nothing but Paper for Privies , which must have no Letter upon it , esteeming it a Sacriledge to put any such to that use . They are naturally Merchants . About the Street is fold by Retail , whatever is by Wholesail in Shops . Children sell small things that no Age may be idle . In matters of trust they are most faithful , but in selling the cunningest of Cheats . They will dig out the Flesh of a Fowl , make it up again , and fell the Skin and Bones as an entire Bird ; they counterfeit Gammons of Bacon , so that it is hard to discover the Fraud . In fatning , colouring and patching up of old , lame and unsound Horses , none equal them . 4. They are much addicted to Chimistry , and believe he that finds the way to make Silver , has a sure Receipt for to live long . Old Men they think have found out this Receipt , and therefore some will maintain them only in hopes to learn it , and others make themselves gray only to get a maintenance that way . 5. They are affable and courteous , treat Strangers with Civility , give them the upper-hand , lend them Money upon Pawns , but without Use , though they exact it from their own Kindred and Friends , even in Prisons ; where the Scum of Nations is , they shew Compassion towards them . All that are condemned to Death are beheaded , or strangled , any other Death is accounted Cruel ; when many are condemned , only four or five die , the rest remain in Prison . Humility and Chastity are Virtues held in great account . They raise triumphant Arches in Honour of Chast Women , and bestow publick Encomiums on them . 6 Where they use Ceremony it is endless , but among Friends and Kindred none is used . They are so grave and staid , that no Accident whatsoever can discompose Men of Quality ; so that mortal Enemies meet at Feasts without altering their Countenance . They lessen themselves to extol Foreigners , and commend all the Works of Europe , even to undervaluing their own . Their curious Workmanship may be seen by what comes from thence , which is never the best or curiousest . They are incomparable at working of Ivory , Ebony , Coral , and Amber , and most exquisite in Gold and Silver . A gold Chain of their making has been seen that had Three hundred Links , and did not weigh seven Ounces , their Gold thread is not so fine as ours . No Vessels of Sive●… are used , but only porcelane ; they have learned to make Clocks to stand on Tables . 7. They are of most ready Wits , whereof I will give one Instance . A Visitor General being long in a Province without executing his Employ , a Friend of his enquiring into the Reason , found he had lost the Seal , without which no Business could be dispatched ; and , knowing the Governor was his Enemy , he advised him to set Fire to his own Palace at Night , and when the Governor came , as of course he must , to see it put out , then to deliver to him the Box in which the Seal is kept , saying , He could in that danger only trust him with the Royal Seal : That if it was the Governor who had caused the Seal to be stole , he would certainly restore it , because of the trust reposed in him , which if he did not , the World would believe it was lost in his Custody ; this was put in Execution , and next day the Governor restored the Box with the Seal in it . 8. Their Cloaths , as was before said , are made of Woollen , Linnen , Silk , or Cotton . Two hundred Years before Christ they wore short Sleeves ( as the Iapans descended from them still do ) and the fashion lasted while the famous Family of Honan , for Four hundred Years , then it was altered to what is used to this Day , is the same throughout the Kingdom , and cannot be changed without the King's leave . The Habit reaches from the Neck to the feet open before , even to the inward Garments without Buttons ; but folding over , the Sleeves large and open like those of a Monk's Cool . For a Band they wear a piece of white Taffety a handful broad , which the better sort as soon as soiled throw away . Young Folks wear all Colours , the Commonalty and all Servants black , old Men grave Colours , such as are or have been Governors on Festivals the finest red . The ●…ich change Apparel four times a Year , the poor sort twice . 9. Till seventeen Years of Age they wear the short Hai●…loose , the rest knotted on the top of the Head. After that Age it is put into a Net of Horsehair with a Cap over it ; that of the Lawyers square , the others round ; it is made either of Silk or Horse-hair , but in Winter of Felt. Much Ceremony is used at the time they first put on the Net. The Rich wear Shoes of Silk , the Poor of Cotton , differing from ours in fashion and costly ; Leather is only used for Boots , which are rare . In the same manner the Rich wear Stockins of Damask , or other soft Silk , the meaner Sort of Cotton , but all white . Breeches are common to Men and Women . The latter dress their Hair with Flowers , natural or artificial , except the common Women , who are not allowed to use them , nor to live within the Walls . 10. The Apparel of Men and Women is the same in all other Points ; but these have Feet less than can be imagined , and to make them so , they swath them hard from their Infancy . The Custom was taken from a Queen , who having deformed Feet endeavoured by that means to bring them into shape . 11. The Women are very retired , none of any Age is seen in the Street , no Men visit them in their Houses , nor presume to enter into their Apartments . Servants have admittance only whilst very young , Brother or Father-in-law on no account . The ordinariest . Women go abroad in Chairs . If they happen to go a foot on account of any Pilgrimage , they cover their Faces : If they travel in Boats , they pass by each other , without speaking one word . Yet in some parts of this great Empire , Women go abroad , but such as are of Quality always after this manner . 12. The Language is thought to be one of the 72 of Babel ; by their Books it appears to be of Four thousand Years standing . It is called Quenhra , or the Language of Mandarines , because as they spread their Command they introduced it , and it is used through all the Empire , as Latin in Europe . It is very barren , and as it has more Letters far than any other , so it has fewer Words , for there are not above 326 that absolutely differ , and of those that only vary in accent and aspiration 1228 ; most end in Vowels , the rest in M and N : They are all Monasyllables , all indeclinable , as well Verbs as Nouns ; so contrived , that often a Noun serves for a Verb , and the contrary , and sometimes for an Adverb . Thus it is easier to be learned than Latin. It is most compendious , and therefore the most grateful to the Chineses . It is rather sweet than harsh , and spoke as they do at Nanking pleasing to the Ear , very full of respectful Terms . To bid one take a thing in his hand , among us we repeat the Verb take , which they do not , each word signifies the Verb and Manner , Nien , is to take with two Fingers ; Tço , to take with them all ; Chua , with the whole hand downwards ; Tcie , with it opened upwards . So in other Verbs : A Man's Foot they call Kio ; a Birds , Chua ; a Beasts , Thi. 13. They use a different Stile in Writing and Speaking ; the Letters are as ancient as the Language . They all know them , but not all by the same Name . The Author of them ( they say ) was Fohi , one of their first Kings ; at first they were fewer in number , plainer , and in some measure like what they expressed : There are now four sorts of Letters . The ancient still used in Books and by Lawyers , but only for Titles and Seals instead or ●…ts . The second called Chicum , the most generally used . The third Taipie , little practised but on Fans , in Letters and Prologues . The fourth , a sort of short hand . 14. There are Sixty thousand Letters ; But they use Abbreviations , so that 't is enough to know Ten thousand to write , read and be learned . If they meet any that is not known , they turn to a Book like our Dictionary , and find it : Only nine strokes serves to form all this multitude of Letters , but several Letters and perfect Figures are joined to signifie different things . This stroke — stands for one , crossed with another stroke it stands for ten , another stroke being drawn under the lower point it signifies the Earth ; with another at the top , a King ; adding a prick on the left hand between the two first points , a precious Stone ; with Dashes before , a Pearl ; and all Letters that signifie precious Stones , must have this last mark ; all that signifie Trees must have the Letter that is for Wood adjoined , and so of other things . 15. Good Writing is valued above the best Painting . All written Paper is looked upon as Sacred ; if it lies on the Ground they take it up carefully . The manner of Writing is downwards from the top to the bottom , and from the Right towards the Left-hand , as the Hebrews and all the People of the East . If a word of Respect , as your Lordship , or the like , fall in the middle of a Line , they write not forward , but begin the next Line , because it is not esteemed Manners to join any word to those ; if they write the Name of God , it is set above the rest of the Line . 16. They once writ on the Rine of the Barks of Trees , with Iron points , as also on Plates of Metal , which now are highly esteemed . Paper has been invented among them Two thousand Years , and is of so many sorts , and so plentiful , that there is as much in China as all the World besides , for goodness none to compare to it . The most usual in Printing , and plentifullest , is made of a Tree ( called by them Cho , by the Indians Bombo ) made in the same manner as ours , but the best is of Cotton Rags . Instead of Pens they use Pensils of several sorts of Hair , but the Hares is best : There are no Ink-horns but Stones on which the Ink is ground , as Colours among us ; it is also sold in Rags in the nature as we have Spanish Wool , but the best is Lamp-black , and they that make it are not accounted Mechanicks . 17. Printing has been used by them Sixteen hundred Years , we said before it was all carved on Wood. The Author writes his Book in the size it must be published , and every Leaf is pasted on a Board , and graved exactly as he writ it , therefore they write and print only upon one side of the Paper , so that every Leaf consists of two , for the Books are sewed along the edges of the Paper , not the middle as we do , the Blanks remain within , and the two Leaves pass as one ; the best Wood for this use is Pear-tree . When they would have the Paper black and Letters white , they are carved in Stone , because in the Stone the Letters are cut into the Superficies , and in Wood they make the Superficies . That manner of Printing is only used for Epitaphs , Paintings , Trees , Mountains , and such like things , which are preserved with respect , and are lasting Memorials . CHAP. XV. A Continuation of the same Subject . 1. FRom their Childhood they apply themselves to study , the first Books they read are Morals , then the classick Authors which are entirely learned by Heart , next the Masters exposition , who looks not on the Book when he teaches . The Coppies for writing are laid under the Paper , and the learner draws by it , the Paper being transparent . From letters they proceed to composition , such as are approved of are Printed every 3 Years , and learners study them . There are no Universities , every Master reaches all that is requisite for a man to know , as well in learning , as manners and behaviour . The Disciples of quality never go any where without the Master ; there are many Schools for the common sort , but no Master can take more Schollars than he can teach himself , for he is not to trust to another . Their Days of recreation are the first 15 in the Year ; and some others , but few in the 5th and 7th Moon . The Masters that serve in great Houses Eat at their patrons Table . 2. They have large and stately Halls , richly adorned , where they examine students , whereof there are great numbers in every City and Town , but chiefly in the Metropolis of Provinces , where they take their Degrees . These buildings for the most part are all of the same form , some bigger than others , but all large ; the greatest of our Pallaces is not equal to the least of them , in every one is an infinite number of little rooms , where such as are to be examined , compose each by himself , with a Soldier to attend him , that the more learned may not help the ignorant . The Hall of Quantung which is the least , has 6000 of these Cels and the number of students is greater . 3. There attend all the time of the examination , Prefidents , Magistrates , Examiners , Clerks , and all sorts of Trades , and all that are there are maintained ind yet and lodging the whole time upon the publick charge . The Order and disposition of all things is much to be admired , formerly Gentlemen were not admitted to take any degree , because not imployed in the Government , but they perceiving that only the learned rose , obtained though with difficulty , to be admitted to both ; such as are any way infamous , cannot take a degree : The degrees are 3 answerable to o●… of Batchelor , Master of Arts , and Doctor ; the Chancellor goes about the Town●…●…d Cities to examine the first , the second is done in the Metropolis of each Province , once in 3 Years , in each of these Acts there are above 7000 students , and above 1500 take the degree of Master of Arts. The Doctors are only made at Court , on a sudden a Bricklayer or Taylor is set up in state , the marks of this dignity are given them and are a Cap , Gown , Tassels , and Boots , all put on with much Ceremony . The King defrays the whole charge , and every one that takes this degree , stands him in 1000 Ducats . 4. Of those that go to the Court to take their degree , 350 are admitted to that of Doctors ; the marks of that honour ( except the Boots which are the same in all ) differ very much in the value , besides those mentioned , they have a girdle , they wear them all in the employments they get , and the last is still richer , as they ●…e preferred . There is another examination at which the King used to be present , now a Colao supplies his place ; after it they go to salute the King , who is on his Throne , and gives with his own hand , a premium to each of the three first presented ; the first of the 3 is superior over all the others , and has a particular name , as has the second and third ; this is so great an honour , that soon after the whole Kingdom knows them by those names , and their degree of honour is equal to our Dukes . Out of the 350 are chosen 25 , who have Pallaces assigned them , and are subject to the Colao that is president of the great College , of him they learn the speculative part of Government . Hence they are preferred to employments superior to Viceroy ships , only such as are of that College , are admitted to the supream dignity of Colao : when one of these 25 Doctors is made a Mandarin , ( especially if he be one of the three presented by the King ) there is erected to him in his own Country a triumphal Arch all of Marble , and very stately , with his name on the front . 5. Nothing can be said distinctly of their Sciences , because in reality they know no distinction . Three of their Kings were the masters of the ●…oral and Speculative learning , under my●…ical numbers and Symbols , they were also the Legislators . Above 1000 Years before Christ , two other Kings composed the book called Yequim , being a comment upon those Symbols ; then followed Philosophers , like the Stoicks . The most famous Confucius composed 9 Books , which are esteem'd ( chiefly 5 of them ) like our Holy writ , many Doctors comment upon them ; he flourished 500 Years before Christ , and aimed at the Reformation of Mankind ; and is held in veneration as the universal Master , and a Saint , with Temples dedicated to him . The Government of the City where he was born , remains in his Family ; the immediate successor has the title , revenue , and state of a Duke ; they are all as soon as born held in great veneration . 6. The 5 principal Books are , Yequim that treats of natural Philosophy , fate and predictions ; the second , Xoquim of Chronology ; the third , Xiquim Poetically discourses of the Nature of things and Human Affections ; the fourth , Liquin of Divine Worship ; the fifth , Chun●…icu , Examples of good and bad Kings . There are 4 other Books of the same Author , and another called Mencu , that treat of Physicks and Morals ; out of these is taken a subject for the compositions of such as are examined ; there are also 9 Books of Comments upon those , but only one of them is established by Law. 7. They consider 3 principal objects in the World , Heaven , Earth , and Man , and accordingly their learning is divided into 3 Sciences ; that of Heaven treats of the Original of all things ; that of the Earth , of its position , product and variety ; that of Man , of his manners and affections , to whom they ascribe 5 Moral Virtues , Piety , Justice , Policy , Prudence , and Felicity , respecting 5 Orders of Persons in the Common-wealth , Father , and Son , Husband and Wife , King and Subject , elder and younger Brother , and friends among themselves . 8. They have rules of Grammar , understand Rhetorick , are well skilled in Arithmetick , and have knowledge of Geometry , but know nothing of Dialectica , and Algebra ; Astronomy is a profession only allowed to two Persons to study , one in each Court , and they leave it hereditary to their Sons ; they reckon 5 Elements , Water , Metal , Fire , Wood , and Earth , and appropiate to them as many Planets , Mercury , Venus , Mars , Iupiter , Saturn . The Zodiack they divide into 24 Signs , the Year into 12 Moons , and 354 Days , making a Bissextile every three Years of 13 Moons and 383 Days ; it begins with the next Moon to the 5th of February . Their Musick consists all of one sound , the Bonzes sing after the manner of our plain Song , their Instruments are of several sorts , for the most part noisy , and some like ours , such as are played upon strings , have them of Silk . 9. Poetry was always much esteemed in China ; all that was published of this sort , used to be sent to the King , they never write any thing reflecting , or immodest , nor have any letter to express the private parts , so that they are never mentioned in any writing , their Verses are in Rhime . Their Painting was without Oyl , or shadows , till they knew and imitated us , and draw well by the life . Their skill in Phisick is the greatest , they have ancient Authors that treat of it , ours are there unknown ; bleeding , Cupping , Sirrups , Glisters , Issues , nor Potions , are not used there , but only Pills . All the Medicines are simples , as Herbs , Roots , Fruit and Seeds , all dry , and therefore their Apothecaries have no pots ; the Doctors write no receipts , but bring along with them a case with all Medicines in good order , and compound them before the Patient ; their judgment in the Pulse is singular , they ask no questions of the Sick , but give themselves an account of the Disease , and apply the Remedy ; their Cures are singular , not but that there are some ignorant among them . 10. In ceremonies they are impertinent , the manner is to bow the Head to the ground , if to a greater Person , they kneel and bow in like manner , in some cases they rise again and repeat it at least 3 times , commonly 4 , to the King 9. Particular garments are used for visiting , unless among familiar friends ; if they meet , and one has the garment on , and the other not , he immediately puts it on , for a servant carries it ; it is generally black , Doctors , Magistrates , and Gentlemen that wear the habit of Doctors , are excused from wearing of it . 11. The King when he does reverence to his Idols or Mother , holds before his Face a piece of Ivory , a span and half long , and about 4 Fingers broad , all that speak to him use the same ceremony . If two Mandarines in the street cannot avoid meeting without stopping their Chairs , they joyn their hands , and carry them leisurly to their Heads bowing them , which is done as soon as they see one another , and repeated till they be passed by ; if one be inferior to the other , he stops the Chair , or in case he be on Horseback , alights and makes a profound reverence ; if they are not Mandarines , they make the usual compliments , if common People they joyn hands , carry them to the Forehead shaking . Servants in great Houses do not bow to their Lords , but at the new Year , or when he has been absent , their sign of respect is to stand upright with their Arms hanging down ; Mandarines servants speak to them on their knees , to give or receive any thing with one hand is not courteous betwixt equals , and very rude from inferors to superiors . 12. In their visits they use the Thie , which is a long piece of Paper made like a Fan , the breadth is proportionable to the quality of the Person from one to 16 sheets , the Colaos use the least ; only one line is writ upon it , and contains 9 letters between friends , among others 6 , or 7 , the purport of them to this effect , Your great friend and perpetual Disciple of your Doctrine , ( here enters the name ) kisses your hand , and comes to do you reverence . This Paper is in a purse of the same , and that in another made close and curious . 13. The visiter himself carries this Paper and gives it the Porter , who delivers it to his Master ; if he receives the visit and not the Thie , he is not obliged to pay it , but if it is left only with the Porter , he pays the visit . Great Men , as Colaos , Mandarines , and Viceroys seldome visit ●…y body , but as they pass by the Doors , leave their Thies ; when they will not receive visits , they set up a Paper over the Door specifying , they are not in Town ; all visits are made in the morning , and they always treat with Sweet-meats or Fruit , or at least Drink that is Cha. 14. When any one is to absent himself for a time , all friends visit and present him , and he is bound at his return to send presents to all that sent him any ; they never visit the Sick , but inquire at the Door of their Health ; the Person visited sets the Chairs himself , and wipes them with his sleeve , all the visiters do the same with his . If there be no distinction of superiority , they take their places according to Age , the Person visited the last ; as soon as seated , the Cha is brought and they all Drink . When one speaks of himself , it is with great humility , if they speak of the Son to the Father , they do not say your Son , but the Noble Son ; if of the Daughter , the pretious Love ; if they inquire about the Sick , they say , How goes the illustrious Sickness ; speaking of themselves they do not say , I , but the Schollar , the Disciple , and Persons of mean profession , as a Carryer , they call The great Rod ; the Person visited waits upon the visiter to the street , and they part with impertinent Ceremonies , then send Messages to and fro , as if they had not seen one another . 15. They often send presents of Shooes , Stockins , Linnen , Porcelane , Ink , Pencils , and Eatable things of the best . With the present goes a Thie , being a list of the things sent ; it is no ill manners to send back all or part ; some only send the list of things they design to present , naming very many , as knowing all will not be accepted , and he it is sent to , marks down what he will accept of , others send all the things which are only hired , and so restore what is sent back and pay for the rest ; he that receives is obliged to return a present . 16. They use many banquets , which are very costly and last long . There are neither Napkins nor Knives on the Tables , because they Eat as was said of the Iaponeses , but sitting on Chairs and at high Tables and round them hang cloths in the manner of Pulpit cloths , Dinner is at 7 in the morning , Supper at Evening or Night ; upon these occasions the Rooms are adorned as our Churches on Holidays ; all the time of Eating , there is Musick and Plays acted , some will go to four or more Feasts in one Day ; they seem to be of the Opinion of let us Eat and let us Drink , for to morrow we shall Die. CHAP. XVI . Of the Marriages , Burials , Ceremonies , Sacrifices , and belief of the Chineses . 1. THE Chineses have used an indissoluble form of Marriage , by joyning of hands for above 3000 Years ; they also allow of Concubines , which are taken after another manner , and commonly bought . They may part when they please , but till they have Children , are servants to the Wife , their Children call●… Mother ; and do not put on Mourning for them . When the Man dies , the Wife and Children retain the command of the House , and if she di●… the Concubine succeeds ; Widdows may marry again , but are more esteem'd if they do not . In choosing Wives they have respect to good qualities , but for Concubines , beauty ●…or good humour . 2. They cannot marry into the Fathers kindred , though many degrees removed , nor with any of the sirname , for fear of kindred , but may with the Mothers , if not near related . Maids seldom marry with Widdowers ; there are Matchmakers : The Bridegroom sees not the Bride till she is brought home to him , nor knows her name till made sure ; Portions are not used , nor does the Husband buy the Wife , as has been falsly reported of them . On the Wedding Day the Brides goods are carryed in procession , and she at the end of it in a Chair , lock'd up , and the key sent before to the Bridegrooms Mother , for he goes on Horseback well attended to fetch her , if by Night , they carry many Lantherns on long Poles , the Inheritance is divided between the Male issue without respect to those by the lawful Wife above the others , yet there are some noble Families where the eldest inherits . 3. The Funerals of the Chineses are very costly , they bury all in Coffins , according to every ones ability in value , some cost 1000 Ducats , the Coffins are made of thick planks , varnished with Charam , and adorned with gilding , unless some that are made of pretious Wood ; most of them keep their Coffins by them in the House . 4. No body is buryed within the Cities ; without there are sumptuous Templ●… for their use , with Country Houses about them in places appointed by their Astrologers , the Tombs are covered with polished Stones , and Beasts carved before them , especially the noble ones , as Elephants and Lions , and elegant Epitaphs upon them . Where ever a Man dies , he must be carryed to his own place of burial : When one is given over , they carry him into an outward room to die on a pallet Bed , but some that are of great quality die in their Alcoves . The Son as raving with grief , pulls down the curtains upon the Dead body , then it is put into the Coffin with the robes of his dignity , and so closed , that no ill smell can come out . It is laid in a great room hung with Mourning and a Picture of the Dead Man , the Children sit round upon the straw and in Mourning , the Women are weeping behind Curtains , many Ceremonies are used while the Corps lies there . 5. The Coffin lies sometimes 2 Years in the House for want of Money ; the Funeral Pomp is thus , First , there are carryed great statues of Men and Beasts made of painted Pastboard , Pyramids , and other things in triumphal Chariots , adorned and curiously wrought with Silk ; if it be a Person of Quality , all those things are burnt when the Coffin is interred , but the common sort only hire them ; after this sollow Bonzos singing and playing on Musick , then other Bonzos who never cut Hair nor beard , and live single in communities ; these also play on several sorts of Instruments , next another sect of Bonzos , who cut their Hair , praying ; after them the friends and relations , then Sons and Grandsons in deep Mourning , and barefooted , with little Truncheons about half a yard long in their hands , on which they lean so , that their Heads hang down near the ground ; next them comes the Coffin on a thing so big , it is carryed by 50 Men , with a curious Pall over it , and about it many Lanthorns on Poles ; the last is a multitude of Women in Chairs , who are heard to cry . 6. The Mourning is of such course Hemp , it makes the Men look monstrous , Sons for their Fathers wear it 3 Years , and in all that time sit not on Chairs , but little wooden stools , nor dine on a Table , touch Flesh , drink Wine , lie on Bedsteads , go to Feasts , go abroad unless in a close Chair , go to examinations , nor can officiate any publick Employ , and finally ( they say ) they abstain from Women ; Mourning for a Wife lasts a Year , there are for relations of 5 and of 3 Months , and for friends of 3 Days . Every Town has a publick place of buryal for the Poor , some save the trouble , burning the Dead and burying the Ashes ; these in the Province of Suchue are put into pots close stopped and thrown into Rivers . 7. The Funeral of the Queen Mother in the Year 1614 , was very magnificent ; to omit the Mourning and lesser circumstances . The King with his own hand strewed on the body , Pearls to the value of 70000 Crowns , and laid on the sides of it 50 bars of Gold , and 50 of Silver ; all Persons of quality of both Sexes came to worship her ; all Magistrates were ordered to their Tribunals , and to fast 3 Days ; the Officers of the Revenue to provide wax perfumes , Images and and other necessaries to be burnt , the expence in only these small things amounted to 30000 Ducats ; the Royal Golledge was commanded to write Poems fit for that occasion , 1000 Men were posted at each of the nine Gates of the City , thence to the place of buryal , which was 12 miles , a lane of Soldiers to be made , 3000 men carryed the Coffin , 1000 accompanyed it , 40000 guarded the buryal place , while the Ceremony lasted , the ways were repaired and railed in , that no body might cross them ; at every 20 paces was laid a basket of yellow Earth to be spread about when the Coffin went by ; many Tents were set up to rest by the way , and provisions for all that attendance that , amounted to 80000. 8. After many Ceremonies , the Coffin was placed on a Triumphal Chariot with many lights and perfumes ; the King accompanyed it to the 8th Gate of the Pallace , great was the order and silence observed , the journey was so Ceremonious , it lasted 3 Days . At last the Coffin was removed to a more costly Chariot , they sacrificed a Bull , Aromatick Wine , Perfumes , and many Garments to the Earth , imploring its tutelar Spirits to receive the dead body graciously . The Ceremonies lasted long , the King favoured all that assisted at them , eased the Kingdom of Taxes , set open the prisons , all as an Oblation of filial Love. 9. The Chineses follow 3 sects which they endeavour to reconcile ; the 2 first natural , the third Idolatrous . The first of the 2 followed by the Lawyers is Antient , adores no Idols , ownes a superior Power , that can punish and reward , but allows it no Temples , Sacrifice , Prayers , or Ministers , speak honourably of it as of a Divine Being , attribute nothing indecent to it , but being blind in their Faith , worship Heaven , Earth , and Man. Only in the two Coorts , there are Temples dedicated to Heaven and Earth , where the King in Person sacrifices , and in his absence the Masters of the Rites ; in all Cities there are Temples of the tutelar Spirits , where the Mandarines sacrifice , as they do to the Spirits of Rivers , Mountains , and 4 parts of the World. There are also Temples of famous Men , and publick benefactors in which are their Images ; they ask nothing for the next life , but happiness in this , in fine , all tends to the Government , Concord Plenty , and Exercise of Virtue . 10. The second Sect is of the Tauçus , the Author of it Lautu , a Philosopher who they say was 80 Years in his Mothers Womb , and lived in the time of Comfufius ; this Sect has many followers , who live together , do not marry , let their Hair grow , wear ordinary Cloaths , only instead of a Cap they wear a small Crown which holds the knot of their Hair at the top . They own one great God , and others lesser but all Corporeal , allow of Heaven and Hell , the Felicity with the body , and even in this World ; they feign , that through certain excercises , Men become young again ; they say and believe any thing that comes into their fancy , they have Musick and good Instruments , and are therefore called to Funerals and Sacrifices ; they pretend to Sorcery , and promise Rain , which always fails to their shame . 11. They also pretend to lay Devils that haunt Houses , and are as successful as in the other ; their chief study is a quiet and long Life , but more for the long , which they endeavour to purchase at any rate . 12. The third Sect , ( as its Author ) is called Xaca , he is said to be son of Maga , and a dream , for that she dreamed she conceived looking upon a white Elephant , was delivered of him through her side , and died immediatly . Xaca did pennance for this misfortune on the snowy Mountain , and had there in 12 Years 4 Masters , became learned in the Science of the first causes , and had many Disciples who spread his Sect through all Asia . This Doctrine was brought into China about the Year of Grace 63 , at the instance of the Emperor Hamin ; the followers of this Opinion once amounted to three Millions , now they are but few . 13. Their Priests wear neither Hair nor beard , adore Idols ; believe there is Reward and punishment in the next Life , and live in community 500 together ; they are called to Sacrifices and Burials , and wear a sort of Copes , Eat no Flesh , Fish , Eggs , nor drink Wine , have large inclosures in Villages , and live under a superior ; others live in Caves , Dens , and on Rocks , some do most rigid pennance . Some lock themselves in narrow Houses , or rather boxes of Wood full of spikes , the points inward , and live in these a Month without being able to lean for the spikes , or Eating ; only Drinking Cha. But others affirm , they go in provided with lumps of Beef hard baked , which they dissolve in that hot liquor , there is another sort called Vagabonds , that are generally villanous fellows , guilty of all crimes especially Robberies . There are also Nuns of these Orders , their Heads shorn , they are but few , and not enclosed . 14. They believe the transmigration of Souls , that they descend and pass through nine Hells , then return to be Men at best , or else beasts like Men , or , what is worst of all Birds . The wisest of them direct all their study toward the Prima causa ; after the last death , they believe there is neither reward nor punishment . 15. Of Transmigration , they believe if a Man was courteous , he becomes Man again , if subject to passion , a Lion ; if cruel a Tiger ; if unchast , a Hog ; and if given to stealing , a Bird of Prey . From these proceed many other Sects ; it is a Proverb of these three Sects , that the Lawyers govern the Kingdom , the Taucus , the Body , and the Bonzot the Heart . 16. In their Sacrifices are offered a beast like a Goat , Swine , Oxen , Cocks and Hens , all sorts of Fish , chiefly the Barble , Rice , Grain , and Wine . If the King sacrifice , the offering is divided among Mandarines , if great Men , among their Relations , if ordinary People , they Eat it among them . All other things offered are burnt , as Silk , leaves of Gold and Silver , cut Paper , Candles , Perfumes , &c. there are no Priests appointed for this , every one does it for himself . 17. The Chineses are great admirers of virtue , and have a sort of Commandments written in their Houses , much of the same nature as ours . There are strangers in China , who differ in point of belief , but not considerable . We have already mentioned those barbarous Inhabitants of a part of the Island Hainan , and others in the Mountains of Quantung , Hucheu , and Quiangsi , these follow the Opinions of the rest of the Kingdom . In the Province of Yunnan there is a large tract of Land inhabited by a People differing in language and customs , having a King of their own , but tributary to China ; In some parts there are Mahometans who have their Mosques , but ill observe their law . Tney marry their Sons ro Chinese Women , but the Daughters only marry among themselves , because Women follow the opinion of the Husbands , and these never change . Their first coming into China was about 800 Years since being called in by a King to assist him in his Wars , and having served well , such as would , were allowed to ●…le there . There are Jews in the Province of Honan , and in the Metropolis of it , Caifumfu ; they have a neat Synagogue , which shall be described hereafter . For want of Priests they are become very ignorant In their law , and many be●… Mahometans and Pagans . CHAP. XVII . Of the Original of the Kingdom of China , the Pallace and Government of it . 1. THere is no certain account of the Original of this Kingdom , though their Histories begin at the Universal flood . The first three Kings are esteemed Saints ; since that time the succession has been in 22 families ; this now reigning , has continued 300 Years ; the first of it did all that was possible to secure his line ; he abolished all Royalties , forbid under severe Penalties , any of the blood Royal to have any hand in Government , and gave all the power to Lawyers who were to attain it by learning and virtue ; the Monarchy continues as he left it . 2. They reckon Years from the beginning of the last Reign , the first actions of it are coining of Money , Crowning of the Queen , giving her and the Concubines names , offering great Sacrifices , giving Alms , treating Magistrates , setting open Prisons , turning the Ladies out of the Court , taking in new ones ; all the states acknowledging the King , giving him a new name . He is stiled Emperor , the Courtiers call him Son of Heaven , and pay him a respect more than Human . 3. The reason the Ladies are turned out of Court is because many are old , and the deceased may have had to do with the young , and therefore the successor must not venture coming where he has been ; beautiful Maids are sought for this purpose all over the Kingdom , and the Fathers strive to marry them off , that they may not be carryed to Court. 4. The Women turned out , are all sold at the Pallace Ga●… to the best bidders , who take them for 〈◊〉 ; none but mean People buy them , their Faces and hands are covered , and the buyer sees them not till he carries them home , and takes them for better for worse . 5. There are about 3000 of these Women , who live in four Pallaces ; one King tired with choosing , was drawn in a Chariot by Goats , and wherever they stopped , he took up , another chose by the Pictures of the beautifullest . 6. Formerly the Kings were more familiar with their subjects , and visited the Kingdom , giving publick Audience ; this custom decayed by degrees , and the common way of doing business is by petition , but still the King gives some publick Audiences Monthly , and at the four seasons of the Year goes to sacrifice in a Temple without the City . 7. The first that introduced this retirement was Vamlie Grand-father to him now reigning , he did it because he was very gross , and would not lessen the Royal Majesty , since his time they are not so often seen as formerly . The Temple the King goes to at Peking , is round , all of Marble , and a beautiful structure ; that of Nanking is long , and has five Isles , born up by many columns , all plain except the Pedestals to show the rarity of them , for that being many in numbers , very high and thick , and all exactly alike , each is made of one Tree . To these Temples there are many Gates adorned with gilded Iron , in them many Altars with Images of the Sun , Moon , Planets , Spirits , Mountains , Rivers , and other things , to signify he , to whom they sacrifice there , is Lord of all . All the rest of the Year besides the times of these sacrifices and audiences , the King continues in his Pallace , and is seen by none but particular persons . 8. Some will judge the Kings of China live a confined Life , but their Pallace is a City consisting of many Pallaces , Orchards , and Gardens inclosed within a wall of a vast circumference ; there is one Pallace for the King , Queen , and small Children , another for the Queen-Mother , another for the Sons that are marryed , another for the Queens , four for the Ladies , another called the cold Pallace for the old Men ; Apartments for Eunuchs , Servants , Mathematicians , and Priests , an infinite number of Courts , or Cloisters , and lesser Apartments for all that live within , which are above 17000. 9. The structure of the Pallace is sumptuous , much after our manner adorned with curious Carving , Painting , and Gilding . A River runs through the Gardens which are adorned with artificial Mounts , and they covered with delightful variety of birds and beasts . All is encompassed by two walls distant from each other , the circumference is about 4 Miles , that of Nanking about five ; there are 4 Gates that look to the four quarters of the World , and have strong guards of Elephants and Soldiers , of these 3000 always do duty in one of the Courts . 10. Next to the Empress , are six Queens , who upon publick occasions , sit on as many Chairs somewhat below the two Imperial Thrones , then there are 30 that have particular honours allowed them ; the last in degree are the Ladies . If the Empress has a Son , he takes place of all others , if not the eldest of any of these Women ; there are 12000 Eunuchs , with their proper Officers . The President who answers our Secretary of State , may come to the King without asking leave , another who is supream Judge of the Eunuchs , is also Captain of the guard of 3000 Horse and 6000 Foot , the Eunuchs have all the best Employments , and are for the most part marryed . 11. In the Court most go on Horseback , few in Chairs , except the great Eunuchs . The Father of the King now reigning , had a most insolent favourite Eunuch , upon the Kings death he kill'd himself , but was drag'd and torn to pieces by the rabble , and the King seized his vast Treasure . Many Fathers geld their Sons to make them capable of this sort of preferment . 12. No Criminal can escape Justice in this vast Empire ; their submission to the King is worthy Admiration ; every Body speaks to him on their Knees with the Ivory ( already mentioned ) before their Mouths . The King's Garments differ not from those of the Subjects in form , but in the costliness , and being embroidered with Dragons which none can wear but he , his Wives , and the Royal Family . It is not easie to know the real value of the King's Revenue , but it is reckoned above One hundred and fifty Millions of Ducats yearly ; Fifty-five are for the King's Expence , the Ninety-five for his Ministers , Examinations , Works and Presents . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Royal Marriages , Nobility , Counsels , and Government of China in Peace and War. 1. WHEN there were many Kings in China , they married into those Royal Families . Now there is but one , and he is forbid by Law marrying out of the Kingdom ; he must of necessity marry a Subject . The Great Men will not give the King their Daughters , because they must be first searched , even in those Parts none but a Husband may see , and if not liked they are sent back . Therefore in the Choice , they have no regard to Birth , but Youth , Beauty , good Inclinations and Parts . 2 Such a one being found , two old Women strip her stark naked , and axamine as well inward as outwardly the Parts not to be named , then put her into a heat to discover whether her Sweat be offensive . All things answering expectation , she is carried to Court in State , and there instructed in such manner as she may deserve to be called Mother of the Kingdom ; for that is the Stile they give their Queens . Some of them have proved incomparable . 3. No such care is taken in marrying the Princes . The P●…incesses chuse one of Twelve Young Men o●… Eighteen Years of Age , placed so as they may be seen without seeing the Princesses : But the Husbands are treated ●…o impertinently by the Princesses , that th●… Nobility avoid them ; so that commonly their Husbands are no better born than the Kings Wives . 4. The Nobility were of another Nature when there were Titles and Lordships . Now all depends upon Learning , which makes any Mechanick a Gentleman ; the want of it renders a Gentleman base . This is the reason their Nobility is not of long standing ; for the Sons of Learned Men being left rich , do not study , and consequently have no Employments , and the Family perishes . Yet they have five sorts of Nobility . First , the Blood-royal thus preserved , the Prince inherits the Crown , the other Sons live in other Cities with Titles , but must not stir thence . Their eldest Sons succeed them , the others marry the best they can , and so their Children as long as the Family lasts . The Daughters ( not looked upon in case of Inheritance ) marry with Gentlemen . The second sort consist of those who have Titles , but no Dominions , and are inferior to some Magistrates . The third , the Magistrates . The fourth , the Students , who aim at Degrees . The fifth , those who live upon their Estates , or Merchandice , who if not very rich , are looked upon no better than the Commonalty . 5. The Government is in the Hands of six Councils , so highly respected , it is scarce credible . Each of them has a President and two Assessors , this is the next Dignity to that of the Colaos . So that a Viceroy of a Province is happy , if after his Government expires , he reaches to be one of those Assessors . Many more Officers belong to each of these Courts ; the first is answerable to our Counsel of State , the second to that of War , the third is of Ceremonies , the fourth of the Revenue , the fifth of the publick Works , the sixth of Criminal Causes . There are also nine other Courts ; the first like our Chancery , the second the high Stewards , the third the Master of the Horses , the fourth the Master of the Ceremonies of the Court ; the fifth , of particular Rites ; the sixth , of the Petitions given the King ; the other three of lesser Matters . Every City has its own particular Council , each Metropolis of a Province five distinct Tribunals . Each Town has a private Court. 6. The great Mandarines are carried about Town in Chairs adorned with Ebony and Gold by four Men , with others by to relieve them ; before the Chiefest go Men by Pairs with long Staves , always crying out , two others follow these with Tables , on which is writ the quality of the Person carried , after these go six scattering Bamboes , with which they use to bastinade Offenders and others with Fetters and Chains . Near the Chair a Man with a sil●… Umbrello three times as big as those we use , ●…two just before the Chair carry a small Box with the Royal Seal , on one side a great Fan that shades all the Chair , behind go the Pages and other Attendance on Foot and Horseback . 7. When one of these goes by , all things are taken from the Windows , the Images of Funerals are lowred , the People stop on the sides of the Streets , there is no noise , and he passes without moving his Eyes . When he goes to any City , the ancient Men receive him at the Gate on their Knees . The King bestows Honour on Magistrates Mothers as they rise ; and when they die , buries them with Pomp , and assigns them stately Pallaces while living . 8. The Prisons are large , and commonly near to the Palaces of the Mandarines th●…y belong to ; they have no Grates to the Street ; the Dungeons are terrible ; the other Part is in Rows sustained by Pillars with Planks along for Beds , where every one lies with Fetters on his Hands and his Feet , as it were in the Stocks ; over them all run long Chains , so that they cannot turn . The lesser Criminals are more favourably dealt with , but all fare hard ; for the Prisons serve to punish as well as to secure Men. The Prisoners have much to do at their Entrance with the Keepers about their Fees , for they pay none at going out . 9. Their Punishments differ not much from ours , but whipping is used before all other Penalties ; the Lashes are given on the bare Buttocks and Thighs , as well to Women as Men , and that before the Tribunal , or in the Street when the Crime is done there ; no Body values the Shame , but only the Smart . They also have several ways of Racking . 10. Military Science is very ancient among the Chineses . They had tedious Wars with their Neighbours , conquered the Island Ceylon , and subdued One hundred and Fourteen Kings . They always entertain a vast number of Souldiers ; in Nanking there are Forty thousand , in Peking Eighty thousand , all over the Kingdom above a Million , but they are all Cowards . Yet of late Years they beat the Iaponeses out of Corea , and the Tartars out of the Province of Peking . They use foolish Reviews , in which , like our Boys , they represent Tartars and Chineses , and the former are always beaten . 11. Gun-Powder is of most ancient standing among them ; of it they make curious and costly Fire-works ; they have some Cannon , but no Skill in the use of it , only shoot at random . Their most usual Arms are Lances , Arrows and Cutlaces . There is a sort of Back and Breast Pieces Proof against Arrows . Their Civil Government is very just , because bad Ministers are severely punished , and the King hears Complaints against them . Thus much may suffice for the Affairs of China . CHAP. XIX . The Division of the Dominions the Portugueses do , or have possessed in those Parts , commonly comprehended under the general Name of India : Some Remarks on the Customs and Religion of those People , with some Account of the Christians of St. Thomas , and of the Island of Ceylon . 1. THE Portugues Dominions generally comprehended under the Name of India , though dispersed along the Coasts of Asia . and Africk may well be divided into five Parts . The first containing the Islands of that vast Ocean , as those of Maldivia , the King whereof , being a Christian , with his Wife and Family resided at Cochim ; that of Ceylon , in which we have the Town of Columbo , and a Right to the Kingdoms of Iafanapatan , Cota and Candea by Donation from their natural Kings ; the Island of Manar , with its Fort and Fishery of Pearl ; Eastward , the Sovereignty of all that Archipelago , the Moluco Islands , and that of Macao on the Coast of China . 2. The Second Part lies from Cape Corrientes to the Mouth of the Red Sea , Peopled by Moors along the Coast , and the Inland by Idolatrous and Brutal Cafres . 3. The Third is divided from Persia by the Persian Golph , inhabited by Moors of different Opinions . 4. The Fourth contains the Kingdom of Ormuz , and neighbouring Parts that Trade thither , especially Baharem , so famed for the Fishery of Pearl , that draws all Mankind thither . 5. The Fifth is called India within and without Ganges . All that lies between Indus and Ganges which is above 550 Leagues along the Coast , is inhabited by two Nations , Pagans and Mahometans , who for above three Ages have been possessed of that Tract called Indostan . 6. In this Fifth Part is included the principal Part of the Portugues Patrimony . It begins at Diu , a City not inferior to many famous in Europe , and was once the Metropolis of Cambaya . Almost opposite to it is Damam , both which almost shut up the Mouth of the Bay of Cambaya , and extend their Command Twenty-four Leagues , in which space are many Villages that yield a considerable Revenue . 7. From the River of Agacaim to that of Bombaim , are Eight Leagues , and in that space the City 〈◊〉 ●…th its Forts and Villages , as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Agaçaim , Bandora , Tana , C●…a , and opposite to it , the Island Salsete , whose wonderful Structures prove it to have been the Metropolis of that Country and Court of Princes . The Dominions of Cambaya once extended thither . The next is Chaul , a Place of Importance . Then the Capital of our Empire , that is the Island Goema●…e , which sig●…fies , Happy Land , corruptly called Goa ; and Trissuari ( signifying Thirty Villages , for so many it contains ) which on the Continent commands the Lands of Salsete and Bardes . There follow on the Coast of Camaran towards Cape Comori , the Towns of Onor , 〈◊〉 and Mangalor ; then in Malahar , Cananor , Cranganor , Coulam , and the chief Port of our Fleets Cochim . Turning the Cape , appears the Pearl Fishery , and above it the Cities Negapatan , St. Thomas and other Towns if not Subject to , at least Inhabited and defended by Portugueses . 8. The Exterior India begins at the River Ganges , and reaches to China and C●…bodia , and is terminated by the River Mecom . It is inhabited by Heathens worse , if possible , than the others . Here the Portugueses have the rich City of Malaca , Metropolis of that Kingdom , and the greatest Place of Trade of all those Eastern Provinces . 9. Something has been already said of the Manners of all these People , we will add somewhat in general of India , whereof much relates to the greatest Part of Asia . Those Heathens have a Book they believe in , and esteem as we do the Holy Scripture . It is writ in Verse , ( as they say that understand it ) pleasing and ingenious , but it seems strange to us there should be any Harmony in Verses composed of Seventy-five Syllables , for so many an Author say they contain . 10. They believe in one God Creator of all Things , yet allow other increated Gods ; that there is Heaven and Hell , and that the Souls of such as die in Sin go into Beasts , and stay there till being purged , they go to Eternal Rest. They esteem Cows as properest for this Transmigration . When one is dying , they bring one to him , and put the Tail into his Hand , that when his Soul departs , it may be near the Door it is to enter at . 11. They allow no Free Will ; and some are of Opinion , That the Souls return from Hell into other Bodies till they merit Heaven ; and that there is an indifferent Place without Reward or Punishment for such as live indifferently . The Sins they esteem most hainous , are Murder , Theft , Drinking of Wine , taking away another Man's Wife . The First is wiped off with Pilgrimages ; the second with Alms ; the third with Fasting ; and the fourth with Sacrifices ; some are of Men , the greatest of Cows . Some will lie down under the Wheels of the heavy Carts of their Idols , which crush them to peices . Others wear irons with Spikes that run into them . Others hang themselves on a Hook , and there sing Verses to their Idols . 12. They maintain Hospitals , where they look after sick Birds and Beasts , and send Men abroad to bring them in , but have no Com●…assion for Men , saying , Those Afflictions are sent them for their Sins . There are Men employed to buy Birds or other Creatures , only to restore them to their Liberty . They believe God has five Regents that govern the World , and every one of them a Wife , those are called Xadaxivam , Rudra , Maescura , Visnu , and Brabema ; the Wives , Humani , Parvadi , Maenomadi , Lacami , and Exarasvadi . The first governs the first Heaven , where are all the Planets ; the second , the Fire ; the third , the Air ; the fourth , the Water ; the fifth , the Earth . Brahema , Visnu and Rudra are the Chief , and form a Body with three Heads , called Mahamurte , signifying , the three Chiefs . Hence it is inferred , the Indians had some knowledge , though imperfect , of the Blessed Trinity . 13. They are much addicted to Witchcraft and Superstition , and believe there are Fourteen Worlds , and that this we live in is an Image of that in Heaven . Their several Families touch not one another , not eat together . Tradesmen cannot marry out of their own Trade . The most renowned Families among them are the Raja's , an ingenuous People that rather lose their Lives than their Arms in Battle . The Bramenes , who contend for Precedence with the Raja's . The Chatines , which are the richest Merchants . The B●…lalas , or Country People , held in such esteem , that Kings marry their Daughters to them , saying , They are the Publick Substance . From these four Roots ●…pring One hundred ninety-six Branches divided into Valangas , that is , of the Right-hand , and Elanges of the Left , but none of these are honoured as the other four . 14. Let us say somewhat of the Christians of St. Thomas . Four Leagues from Cochim , on the Malabar Coast , is the City Cranganor , almost encompassed by a River , inhabited by Christians , Gentiles , Mahometans and Iews . The whole Kingdom takes Name from the City ; it has a great Trade , is frequented by Merchants from Siria , Egypt , Persia and Arabia , by reason of the plenty of Pepper brought thither . At the arrival of the Portugueses in India , it was governed in the form of a Commonwealth , but subject to Zamori , whom they cast off , seeing him weakned by our Arms. 15. Their Heathen Rites are the same with those of the other Malabars . The Christians called of St. Thomas , who inhabit from this C●…ty to Coromandel and Meliapor , the place , where that Apostle was buried , have Churches like ours in Europe ; on the Altars and Walls Crosses painted , but no other Images ; no Bells ; the People meet on Sundays to hear Sermons , and other Service Their head Bishop resides in Chaldea , has twelve Cardinals , two Patriarchs , Archbishops , Bishops and other Prelates and Fathers . 16. The Priests are shorn in the form of a Cross , they consecrate leavened Bread , and Wine made of Rasins for want of other , Baptize after Forty Days , unless there be danger of Death ; instead of extream Unction the Priests bless the Sick , use Holy Water , bury after our manner ; the Relations and Friends eat together eight Days while the Ceremonies last . If there be no Will the next of Kin inherits ; the Widows recover their Portion , but forfeit it if they Marry within a Year . 17. They have all our Holy Scripture in Hebrew and Caldaick with Expositions , which they Read in Schools ; their Divines interpret it well , chiefly the Prophets , which they study most . They observe the same Lent and Advent as we do . O●… the Eve of the Resurrection they neither eat nor drink , and keep that Day with great Solemnity ; as also the Sunday of Pastor Bonus , in remembrance that on that Day St. Thomas felt our Saviour's side ; they observe our very Festivals , as Sundays , the Feasts of our Lord , Lady and Apostles , and have the same Bissextile or Leap Year as the Latines . Both they and the Gentiles keep the Feast of the Apostle on the first Day of Iune . There are Monasteries of Monks and Nuns cloathed in black , and religiously observe their Rules . The Priests observe conjugal Chastity , and marry not a second time . There is no Divorce allowed beween Man and Wife . 18. In the Year 1544 came to Cochim , Iacob a Caldean Bishop of Cranganor , where being dangerously sick , he sent for the Treasurer Peter de Sequeyra , and told him , Necessity had obliged him to pawn two Copper-Plates with Characters engraven on them , which were Original Grants and Privileges bestowed on the Apostle St. Thomas by the Sovereigns of those Countries , when he Preached there ; that he desired him to release them , least they should be lost if he died , for if he lived he would take them out himself . This Prelate found the only way to lose them , in trusting the Portugueses ; for Sequeyra paid the Two hundred Royals they were pawned for , put them into the Treasury , and they were never more heard of . 19. The Governor Martin Alfonso de Sousa , after long search for some Body that could understand them , had found a retired Jew on the Mountain , who said they were writ in the Caldean , Malabar and Arabian Languages , and the Substance of them was , That the Prince then Reigning of his free Gift granted to Thomas at Cranganor , such a Parcel of Ground to build a Church ; for the Maintenance whereof he assigned the Fifths of Merchandize . 20. Very much might be said of the Island Ceylon , but I will only add a little to what is already said . About five hundred Years before Christ , a Heathen was King of Tenaç●…rii , and lorded it over a great part of the East . He banished his Son and Heir Vigia Raja for his depraved wicked Life . The young Man took Ship with 700 Men like himself , and put into the Port of Preature , between Triquilimale & Iafanapatan in the Island Ceylon , then not inhabited , but abounding in delightful Rivers , Springs , Woods , Fruit-trees , and sightly Birds and Beads ; whence the new Planters gave it the name of Lancao , which signifies Paradise , and is still held the delight of all the East . 21. The first Town they built was Mont●…ta opposite to Manar , whence they traded with Cholca Raja , the nearest King on the Continent ; he knowing who this Prince was , gave him his Daughter to Wife , and Women for his Companions , with them he sent Labourers and Workmen to forward that Plantation ; the Prince when he saw his Power increase , stiled himself Emperor of the Island ▪ Strangers call these People Galas , that is banished Men , because their Original was such . 22. Vigia Raja dying without Children , left the Crown to his Brother , in whose line it continued 900 Years , the fruitfulness of the Island and fame of its excellent Cinnamon , drew thither the Chineses , who marrying with the Galas , brought another rac●… which to this day are called Chingalas , grown very powerful , and most fit for Courtiers , being most subtle and false . 23. The first line being extinct , the Kingdom fell to Dambadine Pandar Pracura Mabago , who was treacherously taken by the Chineses , after restored , and then slain by Alagexere , who in his absence had usurped the Crown ; this usurper held it 10 Years , and dying without Issue , and two Sons of Dambadine , who were fled for fear of the Tyrant , being found the eldest succeeded , his Name was Maha Pracura Mahago , he gave to his Brother the Dominion of the four Corlas , and settled his Court at Cota , which he built to that effect , by a Daughter marryed to Cholca Raja of the antient blood Royal , he had a Grandson who succeeded him . Afterwards the line failing , Queta P●…rmal King of Iafanapatan , inherited and called himself Bo●…negaboa , that is , King by force of Arms , for that he had overcome his Brother , King of the Corlas . 24. His Son Caypura Pandar succeeded him , and the King of the Corlas having killed him , possessed himself of the Crown , and took the name of Iavira , Procura Magabo ; these two Brothers were of the blood Royal , and the King Maha Procura had given them those two Crowns ; after the Tyrant , Reigned his Son Drama Procura Magabo then living when Vasco de Gama discovered India ; afterwards about the Year 1500 , that Empire was divided between three Brothers , into so many Kingdoms . Boenegababo Pandar had Cota ; Reigam Pandar had Reigam ; and Maduze Pandar had Ceitavaca . 25. In the Country of Dinavaca which is the Center of this Island rises that vast high Mountain called Pico de Adam , because some believed our first Father lived there , and that the print of a foot still seen upon a stone on the top of it , is his ; the Natives call it Amala Saripadi , that is the Mountain of the footstep . Some Springs running down it , at the bottom 〈◊〉 a Rivulet , where Pilgrims wash , and believe it purifies them . The stone on the top is like a Tomb-stone , the print of the foot seems not artificial , but as if it had been made in the same nature as when one treads in Clay , which makes it be looked upon as miraculous . 26. The Pilgrims of all sorts who come from as far as Persia and China , being washed , go up to the top , near which hangs a bell which they strike and take the sounding of it as a sign of their being purified , as if any bell being struck , would not sound . The opinion of the Natives is , that Drama Raja Son of an ancient King of that Island , doing Pennance in that Mountain with many Disciples , when he was about to depart at their instance , left that print there as a Memorial ; therefore they respect it as a relict of a Saint , and generally call him Budam , that is Wiseman . 27. Some believe this Saint was Iosaphat , but it is more likely it was St. Thomas , who has left many Memorials in the East , and in the West , in Brasil and in Paraguay . The natural Woods in this Island are like the curious Orchards and Gardens in Europe , and produce Citrons , Lemmons , and sundry sorts of delicious fruits ; it abounds in Cinnamon , Ginger , Cordamom , Sugar , Canes , Honey , and Hemp ; of Metals , Iron , whereof they make the best Firelocks of all the East ; of precious Stones , Rubies , Zafires , Cats-eyes , Topaces , Chrisolites , Amethists , and Berilus ; of valuable beasts , Civet-Cats , and the noblest of the Elephants of all the East ; there are excellent Rivers abounding with variety of Fish. All round it are Ports fit for the largest Ships , 28. In all parts of India there are Prodigious Wizards . When Vasco de Gama sailed upon that discovery , some of them at Calicut , showed other People in basons of Water , the three Ships he had with him . When D. Francis de Almeyda the first Viceroy of India , was coming for Portugal ; some Witches at Coehim told him , he should not pass the Cape of Good Hope , and there he was buryed . At Mascate there are such Sorcerors , that they Eat a thing inwardly , only fixing their Eyes upon it ; with their sight draw the entrails of any Human body , and so kill many . One of these fixing his Eyes on a Bateca , or Water-Mellon , sucked out all the inside , it being cut open to try the experiment , was found hollow , and he the more to satisfy the beholders , vomitted it up . 29. To conclude the description of these parts of Asia , let us say something of the most exquisite production of Nature it affords ; doubtless the most wonderful thing in the World is , a Tree there growing , of which alone are built Ships and Houses , the one loaded , the other stored with all things necessary for Human Life , and on it alone , Men may feed and cloath themselves ; having seen no particular account hereof , I will be the more plain in describing it . The Tree is about 50 foot high , on the top grow the leaves like that of a Palm or Date-tree in shape , but more large and beautiful , it bears about 50 of them , and among them about 12 clusters , each containing about 50 of those we call Cocos , as big as good Pumpkins , so that one Tree sometimes produces 600 , never less than 400 of them . 30. First on the outside is a thick tough shell or rhine , as is over the Walnut-shell , though not of that nature , then a hard shell , and within it a sweet kernel ; that outward rhine is spun , and of it all manner of tackle and cordage is made , of the inward shell Porrengers , Salts , Flasks , Spoons , and other curiosities , besides being burnt , it is a pleasant sort of Cole , to this shell sticks the kernel which is hollow , white as Snow , about an inch thick , juycy and sweet as Almonds , it serves to season several things , as Milk and Sugar with us , and Eaten alone , is pleasant , strengthening , but hard of digestion ; within that hollow is about half a pint of most pleasant Water , which at certain times congeals and forms a substance like an Apple , ( called by the Indians Pango ) of a delightful taste , as is the conserve of Sugar , of the same Tree , and this same is the seed that produces the Tree . 31. To make Wine , Sugar , Vinegar , and other things of this Coco , they suffer not the cluster to grow , but bind the branch hard , when green , with cords made of the same Tree , cut the end of the branch , and put it into a Vessel , into which it bleeds like a Vine . This liquor is called Sura and a great quantity of it is gathered ; to make Wine they distil it , some is stronger , some weaker , as our Brandy , the hottest they call Orraca ( and we corruptly Rack ) to sweeten and colour it , they put in Raisins , and it is a plentiful and pretious Commodity in all that part of Asia ; Vinegar is made only by leaving that liquor some Days in Earthen Vessels ; Sugar by boyling it to a consistence , with this Sugar they make good preserves , one of the kernel of the same Coco grated . 32. Oyl is made of the Coco's prepared and ground ; it serves not only to burn , but to Eat , dress Wounds , cure Colds , and purge , it is a considerable commodity ; that mass of Coco which has been so pressed or ground , is excellent food for Cattle ; so that of the Wood , Leaves and Shells of this Tree is made the Ship , Sails and Rigging , without any other material , and of the Fruit , Liquors and Preserves are made to load it : Of the Leaves are also made Brooms and Baskets ; of the Wood , Darts and Lances not much inferior to Iron ; it also bears a a sort of Down that serves instead of Tinder . When any of these Trees is cut down , they take off the Head , called Palmito , which is of an excellent taste , like to that of our Cardoons . It is therefore not to be admired , that the Indians take much pains to raise a Wood of these Trees , and are so much troubled to have them destroyed in time of War. CHAP. XX. Of the Memory there is of the Preaching the Gospel of Christ in all Asia and its Islands , particularly by the Apostle Saint Thomas in those Parts mentioned in this History , and of the Extirpation and Reparation of the same . 1. FOR the better understanding of what follows , it is necessary to run over the Position of these Countries . Off from the Island Zocotora appears on the Coast of Africk the Empire of Ethiopia , divided on the East from Asia by the Red Sea , beginning on the North at the City Suanquem , and ending on the South almost at the Mouth of the Red Sea. Between that Sea and the Persian Golph lies that part of Arabia , which is most Fruitful and best Peopled . Ten Leagues from this Shore , and three from that of Persia , just within the Mouth of the Gulph , is the Island Gerum , and in it the City Ormuz , a Kingdom more famous for its Trade than extent . From thence runs along the Coast of Caramania subject to Persia for the space of Two hundred Leagues , to the City Diul seated on the Westernmost Mouth of Indus , which River makes one of the sides of that Continent which is properly called India , and is in the form of a Lozenge . 2. Of its most distant Angles , the one lies North between the Fountains of Indus and Ganges on Mount Imaus ; the other South , and is the famous Cape Comori , the distance between these two Angles is Four hundred Leagues . The other two Angles which lie East and West , at Three hundred Leagues interval reach the Mouths of the same two Rivers . This vast Continent , called by the Natives Indostan , is divided into several Kingdoms and Dominions , as are ( to begin at the Mouth of Indus where we left off ) the Kingdoms of Gurzarate or Cambaya , Decan , Bisnagar ; those of Malabar , viz. Canor , Calicut , Cranganor , Cochim , Porcà , Coulam and Travancor , reaching to the Point of the Cape in 7 deg . 40 min. of N. Lat. From the Cape , the Coast runs again toward the North till the Mouth of Ganges , where taking a great round it makes the Bay of Bengala , and runs again towards the South , to the other famous Cape of Cingapura , the Southernmost of all the Eastern Continent . Opposite to Cape Comori is the Island Ceylon , that of Sumatra to Cingapura : But beginning at Cape Comori , Two hundred Leagues of the Coast belong to the Kingdom of Narsinga , or Bisnagar , the rest to those of Orixa , Bengala , Pegu and Siam . Beyond Cingapura are those of Cambodia , Tsiompa , Cochinchina , and the Great China . 3. The Islands of this great Archipelago are innumerable : But not to mention those opposite to Indostan , there are Iava , Timor , Borneo , Banda , the Molucos , Celebes , Mazacar , Sunda , Lequia , and those of Iapan , without speaking of many more of Note . It is certain the Gospel was in the time of the Apostles Preached in many of these Provinces , if not in all . For the Ethiopians value themselves upon receiving it from a Servant of Queen Candace baptized by Saint Philip , and from the Evangelist St. Matthew . There is no doubt but Arabia and Persia flourished with many Saints and Martyrs , and the People of Bazora , where Tigris and Euphrates fall into the Sea , have a Tradition that the beloved Disciple preached to them . But the most singular Apostle of those Parts of Asia was St. Thomas , the memory of whom is still preserved in Cranganor , Coulam , and Meliapor , with evident Testimonies that he travelled over all those Countries , even as far as China , whence he returned to the Kingdom of Coromandell , where he ended his Preaching with his Life . 4. Christianity being now utterly corrupt in some Parts of Asia , and quite lost in others , the Portugues Arms , accompanied by Apostolical Ministers , went thither to restore it . The first who Baptized in that Part of Asia was F. Peter de Cubillones of the Holy Order of the Blessed Trinity , and Confessor to the first Discoverer , Vasco de Gama . 5. The most successful Labourers after him were in India the Vicar Michael Vaz , and Iames de Borba , and other Religious of the Order of St. Francis. In the Moluco Islands , Captain Francis de Castro , who converted five Kings in the Island Mazacar . Captain Antony de Payva , who in the same Island Baptized two Kings and their Courts in one Day . Others are named in their proper Places in this History , and will doubtless be Recorded in the Book of Life . 6. This was the Estate of Christianity in Asia , when its new Apostle St. Francis Xaverius , of the Society of Jesus came thither . He travelled more than is credible , and did more than human Works . He was born of a Noble Family at Pamplona in Navarre in the Year 1497 , studied and taught Philosophy and Divinity at Paris , whence he went Companion to St. Ignatius Loyola , followed his Rule , and received Holy Orders at Venice . 7. He came to Portugal in order to pass into India in the Year 1540 , and the Reign of King Iohn the Third , who sent for him and a Companion from Rome . He had the Dignity of Apostolical Nuncio in the East ; and during the Voyage , and in India , was called Holy Father . He Preached in the Island Zocotora , at Goa and Travancor , where he was persecuted . It cost him no less Pains to reclaim the Portugueses , debauched with the Riches of Asia , than to convert Infidels . In the Island Ceylon he Converted the King of Candea , went thence to the Moluco's , and gained many Souls . After several times traversing the Islands , India , and other Parts , he went to Iapan , and , with the Prince's leave , Preached at Cangoxima , and suffered many Afflictions , then went to Firando , Yamanguchi and Miaco , where with great pains he planted the Faith. Then he returned to Malaca , after converting the King of Bungo , who soon after died a Christian , being called Francis in Baptism . 8. Next he prepared to go into China , and died at the Entrance of it in the Island Sancham , in the Fifty-fifth Year of his Age , and the Eleventh of his Preaching , having first foretold the Day of his Death , which was the second of December about midnight : His Body the Year following was translated to Goa . He had the Gift of Languages and Prophecy , and was Canonized by Pope Gregory the 15th , in the Year 1622. He had many Disciples and Companions , who wrought and endured much , and were held in opinion of sanctity . 9. We have already spoke of the first entrance of Christianity into Ethiopia , India , Iapan , Persia , and Arabia , and of its restauration by the Portugueses ; now we will say somewhat relating to the same in China ; there are still undeniable testimonies that St. Thomas spread the Evangelical Doctrine there , and though no footsteps of it appeared , the same had happened in all India , had not Thomas called Cananeus an Armenian Christian , about the Year 800 come to Mogodover or Patana , who renewing the Apostles Churches , and building others , resettled the Christian Religion , and gave occasion to the mistake ( because both had the same name ) in believing they were all the work of the sormer . The same happened in China , as shall be made appear ; the time Christianity was forgot in both places , differs not much , for as it appears , Thomas-Cananeus re-established it in India about the Year Eight hundred , so it is plain by what shall be said , that about the Year Seven hundred it began again to take footing in China . 10. Let us first speak of the antient and then of the modern testimonies . In the Caldaick Books of the Indian Christians still remaining at Cranganor , and particularly in a breviary , there is a lesson to this purpose ; By St. Thomas the Errors of the Idolatry of India were abolished ; by St. Thomas the Chineses and Ethiopians were converted to the Truth ; by St. Thomas &c. by St. Thomas were spread in all India , the rays of the Doctrine of Life ; by St. Thomas flew to the Chineses the Kingdom of Heaven . And again in an Antiphon , the Indians , Chineses , the Persians and Islanders , those of Siria , Armenia , Grecia , and Romania , in commemoration of St. Thomas , offer adoration to thy Holy Name . Among the Islanders may well be reckoned the Iaponeses ; in the summary of the Synodical Constitutions , and Chapter of those that are Canonical , there is a Canon of the Patriarch Theodosius , in which are these words , So also the Bishops of the great Province , as are most of the Metropolitans of China . When the Portugueses entered India , the Governor of the Malabar Mountains , called Iacoh , stiled himself , Metropolitan of India and China ; Paulus Venetus a true Historian in all points , that can now be proved , assures in his time , there were in China many Christians who had sumptuous Churches , and names the Cities in which they were . The Fathers of the Society of Jesus had an account of People who worshipped the Cross. The cause why the Christians and their Churches were quite extinct , and no footsteps of them remains , is that they having favoured the Tartar when he invaded China about Three hundred Years since , he being overcome by the Chineses , many of them were killed , the rest fled , and all that had been theirs was totally extirpated . 11. In the Year 1625 , digging for a foundation near Siganfu , Metropolis of the Province of Xensi , there was found a flat stone above 9 spans in length , 4 in breadth , and one in thickness ; one end of it goes off sharp like a Pyramid , on it is cut a Cross , the ends of it adorned with Flower de luces like that found in the Tomb of St. Thomas the Apostle , about it are Clouds , and at the foot of it three lines , each containing three Chinese Letters , all the superficies of the stone is full of those Characters , and the edges , only that on these are some Sirian Characters , containing the names of the Bishops then in being . The Governor of the Town set it up there , under an Arch within the inclosure of a Temple . The three first lines have these words , A Monument in Praise and Eternal Memory , of the propogating the law of light ; and Truth come from Iudea into China . Then over the rest of the writing is this Title ; the Prologue made by the Priest of the Kingdom of Iudea called Quimein . 12. The Substance of the Inscription is this : That the most Spiritual , Incomprehensible and Eternal is without beginning or end ; That the beginning is three and one without having a beginning . Lord Olooyu ; That he formed the four Parts of the World in the figure of a Cross ; That he framed all Creatures and Man ; That Man perverted from his Innocence , fell into the Snares of Satan ; That hence sprang Three hnndred sixty five Sects ; That some assigned Divinity to Creatures , and others believed all was a meer nothing ; That all was full of Errors and Confusion ; That then the Messiah , concealing his Majesty by becoming Man , appeared to the World ; That an Angel coming to declare the Mystery to a Virgin , she brought forth the Holy ; That a Star appeared , denoting his Birth , and those of the Kingdom of Pozu went to offer him Tribute , all suitable to what the Twenty-four Saints had said ; That he proposed to the World the most pure Law , and filled it with Light and Virtues , opening the way to Life , and shutting that of Death ; That he overcame the dark Seat , and the Devil was destroyed , and Man made capable of ascending to the bright Seats ; That at noon Day he ascended into Heaven , and there remained Twenty-seven Books of the Holy Scriptures ; That he opened the Gate of Conversion by the Water that purifies ; That his Ministers used the Holy Cross , and stayed not in one Country , nor had Servants , nor looked for Riches ; That they seven times offered Sacrifice of sweet Odor , wherewith they helped the living and dead ; That every seven Days they offered and purified the Heart to receive the Holy Innocence ; That no proper Name could be given to the true Law , and for want of another they called it , The Law of Light ; That in the Year of Chinquon Kieiça , there came from Iudea a Man of great Virtue , called Olopuem , with the true Doctrine ; That this was received throughout all the Kingdom , and Churches erected ; that afterwards some change of Affairs happening , it grew weak , but in the Time of the Great Tam , the Holy Gospel returned to China ; That in the Year of Ximbie , the Priests Iohn and Paul redressed all , and new Churches were erected ; That in the Reign of the Great Tam , the second Year Kienchum , on the seventh day of the Month of Autumn , this Stone was set up , Kinçin Governor of the Church of China being Bishop . 13. By this venerable Piece of Antiquity it appears , that the Christian Faith was planted in China about the Year Six hundred thirty-one . From it also may be inferr'd , that St. Thomas first Preached there , but that Christianity being almost forgot , those Priests of Iudea and Kings of China restored it , as has been shown it happened in India . So that what the Portugueses , assisted by other European Religious Men now perform , is a second Re-establishment of the Faith. 14. About the Year 1543 , Fernan Mendez Pinto had this following Information in China . He was Travelling from the City Mindoo to that of Peking , and seeing by the way the Ruins of another , was informed , that about Two hundred Years before it was a most flourishing Place . That a Holy Man coming thither raised some dead to life , and Preached of Jesus Christ , and his Vicar upon Earth ; that the Heathen Priests designing to burn him , he quenched the fire , making the sign of the Cross over it ; that they stoned him to Death , and being thrown into a River , the Stream stood still five days , the holy Body being born upon the Superficies all the time ; that this occasioned the Conversion of many People , of which there was a great number in that Province . Further upon a Mountain was a Stone Cross , which this Writer saw some People Worship , pronouncing these Words : Christ Iesus ; Mary conceived him being a Virgin , brought him forth a Virgin , and remained a Virgin. These were Disciples descended from a Weaver , called Iohn , in whose House that Holy Martyr was entertained . They preserve a Book of his Life , which says his Name was Matthew Escandel , by Birth an Hungarian , and had been an Heremite on Mount Sinai . That History related , that he being taken out of the River and buried nine days after , the City was swallowed up with Four thousand Bonzos , who only durst stay in it , the People having abandoned it , by reason of the Earthquakes that happened before . 15. At the same time the same Writer found in the Cities Sampitay and Quiangsi of China , many Christians who had been converted Twenty-five Years before , which was Sixty Years before the Jesuits entered China , which is now One hundred and fourteen Years since . And this is the Reason those Fathers found some Monuments of Christianity , but so obscure that little could be made out by them . 16. The same Feruand Mendez relates , That in the City Timplan , the Court of the Emperor of Caminam , a Borderer on China , he found most ancient Monuments of the Christian Faith , and some account of the Holy Scripture . Those People said , That the Creation of the World was the work of the Will of the Creator ; That he was not visible , nor to be felt ; That there were Eighty-two thousand Moons since the Earth was separated from the Water ; That on Earth God had created a most delightful Garden , and placed therein the first Man called Adda , and his Wife Baragom : That he forbid them the Fruit of the Tree Hisaforam , and they transgressing this Command , all Men became liable to the Punishment of that Guilt : That the Man broke the Precept , being deceived by the Woman , and she by the Serpent Lupantoo : That for this Disobedience they were cast out of that delightful Place : That by reason of the Sinfulness of Man , God had drowned the World ; That only one just Man with his Family escaped in a Wooden House , and by them Mankind was restored : That God would punish the Wicked , and reward the Good : That one Iohn , a Disciple of Thomas Modeliar , ( a Servant of God , whom the Citizens of Digun killed , because he preached that God became Man , and suffered Death for the Sins of Men ) had Preached the same in that Country , and lost his Life for so doing . Thomas Modeliar is the Apostle St. Thomas . The People of Calaminam own the Blessed Trinity ; when they Sneeze they say some Words that declare it , and they make the sign of the Cross. 17. The last Testimony was discovered in the Year 1635 , but the thing in it self is at least as antient as the Stone already spoken of . Some Heathens passing through a Street in a Village near the City Civenche●… of the Province of Fokien , by Night saw Lights on some Stones that lay there , and turning them up , found on that part which had lain next the Ground Crosses carved . A Jesuit examining into it , caused the Stone on which the greatest Light appeared to be fixed in a decent place , as a Monument of the Miracle , and of our Religion in those Parts . 18. We shall speak of what was done by the Religious of the Society of Jesus in order to the Reparation of Christianity in this Empire in the proper place , and Third Tome of this our Asia . They entred upon this undertaking in the Year 1579 , which was the the last under our Portugues Princes who yet expired not without this Glory . In the Year 1583 , they Founded the first Church at Xauking . The rest of their Proceedings we refer to the Third Tome , beginning under the Spanish Monarchs , as this has ended with the Portugueses . The End of the Second Tome . The Portugues Asia : OR , THE HISTORY OF THE Discovery and Conquest OF INDIA BY THE PORTUGUES ; CONTAINING All their Discoveries from the Coast of Africk , to the farthest Parts of China and Iapan ; all their Battels by Sea and Land , Sieges and other Memorable Actions ; a Description of those Countries , and many Particulars of the Religion , Government and Customs of the Natives , &c. In Three Tomes . Written in Spanish by Manuel de Faria y Sousa , Knight . Of the Order of Christ. Translated into English by Capt. Iohn Stevens . Tome the Second . LONDON , Printed for C. Brome , at the Sign of the Gun , at the West-End of St. Pauls . 1695. DEDICATED TO HER MOST SACRED MAJESTY , CATHERINE , QUEEN DOWAGER OF ENGLAND , &c. THE PREFACE . WHen Almighty GOD , the only Founder of Empires , is so pleased with a People , as to possess them of a New one , He generally Endows the first Founders with a wonderful proportion of Heroick Virtues , as Sincerity , Magnanimity , Valour , Majesty , and an almost more than Mortal Staidness : The solid Foundations to support the greatest Monarchies . Such Founders rarely exceeded Three in Number . Let the Learned ( by the help of this not yet Vulgar Remark ) seek Foreign Examples ; it shall be my Care only to shew those of my own Country . The Kingdom of Portugal was founded by Three Heroes , ( HENRY , ALFONSO , and SANCHO ) most visibly adorned with a●… those Virtues which merit to erect Imperial Thrones , and from them to Command many Kings , many Princes , and many Nations . Their Successors began to decline . The Dominion , the same Distributer of Power was pleased to give them in Asia , was also founded on Three , as appears in the beginning of this Work : They were DUARIE PACHECO , D. FRANCISCO DE ALMEYDA , and ALFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE . Scarce had they one Successor who did not manifestly decline , or at least had a mixture of Valour and Timerousness , of Moderation and Covetousness , with that unhappy distinction , that still the Timerousness and Avarice were most predominant . No Living Creature puts away his Young Ones , till they can shift for themselves : So Almighty GOD , when He erects Monarchies , cherishes them with particular Care , till they gather strength , and then ( tho' He does not wholly abandon ) puts them into the hands of Men , that they may perceive the difference between the Divine and Human Care. Let an unbiassed Judgment here reflect upon the Exploits of the Portugueses in gaining this Asiatick Crown , and it will appear that only PACHECO could have forged it with that fiery Heart , which melted the Arms and Riches of the obstinate Zamori ; That only ALMEYDA could have filed and polished it , by applying his own and his Son's Sword , which brought it into form by humbling the Turkish Pride ; And that only the Great ALBUQUERQUE , giving the finishing stroaks , could have set in it the most Precious Jewels of Goa , Malaca and Ormuz . For they so far removed from their Country , that they had not only lost sight , but even the hopes and memory of it , entring with a few indifferent Vessels and a most inconsiderable number of Men , where scarce a Tree offered them a secure shade , amidst Numerous and well Armed Squadrons and Castles , and through showers of heavy Ball and poisoned Arrows ; by the force of their Swords opened deep Trenches , raised high Walls , and secured to themselves famous Cities and large Countries . Let those who have since acted less , having so good a ground to perform much more , not take it ill if we say , That the Bounds of our Dominions in India , are almost reduced to what they were in the Beginning . It is true , some of the Successors ( a few among so many ) added something to the Foundation ; but it was an inconsiderable Copy of the Great Original . It is also true , others valiantly desended that ●…dation , but it was an indispensable Duty . Let not timerous Spirits call this a Rash Iudgment , which the Brave will only style Unbiassed ; or say , We endeavour to lessen the Merits of Hero's ; our only Design , is to shew the Ways and Means the Giver of Crowns takes to frame and deliver them to Mortals ; and how far less capable they are to Maintain , than He to Form them . The Divine Providence gave a sufficient Demonstration hereof in the erecting this Empire , and they no less in diminishing of it . Hereof we have seen much already , and shall see yet more ; yet not without singular Acts of Valour : That it may be manifest the Cause of our Ruin is , That the Souls are not always the same ; for the Hearts always are . THE CONTENTS . TOM . I. PART I. CHAP. I. THE Government of the Vice-Roy D. Garcia de Noronha , from the Year 1538 , till the Year 1540 , in the Reign-of King John the Third , Page 1 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy , D. Garcia de Noronha , p. 8 CHAP. III. The Government of D. Stephen de Gama , from the Year 1540 , till the Year 1542 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 6 CHAP. IV. Goes on with the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , p. 24 CHAP. V. Sundry Exploits of Captain Antony Faria , from the Year 1540 , till that of 1542 , during the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , p. 31 CHAP. VI. Continues the Exploits of Antony de Faria , p. 37 CHAP. VII . Continues still the Exploits of Antony de Faria , in the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , and the Year 1642 , p. 44 CHAP. VIII . Concludes with the Actions of Antony de Faria , p. 47 CHAP. IX . Continues the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , and contains the Actions of his Brother D. Christopher in Ethiopia , p. 54 CHAP. X. The End of the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , p. 63 CHAP. XI . The Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa , from the Year 1542 , till the Year 1545 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 67 CHAP. XII . Continues the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa , p. 76 CHAP. XIII . Continues the Government of Martin Alfonsa de Sousa , p. 81 CHAP. XIV . The End of the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa , and of the First Part of this Tome , p. 86 TOM . II. PART II. CHAP. I. THE Government of D. John de Castro , from the Year 1545 , till the Year 1548 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 95 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. John de Castro , and Siege of Diu , p. 103 CHAP. III. Continues the Siege of Diu , the Governour D. John de Castro comes in Person to its Relief , p. 109 CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of D. John de Castro , and Reign of King John the Third , p. 117 CHAP. V. The End of the Government D. John de Castro , p. 125 CHAP. VI. The Government of Garcia de Sá , from the Year 1548 , till the Year 1549 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 132 CHAP. VII . The Government of George Cabral , from the Year 1549 , till the Year 1550 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 140 CHAP. VIII . Continues the Government of George Cabral , p. 143 CHAP. IX . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Alfonso de Noronha , from the Year 1550 , till 1553 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 150 CHAP. X. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy , D. Alfonso de Noronha , p. 563 CHAP. XI . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Peter de Mascarenhas , from the Year 1554 , till 1555 , King John the Third still Reigning , p. 174 CHAP. XII . The Government of Francis Barreto , from the Year 1555 , till 1558 , in the Reign of King John the Third , p. 178 CHAP. XIII . The End of the Government of Francis Barreto , p. 186 CHAP. XIV . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Constantin de Braganza , from the Year 1558 , till 1561 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 190 CHAP. XV. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Constantin , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 198 CHAP. XVI . The End of the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Constantin , p. 207 CHAP. XVII . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Francis Coutinho , Count de Redondo , from the Year 1561 , till 1564 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 215 CHAP. XVIII . The Government of John de Mendoza , for six Months of the Year 156●… , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 222 TOM . II. PART III. CHAP. I. THE Government of the Vice-Roy D. Anton. de Noronha , from the Year 1564 , till 1568 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 241 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. Anton. de Noronha , 245 CHAP. III. Continues the Government of D. Anton. de Noronha , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 253 CHAP. IV. The End of the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Anton. de Noronha , p. 260 CHAP. V. The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Luis de Ataide , Count de Atouguia ; from the Year 1568 , till 1571 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 267 CHAP. VI. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Luis de Ataide , p. 273 CHAP. VII . The dangerous Sieges of Goa and Chaul ; and first of the foremost , continuing the Government of D. Luis de Ataide , and Reign of King Sebastian , p , 281 CHAP. VIII . Continues the Siege of Goa , and Government of D. Luis de Ataide , p. 289 CHAP. IX . The Siege of Chaul , p. 296 CHAP. X. Continues the Siege of Chaul , p. 304 CHAP. XI . The Proceedings ●…f Zamori upon this Occasion , and during the Government of D. Luis de Ataide , p. 313 CHAP. XII . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Antony de Noronha , from the Year 1571 till 1573 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 319 CHAP. XIII . The Siege of Malaca , with other Occurrences , and End of the Government of D. Antony de Noronha , p. 325 CHAP. XIV . The Government of Antony Moniz Barreto , from the Year 1573 till 1576 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 3●… CHAP. XV. The Government of Francis Barreto in Monomotapa , beginning in the Year 1569 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 34●… CHAP. XVI . Continues the Government of Francis Barreto , in Monomotapa , p. 349 CHAP. XVII . The Government of Vasco Fernandez Homem in Monomotapa , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 354 CHAP. XVIII . Of the Vice-Roy Ruy Lorenzo de Tavors , and the Government of D. James de Meneses , from the Year 1576 till 1578 , in the Reign of King Sebastian , p. 358 CHAP. XIX . The Count D. Luis de Ataide is the second time Vice-Roy of India ; he set out in the Year 1577 , and Governs till 1581 , and is the last sent out by King Sebastian , p. 361 CHAP. XX. The Government of Ferdinand Tellez de Meneses , who was named by the Governours of Portugal , upon the Decease of the Cardinal King Henry , in the Year 1581 , p. 367 TOM . II. PART IV. CHAP. I. OF the Gods , Superstitions and Opinions of the Asiaticks , particularly the Indians , and among them the Malabars , ●…5 CHAP. II. The Metamorphoses , or Transformations , p. 383 CHAP. III. Other Metamorphoses , and the Consequences of them ; of the God Brama , and the Foundation of Pagods ; an Account of the famousest of them , p. 387 CHAP IV. A Continuation of the same Matter , p. 392 CHAP. V. Of the Offices , 〈◊〉 , Ceremoies , B●…rials , and other things , p. 398 CHAP. VI. Continues the same S●…ct , p. 405 CHAP. VII . Of the Empire of Aethiopia , and first of the Kingdoms and Provinces into which it is divided ; of the progress of Christianity therein , and of the Product of the Land , p. 4●…2 CHAP. VIII . Of ●…he Laws , Customs and Religion of the Empire of Ethiopia , p. 421 CHAP. IX . Of ●…he Nature of the Country of Ethiopia , of its Towns and Kings it has had , and of the entrance and expulsion of our Doctrine , p. 431 CHAP. X. The Islands of Japan , p. 435 CHAP. XI . A further Account of Japan , 441 CHAP. XII . Of the Great Empire of China , and first of its Situation , division into Provinces , of its Product , Ar●…s ●…nd Commerce , p. 448 CHAP. XIII . Of the Provinces into which China is divided , p. 453 CHAP. XIV . Of the People of China , their C●…stoms , Inclinations and Studies , p. 463 CHAP. XV. A Continuation of the same Subject , p. 472 CHAP. XVI . Of the Marriages , Burials , Ceremonies , Sacrifices , and Belief of the Chineses , p. 481 CHAP. XVII . Of the Original of the Kingdom of China , the Palace and Government of it , p. 490 CHAP. XVIII . Of the Royal Marriages , Nobility , Counsels , and Government of China in Peace and War , p. 494 CHAP. XIX . The Division of the Dominions the Portugueses do , or have possessed in those Parts , commonly comprehended under the General Name of India : Some Remarks on the Customs and Religion of those People , with some Account of the Christians of St. Thomas , and of the Island of Ceylon , p. 499 CHAP. XX. Of the Memory there is of the Preaching the Gospel of Christ in all Asia , and its Islands , particularly by the Apostle Saint Thomas in those Parts mentioned in this History , and of the Extirpation and Reparation of the same , p. 513 THE Portugues ASIA . TOM , II. PART I. CHAP. I. The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Garcia de Noronha , from the Year 1538 , till the Year 1540 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. IN the Month of November D. Garcia de Noronha the Vice-Roy began to take upon him the Administration of Affairs in India . He had set out of Lisbon with 12 Sail , and Arrived with 11 , and in them three Thousand fighting Men ; many of Note . One of the Ships was never heard of , which was esteemed a Judgment ; because it was full of Malefactors taken out of Gaols . whose Punishment was changed into Transportation . 2. Though this Fleet was fitted out chiefly to oppose the Turks , who now oppressed India ; yet the Vice-Roy suffered them to batter Diu , without relieving it farther , than with the hopes of Relief . Antony de Sylva Meneses was the second that was sent thither with 24 small Vessels , and came late ; yet contended with the Great Antony de Silveyra for the Honour of that Victory : So much he valued , having been only a Witness of it . The Vice-Roy was ready to Sail for Diu with a Fleet of 160 Sail of several sorts , and in them five Thousand fighting Men and a 1000 Pieces of Cannon , when the Advice came that the Turks had raised the Siege . He was overjoy'd ( it is not known for what ) and discharging the Merchant-Ships that were ready to attend him retained Ninety . With these he set out for Diu , but sailed so slowly , that it appeared as if some ill Omen threatned his ruin there , since he avoided not only seeing of it in danger , but even now in Peace . It s quiet was disturbed by Lurcan and Coje Zofar , who ranged about with Fire and Sword. The Vice-Roy heard of this at Dabul , and sent against them Martin Alfonso de Melo with his Galley , and the Vessels that went with Antony de Sylva . He went ; but being hard set by the Enemy , was forced to take shelter under the Fort. The Vice-Roy at the same slow rate removed to Bacaim , nothing moved with the News he received from Diu. It was murmured , he either consulted his Safety or his private Interest . But when least expected , he Steered thither on the first of Ianuary ; when a Storm rising , which lasted eight days , dispersed the Fleet into several Ports ; two Gallies , and some other Vessels , perished . 3. The first thing the Vice-Roy attended to , was to hear D. Gonzalo Vaz Confino , who came with five small Vessels from Onor , whither he had been sent by the late Governor Nuno de Cuna upon this occasion . One of Solyman's Gallies , that had been at Diu , was forcod into that Port ; and 't was thought that Queen ( then a Widow ) violated the Peace concluded with us by protecting it . Gonçalo Vaz calling her to account , she Answered , The Gally was there against her Will she not being in a condition to binder it ; but should be glad it were taken by our Vessels . The Captain attempted it , and after a sharp Engagement was forced to desist , having lost 15 Men , and among them his Son Iames. He suspected the Queen had assisted the Enemy , and refusing some Refreshment she sent for the wounded Men , returned some rash Words mixed with Threats . The Queen cleared her self , and again offered Peace , which was concluded , and some Portugueses left in that Port , to observe what the Queen did towards expelling the Turks . 4. We will conclude this Year with the memory of the Arrival of six Ships at Lisbon from India , rather for the Bones than the Riches they carried . In one of them was the Body of the Great D. Vasco de Gama , which the King caused to be laid in his Tomb , with the greatest Magnificence that has been seen in this Kingdom . 5. This Year Peter de Faria the second time was made Commander of the famous Fort of Malaca . Immediately resorted to him Embassadors from the Neighbouring Kings , to congratulate and confirm Peace with us . The first was of the Bataas in Sumatra , upon the Ocean where the Island of Gold was imagined to be , and which we earnestly desired to discover ; but that Design being later , we will then speak of this Embassy . The second was of Aaru in Sumatra ; both demanded Assistance against him of Achem. Faria had not yet taken possession of the Command , which still D. Stephen de Gama held for a few Weeks . One excused himself , because his Power was expiring ; the other , because he had not yet commenced . Whereas both ought to joyn in relieving that King , as well because his Fidelity merited it , as because his Kingdom lay between Malaca and Achem , and served us for a Bulwark . Gama was most in fault , being in possession , and much pressed by Faria to grant it . But we shall soon see him more blameable , refusing then what he now urged should be granted . Such the Inconstancy of Man. 6. Afterwards Peter de Faria sent that King some Relief ; but it was inconsiderable and came late . The King of Achem sent against him his Brother-in-Law Heredim Mahomet with 160 Vessels , all of Oars , and 12000 Fighting Men. He from the Mouth of the River Puneticam battered Aaru's Fortifications , but to no effect ; so he Landed and entred the Works : But was again beaten out , with loss of Men and Canon . The Besiegers persisting some days , lose 3000 Men. They bribe an Officer of the Besieged , who treacherously led the King to a dangerous place , where he was killed by a Musquet-Ball . The Enemy enters the Works , and putting all ( even the Sick ) to the Sword , flew 2000. The Body of the dead King was carried to Him of Achem , who caused it to be cut in pieces and boiled in Oil. 7. The Queen of Aaru , who was in a Wood , hearing the Death of her Husband , would have burnt her self alive ; but being hindred , with about 300 Men fell upon the Achems , who were plundering the City , and slew 200. Being too weak to proceed , she returned to the Woods , and from thence made Excursions ; but not able to hold out , went over to Malaca with about 600 persons in her Retinue , in 16 Vessels . Peter de Faria sent his Son Alvaro , who had the Command of the Sea , to receive her upon the River with pomp and grandeur . 8. Faria treated her with much Respect ; but kept her four Months with only Promises of Succour , till she Despairing , publickly reproached him for this Neglect , and he without any regard gave no other Answer , than Turning his Back . Private Interest drew away the Commander from the performance of what he owed to a Royal Matron , who for her Husbands sake deserved our Aid , for her Misfortunes our Pity , and for her Merit . Respect . 9. The afflicted Widow went to the King of Ujantana , then at Bintam , who scandalized at Peter de Faria's Proceedings , offered Assistance , and Married her , to have the better Title to pretend to the Kingdom of Aaru . He sent his Embassador to Achem , to demand that Crown as his Right by Marriage . The Tyrant would not hear the Embassador , nor receive the Present he brought , which is the greatest Affront among those Princes ; but sent a Letter full of Reproaches , saying among other things , His Letter had been writ upon the Wedding-Table . 10. The King of Ujantana provoked by this Affront , immediately set out 200 Sail under the Command of his Admiral Lacxemena , who Anchored before the Fort of Puneticam , and carried it at the first Assault , killing 1400 Achems , and their Commander Morat Arraez a Turk . 11. By this time Heredim Mahomet was Sailing that way with such another Fleet , and in it 12000 Fighting Men. The two Fleets met , and after a sharp Engagement , Heredim being killed by a Canon-Ball , his Men dismayed , and most of the Fleet was taken by Lacxemena , most of the Achems slain , and only 14 Vessels got off . 12. The King of Achem caused the 14 Captains to be Beheaded , because they fled , and the Souldiers Beards to be cut off , and that upon pain of being sawed alive they should ever wear Womens Habit , with a sort of Tabor in their Hands ; and whenever they affirmed any thing upon Oath , they should say , As I hope to see my Husband safe ; or else , As I hope to see the Children I have bore prosper . This was put in Execution , and let it not seem strange ; for in the time of King Sebastian , two Gentlemen for Cowardise were Condemned either to be Beheaded , or walk the City of Lisbon with a Spinning-Rock at their Girdle , and one of them chose this last . 13. But above 20 years after this , in 1564 , the King of Ujantana possessing Aaru without apprehension , he of Achem furiously fell upon and took Him and his Women , and put them all to death with barbarous Torments . The Kingdom of Aaru he gave to his eldest Son , who after died before Malaca , as shall appear in its place . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of the Vice Roy , D. Garcia de Noronha . 1. LEt us return to our Vice-Roy , whom we left at Sea. After the danger and loss above related , he entred the Port of Diu with 50 Sail. He applauded , as was due the Bravery of Antony de Silveyra , repaired the Fort , and delivered it to Iames Lopez de Sousa , to whom the Command was given by the King. Let it suffice once for all to note , That these Commands are always given by the King , and so many Successors named , that many of them are in their Graves before they succeed in the Post. A Treaty of Peace was set on foot , and concluded little to our advantage ; which the Common Vogue ( I know not whether Infallible ) attributed to Covetousness . 2. Ruy Lorenço de Tavora , Commander of Bazaim , was close shut up in his Fort by the Forces of the King of Cambaia , who were Masters of the Field , after having done all that could be expected from him . The Vice-Roy sent to his Relief Tristan de Ataide , late Commander of Malaca , with a Galeon and 3 Barques well Manned . The two being joyned , repulsed the Enemy with very considerable loss of Men , Baggage and Reputation . Mean while the Vice-Roy prosecuted the Works at Diu , and sent Martin Alfonso de Melo to Command at Ormuz , Peter de Faria to Malaca the second time , and Michael Ferreyra a Gentleman of Worth , 70 years of Age , with 12 small Vessels and 400 Men , to assist the King of Cota in Ceylon against his Brother Madune Pandar , King of Ceitavaca , who distressed him . Ferreira did great damage in several Towns , abandoned by the Inhabitants . In the Port of Putulam he surprized Pate Marcar's Fleet , consisting of 16 Paraos , and easily gained them ; and with the same Success carried the Works and Cannon ashoar , though defended by 2000 Men. He Anchored in the Bay of Columbo with the Ships , Cannon and other Booty . Then he marched to Cota ; thence towards Ceitavaca at the head of the Army of the King he Relieved , destroying all before him ; and seeking Madune , who had 6000 Men , saw them fly to the shelter of the Woods . Thence he sent to beg Peace , which was granted upon Condition he should send the Heads of some Morish Officers , especially Patè and Cunale Marcar . He opposed this Condition as much as he could , but there being no other Medium to appease his Adversary , consented , and killing them two and others , sent 9 Heads upon as many Spears , a Present so acceptable to Ferreyra , that he presently made Peace between him and Cota , and went off himself with Honour . 3. The same time the Vice-Roy sent Ferdinand de Morales with a great Galeon , laden on the Kings account , to Trade at Pegu. As soon as arrived at that Port , the King won him with Promises and Favours , to aid him against the King of Brama , who invaded that Country with such a Power , that the two Armies consistssed of two Millions of Men and 10000 Elephants . Morales went into a Galliot , and Commanding the Fleet of Pegu , made great havock among the Enemies Ships . Brama came on by Land like a Torrent , carrying all before him , and his Fleet covering the River , though as great as Ganges . With this Power he easily gained the City and Kingdom of Pegu. Ferdinand Morales met the Fleet with his , in respect of the other scarce visible , at the Point Ginamarreca , where was a furious , bloody and desperate Fight . But the Pegu's overpowred by the Brama's deserted Morales , who alone in his Galeot maintained himself against the Enemies , performing Wonders with vast slaughter of them , till oppressed by the Multitude he was killed . But the memory of his Bravery still lives among those People . 4. The cause of this Revolt of Brama , who was Tributary to Pegu , was this : Above 30000 Brama's laboured in the King of Pegu's Works , this being one Condition of their Vassalage . The King used to Visit them with his Women , because they delighted to see Foreigners and the notable Works , and never carried any other Company . The Labourers ( what Wickedness would not they in Idleness invent , who thought so much in their Labour ) resolved to rob the Queens or Concubins , and suddenly murdered the King , stripped them and fled to their Country . Dacha Rupi , Heirto the deceased , was not only deprived of Means of Revenging this Villany , but even of maintaining himself , for many of his Subjects rebelled . Parà Mandarà , King of the Brama's , desiring to enlarge his Empire , and seeing that his Pickaxes and Shovels had opened a Way to his Cimiters and Standards , rushes out with that Violence , and over-runs the Kingdoms of the Lanjoes , Laos , Iangoma's , and others , that like his were Tributaries to Pegu. Thus this Tyrant possessed himself of his ancient Kingdom of Ava , that extends two Months Travel at ordinary Journeys , and contains 62 Cities . On the N. E. a Months Journey , is that of the Turks , containing as many Cities , which the King of Pegu had taken from him of Cathay . The Kingdom of Bimir lies West of Ava , of the same extent , and has 27 populous Cities . North of this that of Lanjam , of equal greatness , has 38 Cities , and great store of Gold and Silver . On the East is that of Mamprom , as great , but has only 8 Cities ; on the East it borders on Cochinchina , on the South with Siam , afterwards conquered by Brama ; and East of this is the great Kingdom of Cambodia . All the Inhabitants of these Kingdoms are Pagans , and the most Superstitious of all the East . They believe in one only God ; but in time of need have recourse to many Idols . Of these they have some dedicated to the secret acts and necessities of Nature , in the same form they are performed . They hold the Immortality of the Soul ; are zealous in giving Alms , and bear great Reverence to their Religious Men. These are very numerous , follow a Rule , and keep a Choir much like ours ; they live upon what is given them that day , without keeping any thing for the next ; they eat neither Fish nor Flesh , because they kill nothing that has Life ; their Cloaths are yellow Cassocks and Cloaks , with Hats of oiled Paper ; they observe Lent and Easter after the Christian manner . Whence may be inferred , That these are some Remains of the Doctrine of St. Thomas the Apostle , though mixed with many Errors . The People are all white , the Women very beautiful . Their Bodies are all wrought Blue with hot Irons down to the Knees . In general , they are not only not Civilized , but very Brutal . 5. The Vice-Roy being at Goa , D. Iohn de Albuquerque , a Spaniard , presented him King Iohn's Patent , by which all the Conquests from the Cape of Good Hope , to India , were made subject to his Diocess , with liberty to erect the Church of St. Catherine of that City into a Cathedral . The Patent was obeyed , and thus a Spaniard was the first Prelate of the Conquests ; as if Spain had now taken the Power in Spirituals , it was afterwards to possess in Temporals . At this time the Guzaratas streightned Ruy Lorenco de Tavora in Baçaim . He sallies with 350 Men , and put them to the rout . Coje Zofar comes on with his Men , and puts him into a dangerous condition . George de Lima , Commander of Chaul , having Notice hereof , sent 100 Men with speed , with which assistance the Enemy was repulsed , and time given to repair the damage received . 6. Four Ships arrived in India from Portugal , to return with Merchandize . In one of them the Great Antony de Sylveyra imbarqued . The Flag-Ship perished in her Return , and was never heard of ; but Silveyra arrived safe at Lisbon , and had scarce Anchored , when the Great Men of the Court came aboard to Conduct him to the King and Princes , who with Joy waited to see and honour him : And no wonder , since all the Christian Princes visited him by their Embassadors , led by the admiration of his Glorious Exploits . The French Embassador had his Picture drawn , which was hung up in the Gallery of Fame among the other Hero's . He was of a middle Stature , strong built ; of a clear Judgment , ready Wit , a great Heart , and very Liberal . His Liberality did as much at Diu , as his Valour ; for it is vain for a Miser ever to expect to purchase Glorious Victories : Yet this Virtue was prejudicial to him in Portugal ; for the King having appointed him Governour of India , was disswaded by some , who said , That Empire was too little for his Bounty . 7. The late success of our Arms , chiefly in Cambaya , terrified all the Eastern Princes , our Enemies ; so that Nizamaluco and Hidalcam immediately sent their Embassadors to confirm the last Peace concluded with them . Zamori , to obtain the more favourable Reception with the Vice-Roy , took Emanuel de Brito , Commander of the Fort of Chale , for his Mediator . Brito promised his Interest , and accompanied the Embassador China Cutiale , who came to Goa with a splendid Retinue . The Vice-Roy received him with Courtesie and Grandeur . The Peace was Concluded much to our Credit . Had not the Vice-Roy fallen sick , he designed to go to Calicut , to perform the Ceremony of Swearing to the observation of the Articles ; but sent his Son D. Alvaro to this purpose , under the Direction of discreet Men , because he was young . They came to Panane with a numerous Fleet , where that Prince expected them , accompanied by the Kings of Chale and Tanor . They met with great demonstrations of Joy ; the Peace was sworn , and lasted 30 years , which was one of the greatest Blessings we enjoyed in India . 8. About the beginning of Ianuary this Treaty was Concluded , and the Vice-Roy sent towards Cambaya , D. Peter de Castellobranco , with 14 Sail , who returned to God without any Action of Note . Iohn de Sepulveda coming from Ormuz , and hearing that Ruy Lorenço de Tavora was streightned by the Enemy in Baçaim , relieved him with diligence ; and they forced the Enemy to leave the Field . Antony Carvallo , with 8 small Vessels , went to seek some Pirates that coursed between Baticala and Anchediva . They fled ; but being overtaken , were destroyed , their Ships burnt , and the Country laid waste . Carvallo returned with Honour to Goa , where the Vice-Roy growing so weak , he could not attend the Government , he proposed a Worthy Person might be chose to supply his place , and then said , It should be no other than his Son D. Alvaro . This surprized all Men , being a violation of the Publick Liberty of Choice : And might have proved of dangerous Consequence , had not his Death prevented it ; for sometimes it is expedient One should dye for the good of the People . 9. The Vice-Roy being dead , the first Patent of Succession was opened , and Martin Alfonso de Sousa was therein named , who not long before was gone to Portugal . The second being opened , named D. Steven de Gama , who lived Indisposed without the City . All rejoyced at the Election , as few were grieved at the Death of the Predecessor , who nevertheless was honourably Interr'd . His Picture represents him in the ancient Habit of Portugal●… , all Black lined in Crimson . He was the Third Vice-Roy , and Eleventh Governor , but first of the Name , and held it a Year and seven Months . His Son D. Alvaro came to Portugal , and brought with him two Embassadors of the King of Cota . He desired of King Iohn , That in case he had no Son , his Grand-Child might be sworn King. To this effect the Embassadors brought his Image in Gold , which held in its Hand a Crown set with Jewels , for the King to Crown the Statue with . The King did it publickly , with much solemnity , and the Embassadors returned well pleased , as dispatched to their Prince's satisfaction . CHAP. III. The Government of D. Stepen de Gama , from the Year 1540 , till the Year 1542 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. DOn Stephen entred upon the Government the beginning of April ; he was Son of D. Vasco de Gama . The first thing he did , was to cause all he had to be publickly Valued , that it might not be thought afterwards he had got his Estate by that Government ; at the end whereof it was found considerably diminished . The first Act was hard to be imitated ; so the second , which was , That he advanced a great Sum to the Publick , seeing the Treasury exhausted . Next , he refitted the Fleet , which was laid up . The care of Temporals did not lessen his attention to Spirituals ; so he founded the Colledge of St. Faith , for the Heathen Youths that are Converted : This was the second Colledge erected in that Empire , and the first at Goa ; and the first Rector of it was that singular person the Vicar General Michael Vaz . He sent his Brother D. Christopher , young in years , but not in ability , to attend the Repairing the Ships at Cochin . He sent Advice to several Commanders , in order to be in a readiness to oppose the Rumes , who , it was said , were Sailing towards our Coasts . D. Christopher set out with 600 Men against the King of Porca and a Caymal of his , because they had robbed Sebastian de Sousa coming from Maldivia , and refused to make Restitution . He marched up the Country , slew many of the Enemy , and routed the rest ; Beheaded the Caymal , and laid the Country waste ; which produced an advantagious Peace , and an Agreement between this King and him of Pimienta . 2. Being advertized , That the Rumes could not set out this Year , he attended other Affairs . Emanuel de Vasconcelos was sent with 20 Sail to the Coast of Malabar ; and Antony de Castelobranco with 30 to Cambaya . Scarce were they gone , when 4 Ships arrived from Portugal . They carried new Orders from the King , as dangerous as they were new ; for whoever deprives Men of the hopes of Advancement , takes away their Courage . Such were these , being the sullen thoughts of Ministers , who thinking all too little for themselves , think every thing too much for others . The Ships being sent to Cochin , to load and return home ; D. Stephen prepared to set out for the Red Sea , in order to burn the Turkish Gallies at Zues ; but first he sent some Commanders to the Post assigned them . 3. When Badur , King of Cambaya , made over the Lands of Baçaim to the Portugueses , he took them from Bramaluco , a brave Man , to whom he had before given them . He thought the death of the Vice-Roy D. Garcia , furnished him a convenient opportunity to regain them by surprize . He set out of Damam , in the dead of Winter , with 300 Horse and 5000 Foot. Ruy Lorenço de Tavora , Commander of that Fort , considering if the Enemy once took footing , it would be hard to remove them ; sets out with 650 Portugueses , the later number were Horse and Men of known Valour . The Foot he divided into four Battalions , and reserved to himself the 50 Horse and about 400 Blacks . Hearing the Enemy was lodged in the Village Baylam , two Leagues up the Country , he resolved to surprize him at Noon , when they use to Bathe . Half a League from the place he halted to Rest the Men ; and the Enemy having Intelligence thereof , came on with such diligence and secrecy , that they had put them to the Sword , had not Ferdinand de Silva , who led the Van with much Bravery , given a check to their Fury . Antony de Sotomayor relieved him , already wounded in the Leg , was himself wounded and lost some Men ; but did great Execution . This gave Tavora time to make ready , whose furious coming up made great havock . Our Men turning Back to Back , and facing the Enemy round , did Wonders . Ruy Lorenço , with his Horse ranging about , did them great harm , till falling on their Flank many were slain , the rest fled without hopes . 4. Next , he resolved to take a Great Ship of Bramaluco's , that was newly finished in the Dock of Agaçaim . He marched thither by Land , and D. Luis de Ataide went by Water . The latter by force of Arms made his way to the City , at such time as the other was reducing it to Ruins ; breaking through a Multitude of Enemies , who endeavoured to stop his Fury , each of them lost six Men. D. Luis Landed , and both together cleared the Field , unpeopled the City , and then set Fire to it . The Ship was carried to the Port of Baçaim , and for many years Traded to Lisbon . Bramaluco sued for Peace , and he being a suspected Subject of Cambaya , our Governour treated with that King , and by this means secured the former Peace , and obtained a Grant of half the Customs , whereof only the Third part was offered before . 5. Let us now return to the Fleet , in which the Governour was to sail . His great Liberality brought him more Men than he desired , whereof he chose the best . The Fleet consisted of 80 Sail of sundry sorts and sizes , and carried two Thousand Men. 6. While this Fleet was fitting , the King of Achem falling upon the King of the Bataas unexpectedly , made a great slaughter of his People , killing among the rest three Sons he rather adored than loved The King desirous of Revenge , sent his Brother-in-Law Embassadour to Peter de Faria , then Commanding at Malaca . The Embassy was to confirm the Peace before concluded , and desire assistance of Arms and Ammunition ; and the better to obtain it , sent him a rich Present , and offered a free Trade in his Dominions , which abound in Gold , Pepper , Benjamin and Camphir . Faria , who was intent upon Profit , as well as his King's Service , plentifully supplied him with Arms and Ammunition , offering his utmost assistance , and entertaining the Embassadour with splendour . The King of Bataa attacked his Enemy with Resolution ; but was beaten after having almost gained the Victory , and retired with great Grief to his City Panaaju . Here he dispatched Pinto , sent thither by Faria to Trade , who narrowly escaped being lost in the River Parles of the Kingdom of Queda , by reason of the Revolution had then hapned in the City of that Name , the Court of that Prince , who had murdered his Father and married his own Mother . The first he denyed , and pretended he had done the latter in Honour to her , having refused many considerable Matches . Pinto brought News of the Island del Oro , or of Gold , the great motive of his Voyage . 7. But now our Governour enters the Red Sea with his Fleet. He found most of the Islands and Cities abandoned , the People having had notice of his coming . The chief Island was Maçua ▪ The principal City Suanquem , in about 19 Degrees of North Latitude , well built and rich . The King , who was fled a League up the Country , entertained the Governour with shews of Peace , that he might not destroy the Island . But the greatest damage was , that hereby he prevented the burning the Ships at Suez , gaining so much time as carried thither the News of this Design . The Governour in Revenge , marched with his Brother D. Christopher and 1000 Men , made a great slaughter , was Master of the Field , and took a great Booty : Then turning to the City , it was plundered , and private Men got four or five thousand Ducats each ; then it was burnt to the ground . The Waters being shoal , the Governour resolved to go over to Alcoçer , and other places , with only sixteen Catures or Barges , the rest of the Fleet he sent to Maçua , under the Command of Lionel de Lima. There was a great dispute about who should go with D. Stephen , and he had much difficulty to compose it . They set out of the Bay for this Reason called De los Agraviados , or Of the Offended . Many Gentlemen went in the Barges as private Souldiers , accepting any place so they were admitted ; such was their desire to be in this Action . The number of Men was Two hundred and fifty . At Alconçer , which is in the Latitude of 25 Degrees , they did the same as had been done before at Suanquem . Crossing over to Tor or Toro , they took some Vessels of the Enemy . The Turks at first opposed the Landing , but some being slain , fled and abandoned the City , in which nothing of Value was found . The Governour would not burn it in reverence of St. Catharine , and a Monastery found there with Religious Men under her Invocation , which at their Instance he visited . To his great glory , he was the first European Commander that took that City , where he Knighted several , who held this Honour done them there in great esteem ; and it was afterwards envied by the Great Emperour Charles the Fifth , as shall appear in its place . Our People , and those Religious testified great Regret at parting . They are of the Greek Church , and of the Order of St. Basil. The City is in the Latitude of 28 Degrees , and is thought by Learned Geographers , to be the ancient Elana . 8. The Governour went over to Suez , and after many brave Attempts made by several to sound and view the Harbour , which all failed , he resolved in Person and in open Day to discover the Gallies . He saw them , and desiring to do something considerable , Landed ; the Enemies Shot flew from the Town , and 2000 Turkish Horse broke out of an Ambush ; some few whereof were killed by our Canon ; but our Men obliged to Retire , much grieved that this Voyage was disappointed . The Governour returned to his Fleet at Maçua , where he found the Severity of Emanuel de Gama had caused a Mutiny , which gave occasion to 80 Men to run away with a Ship , designing to go over to Ethiopia . They were met by a Captain of the King of Zeila , and after a vigorous Resistance , most of them killed . On a Gallows hung five , whom Gama had Executed , for concealing the design of the other 80 ; they at Execution summoned him to answer before the great Tribunal , and he within a Month run Mad , and died . CHAP. IV. Goes on with the Government of D. Stephen de Gama . 1. AT this time Grada Hamed , King of the Country , called by some Geographers , Trogloditis , vulgarly Adel ; having submitted himself to the Turk , to obtain Assistance of Men , casting off the Obedience he owed to the Emperour of Ethiopia , began furiously to over-run that Country with a Powerful Army . To excuse his Ambitious Designs , he laid hold of the Opportunity his Sovereigns tender years offered , and in a small time made himself Master of such part of Abassia , that the Emperour Atanad Sagad , or Claudius , was obliged to retire towards the Kingdom of Goiame , and his Mother Saban , or Elizabeth , with the Barnagais , got into the rugged Mountain Dama , a place naturally impregnable , which rising to a prodigious height over a vast Plain , on its Top forms another almost Round and about a League over , in which is an indifferent Town , with Fruit and Cattel that maintains it . On one side only is a painful Ascent , till near the Top ; from thence People are drawn up on Planks with Ropes , and in like manner let down . 2. The Queen reduced to this condition , hearing D. Stephen was in the Red-Sea , sent Barnagais Embassadour to him , to desire his Assistance against that Tyrant , who over-running her Kingdoms destroyed the ancient Churches , and carried away Slaves the Religious Men and Priests . The Embassadour was heard , and received a favourable Answer . It was Resolved in Council to send Relief , and D. Christopher named Commander in Chief , of Four hundred Men it consisted of . He had with him eight Field-Pieces , many small Fire-Arms , and plenty of Ammunition . D. Iohn Bermudez , the Patriarch , much desired by that Emperour to introduce the Roman Ceremonies , accompanied them . The two Brothers D. Stephen and D. Christopher took leave on the shoar , never to meet again : Let us conduct the one into India , and then return to the other . 3. About Iuly the Governour was taken in such a violent Storm , that a Galliot sunk down right , a Barque was lost , and all the Fleet scattered . Many Religous Vows were made in the danger ; but that of a private Souldier was pleasant , who Vowed he would marry D. Isabel de Sa , Daughter to D. Garcia de Sa , after Governour of India , and the applauded Beauty of all those parts , which afterwards gave pleasant matter of Discourse . At length the Governour arrived at Goa , and perceiving the Ships did not come from Portugal , and that he was exhausted with the charge of the last Fleets , he loaded the Goods , provided for the Ships expected , on four Galeons , and sent them away . Peter de D. Castello Branco , late Governor of Ormuz , Commanded one of these Galleons , and was taken by the French near the Islands Azores . 4. Nizamoxa desired to possess himself of the Forts of Sangaça and Carnala , held by two Subjects of Cambaya , on the Frontiers of that Kingdom , and formidable for their strength and situation . The Commanders Nicoda Amorgin , and Atridican being absent , he assaults and enters them . The Owners had recourse for the Recovery of them to D. Francis de Meneses , Commanding at Baçaim , promising to hold them of us , if restored . He went in person with Three hundred Portugueses , a party of the Natives , and each of the Proprietors , Two hundred Men. They scaled the Fort Carnalia , and the Defendants in a pannick Fear abandoned it , some throwing themselves down the ●…ocks , where they were beaten to pieces . Those of Sangaça , quitted it before it was demanded . D. Francis left the Moors in possession with Portugues Garrisons . Nizamoxa in a Rage sent 5000 Men , who ruined all the Country about . The Owners despairing of maintaining themselves against that Power , resigned their Title to those Forts to the Portugueses , and were received into Bacaim by D. Francis , who sent Supplies to the Forts , and resolved to maintain them . 5. Nizamoxa sends 6000 Men more , 1000 of them Musquetiers , and 800 Horse , well Armed . They beset Sangaça , and gave several Assaults that Day , wherein many of them were killed . The Portugueses stood all Day and Night at their Arms , and with much difficulty sent Advice to D. Francis at Bazaim , who came to their Relief with 160 Portugueses , 20 Horse and some Naiques , with 2000 Indians . Don Francis received a Letter from the Governour of Chaul , giving an account of the great Strength of the Enemy ; and some of his Men coming to hear the Contents of it , he read quite the contrary to what really was in it , and marched on . A small Party of the E●…my attacked the Van , to draw them into two Ambushes , each of which contained a Thousand Men. Some of the Portugueses fled . D. Francis with his twenty Horse resolved to keep a Pass , and he with some Gentlemen killed several . Those of the Ambush coming on , the Portugueses were forced to fight Back to Back . Those who at first fled fell into the second Ambush , and endeavouring to shun it returned to the first , with whom the others were engaged . The Moors thinking this had been a fresh Relief , fled ; our Men took heart , and struck such Terrour into the Enemy , that running to Cangaça , they raised their Camp , leaving all the Ground about the Fort strowed with all sorts of Weapons and Ammunition . D. Francis returning from the Pursuit , found they had slain about 500 , and lost 20 Men. He stored the Forts , and went back to his Command . 6. I shall relate a thing scarce Credible , but most true : In this Action a Giant-like Portugues of prodigious Strength , called Trancoso , seeing a Moor well wrapped in a large Veil falling from his Head , laid hold of him thereby , as if he had been a Buckler , and so carried him before his Breast , received upon him all the stroaks of the Enemies Weapons , and thus continued , making him his Shield till the Fight was ended . 7. However , considering the keeping of those Forts was of greater Charge and Danger , than Advantage could be made of them ; and because Nizamoxa , our Confederate , offered for them 5000 P●…rdao's , besides the 2000 he paid before , the Governour resigned them up to him , to the great Regret of D. Francis de Meneses , who had gained and maintained them with so much Honour . The Garrisons marched out with all the usual Ceremonies . 8. When this hapned the Governour was at Chaul , in order to Visit the Northern Forts , he furnished them with all Necessaries . Being returned to Goa , he provided the Loading for the Ships that were detained at Moçambique , and received Embassadors from Xeque Ismael of Persia , the Kings of Calicut and Cambaya , about important Affairs , and were answered to their satisfaction . 9. Peter de Faria , who Commanded at Malaca , had received some Information of the Affairs and Seat of the Island del Oro , or of Gold , which was said to be in the Sea of the River Calandor , in five Degrees of South Latitude , 150 Leagues from the Point of Sumatra , encompassed with great Banks of Sand and strong Currents . He advertized the King , who sent to that Discovery and Conquest Francis de Almeida , that died by the way . One Iames Cabral of Madera succeeded him , and the Governour Martin Alfonso de Sousa displaced him , to give that Charge to Hierom de Figueredo . He set out in the Year 1542 , with 80 Men in three Ships , and laying aside the Enterprize , through Covetousness , went in search of some Ships of Meca on the Coast of Tanauçarim , took them , and in them a rich Booty ; but refusing them their shares , they tied his Hands and Feet and left him on the Sands at Gale , in the Island Ceylon . Thus for that time was the King disappointed of that Discovery . 10. The King of Aaru , as well as he of the Bataas , was first Victorious against him of Achem , then beaten and killed . He had also received supplies of Arms and Ammunition from Peter de Faria . This King of Achem's Design was to Conquer this Kingdom , which hindred his passage to Malaca by Land , being now convinced it was impossible to take it by Sea. 11. Some time after Faria sent his Factor Pinto with a Present and Letter to the King of Patane , desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portugueses , then Slaves at Siam , to his Brother-in-Law . He was also to deliver Goods of the Value of Ten thousand Ducats to his Factor at Pam. They had made up Fifty thousand Crowns in Diamants , Pearls and Gold , and were ready to Sail next day , when a sudden Confusion hapning that Night , they lost all . There resided in that City an Embassadour from the King of Borneo , with his Wife . He catched the King of Pam lying with her , and killed him . The Death of the King being noised , the People ran about , not so much for Revenge , as to Rob. About Four thousand Men were presently butchered ; the two Factors being robbed , and some of their Companions killed , escaped and fled to Patane . They , and other Portugueses , asked leave of that King , to make Reprizal on three Vessels belonging to the Merchants of Pam , which came richly laden from China , and were then at Anchor 18 Leagues off in the River Calantam . He consented ; they set out to the number of 80 in Three Ships , and after a sharp Engagement , took and brought the Vessels into Patane . The Prize was worth above Three hundred Thousand Ducats . The People of Patane pressed the King to take them from the Portugueses ; but he urged the Fifty thousand Crowns ought to be made good . The Merchants accepted the Condition , paid the Mony , and continued their Voyage . CHAP. V. Sundry Exploits of Captain Antony Faria , from the Year 1540 , till that of 1542 , during the Government of D. Stephen de Gama . 1. WHile what is above-related happened the Three years last past , Antony de Faria and Sousa , did Actions deserving Eternal Fame ; which I shall relate without affection to our Kindred , but with my usual sincerity . 2. Peter de Faria , Commander of Malaca , sent his Kinsman Antony de Faria and Sousa , to the King of Patane , to treat of important Affairs , and preserve the Peace , which was very beneficial to that place . He carried with him Goods to the Value of Twelve thousand Ducats , and finding no Sale for them there , sent them to the Port of Lugor , in the Kingdom of Siam , a place of great Trade , where he was informed they would go off to great advantage . He committed this Affair to Christopher Borallo , who being come to an Anchor in the Mouth of that River , was surprized by Coja Hazem , a Moor of Guzarate , in a Vessel well stored with Artillery , and Manned with 80 Turks a●…d Moors . This Coja was a sworn Enemy to the Portugueses ever since Hector de Silveyra took a Ship of his in the Sea of Diu , killing his Father and two Brothers , and had kept his Oath , robbing and murthering all he met . 3. Borallo thought himself happy that he escaped falling into the Pyrats hands , leaving his Vessel and swimming ashoar . He carried the News to Antony Faria at Patane , who Vowed , never to desist till he had destroyed that Moor. This was the Motive that led him to all those brave Actions . He fitted a small Vessel with 50 Men , and sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th of May. 4. He steered North-East , towards the Kingdom of Champa , to examine that Coast , and saw the Island Pulo Condor , in the Latitude of 3 Degrees , 20 Minutes , then to the Eastward rounded one six Leagues from the Continent of Cambodia . Entring the Port of Bralapisam , he found there a Vessel of the Lequii , that had on board an Embassadour from the Prince of the Island Lossa , in the Latitude of 36 Degrees , to the King of Siam . As soon as this Vessel spied ours , they weighed Anchor and sailed . Faria sent after them a Chinese Pylot with a Civil Message , who brought back this remarkable Answer : We return Thanks ; The time will come when our Nation shall have commerce with that Captains in real Friendship , through the Law of the Supream God , whose Clemency is boundless , since by his death he gave life to all Mankind , and remains an everlasting Faith in the House of the Good : We confidently hold this will be when half the Times are past . He also brought a rich Cimiter in a Case of beaten Gold , the Hilt and Scabbord of the same set with some Pearls of value . The Captain would have made some Return , but the Vessel could not be overtaken . 5. Thence he Coasted to the River Pulo Cambier , which divides the Kingdoms of Cambodia and Tsiompa . At the Town Catimpar●… , he was informed that great River had its beginning in the Lake Pinator ( 260 Leagues Westward in the Kingdom of Quitirvam ) encompassed with high Mountains , about which were 38 Towns , 13 of them considerable , one whereof was Xincaleu , where was a Gold Mine which yielded yearly 22 Millions of Crowns It belonged to four Lords , who had continual Wars about it . At Bauquerim , another Mine of the best Diamonds . Treasures ( according to the disposition of that Country ) might be easily conquered by us . 6. Coasting along still , he Anchored in the Mouth of the River Toobasoy , fearing to go up it . Suddenly they spied a great Vessel , to which making signs of Peace , they received a rude Answer . Night coming on , it was thought fit to expect the Day ; but in the Dark they discovered first one , then three Vessels , and Counterfeiting , they leapt 40 out of the first Vessel , boarded them , who were all slain , and their Vessel taken , the others burnt . A Black that was taken declared , He was a Christian and Slave to Gaspar de Melo , whom ( with 26 Portugueses ) that Pyrat had taken and dashed out their Brains , and that he had left another large Vessel richly laden in the Port with only a few Sea-men . This Pyrat was found to be Similau , and he ( with the other Prisoners ) were put to the same Death they delighted to give to others . As soon as Day appeared he took the other Vessel , and found the Booty in Silver only amounted to 60000 Ducats , besides other Goods . 7. Thus increased , he goes on to the River Tinacoreu , or Varela , where the Siam and Malaca Ships , Trading for China , barter their Goods for Gold , Calamba and Ivory , with which that Country abounds . He Anchored off of Tayquileu , a small Town ; the Inhabitants called them the Bearded People ; not but those People have Beards , but theirs are short and thin , ours then were at their full growth , and some reached to the Waste . By them the Captain was informed , that River was formerly called Tauralachim , that is , Great Stock , to express its Greatness ; it is deep for Eighty Leagues up to Moncalor , then shallower and wide , where is a Country for Eight days Journey Unpeopled , by a multitude of Birds , 40 years before the great Kingdom of the Chintaleuho's . In the middle of it is the great Lake Cunabetee , or Chiamay , whence spring four great Rivers . It is 180 Leagues in compass , beset with Mines of Silver , Copper , Tin and Lead . 8. Hence he directed his Course for the Island Hainan , passed in sight of Champiloo , in the Latitude of 13 Degrees , and at the entrance of the Bay of Cochinchina . Farther on he discovered the Promontory Pulocampas , whence is seen the Point of Hainan : Westward is a River , up which Borrallo was sent in a small Vessel with 16 Men , who discovered at least Two thousand Sail , and a large Walled Town . On their Return they saw a large Vessel at Anchor . The Captain thinking it was Coja Hazem , fell upon and took it : But among the Prisoners he found an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai , who told him , it belonged to Quiay Tayjam a Pyrat , who had killed above a Hundred Portugueses , and now laid hid in the Fore-Castle with six or seven others , who were all killed there . In that Vessel were found 70000 Quintals or Hundred weight of Pepper , much other Spice , Ivory , Tin , Wax and Powder , all valued at 60000 Crowns , besides good Cannon , Baggage and some Plate . In the Hold were nine Children , the biggest about nine years of Age , loaded with Irons and starving with Hunger . 9. Coasting along the Island Hainan , he met some Fishers of Pear●… , whom he used courteously . They told him , the Island belonged to the King of China . Hence he went to the River Tana●…quir , where two great Vessels suddenly fell upon Faria ; both which , after a long Dispute , he took , having killed 80 of their Men , and lost 14 , whereof one Portugues . After a while they heard lamentable Cries in the Hold of one of those Vessels ; where they sound seventeen Prisoners , two of them Portugueses , One of which said , those Vessels belonged to Necoda Xicaulem , who after turning Christian at Malaca , and marrying a Portugues , had killed her and many more of her Country . His Body being found , was cut in pieces . The Booty was valued at 50000 Crowns . One of the Vessels was burnt , for want of Men to sail it ; in both were seventeen Brass Guns , most of them with the Arms of Portugal . 10. He Anchored forty Leagues farther at C. Tilaumere , where came up with our four Vessels four others , in which was the Bride of a Noble young Man , who had promised to meet her there with a like number of Ships , and this mistake brought them to our Vessels . Three of them were taken , and in one of them the Bride . Some Seamen were chose , the rest set ashoar . They came to Mutipinam , and found it a most convenient place to sell their Prizes . The Governour of the City somewhat obstructed the Sale , so they were obliged to hasten it ; the Goods were paid for in Silver uncoyned , and amounted to Two hundred thousand Crowns . This was the beginning of the Year 1541. CHAP. VI. Continues the Exploits of Antony de Faria . 1. ANtony de Faria sailed on in search of the Port of Madel , in the Island Hainan , and by the way took some Prizes . Here he met Hinymilau , a bold Pyrat and a great Enemy to Christians , whom he delighted to put to cruel Deaths . They had a bloody Fight with , and at length took him . He gave a bold Relation of the Cruelties he had exercised against the Portugueses , and was therefore with four more immediately killed . The Prize was valued at 70000 Ducats . 2. This Action struck such a Terrour into many of those that were there in that River , that they sent a Message to Faria , offering him 30000 Crowns to take them into his Protection , calling him King of those Seas , and desiring of him Passes for their safe Trading therein . He received the Mony , and gave the Passes by only Writing , of which in Twelve days time a Servant of his got 6000 Ducats . The Governour of the City offered to make him Admiral of those Seas for the King of China , with a Pension of 9000 Crowns , if he would serve . Such a Name had he already got in those parts . 3. They run all along this Coast without any remarkable Occurrence , only saw many , though not large Towns , and a very fruitful Country ; and were informed , there were there Mines of Silver , Tin , Salt-Peter , and Brimstone . The Souldiers now weary of looking after the Pyrat Coja Hazem , demanded their shares of the Prizes , to be gone . They agreed , and directed their Course for the Kingdom of Siam . By a furious Storm they were wrecked upon the Island De los Ladrones , where of Five hundred Men , only Eighty six got ashoar naked ; of these Twenty eight were Portugueses . Here they were fifteen days almost without any thing to eat . A Bird flying over them with a Fish , dropt it , and afterwards they saw many others , that frighted at their Shouts , let fall their Prey ; this , and a Deer they found killed by a Tyger , kept them awhile , but some died with Want. Being thus in despair , because the Island was not Inhabited , they discovered a small Vessel making to the shoar , where they cast Anchor , and presently Thirty Men landed ; some carried Wood and Water , and others diverted themselves . They were Chineses . Our Men agreeing together upon a sign , run furiously , and possessed themselves of the Vessel , and with the same swiftness put to Sea. The Chineses were astonished at that unexpected Misfortune , and our Men overjoyed , finding in the Vessel good Provision and much Silk . In the Barque they found only an Old man and a Child , whose Father was left ashoar . 4. Sailing for Liampo in Port Xamoy , they took a Vessel of Chineses , and went to the Island Luxitay , where they stayed fifteen days , went over to the great Vessel , and Refitted the small one , and then went on . Upon the Coast of Lamau they discovered a great Vessel , which as it came near began to fire Fifteen great Guns it carried ; but coming closer , they discovered Crosses and Portugues Habits on both sides ; so they hailed each other , and the Vessel appeared to belong to Quiay Panjau , a Chinese , and great Friend to the Portugueses , whereof he had Thirty Souldiers aboard . He came to Farias's Vessel , and brought a present of Amber , Pearls , Gold and Silver , worth Two thousand Ducats . After other Discourse our Captain told him he was bound for Liampo , to furnish himself with Necessaries , in order to attempt the Mines of Quamjaparu , where he was told he might get a Treasure . Quiay Panjau offered to accompany him , demanding for himself only the Third part of what should be taken ; which was agreed . 5. At the River Anay they Refitted , and came to Chincheo ; where Faria hired 35 Portugueses he found there . Putting to Sea again , he found eight Portugueses naked and wounded in a Fisher-Boat . They told him , the Pyrat Coja Hazem had taken their Ship in the Port of the Island Cumbor , that it was worth Two hundred thousand Ducats , and that they with difficulty had escaped in that condition . Faria was overjoyed to hear News of that Pyrat , and turned eight Leagues back to Layloo , to provide for the Fight . There he changed his Old Vessels for New , provided Arms , Ammunition and Men , paying generously for every thing . He had in his four Vessels Five hundred Men , whereof 95 Portugueses , 40 Pieces of Cannon , 160 Musquets , 6000 Darts , other Arms and much Ammunition . In a day and half he came to the Fisheries , where Coja Hazem had robbed those Portugueses , and was informed by Fishermen , that he was two Leagues off in the River Tinlau . To be sure , he sent one to discover him . 6. Before Day began a most furious Fight , and the Pyrats four Ships were reduced to great streights , when four small ones came to their relief . One of our Cannon was so well pointed , that it sank the first of them downright , and killed some Men in another . The Fight was renewed , and Coja encouraged his Men , till Faria boarding , gave him such a Cut over the Head as struck him down without sense , and with another stroak Ham-strung him , that he could not rise . His Men gave our Captain three Wounds ; but he being relieved , the Victory was compleat ; it cost 43 Men , eight of them Portugueses . Of the Enemy almost 400 died , above half drowned , leaping over to save themselves . 7. Faria Landed , and buried his dead . He found in a House 96 Men left there by Coja Hazem to be cured ; these , though they cried for Mercy , he destroyed , firing the House . Here he performed a most Magnanimous act , which was , That he restored the Portugues Ship to the Owners , and gave liberty to the Slaves , paying their Masters , as he had Vowed when he went on this Design . What booty remained to him was worth 100000 Crowns . 8. Sailing hence that Night , rose such a violent Storm , that Faria's Ship and another were cast away , and most of the Goods of the others was thrown Over-board , to the Value of Two hundred thousand Ducats . One hundred and eleven Men were lost , the Eleven Portugueses . Thirteen that escaped drowning were carried Prisoners to Nauday , where Faria with the five remaining Vessels came to an Anchor . He offered the Governour of the City Three thousand Crowns for the Prisoners . The Answer was such , as obliged him to resolve to hazard all , to obtain by force what he could not effect with Courtesie and Mony Our Men were fearful of the greatness of the Enterprize ; but he so encouraged them , that they resolved to follow him . He had in all 470 Men , 60 of them Portugueses ; out of the whole he chose 300 for this Action , which hapned the beginning of the Year 1542. 9. After sending another Civil Message , to which the Governour answered by hanging the Messenger , he Landed ; as they marched , Twelve thousand Foot and an hundred Horse came out of the City to meet them ; our Musqueteers killed at least Three hundred of them , and pursued the rest to a Bridge that led into the City . The Governour was within on Horseback with Six hundred Men , maintaining the Pass till killed by a Shot ; at that sight his Men fled ; Faria pursues them with great slaughter till they run out at the other end of the Town . The City being plundered , he that got least was Rich ; the remainder was consumed to Ashes . Our Victorious Captain returned , carrying the Prisoners he had recovered , and many beautiful Women . He lost eight Men , one a Portugues , and many wounded . Now he prosecutes his Voyage towards the Mines . 10. The Course was to Pulo Hindor , an Island not inhabited , where he designed to Winter and take some Rest ; it was fifteen Leagues off . About the Islands of Commolem he was attacked by two great Ships , in which were Two hundred Resolute Men , Commanded by the Pyrat Premata Gundel , a mortal Enemy to the Portugueses , to whom he had done great harm ; but thought now these had been Chinese Merchants . One of the Pyrats boarding one of ours , Quiay Panjau came to his Relief with all his Sails abroad , and run so furiously foul of the Pyrat , that they both sunk down right . Quiay and most of his Men were saved by the care of our Men. The Pyrat himself had boarded Faria , who was in danger of being lost ; but at length was Victorious , killing 90 Moors that had entred his Ship. Then he boarded the Enemies , and put all to the Sword. This cost us 17 Men , five of them Portugueses , above forty were wounded , and Faria himself had two great Cuts and a hurt of a Spear . The Prize was valued at 120000 Ducats . They staid 20 Days in the Island Buncaleu , to cure the Wounded men . Thence they steered to the Gates of Liampo , which are two Islands three Leagues distant from the City of that Name , built by the Portugueses , who there Governed in the nature of a Commonwealth . CHAP. VII . Continues still the Exploits of Antony de Faria , in the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , and the Year 1942. 1. ANntony de Faria being Anchored at those Gates of Liampo , sent to ask leave of the Inhabitants to enter the Port : They returned a courteous Answer , praying him to defer it six days , till they had prepared a House to entertain him . The term expired upon Sunday Morning , when he hoised Sail and went up accompanied with many Boats sent from the Town to receive him , with Three hundred Townsmen , who saluted and welcomed him , the River resounding with the noise of Musical Instruments . 2. About Two hundred Ships then in the Port were placed in two Lines , and made a Lane , through which as Faria passed , all the Cannon of the Vessels and ashoar were fired . Some Chineses seeing this great Reception , asked Whether that was the King of Portugal's Brother , or near Kinsman ; and were Answered , He was his Smiths Son ; which so surprized them , they concluded the Kingdom of Portugal to be the greatest in the World. From his Ship Faria went into a Barge shaded with a Natural Chesnut Tree , the Fruit hanging on the Boughs , and was seated on a Silver Chair placed upon six Steps adorned with Gold. On the sides were six beautiful Maids richly clad , who sang and play'd sweetly ; and thus he was carried to the Key . 3. Where was a richer Chair carried upon Mens shoulders , covered with a rich Canopy ; about it 60 Halberdeers , and before it went 16 Men mounted on fine Horses , before these eight with Silver Maces , all in most rich Attire . Faria long refused to be thus carried , but was forced to subm●… , and in this manner came to a large Scaffold , covered with fine Tapistry . There he was placed on his Chair , and received the Complements of the Magistrates in the Name of the City , and of others for the Gentry . He received them standing , and returned their Courtesie with great Civility . 4. From the Key to the City , which was a considerable distance , was a Lane in nature of an Arbour of Chesnut , Pine and Laurel Trees , the Ground strewed with Flowers ; at distances many Perfumes , several Companies of Dancers , and multitudes of People all the way . At the Entrance of the Town was a Castle built for this Occasion . On the Front of it , the Arms of the Faria's , which are Sanguin , a Tower Argent , in Base a Man torn to pieces . Faria being come hither , was received by a Reverend Old man ( attended by four Mace-Bearers ) who after some Ceremonies made a long Speech in praise of his Family , and concluded extolling his own Actions , and welcoming him to that place . 5. The Speech ended , the old Orator in the Name of the City , offered him five Chests full of Silver Bars , to the Value of Twenty thousand pieces of Eight , which he could not be prevailed with to accept of ; but returned his Thanks , and promised to endeavour in part to deserve the Honours they did him . Then he went on foot through many sightly Arches to our Ladies Church , where ( under a Canopy ) he heard Mass , and a Sermon of his own Praises . 6. Hence he was conducted by above a Thousand Portugueses , to a large place that was before the House , provided for his Entertainment . This place was shaded with variety of Trees set , as if they had grown there , the Ground strewed with Flowers and sweet Herbs . In the middle were three long Tables richly covered , and Side-boards . Faria being seated , all departed , but about 80 who were to Dine there , and 50 Souldiers . At a distance stood the Halberdeers to keep off the People . As soon as seated , the Musick began to play . 7. Presently eight beautiful Maids appeared playing on Instruments and Dancing , eight others stood by him singing . The Dishes were brought by fine Women , and set on by Men. The Plenty and Costliness was great . After Dinner they went to another place , where there was a Bull-Feast , and some wild Horses among them ; at the death of every one followed Dancing , Musick , and other Divertisements . CHAP. VIII . Concludes with the Actions of Antony de Faria . 1. HEre Faria continued five Months always entertained with great splendour , and had Dogs and Horses to go a Hunting , that place being stored with all sorts of Game . The time being come to set out for the Mines of Quamgiparu , the Chinese Quiay Panjau , who was to accompany him in that Voyage , was snatched away by a violent Sickness . All things were in forwardness when the Chinese , Similau , dissuaded Faria from that Enterprize , representing the great Difficulties , and proposing other Undertakings much more easie , and no less beneficial . Among the rest he said Great things of the Island Calempluy , where were the ancient Monuments of the Kings of China , and in them great Treasures . To this he soon gave Ear ; for Covetousness is of great force to perswade , even in a Man so generous and understanding as he was . Happy if he had returned to India , satisfied with his past Victories and Triumph . 2. About the middle of May he set Sail with Similau in two Galliots , in which were 146 Men , 52 of them Portugueses , and among them the Priest Iames Lobato . Next day they discovered the Islands of Nanguitur , and then entred Seas till then unknown to Portugueses . Crossing a Gulph of 40 Leagues , they discovered the high Mountain Nangalaci , and held on their Course Northward . At the end of Ten days they Anchored in a River where they saw White People , like the Chineses , but differing in Language , and could never prevail to have any commerce with them . After Eight days sailing they entred the Streight of Silcapaquim , in which they spent five days in sight of many populous Towns. But this Course appearing dangerous , they steered another by the advice of Similau . This was up the River Humhepadam , which they entred , and to the West saw the Mountain Fangus , and thirteen days after the Bay Buxipalem , in the Latitude of 30 Degrees , which produces Fish , Serpents and Crocodils of wonderful sorts and greatness , and many Sea-Horses . Farther on they came into the Bay of Calindam , girt with high Mountains covered with Trees , from them four great Rivers fall into the Sea. 3. Next they sailed under Botinasora , a Mountain abounding in Lions , Abada's , Tygers , Ounces , and other wild Beasts ; then Gangitann , the habitation of the Gigahui , a wild Gigantick People , some ten , some eleven Spans high , of which they saw fourteen of both Sexes : They have good Complexions , being white and red ; but ill Features . Faria gave them some Porcelane Dishes and Silk , for which they appeared thankful , but could not be understood , and brought some Cows and a Deer . At length they came into the Bay of Nanking , and within six days to the great City Pamor whose Bay was almost hid under Three thousand Vessels . Fearing Danger here , they stood off and came to Tanquilem , where Similau and Thirty six Chinese Seamen run away for fear ; because our Captain weary of the Voyage , and finding he could give no good Account where they were , had threatned to kill him . He was not so ignorant ; but terrified with the ill Usage of the Portugueses he knew not what he said , and they feared either he knew not the Coast , or designed to betray them . It was a great Error , to believe him at Liampo , and use him ill at Nanking , where they had most need of him . In fine , They gave themselves for lost , not knowing where they were , till some of the Natives informed them , they were but Ten Leagues from the Island Calempluy , which made them repent the wrong they had done Similau . 4. Turning Cape Guinaytarau ( after a tedious Voyage of two Months and a half ) they discovered in the middle of the River the Island . It is plain , and to appearance four Miles in compass . It was then Night : Next Morning Faria went about it with his Galliots , and saw it was enclosed with a Wall of Jasper Stone , which were joyned so close , it appeared all of a piece . It rose about 19 Foot above the superficies of the Water , and was terrassed within . The Top of the Wall was a massy Twist : Upon it were Brass Rails , and at distances little Columns , on which were the Statues of Women with Balls in their Hands , all of the same Metal . At some distance from these appeared several Figures of Iron of Monstrous shape , that seemed to give one another their Hands . Farther yet were several curious Arches of Stone of many Colours : Within was seen afterwards a delightful variety of small Woods of Orange Trees ; among which were 366 Chappels , dedicated to the Gods of the Year . On one side a great Building , not all of a piece , but divided into seven parts , all over glittering with Gold. 5. In the Evening the Captain entred the Island at one of its eight Gates , with sixty Men , four of them Portugueses . Entring one of the Chappels , they saw an Old Man , in appearance an hundred years of Age , who with the fright of seeing them fell down ; but recovering , and seeing the Souldiers take out the Bars of Silver out of the Tombs , he rebuked the Captain , giving him Advice to be saved . Faria courteously took his leave , having Information what was in the other Chappels , and resolving next day to plunder them all , he retired to his Ships with the Silver taken in this , which was a considerable quantity . 6. About Midnight there appeared Lights upon the Top of the Great Building , and Bells began to ring throughout the Island . Faria was advised to be gone , being they were discovered ; but he returned to the Island with only six Men , and could see no more than what he had from his Vessels . Being returned aboard , all protested he ought to retire , and he no longer able to withstand the Mutiny ; said , He was obliged in Honour to see what he fled from ; and went ashoar again with the same six Men. He entred a Chappel and found two Old Men , whom he brought away with some Candlesticks and a Silver Idol he found , and immediately left that place . He understood by the Old Men , that the Alarum was given , and the Island would soon be relieved ; that the first Hermit had given Notice . Then Faria found , how much he had erred in not bringing him away , as he was Advised . 7. He went away in a Passion , that he should lose that Treasure through his own fault ; and having sailed almost a Month , one Night , being the fifth of August , there arose such a terrible Storm ; that his Galliot was swallowed up , as was guessed by those in the other by the miserable Cries ; for they could not see it . A few days after the other also perished , only fourteen of them escaping . Thus ended that brave Commander ; doubtless a just Judgment for the Robbery he designed to commit . 8. No less Unfortunate was the End of the City Liampo , where this Captain had been so Nobly received , and was the effect of a base and insatiable Avarice . Lancelot Pereyra , a Judge of that City having lost a Thousand Ducats by the Chineses , went out with a Body to rob and plunder others , as if this might be done though they have been the Debtors . This barbarous , hellish Action , brought the Governour of that Province with Threescore thousand Men upon that City , which in four hours time was burnt , with Eighty Ships that were in the Port ; Twelve thousand Men killed , of them a Thousand Portugueses , and three Millions of Gold lost . Scarce any thing was left , but the bare Memory of Liampo ; but it appeared that whatever the Portugueses gained by their Valour , they lost by their Covetousness . It was admirably said of one of those we call Ba●…oarians , hearing the Actions of the Portugueses in Asia celebrated : His Words were these ; Let them go on ; for whatever they gain as Couragious Souldiers , they will lose as Covetous Merchants : They now conquer Asia , Asia will soon conquer them . Who was most Barbarous ; he that said this , or they who did what he said ? 9. Liampo had above Three thousand Inhabitants , all Catholicks , and almost half Portugueses . Those who escaped that Storm , though quite discredited among the Chineses , obtained leave with great Presents , in the Year 1547 , to Settle in the Port of Chincheo ; where there was a Village , which began to flourish with a rich Trade ; but came to the same End as the other , as shall appear the Year 1549. CHAP. IX . Continues the Government of D. Stephen de Gama , and contains the Actions of his Brother Don Christopher in Ethiopia . 1. WHilst this hapned in India and China , Don Christopher de Gama marched through Ethiopia , led by that Barnagais , who came as Embassadour from the Queen Mother , to desire favour of the Governour D. Stephen . The Heat the Men endured was excessive , though they lay by the Day , and marched by Night . A Week was spent in passing over a Rugged Mountain , whence they descended into a most pleasant Plain Country , watered by many Rivulets . Through this they marched in two days to the City Barua , Metropolis of the Province Barnagasso ; though damaged by the late Invasion , yet of sightly Buildings , divided by a great River , encompassed with good Villages and Country-houses . At the Gates they were received by several Religious Men singing a Litany , one of which made a Speech to Welcom them , and extol their Generosity in coming to their relief ; after which our Men visited the Church , and Encamped . 2. Don Christopher sent Advice of his Arrival to the Emperour , who was far off ; and to the Queen Mother , who was near . He desired of her , to leave that Mountain and put her self under his guard . Barnagais was sent to Conduct her with two Companies of Portugueses . She came with a great Retinue of Women and Servants . Our Men were drawn out to receive her , and the Cannon fired . The Queen sat upon a Mule , whose Trappings reached the ground , and she was hid by Curtins fixed to the Saddle ; her Cloathing was white , on her Shoulders a short black Mantle with gold Fringes ; and from her white Head-Cloaths fell a Veil that covered her Face . Barnagais led the Mule , his Arm naked , and a Tygers Skin upon his Shoulders , ( a Token of Respect ) a Lord on each side in the same Garb. She opened the Curtains to see the Portugueses , and lifted her Veil to be seen by D. Christopher . The Reception on both sides was Courteous . Afterwards D. Christopher went to Visit Her , and by Advice of the Ethiopians it was resolved to Winter there , and expect the Emperour's Answer . 3. The Answer came , expressing his Joy for the Arrival of the Portugueses , and desiring D. Christopher to march the beginning of Summer . It was put in execution : Some Light Horse led the Van to discover ; then followed the Artillery , next the Baggage ; after it the Queen , guarded by fifty Portugues Musqueteers . D. Christopher brought up the Reer ; Barnagais and his Officers made up the Flanks . In eight days they came to the Mountain Ganè , of most difficult ascent ; on the Top of it was a City , and on the highest Cliff a Chappel , near which a House , hung round with Three hundred embalmed Bodies , sewed up in Hides , which being rent with Age shewed the Bodies white and uncorrupt . Some were of Opinion they were Roman Conquerors of that Country ; others , and among them the Patriarch , supposed them to be Martyrs . At the sight of the Portugueses , many of the People resorted to the Queen . 4. Don Christopher marched on to the Mountain Canete , well Watered and stored with Cattle , impregnable by Nature , and yet strengthned by Art. Formerly the Emperours were Crowned here ; now it was held for the Tyrant by a Thousand Men , who at times came down to Ravage the Country . D. Christopher , contrary to the Advice of the Queen and her Counsel , resolved to assault that Den of Thieves . He divided his Men into three parts , and led the one himself , and boldly assaulted the Three Passes that led to it ; but were forced this day to desist , by reason of the great Stones the Enemy rouled down upon them . Having heared Mass on Candlemass-day , they returned to the Assault , playing their Cannon , and lost some Men by the Stones thrown down ; yet they came to the first Gates and broke them open , making their way with much slaughter and loss of three Men to the second Gates . Those who were within these and the third Gates , seeing so few of our Men , opened them , and the Portugueses as freely rushed in ; where was a hot Dispute , till D. Christopher and the others coming up , pressed the Enemy so hard , that many of them threw themselves headlong down the Rocks . Many Women and Children were taken , and there was a considerable Plunder . The Queen and her Retinue went up with a general Admiration ; the Ethiopians having always held that Fort to be impregnable . The Patriarch blessed a Mosque , dedicating it to our Lady , where Mass was celebrated with great Joy to both People . 5. The Mountain being provided , and garrisoned under the Command of an Ethiopian , the Army marched . As they entred the Country of the Rebel Iarse , he submitted himself to the Queen , and brought his Men to her Service , thinking nothing could withstand those who had conquered Nature ; in such Esteem did they hold the taking the Mountain . The King of Zeila came on now , covering the Plains and Hills with his Numbers , and joyful to have to do with our Men. D. Christopher Encamped in good Order near a Mountain , both Armies in sight . Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in Skirmishing with equal Loss , only the Portugueses had so much the Advantage , that the Enemy retired to their Works . D. Christopher was forced to move his Camp for want of some necessaries , chiefly Water . The King of Zeila perceiving their motion from the higher Ground , came down to encompass our Men , who marched in good Order , pouring their Shot in upon the Enemy : Who pressing on , D. Christopher ordered Emanuel de Cuna with his Men to face them , who performed it so successfully , that he obliged a Body of Turks to retire , after losing many of their Men. They rallied , and coming on again had somewhat distressed him , till D. Christopher came in person to their Relief , fighting with such Resolution , that he felt not he was wounded in the Leg. The King himself came on , thinking to put an end to the days Action , and it turned to his loss ; for our Cannon cut off many of his Men. D. Christopher was in danger of being slain , but still lost no Courage , and the Fight continued till the Tyrant was struck down by a shot which pierced his Thigh . His Men furled their Colours , and fled with him , as they thought dead , though he was alive . This Victory cost eleven Portugueses , two of them Men of Note . The Queen her self with great alacrity tended Don Christopher and all the wounded Men. 6. After a Weeks respit , the Army marched towards the Enemy , who was Encamped at no great distance , and came to meet them , carrying their King in an open Chair . It was Resolutely fought on both sides . A Turkish Captain with fifty Horse thinking to recover the Honour lost the other day , Charged in the midst of our Men , and was entirely cut off . D ▪ Christopher mounting on Horseback , led his Men with such fury into the Heat of the Battle , that he obliged the Enemy with great slaughter to turn their Backs . The King had infallibly been taken , had there been more Horse to pursue him . Eight Portugueses were lost in this Action : The Victorious Army marching down to a pleasant River , found it possessed by the Enemy , who immediately quitted it , the King flying at the sight of our Men. 7. The King sent an Embassy to the Bassa of Zibit , acquainting him with his Distress : He mollified by Presents , sent him almost a Thousand Turkish Musqueteers . D. Christopher Wintered in the City Ofar , expecting the Emperour . Here a Jew proposed , That if he wanted Horses and Mules , he would shew him a Mountain not far off inhabited by Jews , where there was store of both . The King of Zeyla had a Garrison of Four hundred Men there . D. Christopher having enquired into the truth of this Information , marched with two Companies of his own , and some Ethiopians , to the Foot of the Mountain , which is twelve Leagues about . In the Ascent some Moors , who guarded the Passes , were killed . On the Top met him the Captain with all his Men. D. Christopher immediately rnnning at , struck him down dead with his Lance. Our Shot being poured in among the Moors , they soon quitted the place and fled , leaving many dead . Great quantity of Horses and Mules were found , and about eight Thousand Jews , who lived in six or seven Villages on that Mountain , were brought under Obedience . There was a Tradition , That these Jews dispersed about Ethiopia and Nubia , are descended from some of the dispersion of the Ten Tribes . 8. The Jew , who led our Men , astonished at their Valour , was Converted and Baptized , and by common Consent appointed Governour of that Mountain , which being called before Caloa , was after known by the Name of the Iews Mountain . The second day after D. Christopher returned to the Army ; the King of Zeila appeared now more bold with the increase of the Turkish Musqueteers . D. Christopher's Youth now transported him as well as his Valour : For whereas he ought to have retired to a Mountain till the Emperour joyned him , it being impossible to withstand so great a force , he never considered it till it was too late . On the 29th of August the Turks gave the Onset , and were repulsed by D. Christopher , who lost four Men and went off wounded in the Leg : Emanuel de Cuna did the like Service , with loss of three Men. Francis de Abreu fighting like a Lion was killed , and his Brother Humphry going to fetch him off , fell down dead upon him . D. Christopher returns like a furious Tyger , and performed Wonders , till a Musquet-Ball broke his Arm ; a couragious Souldier carried him off . He was scarce drest , when he heard Fonseca and Vello were killed , and the Enemy entred the Works . He caused himself to be carried where the greatest Danger was : But the Tyrant being now undoubtedly Victorious , some of our Men fled , as did the Patriarch and the Queen on Fleet Mares , each taking a different Way , he for fear and she by choice . D. Christopher sent after and obliged her to come back , because her absence brought utter Ruin. But at length seeing all lost , in despair he grasped his Sword in the Left Hand and said , Let who will follow me , for I am going to dye amidst the Enemies . He was drawn from that Resolution by meer force , and carried out of the Field with only fourteen Men , and the Queen and Barnagais among them , seeking some place of Refuge . The Night being dark they lost the Way ; but the Queen and Barnagais hit it better , taking up a Mountain . D. Christopher wandring with his Companions , fell into the hands of the Enemy , who carried him to the Tyrant , who coveted no greater Prize . The Victors cruelly run , hewing those that had any Life left them , which moved one to set fire to a quantity of Powder that was in one of the Queens Tents , and blew up all that were about it . 9. The King overjoyed that D. Christopher was taken , caused him to be brought to his presence , and said , What would you have done with me , had I been defeated ? He Answered : I would cut off your Head , and divide your Body , and the Limbs should be set up in Publick places for a Terrour to other Tyrants . The King caused him to be buffeted with his Slaves Buskins , his Body to be bathed in melted Wax , and his Beard wove with waxed Threads , which were fired , and he led through the Army . Being brought back , the King himself cut off his Head ; his Body was quartered and set upon Poles . It is said , Where the Head fell there gushed out a Spring , the Water whereof drank cured many Diseases : The same hour , the Air being calm , a Tree was tore out by the Roots in the Garden of certain Religious Men ; and afterwards the same Hour the Emperour having vanquished this Tyrant , caused his Head to be struck off ; the Tree that was then dry , re-planted it self in the same place , and was covered with Leaves . 10. Most of the Portugueses that were taken , perished in Slavery or Dungeons . Alfonso Chaldeira , with Thirty , followed the Queen . Emanuel de Cuna , with Forty , got to Barnagasso , and was well received . Others followed the Patriarch ; they made up in all One hundred and thirty : Whereof Ninety ( because Cuna with his Forty Men were too far off ) went to the Emperour , who then drew near , and very much lamented the slaughter of that Body , and loss of such a Commander . What those Portugueses did in the Service of that Prince afterwards , does not belong to this place ; because the Affairs of India , whence we have made a long digression call upon us . CHAP. X. The End of the Government of D. Stephen de Gama . 1. THe Governour D. Stephen perceiving the Ships from Portugal stayed long , and guessing they were at Mozambique , resolved to make use of the Merchandize they brought . To this purpose he sent Luis de Mendez to Vasconcelos , in a Galley , to give Orders about it , and to Advertize him , Whether a Successor was sent him in those Ships . He guessed not ill ; for Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent to succeed him with five Ships , was detained at Mozambique by the Weather , and a tedious Sickness . 2. This Fleet was happy , in that it brought over to India one of the first Fathers of the Society of Iesus ; as well in respect of Time , as that he was one of the Chief in Piety and Virtue . This was the Famous St. Francis Xaverius , who laboured much , and was very successful in converting those Infidels . 3. St. Francis was the first that had in the East , the Dignity of Apostolick Legate in all Asia . But because we shall hereafter have occasion to touch upon his great Virtues , and wonderful Actions , let this suffice here as to the time of his coming . 4. Most of them that enter upon the Government of India , look upon it as no small happiness , if they can send off their Predecessor with Disgrace , and therefore endeavour to come upon them by way of surprize . Martin Alfonso desiring to compass that , commanded Leuis Mendez not to acquaint D. Stephen , that he had found him at Mozambique . But Mendez , who was D. Stephens Kinsman , and resolved to do his Duty , sent a man to carry him Advice . Martin Alfonso heard of it , and imprisoned him . He met with bad Weather in his Way to Goa , and light upon Iames Suarez de Melo , called the Gallego , who flying a Sentence of Death he had incurred , was passed to India , and with 120 Men in two Vessels , was become a Pyrat . Him Martin Alfonso received and pardoned , because he pretended he could say much against D. Stephen . Much he might have said that was honourable , very little to his Discredit . What ought to have procured him severer Punishment , was the cause of his favourable Reception . Let us remember this Suarez , endeavouring to Rise more than was due to him , by these hellish Contrivances ; and we shall hereafter see him rise to the highest pitch , and then cast down to the depth of Misery . 5. Martin Alfonso de Sousa being come to an Anchor in the Port of Goa , sent Advice of his Arrival to D. Stephen at a very unseasonable Hour , being the dead of Night , and that in such manner , as well signified the Ill-will he bore him . Which obliged D. Stephen to send an Answer unworthy of them both , and to make him a very uneasie Visit , when he resigned up the Government to him . Martin Alfonso sound nothing to lay to the Charge of D. Stephen , as those desired , who set him upon it ; for he being a Gentleman of much Honour , could never desire it of himself . 6. But whereas he ought to have checked himself , finding nothing against him , he grew the more obstinate : For it is Natural to men in the wrong to persist , and believe they take Wing when they are deepest stuck in the Mire . He vented his Malice in allowing him the worst Conveniences for his Voyage , and D. Stephen was so disgusted at these Proceedings , that he never saw his Face after he resigned the Sword to him . At length he Arrived in Portugal ; for his Enemies had no power on the Seas and Winds , and was received with general Joy of the Court , and with Favour by the King ; who offering him a Wife , he refused her , and thereupon ( as others for Accepting ) was put out of Favour . He obtained leave , and went to live at Venice ; for Portugal was always ready to despise or banish Great Men. The Emperour Charles the Fifth persuaded him to return to his Country , assuring him of his Prince's Favour . He returned and found none ; for Princes are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please , than in rewarding much done to serve them . 7. This is what D. Stephen did in India ; this the Reward he had for Governing it well . He was of a middle Stature , thick and strong , a thick Beard and black Hair , his Complexion ruddy . He was very Liberal , and not a little Positive , but not without cause : A great Horseman . In the number of Governours the Twelfth , first of the Name , second of the Sirname , and held it two years and a Month. He made an Inventory of what he was worth when he entred upon the Government , and so when he left it , and was found 40000 Crowns the worse , the full Value having been 200000. On his Tomb is only this Epitaph , HE THAT MADE KNIGHTS ON MOUNT SINAI ENDED HERE . So much did he value the Honour of that Action , and not without Reason . CHAP. XI . The Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa , from the Year 1542 , till the Year 1545 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. THis Chapter must begin with what hapned in the time of both Governours , one ending and the other commencing . Homaum Paxa , King of the Mogols prosecuting his Ambitious Designs of enlarging his Empire , undertook the Conquest of the Kingdom of Patane , then possessed by Xa Holan , whom Fortune had once much favoured , and now seemed to neglect . Nothing withstood the Mogol , till he came to the City Xamanea , before which he fat down . His Enemy encamped a League off on the other side of Ganges , and entertained him with continual Skirmishes , generally with equal Loss . Homaum still pressed , and Halon despairing of removing him by open Force , had recourse to Stratagem , wherein he was singular . He endeavoured to protract the Time the best he could , till the Season that Ganges overflows , which generally drowns all the Plain for the space of eight Leagues . Mean while he dug vast Ponds to receive the River , and then dammed it up ; and as the Floods began to swell he broke the Damms , which caused the Waters to spread abroad with the greater violence . ●…us all on a sudden , when the Mogol least thought of it , they gushed out upon his Army , and before he imagined it swallowed up 50000 of his Men , and an infinite quantity of Baggage . 2. Homaum , by the help of a Carrier , escaped upon a Mule ; and the Queen , who was with Child , on an Elephant . The Queen was delivered of a Daughter , and fearing her Husband should hate her because it was not a Son , she changed it for one the Wife of a Cornaca had then brought forth . Cornaca's are the Men that govern the Elephants . Some said the Child , thought to be changed , was got on the Queen by the Cornaca , there being a suspicion he had had to do with her upon the Elephant . There is no need of disputing the Possibility of the thing ; for on the Elephants are Castles , those Castles loansom , and Solitude and Idleness produce wanton Thoughts . Queens are Women , and Women have ready Wits . However it was , Homaum esteemed the Son as his own , and he was called Gelaldim Hacbar . As to his person , he was more like the Cornaca , than Homaum ; but the Endowments of his Mind were equal with the Greatest of Men. This Prince , when he came to the Crown , being offended at the Innundations of Ganges , prevented them by drawing it into several Channels , and built there a Palace of such Wonderful structure , that Ten thousand Men spent Thirty years in the Work. Homaum being come to the City Delhi , cloathed the Carryer in Royal Robes , entertaining him with a splendid Train , and made him sit three days in the Regal Throne ; during which time he enjoyed the whole Revenue of the Crown , and had the full power of Government . From this time forward a Mule was stamped upon all his Coyn , that even the Beast might not pass unrewarded . 3. About the same time Antony de Mota , Francis Zeymoto , and Antony Peixoto , sailing for China , were thrown by a Storm among the Islands of Nipongi , or Nifon ; by the Chineses called Gipon , and by us Iapan . In one of these they were well received , and had the Honour to be the first that discovered them , though accidentally . They lye far Eastward of all India , opposite to China , between 30 and 40 Degrees of North Latitude . They are many ; the Principal , Nipongi , or Iapan , in which is the City Meaco , the Imperial Court. According to the Natives , the Length of the Island is 366 Leagues , according to our computation One hundred less : It is divided into Fifty six Governments . The Chief Islands about it are Cikoko , Tokoesi , Sando , Sisime , Bacasa , Vuoqui , Taquixima and Firando . The Japans have the vain Pride to esteem themselves descended from the Gods. They say a great Giant made the World of a Cocks Egg , and of the Earthly part a Woman , who engendring with a Crocodile brought forth a Man , from whom they descend . And the Family of the Conguis among them to this day wear Tails like those of Crocodiles hanging at their Breeches in token , they are the immediate Line . The truth is , they are descended from a Chinese Prince , who being banished passed thither ; but they are so vain , they would rather descend from a Cock and a Crocodile , than from the Chineses . In Matters of Religion they have several Sects : That of the Xexuni , who deny the Immortality of the Soul , and is followed by the Nobility ; it is not only in Iapan they follow it : That of the Foccenxuni , who adore the Sun , and allow a Second Life : The Xodexuni , that adore the Idol which they think saves them , if they name it : That of Xocoxu , who believe there is a Reward for the Good , and Punishment for the Wicked , and is followed by the Country People : That of Xamabuxe , the Professors whereof adore the Devils , and converse with them so familiarly , that when one would be Revenged of another , he orders them to enter into him ; they call them with a Horn. Their Priests are called Bonzes : But above all they adore an Idol called Seuto , who lives in Heaven , and is the beginning of all things . Parricide and Treason , they hold as sins that cannot be forgiven . Pity this Doctrin should not be held among those that pretend to be Christians . 4. Fernan Mendez Pinto , in his Travels , appropriates this Discovery to himself ; Saying , He came to the Island Tanixuma ( which I suppose to be Taquixima , one of those about Iapan ) with his two Companions Christopher Borallo and James Zeimoto ; not by way of Shipwreck ; but designedly , in the Service of a Pyrat , who had taken them up when cast away . Both Relations mention three Names , one of them is the same in both , and both agree upon the same Year 1542. I will say something I find in that Author , because it is rare and worthy Admiration . 5. Nautaquim was then Prince of that Island , and seeing the three Portugueses he stood amazed , and uttered these mysterious words : Let me dye , if these ( meaning the Portugueses ) be not the Chinchicogies our ancient Records speak of , who flying over the Waters , shall come to be Lords of the Lands where God placed the greatest Riches of the World ; and it will be very fortunate for us , if they come as Friends . Let us return to India . 6. The first thing the Governour did , was lessening the Souldiers pay ; for saving of Charges is a great means to gain the Favour of Princes : And Ministers never express their Zeal , by retrenching their own large Allowances ; but by cutting off the small ones of the Poor . This caused great Discontent among the Commonalty . However Two thousand Men were raised , and imbarqued in Seventy Vessels of several sorts , with which the Governour set out for Batecala , a City seated on the Banks of a River upon the Coast of Canara , well built and encompassed with a fruitful Country . The occasion of this Voyage , That the Queen refused to pay her Tribute , and entertained Pyrats in her Port to the detriment of the Publick . 7. The Fleet entred the Port , and the Queen seeing so great a force , and that the Governour demanded the Tribute , and delivery of the Pyrats Ships that had retired thither and fortified themselves ; she designed to hold him in hand till the time came he must go to Cochin . This Artifice was soon disappointed ; for he Landed with Twelve hundred Men in two Battalions , the Command of one he gave to Ferdinand de Sousa and Tavora , and ordered Twenty light Vessels to go up the River and attack the City by Sea. The Governour marching through a Wood , was met by a Body of Musqueteers : Our Men made no halt , but drove them before to the Gates , and entred with them , not without great opposition , the Queen her self with much Bravery encouraging her Men. A Portugues Souldier being beset by Two hundred of the Enemy bravely defended himself , till another envious of that Honour came up to him , and both Back to Back kept their Ground ; at length a Party of our Men , fell upon the Enemy , and with great slaughter of them rescued the two . 8. It was Night when our Men possessed themselves of the City . In the Morning they not only plundered the Portugueses that were there ; but falling out about the Booty had such a Battle among themselves , that all were hurt , and none enriched . The Enemy who perceived this from a Hill , pours in a shower of Arrows ; the Governour Orders all to march to Revenge it ; but those who are grieved by the lessening their Pay , Answer , That the Gentlemen who are Rich may march ; for they only came to make up by Plunder what they are unjustly deprived of . Garcia de Sa went out with a sew Lances , and after some Retreats reciprocally on both sides , almost all the Portugueses were put to shameful flight , running to their Ships in such haste that some were drowned . 9. The Governour hearing this , run to them with Reproaches , crying out , He did not know them , and thought they were not the same he left two years before in India . This seemed a Reflection upon his Predecessor ; but they with as loud Voices undeceived him , Answering , That the Men were the same , but the Governour was not ; that this was the fruit of lessening their Pay , to give Gratuities to those who knew better how to beg , than deserve them . He retired to the Ships , and resolved the next day to burn the City , and destroy the Country . The City run with the Blood of all Living Creatures of both Sexes , and all Ages , before it was burnt ; then the Country was laid waste , and all the Woods cut down . This caused such a general Terrour , that whereas before throughout India , it was commonly said , Beware of Batecala ; they afterwards changed it to Beware of Martin Alfonso . The Queen no longer able to resist , submitted , and purchased Peace with a heavier Subjection ; for generally they draw on themselves a greater burden , who proudly throw off that they have . 10. Martin Alfonso abhorred that so many Men quitting the Service , turned Merchants ; to prevent this , and considering the vast Frauds of the Custom-House at Malaca , he sent new Orders thither . He lowered the Customs of Strangers to invite them to Trade there , and raised them to the Portugueses , to lessen their desire of Trading thither . The first succeeded well ; for the Customs after that amounted to much more than before . The second took no effect . Much of the same nature was what he did at Ormuz , and therefore we will mention it in this place . That King was in Arrears for Tribute Five hundred thousand Ducats , which he refused not to pay , but was not able ; for from Twelve thousand that Albuquerque at first imposed on him it was raised to almost One hundred thousand ; so that the King from a Tributary was become a Slave , not having a competent Maintenance left him . Martin Alfonso finding he was not able to pay the Debt , proposed to him to make over the Customs for payment : He to be rid of Oppression submitted , and as before he was a King without a Revenue , now he had some he seemed no King ; for the Custom-House is the support of that Crown . No doubt it was a Judgment for the Wickednesses of the Portugueses , in taking from that King what was his due , that the Persians , whose it had been , should take it from them . The oppressed King making Virtue of Necessity , resigned his Crown with Praises of him that took it from him ; for the Instrument began with these vain Preambles : I command all to obey this Supream Instrument , that it may be understood that between me and my Lord ( meaning King Iohn the Third ) who in greatness reaches to Heaven , and has Power over all the circumference of the Earth , and in Grandeur is equal to the King of China , Great King of Iustice ( as if any Justice were now done him ▪ ) Greatest of all Kings in the World ; Key of the Treasure that is on Earth , that is , Vertue and Nobility , of whom is learnt the Wisdom of Reigning , brightness of the Sea of Kingdoms , &c. Could any man wronged flatter him , that injured him more ? It is certain , He who gave the Praises , deserved them better than he that received them . CHAP. XII . Continues the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa . 1. ABout the End of this Year arrived in India four Ships from Portugal ; another came out with them , but was put back . At the same time D. George , Commander of Ternate , was at Variance with the Spaniards , who under Ruy Lopez de Villalobos had invaded the Portugues Bounds . Villalobos was at Zagala , a Town of Camafo , inhabited by Renegado Christians , and from thence held Correspondence with the King of Gilolo . D. George protested against him , for intruding into what he had no right to , according to the late Capitulations . He sometimes Answered , He was forced thither by Storm : Otherwhiles , That he was within the Limits of Spain . D. George sent Iayme Lobo with 50 Men in two Galiots , believing this a sufficient Force , because the Spaniards were spent with Misfortunes . He had Orders to assist Geliato de Gomo Conora , who besieged a Fort of his own that was in Rebellion . Iamye went to Momoya , where he gathered many of the Natives , then Christians , and passed over in Parao's , which Landing they took up and carried about half a League to a Lake , there launched them again , an●… wasted over to the Fort Geliato , besieged . The Enemy seeing the Portugues Relief , offered to Capitulate ; but the Portuguess , covetous of Plunder , refused . The Morning appearing , they could not Land but man by man , and that in several places ; which the besieged perceiving , fell upon those who were ashoar , and with considerable damage forced them back to their Vessels . The Enemy had Hooks hanging at their Arms , one stuck in the Face of a Souldier , which drew him along till another came and with his Dagger cut it out . D. Ge●…rge sent 30 Men to the Relief of these , who found near the Lake three Portugueses set upon Poles . Iayme returns to the Fort ; which the besieged abandoned , and it was dismantled . 2. Being able to do nothing against the Spaniards , he returned to Ternate . Villalobos went over to Gilolo , was well received by the King , fortified himself , and sent a Messenger to D. George , to tell him , He was within the Spanish Bounds , and demand restitution of the Artillery he had taken , and the Spaniards that were with him . D. George granted the last , and sent Advice to Goa and Portugal . Villalobos dexterously began to draw near , and plant himself in Tidore . 3. Iordan de Freitas set out from Goa in April , to succeed D. George in that Command , and take possession of the Island Amboyna , whereof he had a Grant from Tabarija King of Ternate , w●…o had been unjustly sent Prisoner to Goa by Tristan de Atayde , was there Baptized , and now sent back by the Governour Martin Alfonso to be restored to his Crown . Frey●…as being come to Malaca , and considering that King would not be easily admitted by his Subjects , for having changed his Religion , left him there , designing to take his Brother , which would make his Re inthronement the more easie . At Ternate , D. George delivered him the Fort ; he Treated with Villalobos , and they agreed upon a Truce for eight Months , in which time they might consult their Superiours ; and during this time there was to be no Correspondence between them . The Spaniards fell out among themselves in such manner , that many of them went over to the Portugueses at Ternate . F. Hierome of St. Stephen , Confessor to Villalobos , affirmed , He was Excommunicated for entring the Portugues Limits ; but he remained obstinate . 4. Freytas , sent along with D. George , who was going to Goa , Aeiro the present King , to make room for him he had left at Malaca , not knowing he was since dead , and had made the King of Portugal his Heir . His Mother and Father-in-Law , who had been with him , went to Ternate with Ferdinand de Sousa , who carried Relie●… to that Fort. Freytas received them in Mourning , and then took possession of the Kingdom , the Government whereof he committed to the Father-in-Law and Mother , till other Orders came from Portugal . Afterwards the Governour D. Iohn de Castro sent back Aeiro with the Title of KING , to prevent the Disorders that happen by many Heads . This last belongs to the Year 1545 ; but I insert it here , not to break the Series of these Affairs . 5. About this time in Ethiopia , the Emperour marched against the King of Adel , or Zeila . He was followed by the Portugueses who escaped the former Defeat , except 40 who were with Emanuel de Cuna in Barnagasso , who being sent for could not come time enough . Those with the Emperour were Ninety , by whose Advice he marched towards the Enemy , giving them the Van of his Army , for the great Opinion he had of their Valour . In the Province Ambea , at the Foot of the Mountain Oenadias , they met Seven hundred Horse and Two thousand Foot , led by a Captain of Zeila , to joyn the King. Fifty Portugues Horse advanced to attack them , the formost Antony Cardosa , who killed the Enemies Captain the first stroak of his Lance ; the others following his Example , slew many ; when Barnagais first , and then the Emperour coming up Charged furiously , and killing Eight hundred put the rest to flight , who went rather to terrifie the Tyrant with this Relation , than Reinforce him . 6. He was a League off with his Army in Battalia ; it consisted of two Bodies of Foot , Three thousand Men in each ; he marched in the Front with Five hundred Horse . The Emperour met him with the like Number , and in the same Order . The Portugueses , who were the Forlorn of this Body , Charged the Five hundred and slew many , losing two . The Emperour in person behaved himself bravely , till the Enemies Horse fled to the Wings of their Army . The King was wanting in nothing , shewing his Son , Ten years of Age , to stir up his Men to fight . The Fight was renewed , and the Emperour in great danger ; but a Portugues shooting the King in the Belly killed him , and his Horse carried him about hanging , being tied to the Saddle . Only a few Turks chose rather to dye , than fly , and made a great slaughter of Ethiopians . Iohn Fernandez , Page to the Unfortunate D. Christopher , at two stroaks of his Lance killed the Turkish Commander . In fine , Few of the Enemy escaped by flight , the King's Head was cut off , and his Son made Prisoner . The Emperour acknowledging how great a share the Portugueses had in this and the late Victories , did them great Favours . Cuna returned to Goa with 50 only ; the rest stayed and married with Women of the Country , whose Progeny still continues there . 7. At Goa , the Governour heard the Complaints of the King of Ormuz , brought hither by D. Pedro de Castellobranco , by Order of Martin Alfonso de Melo Iusarte , Commander of that Fort. The Kings Complaints against him were most just , having been used as the meanest of Madmen , whereas his Madness was no other , than the Avarice of those would make him so . They endeavoured all they could to hinder his Restauration ; but seeing him Re-inthroned , they poysoned him , and what caused his Imprisonment and was the cause of his death was not punished . After this Injustice followed the Justice executed upon Hierome Diaz a Portugues Physician , of Jewish extraction ; he was burnt for Heresie . CHAP. XIII . Continues the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa . 1. ABout forty Leagues off , to the Eastward of the Moluco Islands is that of Macaçar , rich and plentiful of Rice , Salt , Fish , Flesh , Fruit and Grain , and yields Sandal , Wax , Ivory and Gold. The People hardy and good Seamen : The Soil pleasant and well Watered , and has good Towns and Villages . Some Portugueses hearing the Cstristian Faith was received there , went thither , and among them Antony de Payva , that went as a Merchant , not a Preacher ; but proved more Preacher than Mercahnt . He had before had some Discourse with one of the Kings of the Island about Religion , who seemed well pleased therewith . Returning now , he arrived in the Kingdom of Supa , and had so much Discourse with that King , who was 70 years of Age , that he was very near being Converted . 2. However , the King remained dubious , and Payva sailing thence went to the Port of Sian ; the King whereof , on account of the grateful Conference they had before , received him with kindness . The Discourse of Religion was renewed , and Payva at large explained all Points to him , and at the same time urged the absurdness of the Adoration of Idols . 3. The Conference ended , the Sky till then being serene , there arose a Storm of Thunder , Lightning and Rain , which was esteemed as a Heavenly Confirmation of the Truth of what Payva had said ; and he laying hold of that advantage , urged the King to embrace the Faith. He was inclinable ; but his Subjects , and the Moors that Traded there , obstructed him . He demanded time to Consider . At this time arrives the King of Supa , and hearing he of Sian had desired time , said , A work so good ought rather to be put in execution , than delayed ; that he was only sorry for the Time he had lost , but would attone by being the first , and desired to be immediately Baptized . All stood amazed , and there being no Priest , the Ancientest of the Portugueses performed the Function ; and he was Christened Luis . Then the Queen , and many that came with him , were Baptized , which was celebrated with the Guns and Warlike Instruments of both People . He of Sian moved by this Example , was Baptized with his whole Family . 4. Mean while the Governour fitted out a Fleet of 45 Sail , in which were Three thousand Seamen and Souldiers . The design was kept secret , and was to rob the Pagod of Tremele , which is twelve Miles up the Inland of St. Thomas Meliapor , in the Kingdom of Bisnagar : For which he had express Orders from King Iohn , upon pretence India was wasted ; as if any pretence could justifie such a Robbery . Nevertheless the Design was discovered , or ( as others say ) disappointed by contrary Weather ; yet the Governour was persuaded to plunder other Pagods , where it was thought there was no less Treasure . 5. He took the Advice ; and by the way sent to the King of Iasanapatan , in the Island Ceylon , either to submit and pay Tribute to the King of Portugal , or provide to ●…ppose that Fleet. The King was so unprovided , he thought it a happiness the Governour was so content , and agreed to ●…ay Four thousand Ducats yearly . The King called Grande , near Cape Comori , for ●…ear , sent him a Present . He went on to ●…he Pagod Tebelicate , near Calecoulam , not●…ithstanding we were at Peace with that ●…ing , and entred it with a few of his Confidents ; they brought two Casks so heavy , they loaded many Men : It was said they carried Water ; such as were not easie of belief , affirmed it was pure Gold and Precious Stones . The truth was never known . Some Writings declare , there was only a Pot of Gold found , in which the Idol was bathed , valued Four thousand Crowns , which King Iohn Ordered to be restored , much admiring this Action of Martin Alfonso , as if it had been a greater Crime to rob at Tebilicarè without his Order , than at Tremelè with it . However it was , whilst the Portugueses marched to their Ships , the Pagod and Town flamed , and Two hundred Nayres set out to Revenge this Loss , Commanded by the Keeper of the Pagod . They appeared on an Eminence over our Men , who marched through a Defileé , and poured their Shot and Arrows upon them , which killed Thirty . The Governour had been in danger , had he not dismounted Our Men being got into the open Field , put the Nayres to flight . 6. No danger terrifies Avarice . They went on to another Pagod . Out of it was taken a Chest , which was publickly opened , and some Silver Mony that was in it distributed ; but of so little value , that many believed thence proceeded the Liberality . The Governour returned to Goa , where four Ships arrived from Portugal , soon after his departure , expected him . Five had set out from Lisbon , but one was forced back by a Storm . 7. The Governour had not returned so soon to Goa , if D. Garcia de Castro had not sent to hasten him upon a sudden emergency ; which was thus : Acedecam , Lord of the Lands about Goa , designing to depose Hidalcan , prevailed by dint of Presents and Promises with D. Garcia , to deliver up to him Meale Can , Brother to Hidalcan , pretending he held the Kingdom wrongfully . This gave Hidalcan just cause of Complaint , and drew on no contemptible danger . The Governour heared both Parties , and ●…ough both used equal Arguments , offering equal Advantages to the Crown of Portugal ; the Governour inclined more to Acedacan , who offered the Kingdom of Concam , then possessed by Abraham , a good Man and our Friend , whose Revenue was above a Million . It was the more valuable for being near Goa . CHAP. XIV . The End of the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa , and of the First Part of this Tome . 1. THe Governour Armed in defence of Meale , and to possess him of the Crown Acedecan offered him . This was a notorious act of Injustice , and Martin Alfonso being led by Interest , and naturally so haughty that none durst Advise him , Peter de Faria resolved to do it , encouraged by his Quality , the great Offices he had born , and his great Age , being 80 years Old. Late at Night he repaired to the Governour 's Tent , and having prepared him to hear , laid before him all the Motives that could persuade , to desist from so unjust an Undertaking , with much submission , gravity and discretion . 2. Martin Alfonso submitted to Faria's Reasons . As soon as Day appeared , the Governour pretending other Causes , gave over the Design and returned to the City , securing Meale Can. At this time died Acedecan , the Promoter of this Discord ; and Hidalcan came down the Mountain-Gate with a powerful Army , reducing his Rebels , and in few days recovered the Kingdom of Concam , which not long before we had hoped to possess , if not dissuaded by the Experienced Faria , to whom Martin Alfonso confessed he owed his Life and Honour : For had he gone to Concham , it was much to be doubted whether ever he had Returned . Hidalcan still fearing Meale Can , offered for him , if he were delivered to him , the Lands of Salsete and Bardez , valued at Fifty thousand Ducats a Year . It had been a breach of Trust , to deliverup a Man that had put himself into our protection . Therefore the Governour Answered ; If what was offered were given , he would send him where he should not disturb Hidalcan . He admitted this Condition , and performed on his part ; but had not entire satisfaction from us ; for Meale was carried from Goa to Cananor , and from Cananor to Goa , in the Eyes of Hidalcan , as the Politick said , To keep in Awe ; but the State Criticks said , It was a Bait to draw Presents . Some were sent soon after . 3. Hidalcan had moreover granted to the Governour upon this Treaty , the vast Treasure Acedecan had laid up when he Rebelled , and which at his Death fell into the hands of Cojecemazadim , and was worth Ten Millions of Ducats . He persuaded the Governour it was not above a Million , and delivered so much to him . One Record says , He sent almost half of it to Portugal in Bars of Gold : Another , That he applied Two hundred and fifty thousand Ducats to the Kings use in India ; if we may not take into this Account , One hundred thousand given by Hidalcan upon the late Accommodation . But if these did make up the Sum , he afterwards discharged a good Conscience , discharging the King of some Debts . 4. Hidalcan gave him Notice of the great Fraud used in delivering the Treasure , persuading him to recover the Remainder of Cojeçemazadim , who was at Cananor . He used Means to take him ; but not succeeding , resolved to endeavour it in person . He fitted out Twenty four great Ships , and many Vessels to row , and without saying any thing what he intended , landed at Cochin . Putting to Sea again , he steered several Courses , and Anchored at Mount Delij . At Night , without making it known to the Fleet , he went into a Barge with five or six Gentlemen , and ordering three of the lightest Vessels to follow , came with incredible speed to the Fort of Cananor , where Iames Alvarez Tellez Commanded . He spoke to him without being known to any other , ordering him to endeavour to secure Cojeçemazadim , or Pocarale Aderrajam , who Governed him . Then he returned to the Fleet , and with it to Goa , all men admiring the Voyage and Preparations , without seeing the Design or Effect of them . Tellez could not take Zemazadim , for he was upon his Guard ; but he ordered Henry de Sousa , Commander in Chief of Malabar , to take Pocarale . He attempted it , and many coming in to his Relief , Pocarale and a Brother of his were both killed . This enflamed the King and People against the Fort , and though they were appeased , yet the Hatred to the Portugueses for this Action was not extinguished ; but raised one of the greatest Storms we weathered in India . 5. The King of Xiraz caused some Disturbance at Ormuz , appearing in the Neighbourhood with a considerable Power ; but he soon drew off , coming to Agreement with that King. Sultan Mamud , King of Cambaya , aimed at the Recovery of Diu , not forgetting the Death of his Uncle Badur , and being troubled to have us so near Neighbours . One of the dishonourable Articles of Peace , which the Vice-Roy D. Garcia had admitted was , That the Kings Subjects might build a Wall between their Town and our Fort. The Wall was raising , and displeased Emanuel de Sousa and Sepulveda , who commanded there , because it looked like somewhat more than a bare Partition , which was the true intent of the Articles . He fortified himself , then beat off the Workmen , threw down the Wall , and made use of the Materials . The King was heinously offended , and at the instigation of his great Subject Coje Zofar , he began secretly to stir up that Great Part of the World , with Letters to the several Princes , to unite and expel the Portugues , not only Diu , but all Asia . 6. Let us see what hapned while this Storm was rising . Hidalcan pressed the Governour , either to restore what he had given him on that score , or else to send away Mealeacan . The Governour endeavoured to please him with Artifice , rather than Performance , and to this effect sent Iohn Fernandez de Negreyros Embassadour to him . Him , and all the Portugueses that were in his Court , the King put in Prison , keeping them as Hostages for the performance of what was before agreed , and now demanded . This was a great Provocation to the hot Nature of Martin Alfonso ; but submitting to Necessity , he began to appease Hidalcan , assuring him , That as soon as the Season would permit , Meale should be sent to Malaca . Three Ships Arrived now from Portugal of five that sailed thence ; one was forced back , and another Cast-away on the Coast of Melinde , the Men saved . 7. This Year the Tartar entred China , and besieged Peking . A great part of his numerous Army , which consisted of almost Millions of Men , Threescore thousand of them Horse , marched to the City Quamsi and plundered it , killing above Threescore thousand persons of all Sexes and Ages , and then went on towards Peking . By the way , the Fort Nixiancoo defended it self so bravely , that the General Nanticor thought it impregnable , having lost Three thousand Men before it . Among the Prisoners taken at Quamsi were Nine Portugueses , one of them called George Mendez , offered , if he might have his and his Companions Liberty , to put him in a way to take the Fort. The General admitted the Proposal , and by this Man's Advice took it with the slaughter of above Two thousand Chineses and Mogols . He went on to Peking , and in pursuance of his Promise obtained of his Prince the Portugueses Liberty , and did them great Honours , endeavouring with large Gifts to detain them in his Service . George Mendez stayed , and was afterwards allowed a Pension of Six thousand Ducats . These Accidents often cause the Portugueses in Asia , to forget their Country and sometimes their Religion . This was when they came to Tuymican , the Tartar's Court , whither he retired after the raising the Siege of Peking , which lasted almost seven Months , with the Loss of Four hundred and fifty Thousand Men , most destroyed by Pestilence , besides Three hundred thousand that deserted to the Chineses . 8. Four small Vessels , with One hundred Portugueses in them , cruised upon the Coast of Tanauzarim , and were much dreaded , having ( among other Prizes ) taken three great Ships . The Maritim Towns complained to their Sovereign , the King of Siam ; and he sent out against them Heredim Mahomet , a Turk , with a Royal Galley , four Galliots , and five other Vessels that Rowed , in which were Eight hundred Men , Three hundred of them Janizaries , the rest Turks , Greeks , Achems , Malabars and Mogols ; all brave Men. A poor King of the Neighbouring Island , Pulohinor , who was newly Converted , gave our Men notice of the Danger . They left the Port and run up a Creek , both because it was more hid , and for that at the Mouth of it were some Ruins , that might serve instead of a Fort , to defend themselves . The Turk missing them in the Port , thought they were fled to some of the Neighbouring Islands , and sent the Ships and Galliots in search of them , staying behind with only the Galley . They who were upon the Watch , fell upon the Galley at Night , and destroyed Three hundred Men that were in her , and the Admiral , with loss of only One Man. Of the other Nine Vessels , three were Cast-away and six were taken by our Men ; with great slaughter of the Enemy , and only two killed on our side . 9. The Governour dispatched the homeward bound Trading Ships , whereof one was Cast-away at Zanzibar . Those from Portugal arrived in India , and brought him a Successor , which he so earnestly desired , that a few days before being at Mass with Iames Silveyra , who was coming for Portugal ; he said to him at the Elevation of the Host ; Speak to the King , to send one to succeed me , for I dare not Govern India , because Men are so changed from Truth and Honour : Or else I swear by that Sacred Host , and by the true Body of Christ I behold in it with the Eyes of Faith , That I will open the Patents of Succession , and resign the Government to whoever is named therein ; and desire his Highness , not to expose such a Subject as I am , to the danger of having his Head cut off . This was the Condition of India , almost past hope of Recovery : For if the Governour was tolerable , those that were governed were intollerable ; and the contrary . Martin Alfonso had served well in Brasile and India , in other Posts . He was Violent in his Undertakings , a great discoverour of Mens Humours , and knew better than many to save what was superfluous , and spend what was necessary . He instituted those Officers of the King's Revenue , that are called Surveyors , in India . He was of a handsom and large Stature , his Complexion white , his Beard Chestnut-colour . He Governed three years and four Months ; was the 13th had the Title of Governour , and first of the Name . The End of the First PART of the Second Tome . THE Portugues ASIA . TOM . II. PART II. CHAP. I. The Government of D. John de Castro , from the Year 1545 , till the Year 1548 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. ABOUT the latter end of August , or beginning of September , Arrived at Goa six Ships from Portugal , Commanded by Don Iohn de Castro , who went to Ease Martin Alfonso of the Government . Immediately ( as is Customary in India ) Complaints were carried to the New Governour against the Old. The chief , the Crying-down the Value of Money ; which was immediately restored to its former Value . This gave occasion to Martin Alfonso to go away dissatisfied , and the other to remain so upon the manner of his Discontent , falling out after having very well agreed . These Governours , and their Governments , seem to resemble the Soul and Body , which never part without great struglings . 2. Don Iohn began his Government as is usual , sending Commanders and Officers to several Forts and Towns. Bernardin de Sousa went to succeed Iurdan de Freytas , at Ternate , carrying with him the King Aeiro , to hold that Crown till other Orders came from Portugal , it being left to our King by the deceased Tabarija , as was said before . Ferdinand de Sousa & Tavora , who was sent against the Spaniards , Commanded by Villalobos , reduced him to a necessity of surrendring himself , and continuing at Ternate till the Season of sailing for India , where he and his Men might either remain in the Portugues Service , or return in their Ships to Europe . This Difficulty surmounted , Sousa resolved to take Revenge of Catabruno , King of Gilolo , for the Injuries he did the Portugueses and New Converts since he Tyrannically usurped the Crown , killing his Lawful Sovereign . 3. Sousa consulted his own Men , and the new Guests , who approved of his Resolution , and Villalobos offered to bear him Company . They made up Four hundred Spaniards and Portugueses , and Fifteen hundred Ternatenses . Coming to an Anchor in the Port , they found the Tyrant ready to receive them , well fortified and provided with Cannon . The Christians began to batter them ; but received more damage than they did . Sousa perceiving there was no way , but by giving an Assault , gave the first of the Attack to Iohn Galvan and Bernard de la Torre , the first a Portugues , the other a Spaniard , who sticking in the Thorns the Tyrant had designedly strewed about , and scarce able to move , stood as a Mark to the Enemies Bullets and Arrows . Catabruno Charges them with Three thousand Men. Sousa comes to their Relief , and the Fight was desperate ; for both Spaniards and Portugueses did Wonders . Night parted , and Morning brought them together ; the Dispute was hot , till Galvan being killed his Men were put in disorder ; all our Body came to their Relief , and brought them off , forcing the Enemy to retire to their Works . Our Captain seeing no likelyhood of prevailing , returned to Ternate ; whence he went to India with the Spaniards , as had been Agreed , only Villalobos excepted , who died in the Fort. 4. Coje Zofar , at Cambaya , now his Princes Favourite , kept a fair Correspondence with the Portugueses ; but with the natural Perfidiousness of a Moor. He persuaded the King a second time to endeavour the shaking off the Yoak of the Fort of Diu , and to this effect drew together a great Number of Men ; yet had more hopes to succeed by Policy , than strength . He agreed with an Infamous Portugues , called Ruy Fre●…re , to poyson the Cistern , fire the Magazine , and upon a Sign given admit him into the Fort. An Ethiopian , a Turk and a Woman Slave , discovered the Treachery . Coje Zofar was astonished to see his Design discovered , and began to Complement D. Iohn Mascarenhas , Commander of the Fort ; pleading , That the Cause of breaking the Peace had been , because they obstructed building that Wall , which D. Garcia de Noronha had so weakly allowed , and Emanuel de Sousa had couragiously beat down . Coje Zofar dissembled while he gathered a great Power , and D. Iohn perceiving the Danger that threatned him , prepared to meet it , and gave Advice thereof to the Governour and Neighbouring Commanders . 5. A considerable number of Men was already drawn together in the City Diu , and among them Five hundred Turks , sent from Mecha by the King of Zibit . D. Iohn assigned every Man his Post , and placed an Officer with 30 Men in each of the four Bastions ; his Lieutenant over the Gate with Twenty , another with the like Number in a small Work ; reserving Fifty for himself to be wherever the greatest Danger called . This was the Number of Men he had , and thus ordered , when Coje Zofar came on with all his Power , resolving to attack the Bastion of the Sea , with three Castles built upon a Ship of prodigious bigness , well stored with Cannon to batter the Wall. Within the Castles were Two hundred Turks , who were to distract the Desendants by pouring in continually all sorts of Artificial Fire-works . This Design succeeded not , for our Commander having notice of it , sent Iacome Leite to burn that Ship. He took twenty Men in two Vessels , and though he set out by Night , was discovered ; yet did not desist , but couragiously went on and set fire to it ; then retiring , saw a great part of it fly into the Air , with most of the Turks , the Remainder casting such a Flame , as at a distance discovered the Enemies Army running in Batalions to quench the Fire . Iacome seeing them in Clusters , let fly his Cannon and killed many of them . In this Action he had seven Men wounded . He went on to the Mouth of the River , and took from the Enemy some Vessels of Provision , with which he returned to the Fort , much admired of all . 6. Coje Zofar began to build the Wall , that had been before beat down , which could not be hindred , though our Cannon killed many of the Workmen ; but was brought to such perfection , that he planted ●…hereon Sixty great Cannon , besides many small , and one of such extraordinary bigness , that it shook the whole Island , and made pieces of the Fort fly ; it was managed by an expert French Renegado . At this time arrived D. Ferdinand de Castro , Son to the Governour , sent by him with some Relief of Men. Mascarenhas wanted some Intelligence from the Enemies Camp. Iames de Anaya Coutino , a Gentleman of Note and Man of great strength , knowing of it , at Night putting a Helmet on his Head , with a Sword by his side and Spear in his Hand , let himself down the Wall , and lying close at some distance from the Fort , discovered two Moors , who being come up to him , he killed the one with the Spear , and taking up the other in his Arms run with him to the Gate of the Fort , and calling threw him in , to the great admiration of those that beheld it . This was much ; but what follows is more : He had borrowed the Helmet he carried , and promised on the word of a Gentleman to restore it , or dye . In this Scuffle it fell off , and he mist it not till the Owner asked for it . He said nothing ; but letting himself off the Wall again , went to look for , found and restored it . Nothing could be more brave ; nothing more honourable . 7. The King came from Champanel with Ten thousand Horse , to see ( as Coje Zofar said ) that place taken . This caused an extraordinary Motion in the Army , and D. Iohn desired to know the cause of it . Six of our Men sallied out at Night and fell among sixty Moors , who were all asleep , whereof they killed some , and the rest waking at the Noise , as also some that were not far off , our Men were forced to retire , leaving two dead ; the four brought a Prisoner with them , who informed our Commander of what he desired . This Action incensed the King and Coje Zofar , so that they renewed the fury of their Batteries , and did much harm . The Renegado Frenchman was struck dead by a chance Dart , and the Gunner who succeeded him being Ignorant , did more harm to his own Party , than to us , which was some Revenge . All the Neighbourhood resounded with the Noise of the Cannon and Cries of dying Men , when a Bullet of ours falling in the Kings Tent , sprinkled him with the Blood of one of his Favourites who was near him , and beaten to pieces . This so terrified the King , that he instantly fled , leaving the Command of the Horse to Iuzarcan , a Valiant Ethiopian . 8. Coje Zofar pressed the Besieged , and there was great slaughter and destruction on both sides ; the more visible and dangerous in the Fort , by reason of its little Compass , and the small number of Men. Mascarenas appeared wherever there was danger , as hoping to gain no less Honour than Antony de Silveyra had done there a few years before . He was no less Fortunate in couragous Women ; for those that were in the Fort encouraged the Men ; assisted and relieved them at the work . And when the Turks entred the Walls , one of them hearing they were got into a House , run in with a Spear and fought till Mascarenas came and put them all to the Sword. 9. Coje Zofar omitted nothing that could be devised to fill the Ditches , and lay open the Fort. All industry was used on our side to repair the Breaches . The prime Gentry did the Duties of private Souldiers and Masons , the Walls and Bastions were ruined at Night , and repaired by Morning . Coje Zofar was astonished to see all he destroyed restored . Coming on in a Rage with fresh Men , a Cannon Ball took off his Head and right Hand , whereon he leaned it . Thus he fulfilled his Mothers Prediction , who being at Otranto , still persuaded him to be reconciled to the Church , and perceiving she prevailed not , superscribed her Letters to him thus : To Coje Zofar my Son , at the Gates of Hell. His Son Rumecan succeeded him as well in Wickedness , as the ardent desire of taking that Fort. He took upon him his Father's Command , and inherited his Fortune . Our Commander was obliged to send fresh Advice to the Governour at Goa , and the Captains of the Neighbouring places . A Priest was the Messenger , who run very great danger , the Sea at that time being scarce Navigable . But then Portugal had some Decij , and some Reguli : Now it has only the grief of wanting them . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. John de Castro , and Siege of Diu. 1. RUmecan now gives a General Assault , he and Iuzarcan attack the Bastions of St. Iohn and St. Thomas , where they found a most vigorous Resistance , and so many were killed that the Defendants seemed rather a raging Plague , than Men. Yet at length , Valour was forced to give way to Numbers , and the Enemy mounted St. Thomas's Bastion : But Despair administring Fury rather than Valour , the few Portugueses rush upon the multitude of Enemies , and making a wonderful slaughter , throw headlong from the Wall such as had escaped the Sword , so that the Dead lay in heaps . 2. Rumecan thinking Mahomets displeasure was the cause of this Misfortune , spent this Night in Prayers and Processions . In the Morning , thinking he had attoned , he renewed the Assault : After mounting the two Bastions he was forced to retire , having lost almost Two thousand Men , and among them the Ethiopian Iuzarcan , General of the Horse : An Uncle of his of the same Name succeeded him . In this Action seven Portugueses were lost . Several other Assaults were given with like Success . In one of these the Fire was so close and furious , that several who were clad in Cotton , which soon took flame , ran and dipt themselves in the Water , and so returned to their Posts . Those who wore Skins escaped better . Our Commander taking notice of this , caused some gilt Leather , wherewith his Rooms were hung , to be made into Coats for the Souldiers . Another time D. Iohn and D. Peter de Almeyda , with One hundred Men , sallied to destroy a Mount raised by the Enemy to over-look the Fort , and effected it , killing Three hundred Moors . Martin Botello another time went out with Ten Men , to take some Body to give Intelligence ; and falling upon Eighteen put them to flight all , except a bold Nubij , who standing all the Eleven , wrestled with Botello ; and he finding it hard to overcome him whilst he could touch the ground with his Feet , like another Hercules with Anseus , ran with him in his Arms to the Fort. 3. The Attacks were still renewed , the Defendants spent with Labour , and above all with Hunger , feeding even upon nauseous Vermin . A Crow taken upon the dead Bodies was a D●…nty for the Sick and sold for five Crowns , the Ammunition was almost spent , and now the Enemy gives a hot Assault with fresh Men , Ten thousand having newly joyned them . They entred St. Iohn's Bastion , and retired . Scarce had they left it , when it blew up , and in it 73 of our Men , ten whereof came down alive . Iames de Sotomayer fell into the Fort with a Spear in his hand ; a Souldier in the same manner fell among the Enemies , and was killed by them . It was no Fable , that Armed Men were seen in the Air this bout . Our Captain Mascarenas foreseeing the danger , had ordered them to quit the Bastion ; but one Reynoso protested , he would accuse them of Cowardize , if they did . The one Commanded prudently , the other Advised couragiously ; yet was guilty of Disobedience . 4. Thirteen thousand of the Enemy attack the Breach they had made ; only five Souldiers withstood them till Mascarenas came with fifteen more . The Women assisted the Men , and ran even to brave Death . The Priest , who was returned from carrying the Advice to the Neighbouring places , appeared encouraging all with a Crucifix lifted on high . The Actions done here were incredible ; but Night coming on the Enemy retired , having lost Three hundred Men. Mascarenas spent all the Night in repairing the Damages received . 5. The Enemy daily renewed their Attacks with the same success , and held out by means of their vast Numbers . Rumecan fell again to Mining , and pierced the very Rocks that stood in his way ; but met not with such success as he had done the time before ; for D. Iohn perceiving his Work , countermined it , and it flew all back upon the Besiegers , killing many of them . D. Alvaro , the Governours Son , sent with Supplies , seemed to sail in opposition to the Seas and Winds , through Storms almost incredible : Yet they all arrived at Baçaim , and Antony Moniz Barreto , with 8 Gentlemen , got first into Diu , who though so few , by their Bravery were no small comfort to the besieged . One of these , called Michael Darnide , a Man of prodigious Strength , Barreto refusing to take him into his Boat , leaped into the Water with his Musquet in his Mouth and swam after him , so he was obliged to take him up . 6. Next came Luis de Melo & Mendoça with nine Men ; then D. George and D. Duarte de Meneses with seventeen ; after them D. Antony de Ataide , and Francis Guillerme , with fifty each ; and lastly , Ruy Freyre , Factor of Chaul , with Twenty four . All together fell upon the Enemy , then possessed of some of our Works , and among them the Bastion Santiago . The Dispute was hot ; yet the Enemy set up their Colours on the Walls . Antony Moniz Barreto made good his Post with only two Souldiers , and was going to quench his Flames in the Water ; but one of the two , who was in the same condition , detained him , and both did things worthy admiration . Antony Correa sallied out with Twenty Men to discover the Enemy , and saw Twelve Moors sitting about a Fire ; he exhorted his Men to fall upon them , but they seeing him go on , fled ; however he went on thinking to take one that might give Intelligence : He fell on and behaved himself bravely ; yet he was taken and carried to Rumecan , who Examined him about the posture the Fort was in , which being then very miserable , he represented so powerful , as drove him into despair , and moved him to cause the unfortunate Prisoner to be dragged through the Streets , and his Head cut off , which was set upon a Pole next day in sight of the Fort. 7. The Enemy had now lost Five thousand Men ; the Besieged Two hundred , and had not so many more left , and not above half them able to do Duty , when D. Alvaro arrives with the Supplies , which consisted of Four hundred Men , and a sufficient quantity of Ammunition , having by the way taken a Ship of Cambaya richly laden . The Joy of this Relief was soon allayed ; for the Souldiers that came with D. Alvaro , fearing the Mines , proposed to meet the Enemy in open Field : But the Governour prudently refusing , they broke out into open Mutiny in contempt of all Military Discipline , scarce known , or at least not respected by the Portugues Nation . D. Iohn seeing himself in danger of perishing in the Fort by his own Men , chose rather to dye in the Field among the Enemies . He sallied with almost Five hundred Men in three Bodies . At one heat they gained the Enemies advanced Post , forcing them to retire to their Works . Those who insolently forced their Commander to this Extravagancy , stood heartless at the Foot of the Trenches , seeing others mount who had said less . D. Iohn seeing them in this posture , cried out , Whether it was thus they had promised to fight ? Where was now that Boldness that obliged him to come into the Field ? Where the Threats , that they would fight the Enemy without him ? Behold your Commander you accused of Cowardize , calls you to the danger : And who is there follows me of those that would have led me hither ? Within the Walls you were fierce , and now in the Field timorous . Your Courage suits with your Tongues ; for those who said much , always acted little . They ashamed to be thus justly upbraided , took Heart and mounted : The whole Army came down upon them , and the Portugueses having done wonders , were forced to retire in disorder . This was the time the Enemy had possessed himself of the Fort , had not Mascarenas with his Prudence and Valour prevented Mojatecan , who with Five thousand attempted to enter , and was valiantly opposed by Luis de Sousa in St. Thomas's Bulwark . Threescore Men were lost in this Action : D. Alvaro de Castro was mortally Wounded in the Head. This was the fruit of that insolent Disobedience . 8. The Moors had taken the Cannon of the Bastion Santiago , when Vasco de Cuna and Luis de Almeyda brought a fresh Relief . The latter immediately went out with Payo Rodriguez and Peter Alfonso in three Caravels , and as soon returned with two great Ships of Meca and some other Vessels , whose Loading was worth Fifty thousand Ducats . At the Yard-Arms hung many Moors , whose Heads were then cut off , as was the Captains , who was a Janizary and offered Three thousand Ducats for his Ransom . CHAP. III. Continues the Siege of Diu , the Governour D. John de Castro comes in Person to its Relief . 1. NOw begins the Month of November , and the Siege had lasted eight Months , when the Governour D. Iohn de Castro covers the Sea with a great Fleet of all sorts of Vessels for the Relief of Diu. All Goa admired the Constancy wherewith he received the News of the Death of his Son D. Fernando ; for though he highly resented it he dissembled his Grief , and dressing himself gayer than ordinary , went in Procession , to give God Thanks , That Diu was still in the possession of the Portugueses ; and then went to a publick Feast , which is an Imitation of a Fight , wherein they use Canes instead of Lances . 2. The Fleet consisted of above Ninety Sail , besides three of the Ships that then came from Portugal ; and several Gentlemen that came in them , went in other Vessels . 3. The Governour being come to Baçaim , waited the coming up of the Vessels that were scattered , and the mean while sent D. Emanuel de Lima to scour the Coast. On the Coast of Damam he took several Ships , and cutting the Moors that were in them in pieces , threw them into the Mouths of the Rivers , that the Tide carrying them up , they might strike a Terrour in all that Coast. Entring the River of Suratt , after a vigorous Resistance made , he destroyed all that belonged to the Town called , Of the Ethiopians . The same was done at the City Ansote , not far distant , without sparing Beauty , the finest Women of the Bramens and Baneans being slaughtered . So in other Neighbouring Towns ; and then D. Emanuel withdrew , leaving an Universal Terrour all along that Shoar . 4. The Fleet appearing in the Sea of Diu , the Enemy stood amazed , though they had just then received a supply of Five thousand fresh Men sent by the King. The Governour went privately into the Fort , and afterwards Landed his Men. He proposed in Council , Whether it was fit presently to march out and fight the Enemy ? The Question was debated , till the Experienced Garcia de Sa put an end to it , saying , They ●…ught to fight . They marched in this order : D. Iohn Mascarenas , Commander of the Fort , led the Van , consisting of Five hundred Men : D. Alvaro led as many : Don Emanuel de Lima , the like number . The Governour led the rest , which were One thousand , and a Body of Indians . Among the Men were some Portugues Women in mens Cloaths , to assist the Wounded . In the Fort was left the Lieutenant with Three hundred Men. That Night they fixed their Arms , and next Morning prepared their Souls . The Governour appointed Rewards for those who first mounted the Enemies Works . 5. At Break of Day , on the 11th of November , this small Army marched out to attack the numerous Forces of the Enemies , who were well intrenched and provided with Cannon . Our Men gave the Onset with much Bravery , and some fell . Two Gentlemen , who had Challenged each other , now agreed he should be owned as Victorious over the other , who first mounted the Enemies Works ; both honourably strove for this Glory , and both died gloriously in the Attempt . At length our Men mounted the Works ; such was each man's eagerness to be the first , that it could not be known who really was so . Payva having lost a Leg , fought on his Knees till he was killed . The Tanadar cut down a Turk , and stooping to make an end of him , was slain by another Turk . Francis de Azevedo was killed , after having made a great slaughter . 6. The brave Mascarenas and D. Alvaro de Castro , having taken a Bulwark , make themselves room in the Field . The Governour comes up and enflames the fight . He orders his Ensign to fix the Colours on the Enemies Works , and is immediately obeyed by him . Twice was the Ensign thrown down , and twice he remounted . Our Men encouraged by the Governour , press forward , and the Enemy gives way . The Portugueses enter their Works pell-mell with them , and Rumecan comes on with the whole Body of his Army ; but after a hot dispute retires , leaving his Enemies Masters of his Works . 7. Rumecan joyns Iuzarcan , who on the other side was worsted by Mascarenas . The Governour marches out of the Works to meet them , giving the Van to his Son D. Alvaro . The Portugueses were much distressed , when F. Antony del Cazal appeared before them with a Crucifix on the Point of a Lance , encouraging them with godly Words . They take Courage , and covering the Field with dead and wounded Men , put Rumecan to flight ; but he rallying , forced the Portugueses to retire in great disorder . The Governour exposing himself to admiration , renewed the Fight , and restored good Order : At this time a Stone broke a●… Arm of the Crucifix , and the Priest calling upon the Men to revenge that Sacriledge , they fell on with such fury , that having done incredible Execution , they drove the Enemy to the City , who still gave way , facing us . The first that entred the City with them was D. Iohn , then D. Alvaro , and D. Emanuel de Lima and the Governour , all several ways , making the Streets and Houses run with Blood. The Women escaped not the fate of the Men , and Children were slain at their Mothers Breasts , one stroak taking away two Lives . The first part of the Booty was Precious Stones , Pearls , Gold and Silver ; other things , though of value , were slighted as cumbersom . 8. Rumecan ▪ and his General Officers , rally their Men , and appear again in the Field with Eight thousand . The Governour and his Son , and D. Iohn Mascarenas encompass them , the Fight was bloody ; in the heat of it Gabriel Teyxeyra killing the Bearer , took the Standard of Cambaya and dragged it about the Field , proclaiming Victory . George Nunez , from among the Dead , brought out Rumecans Head , and presented it to the Governour . Others took Iuzarcan , who was Wounded . Our Men were left absolute Masters of the Field . Of the Portugueses One hundred were killed , others say only Thirty four ; of the Enemy Five thousand , and among them Azedecan , Lucan and other Men of Note . Free Plunder was allowed , some were enriched ; many got much , and all were satisfied . There were taken many Colours , forty Pieces of Cannon of an extraordinary bigness , which with the lesser made up Two hundred , and a vast quantity of Ammunition . 9. Many particularly signalized themselves in this Action . The Governour played the part of a Souldier , as well as a General . D. Iohn Mascarenas , after a Siege of eight Months , did more ( with respect to such Merits ) than all . D. Alvaro de Castro , of whom it is enough to say , He did like his Father . The Ensign Barbado , who being several times thrown down , as often mounted the Works . F. Antony , who with the image of Life , banished the fear of Death . And many more , as well of those who were killed , as they that survived . The Enemy confessed , that one day during the Siege they saw over the Church of the Fort , a beautiful Woman cloathed in White , from whom proceeded such Rays that blinded them ; and this Day , in the Field , some Men with Lances , who did them the greatest harm . The King in a Rage for this Loss , caused Twenty eight Portugueses he had in Custody , to be torn to pieces in his presence . 10. Whilst the Governour was employed in Repairing the damage received , D. Emanuel de Lima by his Order scowred the Coast of Cambaya with thirty Ships , extirpating all the Towns on that shoar . The City Goga , one of the Chief of that Kingdom , was taken without any resistance , the Inhabitants flying to the Mountains . It was plundered and burnt ; then pursuing the Inhabitants , they were found at Night about a League off asleep , and all put to the Sword. All the Cattle in the Fields were either killed or Ham-strung . The City Gandar had the very same fate . The same was done in several other Towns , and with many Ships along the Coast of Baroche . 11. Great was the Joy at Goa , for the News of what had hapned at Diu , carried thither by Iames Rodriguez de Azevedo , by whom the Governour desired the City to lend him Twenty thousand Pardao's for the use of the Army , sending a Lock of his Whiskers in pawn for the Mony. The City returned the Pawn with Respect , and sent him more Mony than he demanded ; and the Women their Pendants , Necklaces , Bracelets , and others Jewels . The Governour punctually restored all , as it was sent ; being the day before supplied by a rich Ship of Cambaya , taken by Antony Moniz Barreto on the Coast of Mangalor . 12. The Fort being Repaired , and put into a better condition than it was before the Siege , and Five hundred Men into it , and D. George de Meneses with six Ships upon the Coast , and the City better inhabited through the good Usage of the Governour to the Moors , he sailed for Goa , and arrived there on the 11th of April . He was received with loud Acclamations , and a splendid Triumph prepared by the City , in imitation of those of Rome . The City Gates and Streets were hung with Silk , the Windows thronged with fine Women ; all places resounded with Musick and noise of Cannon , and the Sea was covered with Vessels richly adorned . The Governour entred under a rich Canopy , where taking off his Cap , they put on his Head a Crown of Laurel , and a Branch of it in his hand . Before him went the Priest with the Crucifix , as he carried it in the Fight , and next to him the Royal Standard . Then Iuzarcan , his Eyes fixed on the Ground , perhaps that he might not see his Prince's Colours dragged and ours flying , and among them Six hundred Prisoners in Chains . In the Front the Cannon , and all other sorts of Arms in Carts , very delightful to behold . The Governour walked upon Leaves of Gold and Silver , and rich Silks . The Ladies from the Windows sprinckled him with sweet Water , and threw Flowers on him . Our Queen Catherine hearing the Relation of his Victory and Triumph , said , D. John had Overcome like a Christian , and Triumphed like a Heathen . CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of D. John de Castro , and Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. SCarce was the Triumph over , when the Governour sent Iames de Almeyda Freyre with One hundred and twenty Horse , Eight hundred Foot , and a Thousand Indians , to drive out of the Lands of Salsete and Bardes , some Troops sent to Hidalcan to possess themselves of them ; because the Conditions upon which he delivered them were not performed . The Enemy appeared at Cowlij to the number of Four thousand , who fled at the News of our approach . So the Lands were recovered without drawing Sword. Hidalcan sent the same Troops again , with Nine thousand more , and a Company of Renegado Portugueses , Commanded by Gonzalo Vaz Coutino , who flying the punishment of his Crimes , defended himself by committing greater . Iames de Almeyda marched again with the same Force as before ; but being too weak , was forced to quit what before he had regained . The Governour marched in Person with Three thousand Men in five Batalions . Francis de Melo joyned them with about Fifteen hundred . The Enemy hearing of it , though so numerous , retired to the Fort of Ponda . Our Army followed , and D. Alvaro de Castro , who led the Van , took a Ford defended by Two thousand Musqueteers . The other twelve or thirteen Thousand were drawn up in good Order about the Fort ; but fled , after receiving our first Fire , leaving the Fort so clear , it appeared they had no design to maintain it . 2. The Victor never wants Friends . Cidoça , King of Canara , sent to Congratulate D. Iohn de Castro upon this Victory . He proposed a New League with Portugal ; which was concluded upon Honourable Terms , as always happen to those who are sent to . This Kingdom of Charnataca , corruptly Canara , had no Sovereign Prince till the Year of Grace 1200. It began then in Boca a Shepherd , who stiled himself Rao , that is , Emperour , a Title that contiued in all his Successors . This King , as a Memorial of the Defeat given to the King of Delij , built the famous City Visajanagar , corruptly also called Bisnagar . The Crown continued in his Line till usurped by Narsinga , from whom this Kingdom took that Name , as also that of Bisnagar , from the City . Afterwards King Melique sent also to ratifie and confirm the Peace with us , rather through Hatred to him was defeated , than Love to the Conquerours . 3. D. George de Meneses , who was left in the Sea of Cambaya with six Ships , was informed that Madremaluco , Son-in-Law to Coje Zofar and Lord of Baroche , was gone from thence with all the Garrison . Baroche is a City seated in the highest part of those Plains , encompassed with a strong Wall , very populous and well built . Meneses marched by Night , and at Break of Day had entred the Houses , killing many asleep , and the others as they awaked . Such as escaped with the Fright , they knew not whither they ran , leaving Wives and Children behind only to save their own Lives . The City could not be maintained , and therefore was plundered and burnt , and the Cannon that could not be carried Aboard , were burst . To D. George's Sirname was added that of Baroche . 4. The Governour was informed , the King of Cambaya would come upon Diu with a greater Power than before , and with all diligence prepared to relieve it . The City of Goa advanced Mony for this Enterprize , and the Women again sent him their Jewels by their little Daughters , complaining he had not made use of them the last time , and desiring he would now : But he sent them back with Presents . The Fleet consisted of 160 Sail. 5. They sailed to Baçaim , and thence to Suratt , where D. Alvaro , who set out eight days before , had taken a Work , killed some Moors and got Cannon . Next , they entred the Port of Baroche , whence they discovered the King of Cambaya covering the Plain with 150000 Men , and 80 Cannon in the Front ; the Army made a Semicircle and covered a League of Ground . D. Iohn boldly leaped ashoar , not only to shew he feared him not , but with design to fight him . The most Experienced Officers dissuaded him , representing it was a rashness for 3000 to attack 150000 ; that it was enough that he had Landed , and drawn off with as much leisure , as if Victorious . He was forced against his Will , to submit to the Advice of his Elders . He went on to Diu , and giving the Command of that Fort to Luis Falcam , because D. Iohn Mascarenas was returning to Portugal , he run like an inundation along the Coast of Por and Mongalor . The beautiful and strong Cities of Pate and Patane were abandoned by the Inhabitants , and by us destroyed , near Two hundred Vessels burnt in their Ports , and a rich Booty taken . The same hapned to Dabul , but with some opposition . This was done in revenge for Hidalcan's ravaging the Lands of Salsete and Bardes . 6. Calabatecan , his General , had lately possessed those Lands with Twenty thousand Men. The Governour went to meet them with Fifteen hundred Horse and Four thousand Foot ; but the Enemy scarce heard them , when they fled to the Mountains of Cowlij , leaving their Tents and Baggage for haste . Our Army rested , and at Break of Day marched to give a good Morrow to Calabatecan , who slept not , but came down with Two thousand Horse to maintain the Ford. But Almeyda passing with a few Horse , struck him down with his Lance ; yet he rising nimbly had killed our Captain with his Cimiter , had not his Page again cast him down with a stroak of a Lance. He again rose , and was again beat down by Almeyda , and cut to pieces . His Arms , Horse and Furniture were of such value , that the share of George Madera , one of those that killed him ( being the Cimiter , Dagger , Chain and Rings ) were worth Eight thousand Crowns . The Moors and Christians fell to it desperately ; but the former knowing their General was killed , soon fled , losing almost Three thousand Men. 7. Soon after the Governour marched to the Coast , where he left neither Town , Wood , nor Flock or Herd of Cattle that could be seen , but what he destroyed with Fire and Sword. He was so pleased with this Success , that he entred Goa in manner of Triumph , giving the best share of it to his Son D. Alvaro . These were rather demonstrations of Joy , than Triumphs ; if otherwise , the Triumphs were too many . 8. Sometime before F. Antony del Padron ( the first Commissary of St. Francis in India ) with some Companions had entred into the Island Ceylon , and Preaching had wrought no small effect along the Coast. F. Pascalis was so well received by the King Iavira Pandar of Candea , that desiring to become a Christian , he was only deterred for fear of his Subjects rebelling , and therefore desired assistance of the Governour in case of any Commotion . Antony Moniz Barreto was sent to this effect . Mean while the King of Cota persuades Iavira , That he should no sooner be a Christian , but the Portugueses would deprive him of his Kingdom . The King giving Credit to this wicked Device , resolved to kill all the Portugueses sent to his assistance . But the better to execute it , feigned himself still of the same Mind . Barreto ( it is not known how ) had Intelligence of the Design , and finding more danger in Returning to the Ships , than going on to Ceitavaca , where that King was our Friend , he caused those One hundred and twenty Men he had Landed to burn all they had , except some little Provision , to let them know they were to save nothing , but their Lives . Three days they marched , fighting with Eight thousand Men so fortunately , that they arrived at Ceitavaca without losing one Man : To the great Honour of their Captain . 9. Our irreconcileable Enemy , the King of Achem , about this time sent against Malaca a Fleet of sixty Sail , and in it Five thousand Land-men ; among which were Five hundred Orobalones , commonly called , Of the Gold Bracelets ; because they wear them , and are very brave ; but his best Regiment was of Turks and Janizaries . This Body was Commanded by a Valiant Moor , who had the style of Dr. King of Pedir . He Landed by Night at Malaca , and found nothing but some Geese , which he took to shew his Prince , as a Testimony of his Landing : But those Fowl alarming the City ( as formerly the Capitol , ) caused all to be in readiness , which was but little , the Town being then very scarce of Men. 10. However , the Enemy was forced to retire and imbark , having burnt two Ships of ours that were ready to sail . Without they took seven Fishermen , and cutting off their Noses Ears , and Feet , sent them to the Commander Simon de Melo , with a Challenge writ with their Blood. The Challenge was made a Jest of , because there was no Force there to Answer it . But the Great St. Francis Xaverius , who was zealous for the King's Honour , as well as the Service of God , being there then , he disapproved the Jest , and advised to meet the Enemy at any rate . The Governour and others excused themselves , urging there were in the Port but eight small Vessels , which , as being rotten and unfit for service , lay aground . This was true , but the Cause of it was the Neglect and Avarice of the Government . 11. The Great Xaverius took so much pains , that he prevailed with some Merchants to fit out those Vessels , prophetically promising two Galliots would come to their Aid . The time prefixed was near expired , when they appeared sailing for Patane , and came into Malaca , though they had not designed it . The Saint went aboard , found they were Commanded by Iames Suarez de Melo , called the Gallego , and his Son Baltasar ; he persuaded them to have a part in that Action . These Ten poor Vessels being fitted and manned with Two hundred and thirty Men , sailed to find out the Enemy under the Command of D. Francis Deça . 12. Being about to return Home , after two Months spent in search of the Enemy , they found him in the River Parles , and Engaged upon a Sunday Morning . The Fight was desperate ; our Men behaved themselves with incredible Bravery , and had a most compleat Victory , killing Four thousand of the Enemy , sinking several of their Ships , and taking most of the rest , whereof they carried away but Twenty five , for want of Men , and burnt the rest . Three hundred Pieces of Cannon were taken , and almost a Thousand Musquets . This Victory cost us but Twenty five Men , some say , only four . 13. At the time of this Fight St. Francis was Preaching at Malaca , and pausing , on a sudden related all the particulars of it to his Auditory , who were in great Care for those Ships , having had no News of them in two Months . His Prediction was verified a few days after by their Arrival . 14. In September arrived five Ships from Lisbon : Six set out , but the one was Cast-away at Angoxa , the Men saved and distributed amongst the other Ships . CHAP. V. The End of the Government of D. John de Castro . 1. THe Governour began this Year with the utter destruction of the Coast subject to Hidalcan . He had the same Fleet as before , and began in Ianuary at the River Charopa , two Leagues from Goa . He spared neither Living Creature , Vegetable , nor the very Stones ; but burnt and slaughtered all as far as the City Dabul , which was reduced to Ashes , the Inhabitants being fled with the best of their Goods . Hence he ran in the same manner to the River Cifardam , which parts this Kingdom from that of Melique . 2. The King of Campar , who had taken the City Adem from the Turks , being threatned by them , had recourse to the Portugueses , submitting himself to our King ; and to this effect D. Payo de Norona was sent to him with a Supply by the Commander of Ormuz . D. Payo behaved not himself as he ought to have done on this Occasion ; for the King marching out to fight the Turks , by whom he was beaten and slain , and having left him to guard the City , he ( over-fearful of Treachery ) retired to his Ship , and returned not though he saw the Town Assaulted . Some Turkish Galleys came and besieged the place , and D. Payo having promised the Prince assistance left him , carrying away the few Portugueses he had brought . Emanuel Pereyra resolved to stay there , and Francis Vieyra , who was raising Men at Campar , made his way in . Both behaved themselves bravely ; but the Turks entring by Treachery , the Prince and one of his Brothers were killed ; the Portugueses with another retired to Campar , to expect the Succours were to come from India . 3. D. Alvaro went with Three hundred Men in Thirty Vessels , loaded with Ammunition . The Governour was overjoyed with the News of the submission of Adem . But this Joy was soon allayed by a dangerous Fever , and a violent Mutiny raised for want of Bread. Emanuel de Sousa & Sepulveda prudently appeased it ; and the Governour being recovered , caused his Hand to be cut off who Beat the Drum to Call the People , and two others of the Chief , to be imprisoned . 4. D. Iohn de Ataide , or Meneses , sent before by D. Alvaro to Adem , entring boldly as believing it to be in the possession of D. Payo , lost two Vessels and all the Men that were in them , who were either killed or made Slaves by the Turks . Noronha met D. Alvaro at Canequirim , and earnestly laboured to represent how great the Danger was that obliged him to quit that place . But the dead Kings Embassadour and his own Silence , when accused , were Witnesses against him . He came afterwards to Goa , and one of his Servants having taken a Hen from a Slave , the Slave was complaining at the Door they would not restore it : When a Portugues passing by told him ; Leave off , for in that House they love Hens : If it were Adem they would soon part with it , but not a Hen. Now in Portugues by a Hen they signifie a Coward , as well as the Fowl ; and the word Adem signifies a Duck , and was the name of the place he quitted . D. Alvaro finding the posture of Affairs so changed , desisted from the Enterprize . 5. He had Orders , as soon as he concluded at Adem to go to Caxem , that first being laid aside , he went to the second . The King of Caxem impatiently expected his assistance against the Turks , who had taken his Castle of Xael . They assaulted it , and those within ( being only Thirty ) offered to surrender upon Honourable Terms . The Portugueses against the Inclination of the King and D. Alvaro , refused to give any Conditions , and wrongfully detained them that came to Treat . Pride and Injustice seldom go unpunished . The Portugueses attack the Fort , and the Besieged turning their Submission into Rage , died couragiously , killing Five hundred Portugueses : The rest returned in Triumph to Goa , which was no ways grateful to the Governour ; and 't is thought the Cowardize at Adem , and Rashness at Xael , were two great Causes that carried him to his Grave , for all he endeavoured to dissemble it . 6. The News of the Victory at Diu being brought this Year to Lisbon , the King resolved to send a greater Fleet than usual to India , and to Honour D. Iohn with unusual Favours ; for they were the first that any Governour of India received from his Prince , for good Service performed . The Fleet consisted of seventeen Sail. D. Iohn had the Government continued to him with the Title of Vice-Roy , a Present of Mony , and his Son D. Alvaro made Admiral of the Indian Seas . 7. D. Iohn was almost dead when these Bounties reached him , and he died of a Disease that nowadays kills no man , though it did formerly ; for even Diseases dye . It was grief for the miserable estate India was reduced to , without any means of redressing it ; and the Actions of some Gentlemen , among them that of his Son at Xael . He publickly begged pardon of many for Writing against them to the King , that it may appear , even Great Spirits purchase Favour by mean Whispers . 8. D. Iohn find ing himself unable to manage the Government , appointed a Council of select Persons to supply his place . And when he saw there was no hopes of Life , he called them before him , and some others , and said , Though he neither hoped nor desired to live , yet while he continued in that condition something must be spent : That he had nothing , and desired that they would order something out of the King's Revenue , that he might not dye for want . Then he ordered a Mass-Book to be brought , and laying his hand upon it , his Eyes lifted up to Heaven , swore , That he had no way made use of the Kings , or any other mans Mony : That he had not drove any Trade , to increase his own Stock ; and desired that this Act of his might be Recorded . Soon after he gave up the Ghost in the Arms of St. Francis Xaverius , on the 6th of Iune , in the 48th year of his Age , having Governed two Years and eight Months . In his private Cabinet was found a Bloody Discipline , and three Royals , which was all his Treasure . 9. He was buried in the Church of Saint Francis. In the Year 1576 his Body was brought to Portugal , and laid in the Church of Bemfica of the Dominicans , on a Hill not far from Lisbon . He is painted Crowned with Palm-branches , and cloathed in Red. He was a great Latinist , and well skilled in Mathematicks . Being desirous to know why the Red-Sea appears of that Colour , he made Men Dive to the bottom and bring up what they found , whereof he writ a Treatise . 10. D. Iohn Governed without suffering himself to be over-ruled by Pride , as others did before and after him . He asked nothing for himself as a Superiour ; what the Necessities of the Government required , he asked as an Equal . He valued Men according to Merit , not Fancy . He so much loved every one should look like what he was , that seeing a fine Suit of Cloaths as he passed by a Taylors , and being told it was his Sons , he cut it in pieces , saying , Bid that young man provide Arms. He was the 14th in the number of Governours , and may be accounted the 4th Vice-Roy , and first of the Name . 11. It is fit something should be said of this Great Man's descent and first Actions . He was born the Year 1500 , and was Son of Alvaro de Castro , Governour of the Chancery , and of D. Leonor de Noronha , Daughter of D. Iohn de Almeyda , Count of Abrantes . In his Youth he served in Tangier , and returning home had a Commendary , valued at 500 Ducats a year conferred on him , which was all a man of his Birth and Merits was ever worth . In those days the Revenues were small , and Men great ; afterwards the Revenues grew great , and the Men little . A Great Soul then did much with a little ; now they do nothing with a great deal . The Year 1505 , when D. Francis de Almeyda went first Vice Roy of India , his Salary was but 15000 Royals a year . D. Constantine fifty years after , because he was of the Blood Royal , had 40000. Now they have 100000. See who performed the greatest Exploits in that Post. 12. He served afterwards under the Emperour CHARLES the Fifth , in the Expedition of Tuniz , and refused his part of a Present in Mony that Prince made to the Portugues Officers , saying , He served the King of Portugal , and of him expected his Reward . After this he commanded a Fleet upon the Coast , and was sent with another to the Relief of Ceuta , which joyning with that of Spain ; the Spaniard hearing the Moors were drawing near , would draw off to Consult concerning the manner of giving Battle ; but D. Iohn refused to stir . The Moors not knowing the Fleets were parted , retired , and D. Iohn remained with the Honour of this Action . 13. When the Vice-Roy D. Garcia de Noronha went to India , D. Iohn was Captain of one of his Ships . Being ready to go aboard , the King sent him a Grant of the Command of Ormuz , and 1000 Ducats a year ●…ll he was in possession of it . The last he ●…ccepted , because he was poor ; and refused ●…e first , saying , He had not yet deserved it . ●…e went to Suez with D. Stephen de Gama , ●…nd up to Mount Sinai , where his Son 〈◊〉 . Alvaro was Knighted . Being returned to ●…ortugal , he lived retired in a Country-●…ouse he built near Cintra , giving himself altogether to his Studies . Thence he was called by the Advice of the Infante D. Luis , and sent Governour to India . CHAP. VI. The Government of Garcia de Sá , from the Year 1548 till the Year 1549 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. THE first Patent of Succession being opened , named D. Iohn Mascarenhas who after the long Siege of Diu was gone for Lisbon , to seek the Reward which now he missed in India . The second named D. George Tello , absent also . In the third was Garcia de Sá , a Person well versed in the Affairs of India . At his first Entrance upon the Government he gave sufficient Tokens of his Zeal for the Publick , and used some Liberality to gain the Hearts of the Souldiers , much dejected with the lessening their Pay. 2. He received an Embassadour from Hidalcan to Treat of Peace , which was concluded much to our Advantage . About the beginning of August came in eleven of the seventeen Ships sent from Portugal this year : The other six were arrived before . In this Fleet were the first Fathers of the Order of St. Dominick , that went to build a Convent at Goa ; they were six , and their Chief F. Iames Bernardez a Spaniard , and a Learned and Pious Man. 3. The Governour sent Martin Correa de Silva to Diu ; hastned the departure of the Trading Ships , and sailed for Baçaim with some Men in thirty Vessels , designing to gain some advantage over the King of Cambaya . He was disappointed ; but it was some satisfaction that he had Advice there , That the King of Tanor being Converted , desired succour against such as should rebel upon his change of Religion . Garcia de Sá , the Governours Nephew , was sent with Threescore Men of Note , who had good success , as shall appear in its place . 4. At this time the Governour splendidly received the Embassadours of Zamori , Canara , Nizamaluco , Cotumaluco , and other Princes , who came to confirm the former Peace . At last Sultan Mamud , King of Cambaya , made Overtures , tired with ill success , and the Peace was established to our Credit . 5. The Spiritual Conquest was now very successful . Xaverius erected Churches , and Converted many among the Patava's , and two Kings with a multitude of People in Malaca . Iohn Soarez , Vicar of the Fort of Chale , converted the King of Tanor , with his Queen and Children . He desiring to see the Offices of the Church solemnly performed at Goa , and be confirmed by the Bishop , came to the City , was nobly received , and departed well satisfied , promising to make his Subjects follow his Example . The Persuasions of Zamori wrought no effect upon him now ; but afterwards it seems they prevailed , for we shall see him in Arms against those who received him with such Honour . 6. One Bislald , an Ethiopian and Favourite of the King of Ormuz , rebelled against him at Manojam . The King sent against him a good Body of his Men , supported by 120 Portugueses , to which were afterwards added 1000 of the first , and 180 of the latter ; but all to no purpose , for he still kept himself out of reach . D. Emanuel de Lima finding he could not do any thing by open force , resolved to reach him by Craft . He agreed with a Gallego , That he should counterfeit he fled from him , and getting into Baslala's Camp , kill him the first opportunity . The Gallego soon performed , and all was quiet . 7. This Year we shall see a bloody War between Pegu and Siam , for an Elephant . The King of Siam had a white Elephant , a Beast coveted by all the Princes of the East . The King of Pegu demanded it by way of Superiority ; and he of Siam refused it , not so much for the value of the Beast , as for the manner of asking . He of Pegu entred his Dominions , and reduced him to desire a Peace upon any Terms , so the Elephant were not comprehended . They agreed the King of Pegu should have the Siam's Daughter and a Noble Woman every year , as an acknowledgment : But the latter not performing , the other returned with 1500000 Men , 4000 Elephants , and an incredible Train ; with him came the Kings that depended on him , and Iames Soarez de Melo with 180 Portugueses . Above two Thousand Workmen went before , who every Night set up a stately Wooden Palace , richly painted and adorned with Gold. He made a prodigious Bridge of Boats over the rapid River Menam , a League over , to pass his Army . In his Way was a narrow Pass , where the Siamite had raised a strong Wall , guarded by 25000 Men. Iames Soarez was sent to gain it with 30000 , which he performed with some loss to himself , but utter destruction of the Enemy . At length he sat down with his wonderful Army before the City Odia , the Court or the King of Siam , who was within with 60000 Men , and 4000 Cannon , some of a prodigious magnitude . Odia is eight Leagues in compass , about it a strong Wall , and round that a wide and deep Water . 8. The Battery began . In the Town were 50 Portugueses , Commanded by Iames Pereyra , who behaved themselves to admiration . The King of Pegu endeavoured to corrupt them with Bribes ; but they rejected all his Offers . The King astonished , despaired of gaining by the Sword , what could not be bought with Gold , and removed to the City Camambee , where were the Siamites Treasures ; the Place strong , and defended by 20000 Men. After many Attempts this vast Power was forced to march off without doing any thing . 9. Xemindoo rebelled against the King of Pegu , who sent Iames Soarez with Two hundred Portugueses to suppress him . He followed him to the City Cevadi ; and he slipping by , got into Pegu , because the City sided with him . The Queen fled to the Castle , where she was defended by twenty Portugueses , till the King came and put the Rebels to flight . The Army entred the City , and put to the Sword not only Men , Women and Children , but even the Beasts ; nothing escaped , but what was within the liberty of Iames Soarez his House , which the King had ordered should be exempted ; above Twelve thousand saved themselves therein . The Plunder was unaccountable , Iames Soarez alone got above three Millions . At his Intercession the King pardoned a Portugues , who had furnished Xemindoo with Ammunition . 10. Though the King escaped the hands of Xemindoo , he could not the Villany of Ximi de Zatan , ( Ximi is equivalent to a Duke , and he really was one of Satan's creating ) who murdered him in the delightful City Zatan . The Traytor was immediately proclaimed King , and falling among the murdered Princes Men , killed three of those that belonged to Iames Soarez , who fled to the City Ovà , and afterwards at Pegu was reconciled to this New King , till Xemindoo , who fled before , came on again with a powerful Army . Ximi commanded Iames Soarez , and his Portugueses , to march with him against the Enemy ; but before he came thither , the punishment of his great Insolencies reached him , as shall be seen hereafter . 11. Zatan was taken and Beheaded by Xemindoo , who gave out it was for the killing of Soarez , as if the murder of the King had not been a more justifiable Motive . Thus the first Rebel possessed himself of the Crown , till Mandaragri , the late Kings Brother-in-Law , claimed it in right of his Wife ; and coming to a Battle , gave him such a total Defeat , that Xemindoo fled to the Mountains , where he married a poor Fellows Daughter . He discovered himself to her , and she revealed it to her Father , at such time as great Rewards were proposed to such as should discover him . The Father-in-Law delivered him up to the King , who cut off his Head. 12. The King not throughly satisfied with the People of Pegu , built not far from it another great and strong City . Then he marched with an Army of 1600000 Men , and over-run many Neighbouring Kingdoms . But another Rebellion breaking out at Pegu , the Queen was forced to fly to the Castle , chiefly relying upon 39 Portugueses , who defended her till the King came and vanquished the Rebels . Then the King sent an Officer to bring those Men , who had defended the Queen , to his presence . He brought him some Moors of Note ; but the King knowing the Portugueses were the Men , said in Anger , I sent you for Men , and you bring me Cowards ; Go , bring me Men. The Portugueses being brought , he bid them ask whatever Reward they would , and they with the Surprize doubting , the King loaded them with Riches , Praises and Honours . 13. Now were the Inhabitants of the City Chincheo , the second Portugues Colony in China , in a flourishing condition , and seemed to have forgot the sad Fate of Liampo , destroyed through their Wickedness and Avarice . Ayres Coello de Sousa came thither to be Judge of the Orphans , and Proveditor for the Dead ; his Intention being to rob the Living and Dead , his Countrymen and Strangers . He committed many Villanies to lay hold of 12000 Ducats , belonging to an Armenian Christian , who died there , and 8000 more of some Chinese Merchants , upon pretence they belonged to the dead Man. These and other Insolencies provoked the Chineses to do , as they had done at Liampo ; to wit , to raze the Town , and destroy all the Inhabitants . Only Thirty escaped of Five hundred Portugueses that lived there . These , and some others they gathered , went over to the Island Lampazau ; and afterwards , in the Year 1557 , obtained of the Chineses that of Gaoxam , where they built the City now called Macao , as shall be seen in its place . 14. Our Governour studying some Means to relieve the great Wants of the Souldiers , was suddenly snatched away by Death , about the beginning of Iuly . He was much regretted for his Prudence , Affability and Integrity ; for being Seventy years of Age , and having born considerable Offices , he was forced to give all he had to Match two Daughters , and yet the best part of their Portions was their Beauty , and that He was their Father . He had a graceful Presence ; a comly Countenance , always Smiling , without lessening his Gravity : For it is not necessary to be like a Statue , to appear like a God. He was of the first Quality of his Country : His Beard very white and full , falling upon his Breast : Governed a Year and a Month , and was the 15th in that Rank ; the second of the Name , and first of the Sirname . CHAP. VII . The Government of George Cabral , from the Year 1549 , till the Year 1550 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. THE Patents of Succession being opened , there was found in the first George Cabral , a Gentleman by Birth , and of known Worth , who not long before was gone to take possession of the Command of Baçaim . He received the News with small signs of Joy , an ill token for him that expected the Recompence of carrying it : But he being a generous Man , did not lessen the Reward . It was not want of desire to Govern that made him dissatisfied ; but that he feared another coming soon from Portugal to succeed him , he should lose the great Advantages he might have made of the Command he was in , and which he was to hold four Years . With him was his Wife D. Lucretia Fiallo , who had double Pretensions to be vain , as a Woman , and as a Beauty , and had now a third , in the News of being Wife to the Governour of India ; so she laughed to see her Husband doubt , whether he should receive what was offered . 2. Cabral revolved a thousand Thoughts with himself , not knowing whether to admit or refuse the Government , and these Cares so disturbed him , that he could not Rest at Night . His Wife finding him so dubious , and fearing to be disappointed of the Pride of sitting , though never so short a time in the Throne of India , took him one Night to task , and using all Arts of an ambitious Womans Tongue , and the Allurements of that place , prevailed with him to lay aside all Doubt , and accept of the Honour offered , which he had seemed averse to , and which she so ardently desired . 3. He admired her efficacy in Persuading , no less powerful in the beauty of her Language , than that of her Person . Though he always thought her a Woman of Sense ; ( for Beauty and Folly are not always inseparable ) yet he could not but conclude , the desire of Greatness is a great matter of Eloquence . Who could resist a resolute Beauty ? Had it been to draw on Mankind another Universal sin , he must have been an Adam to that Eve ; much more to accept of a Command for which he was sufficiently qualified . In fine , The New Governour sailed to Goa , in this only Governed by his Wife ; for India might vie with her in the desire of seeing him possess that Throne many years : For Cabral deserved to have been long continued in that Post , and India was obliged to his Wife for the short time he held it . Women are not always hurtful : But in those days there were some Beautiful and Gay without being quite Mad. 4. At our Governours coming from Cochin , there was not a right Understanding between that King and him , because he ordered Francis de Silva to attemp to Plunder the Pagod of Palurte , which was disappointed , and he lost three Portugueses ; and the Loss had been greater , but that the King was then absent . This was the Cause that three Ships set out for Portugal late , and ill Laden . Now came the News , That above 100 Sail were fitting out at Suez , to transport Turks into India . The Governour applied himself to provide for such a Storm , he acquainted the Chief of our Towns. Goa offered much , Chaul 30 Sail , Bazaim 20. Whilst these Preparations were making , F. Antony Criminal , an Italian Jesuit , preaching at Cape Comori , received the Crown of Martyrdom at the hands of a multitude of the King of Bisnagar's Subjects , who assaulted him as he Preached . He was run through with three Lances , and then his Head cut off . King Iohn was so mightily delighted with this Exploit , that he immediately sent Advice to Baltasar de Faria his Embassadour at Rome , to communicate it to the Pope , who received it with due applause . CHAP. VIII . Continues the Government of George Cabral . 1. ZAmori , and the King of Pimienta , were joyned in a League against him of Cochin , which threatned that State with dangerous consequences . The Governour set out to prevent them with a Fleet of 90 Sail ; but returned to Goa without doing any thing , because the Season was unfit . He only consulted with the King of Cochin about the manner of carrying on the War against those Confederates , since they could not be brought to a Peace . 2. The Weather being seasonable , the King of Pimienta took the Field at Bardela wth 10000 Nayres , the King of Cochin did the same with his Men , and 600 Portugueses , Commanded by the rash Francis de Sylva , Captain of that Fort. The Armies being drawn up in sight , the King of Pimienta , at the Request of Sylva , gave him a Meeting between them . Sylva pressed for an Accommodation , which the King condescending to upon reasonable Terms , was broke off by our Captain ; who having more natural Strength than natural Reason , acted more like a Brute than a Man. The Armies charged each other Couragiously , and the King of Pimienta was carried off Wounded , and died before he knew the event of the Battle . His Men fled , and were pursued into their City with great slaughter ; the Royal Palace was fired , which among them is the hainousest Affront ; whereupon they Rallied , and fell upon the Victors with such Fury , that they obliged them to retire in great disorder . Sylva discharged some few that stood by him , and rushing into the thickest of the Enemies , was killed . Above fifty Portugueses were lost here , which abundantly countervailed for our Victory . 3. Five thousand Nayres , all sworn to Revenge the death of their King , or dye , entred the Country of Cochim , killing many , and forcing others to fly to the Fort. The Commander of the Fort , Henry de Sousa , marced out , and finding them engaged with the Indians , who fought desperately , killed Five hundred . Two strange and contrary Accidents hapned upon this occasion : One was , a Man that lay dying arose , and taking a Lance did great Execution among the Enemies , and perfectly recovered his health : The other , a Man in perfect health , who fell down dead with the Fright . 4. All the Joy of this Success vanished at the sight of Zamori , who came attended by the Princes of Malabar , with 140000 Men. He Encamped with 100000 at Chembe , ordering those Princes ( who were eighteen in number , and among them the King of Tanor , lately so fond of us and our Religion ) with the other 40000 , whereof 5000 had devoted themselves to pass over into the Island Bardela . Our Governour , upon the first Advice , prepared to meet this Storm . He sent before Emanuel de Sousa & Sepulveda with four Ships , and Orders , That having joyned those that were at Cochim , he should shut up those Princes in the Island till he came , being resolved to follow at his Heels . Sepulveda did his part , and the Governour his , for he sailed immediately ; the Cities of Goa , Chaul , and Baçaim , furnishing what they had offered for the Expedition against the Turks , which came to nothing . The Fleet consisted of above 100 Sail , and almost 4000 Landmen . The first Execution was at Tiracole , where many Houses , Ships and Goods were burnt . Coulete suffered the same Fate , after a vigorous Resistance , which cost the Lives of many of them , and sixteen of ours . At Panane the same , and we lost eight . 5. Our Governour Landed at Cochim , and found that King with Forty thousand Men ; he had himself Six thousand , Two thousand having joyned him there . The Island being beset , and Signal given to fall on , those within began to waive a white Flag , for a Parley . It was concluded , those eighteen Princes should put themselves into the Governours hands , upon promise of Life . He finding they delayed , resolved to fight them the next day , but was hindred by a great Flood ; yet he concluded he might put his design in execution the day after . But what security is there in human Felicity ? Cabral was almost in possession of one of the most glorious Actions that had been seen in India , when the sudden Arrival of the Vice-Roy D. Alfonso de Noronha ravished this Honour from him , no●… suffering him to proceed , nor concluding himself what was so well begun . On the contrary , he suffered all those Princes to escape with their whole Army . 6. St. Francis Xaverius seeing how many great Enterprizes were disappointed through the malice or Envy of the Governours , wrote a Letter to the King , acquainting him therewith , and advising to punish such Miscarriages with severity , whereby they might for the future be prevented . But Ministers serve as they please ; Saints advise well , and Princes Eyes are never opened . Commonly , the want of due Punishment is the cause of publick Calamities . 7. Whilst George Cabral was at Cochim , waiting to embarque in the Ships that were bound to Portugal , one Night about the middle of February there was a Report , That Eight thousand sworn Nayres would enter the City . Cabral run to the Gates , with Emanuel de Sousa & Sepulveda , in order to march out and meet them at Break of Day ; but was hindred by the Council of the City . He stayed with a competent Number of Men to guard the Town , and sent Sepulveda with Fifteen hundred Portugueses and the Natives . They found those desperate Men in a Neighbouring Town , acting all that Rage and Malice could suggest . They Charged them ; the Fight was very desperate , fifty Portugueses were slain , and above a Thousand of the Amouco's or devoted Nayres , the rest fled . 8. Let us see what was done during this time by the Captains , sent by the Governour to several parts . The King of Cota had asked Succour against his Brother Madune Pandar , King of Ceitavaca , who endeavoured to expel him his Kingdom ; he offered in requital for the Relief , to pay a greater Tribute than before . Caralea Pandar , Prince of Candea ( not following the Example of his Father , who was bent against the Religious Men , who made him a Christian ) desired to be Baptized , and fled with the Priests to a Fort , from whence he sent to beg the Governour 's assistance . Both these places being in the Island Ceylon , he sent thither D. George de Castro with six hundred Men. Madune scarce saw him , when he raised the Siege he had laid to Cota , where his Brother was . The King of Cota and D. George followed him ; and he so fortified the Passes , they were forced in some places to fight their way through showers of Bullets , Stones and Arrows , with some loss of Men , and no small slaughter of the Enemy . Being come in sight of the City Madune met them , and there ensued a bloody Battle desperately fought on both sides . At length Madune was obliged to ●…y to the Mountains , and leave his Brother in possession of that great City , singularly adorned by a Pagod of wonderful magnificence . The Plunder was very considerable . Madune implored his Brother's Mercy , who had little reason to shew him any ; yet did , and left him possessed of his Kingdom . 9. D. George did not meet with the like success at Candea , whither he went after this Victory . The Enemy came unexpectedly upon him with Forty thousand Men in a narrow Pass , whence he could not escape , and killed Eight hundred of his Men , half of them Portugueses . He got away with more grief for this Loss , than honour by the late Victory . For it is certain , we are more sensibly grieved at Misfortunes , than pleased with Success . 10. Bernardin de Sousa , at the Maluco's , continued the War against the King of Gilolo , and drew off with a rich Booty , after destroying some Towns on the Coast with Fire and Sword. At this time came Christopher de Sá to succeed him in that Command . 11. George Cabral imbarqued well pleased with his good success against the sworn nayres , and was well received in Portugal for his great Merit , contrary to the Custom of this Kingdom . He was generally esteemed one of the best Governours of India . He was the sixteenth of that number , and held it a year and four Months . His Person was graceful , his Countenance pleasing , of a ruddy Complexion , his Beard a dark Chesnut . 12. This Year was born at Goa ( the Father and Mother were Canara's ) a hairy Monster like a Monky , with a round Head and only one Eye in the Forehead , over it grew Horns , and on the sides Ears like those of a Kid. As the Midwife received it into her Hands , it cried out with a loud Voice and stood upon its Feet . The Father locked it up in a Hen-Coop : It got out , and seizing upon the Mother , had like to tear off one of her Nipples . The Father catching it again , poured scalding Water upon the Head and killed it , and could scarce cut off the Head , it was so hard . He burnt it ; and the thing being known he was punished for killing it , and the Body was exposed to publick view in the City . CHAP. IX . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Alfonso de Noronha , from the Year 1550 , till 1553 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. DOn Alfonso de Noronha was taken from the Government of Ceuta , to be sen●… to that of India , and more Favours conferred on him than on any of his Predecessors ; as if this Post of it self were not as great a Favour for him , as for others . Thus we see Princes bestow the very same Places on some as Rewards , which they give to others as a step to Merit : The fault is not in the Gift , but in him that bestows it . But it seems , the King in part ballanced this Favour by assigning him a Council , by whom he must of necessity be Advised in India . 2. He had Orders to send back into Portugal all the New Christians , that is , Converted Jews , who had gone from hence with their whole Families ; and it were better they had been banished both places . He was also to take cognizance of those Ancient Christians , who disturbed such as were converted from Paganism . 3. Don Alfonso set out of Lisbon with four Ships ; one had been sent before ▪ to give Advice why the rest stayed , and D. Alvaro de Gama ( Son to the Great Vasco ) sailed so late , it was never expected he would get thither ; yet he overtook the others , the Seas being favourable to all that descend from his Father ; for it was never known any of them was Cast-away . The Vice-Roy was received at Goa with the usual demonstrations of Joy , proceeding rather from the hatred they bear him that lays down the Sword , than love to him that takes it up . 4. He immediately sent Advice of his Arrival to all Parts , and dispatched Commanders to several Forts , and for Sea. Luis Figueyra was sent to the Red Sea with five Vessels , where they met the Turk Cafar with five Galliots . Figueyra attacks Cafar's Galliot , and was slain , much admired by the Enemy for his Valour . The four subordinate Captains stood looking on and saw him killed , without coming to his Relief . One of them , Gaspar Nunez , ashamed of what he had done , went away with all his Men into Ethiopia , and was never more heard of . Soveral , another of them , met one of those Galliots , fought , and they parted upon equal Terms . After he met the other two , and they all returned with disgrace to Goa . 5. The Arabs of Catifa delivered up to the Turks the Fort of that City , which highly offended the King of Ormuz . The Turks had also expelled his Kingdom the King of Baçora , who yet kept the Field with Thirty thousand Men , in hopes to recover his Kingdom with the assistance of the Portugueses . To this effect he sent an Embassy to the Vice-Roy , offering leave to build a Fort in his Harbour , and other Advantages to the Crown of Portugal . D. Antonio de Noronha , Nephew to the Vice-Roy , was sent to assist these two Kings , with Twelve hundred Men in nineteen Vessels . Being come to Ormuz , they marched with Three thousand of that Kings Men , and set down before the Fort of Catifa . Four hundred Turks that were in that Garrison behaved themselves bravely ; but finding it in vain to resist , fled by Night , and being discovered were pursued and routed . The Fort was taken , and the Captain of Ormuz not daring to maintain it , it was thought fit to be razed . A Mine was made , which taking fire before the time , and blowing up , the Work buried 40 Portugueses . 6. After this Victory Noronha sailed to the Mouth of the River Euphrates , in order to relieve the King of Baçora . Here a cunning Bassa persuaded him , he was sent for to be delivered up to his Enemies ; whereupon he returned Inglorious to Ormuz , where being come he understood the Deceit , but it was too late . 7. The Vice-Roy had sent D. Garcia de Meneses to Command at Ternate , at the Request of that King , who could not endure Iordan de Freytas , that sent him Prisoner to Goa . The Affairs of Malaca hindred Meneses from going thither . Bernardin de Sousa , who had scarce resigned that Post to Christopher de Sá , returned , with Orders to continue there , in case the Spaniards encroached upon those places . Sá refused to admit him , because the Spaniards were quiet , and his Order conditional ; but Sousa pressed to be restored , because he had not made so much of that Command as he expected . At length Sá , to prevent Mischief , submitted . Sousa immediately sets out with 180 Portugueses , and sails for Gilolo , to destroy the Fort was raising there . The King of Ternate , and Prince of Bacham , followed with 5000 Men. 8. The King of Gilolo couragiously expected the coming of his Enemy in the the Fort , with 1200 Men and many Pieces of Cannon . Baltasar Veloso led our Van ; the Prince of Gilolo breaking out of an Ambush with Four hundred Men , fell upon and distressed him ; but Veloso , though seventy years of Age , made such havock among the Enemies , they were forced to fly . Our Captain received some damage , continues his Battery , and sits down to besiege the place . He cut off their Water , which obliged them , after a Siege of three Months , to Capitulate , and Peace was concluded upon these hard Terms , That the King should lose this Title and be styled Governour , and pay Tribute . The Portugueses entred the Fort in his presence , committing many barbarous Enormities , and laid it even with the ground . It is no small Credit to those of Gilolo , that they held out four days after all their Provision was spent . On our side Three hundred Men were killed , eighteen of them Portugueses ; there were more wounded . Ferdinand Macha●… saying , He should be killed here , said the Office of the Dead for himself ; and le●…t it might be thought Cowardize , went Dancing up to the Enemy ; he died of his Wounds soon after the Surrender . The King also died for Grief , and his Son C●…chilguzarate succeeded him . Bernardin de Sousa being jealous of the Fort of Tidore , went over to it ; and that King fearing greater damage , agreed it should be demolished . 9. Sultan Halaudim , that King that Peter Mascarenas expelled Bantam , and D. Stephen de Gama from Ujantana , resolved now to try his Fortune against Malaca . He had a great Power at Sea , and was assisted by the Kings of Pera , Pam and Marruaz , and the Queen of Iapara in the Island of Iava . About the beginning of Iune the Fleet of these Confederates put to Sea , consisting of above Two hundred Sail. The King of Ujantana had sent an Embassadour to D. Pedro de Silva , Commander of Malaca , whose chief business was to discover what Force was in Malaca . D. Pedro , on the other side , was privately informed by Laximena , the Embassadour's Father , of the King's design , which was to surprize Malaca by giving o●…t , His Preparations were against Achem. He had like to compass his Ends , for the time was very short to provide . The King entred the Port , and burnt what Ships were in it , and at the same time possessed himself of the Suburbs . Then he intrenched , planted his Cannon , and began to batter the Fort furious and successfully , and at length reduced the Inhabitants to feed upon such things as are loathsom . 10. D. Garcia de Meneses sailing for the Maluco's , put into Malaca with his Caravel , where he had a hot Dispute with Lacxemena , the Kings Admiral , who had betrayed his Masters Counsels to the Portugueses , and was then killed by them , with his Son , and his Ship sunk . But D. Garcia did not long survive this Honour ; for attempting to gain a Gun that did much damage to the Town , he was killed , and with him above thirty Portugueses , brought by D. Pedro de Silva to rescue him . Mean while several Portugues Ships came into the Harbour from divers parts , the News of the danger Malaca was in had reached . The Enemy endeavoured to oppose them , and Gomes Barreto conducted them in with safety . 11. The Enemy resolved to Assault the City , and the Commander D. Pedro having Notice of it , provided to receive them . Scarce did they begin to mount their Ladders , when there fell on them a Storm of great pieces of Timbers , Stones and Granado's , so that in an instant above Eight hundred of them lay dead under the Wall. This obliged them to retire to their Works , and they resolved to starve the City . Our Commander fearing the Consequence of this Resolution , was advised by an unknown Souldier , ( who before at the Assault promoted the throwing of Beams ) to send abroad some Ships , and give out , They were going to put those King●… Countries to Fire and Sword. They believing it , left the Siege , which was prosecuted by the Queen of Iapara , with the Men of Iava , till Giles Fernandez de Carvallo coming unexpectedly with Two hundred Men , there ensued a bloody Fight ; and at length the Enemies were put to a shameful flight , having lost above Two thousand Men , many Ships , and all their Cannon and Ammunition , whereof was a great quantity , and it was of great consequence to the City . What the Enemy could not execute by force when present , they did by perfidiousness after their flight . They poisoned a Well , whereof our Men drinking , above Two hundred died , to the great terrour of all , till the Cause was known . 12. The Affairs of Ceylon were now in a very turbulent posture ; for Madune , contrary to the Agreement , distressed the King of Cota , who had recourse to Gaspar de Azevedo , Commander of Columbo , and he ( with the King's Men and 100 Portugueses ) defeated the Enemy . But the King of Cota being killed by a Musquet-shot , he of Ceytavaca renewed his Pretensions . The success was not answerable to his expectation ; for the New Prince , assisted by the Portugueses , gave him a total Rout. At the beginning of September the Vice-Roy prepared to go in Person to remedy these Disorders . At the same time arrived from Portugal five Ships , and soon after two more . One was forced back to Lisbon by ill Weather . The Vice-Roy set out the beginning of October , with 3000 Men in 70 Sail. 13. The first thing he did after his Arrival at Ceylon , was to put upon the Rack some Subjects of that King he went to succour , that they might discover where their Princes Treasure was buried , as if he had been an Enemy , or had sent for him to make him his Treasurer . In the second place , he searched the Dead Man's Palace , and found 80000 Ducats . Thirdly , He demanded 200000 Ducats for his Charges , which was immediately granted . And , Fourthly , he took the Field with his Three thousand Portugueses , and Four thousand of the Kings Men. The King of Ceytavaca met them with a like Number ; but soon fled into the Mountains , followed only by 100 Men. His City was plundered , and the Booty very considerable . The Vice-Roy turned over the Earth , and dug up the Foundations of Buildings , to discover hidden Treasures . One was found , consisting of many Gold and Silver Idols of a large size , and other things . One half of right belonged to the King we pretended to Relieve , according to Agreement ; but the Wants of India permitted no performance of Promises . Had the Indian broke his Word with the Christian , he had been a Barbarian . I know not what a Christian is , that breaks his with the Barbarian : Perhaps wiser Men know . It appeared we went in search of hidden Treasures , not to Relieve distressed Kings ; when this King desiring Five hundred Portugueses might be left with him , to prevent his Enemies making Head again , he was left without any , because there was no more hopes of Treasure . But we shall soon see the King of Cota revenged by the King of Portugal , that it may appear the Actions of Kings are Divine , when they are their own . 14. Mean while Don Antony de Noronha scoured the Sea of Calicut , making great havock in it , and along the shoar . The Vice-Roy returned to Cochin , bringing with him a Kinsman of the King of Cota , who was become a Christian ; went to Portugal , where he was received with Honour , and sent back to India , and died in the Faith. The Vice-Roy found the dispatch of the Homeward-bound Trading Ships , was retarded by the Prince of Chembe , he resolved to punish him , and set out with a Fleet that contained Four thousand Men. Thirty thousand were gathered from Calicut to oppose him , and some endeavoured to hinder the Landing , but were soon put to flight . 15. Our Men landed and marched to the City ; the Enemy met them , and there followed a bloody Battle , in which we lost forty Men ; but the Enemy was put to flight , and the Vice-Roy satisfied with ravaging the Country , returned to Cochim , and dispatched the Ships for Portugal . In them went an Embassadour from Nautaquim , Prince of Tanixumaa , or Taquixima , one of the Islands of Iapan , and a rich Present ; he desired Five hundred Men to conquer the Island Lequio , and in return offered to pay Tribute . The Embassadour was one Iames Gomez de Almeyda , who was lost in the Unfortunate Ship in which Emanuel de Sousa & Sepulveda was Cast-away , with his Wife D. Leonor de Albuquerque & Sá , who being put ashoar at the Cape of Good Hope , endured incredible hardships , and at length died miserably , giving occasion to sundry Relations that are spread about the World , which being in part false , I will here give a brief Account of the whole Matter . 16. They got ashoar at the Cape of Good Hope , to the number of Five hundred and thirty Souls ; and at first marched in good Order , with Colours and a Crucifix on high , designing for Mozambique . They began their march the 3d of Iuly , and about the end of it several were left behind Famished , and among them a Natural Son of Emannel de Sousa . D. Leonor marched afoot ; for those who had carried her were no longer able to support themselves . At the end of three Months and a half they came to the Cottages of Oinhaca , a little Prince on the Banks of the River Del Espiritu Sancto : This good Old Man entertained them with great kindness , offering to relieve them till some Portugues Ships came to the Neighbouring Shoars , whereof his People had always Notice . He also warned them , That further on was the Little Prince Ofumo , who would do them all the harm he could , if they proceeded on their Journey . Emanuel de Sousa following his Destiny , went on ; but seeing that of Five hundred and thirty Persons , he had but One hundred and twenty left , and that his Wife D. Leonor could hardly go farther , taking her turn with the Slaves in carrying her little Children , he began to shew some signs of Distraction , which was an incredible Grief to his Wife , who doted on him . Being come to Ofumo's Country , forgetting the Warning Oinhaca had given , he trusted him , and resolved there to wait for Portugues Ships . Ofumo designed to rob him , but feared his Mens Arms. He persuaded him to deliver them up , and he should have all Necessaries abundantly provided ; pretending his Subjects did not supply him for Fear . Notwithstanding all Persuasions to the contrary , he delivered them , and had scarce done it when he was robbed of all his Jewels , and only their Cloaths left them . At this he run quite Mad , and his Wife taking him by one hand and her son in the other , her Slaves following , and some few Men , they went on till the Cafres fell upon and stripped them . D. Leonor endeavoured to defend her self to no purpose , and with hazard of her Life , till her Husband persuaded her to choose the lesser Evil ; but she thought it less Ill to dye , than be seen Naked by any , but her Husband . As soon as she was stripped , she made her Slaves stand about her , and sitting down on the Sand , made a Hole , where she covered her self to the Waste : Then looking upon the Pylot , Andrew Vaz , said , You see how God permits , as a punishment of my sins , that my Husband , Children and I perish in this miserable manner . If you get to Portugal , or India , give an account of it . The Pylot not able to return an Answer for grief , went whatever way Chance guided him . Emanuel de Sousa had run to the Wood , to gather some wild Fruit for his Wife and Children , who were perishing with Hunger , and returning found one dead , and her with the other scarce alive . He buried the dead Child , and returned for more Fruit , but too late ; for when he came they were both dead . After pausing a while , he made a Hole and buried his Son , and then his Wife ; after which he ran into the thickest of the Wood without once looking back . Three of his Slaves got to India , who gave this Relation , as others who reached Moçambique did , of other Passages . Among these was Sebastian de Sá , who in this Misery experienced two Notable things : One , That the Gravity even of a Portugues Gentleman ( as he was ) must yield to Misfortunes ; for he , to oblige the Cafres to give him some Sustenance , played the Antick , or Buffoon . The other , That this sort of Life is the surest in the World. CHAP. X. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy , D. Alfonso de Noronha . 1. THE Great Turk offended at what we had done at Caxem , or Catifa , and attempted at Baçora , studied Revenge ; and to execute it set out Pirbec , an Old Pyrat , with Sixteen thousand Men in strong Galleys and other Vessels . D. Alvaro de Noronha , Commander of Ormuz , concluded this Storm threatned him . He sent some to discover the Enemy , and among them Simon de Costa , who met Pirbec's Son sent also before in a Galley to discover . Our Barque slipped under his very Oars so swiftly , that two of the Men were left hanging at them ; the Galley pursues , but Simon scattering Mony among his Men , may be said to have got off with Golden Oars . The young Man raged that this Prize should escape him ; but was somewhat appeased when he met another Barque , in which was the Wife of Iohn de Lisboa , Commander of Mascate , and those of some other Portugueses that lived there , with two Old Men , all sent away to Ormuz for fear of the Enemy . The Women were secured , and the Men put to the Oar. 2. The Enemies Fleet came before Mascate , which held out almost a Month against that great Power ; but was forced to submit and capitulate . Pirbec broke the Articles , putting the Captain and sixty Men to the Oar ; some of them were afterwards ransomed . This done , Pirbec goes on to Ormuz ▪ D. Alvaro de Noronha had Nine hundred Men in that Fort , and in it was the King , his Wife , Children , and the Chief of their Court , who had taken Sanctuary there . He laid up Ammunition for a long Siege , and secured forty Sail that were in the Bay , among them one of those that the year before went from Portugal . The Turk being come to an Anchor , presently Landed and Encamped . He Intrenched , raised Batteries , planted much Cannon , and played it furiously without intermission for a whole Month. Finding he sustained much Loss , and laboured in vain , he plundered the City and went over to the Island Queixome , whither many considerable Men of Ormuz had withdrawn themselves ; here he got a great Booty , and retired . 3. Before Pirbec departed from Ormuz , he offered our Commander to ransom the Prisoners taken at Mascate , and sent him as a Present the Wife of Iohn de Lisboa , the two Old Men , and the two Souldiers that hung to the Oars of his Sons Galley . D. Alvaro received the two last , and sent back the others with some Presents , and this Message ; That the Present was in return for the Men he received : That the Old Men he sent , because they had not rather ●…hose to lose their Lives , than Liberty ; and the Woman ( though Innocent ) to punish her Husbands guilt , by seeing her return into slavery . This Proceeding was no ways justifiable ; and Pirbec to shew he did not again receive what he had once given , ordered them to be left upon the Shoar . 4. The Governour informed of the danger that threatned Ormuz , but not of its deliverance , with great diligence fitted a Fleet to go in Person to relieve it . All Ranks vied in aiding him towards this Work , at such time as six Ships arrived from Portugal , it being the beginning of September . He sailed as far as Diu , and hearing Ormuz was out of danger , returned to Goa . At this time D. Duarte Deça sailed for Ceylon , to succeed D. Iohn Enriquez , deceased ; with him went St. Francis Xaverius , carried by the desire of making a Spiritual Conquest . 5. A bold Turk , by Consent of Zamori , scoured the Seas with fifteen large Vessels well Manned . He fell upon Punicale , where Emanuel Rodriguez Commanded with seventy Portugueses . The Fight was sharp , till Antony Franco taking the Enemies Colours , they fled . The Turk enraged sent again Fifteen hundred , who put all our Men to flight , except the Captain and seventeen , and these made a desperate resistance ; but at last were obliged to quit the Town and fly to Bisme Naique , a Subject of Canarà , who made them all Slaves . The Turk , after plundering the Town , returned to his Ships Victorious . The News being brought to Coc●…im , stirred up a general desire of Revenge . Whilst things were debating , Giles Fernandez de Carvallo offered himself to go , and bear all the Charge , desiring only Shipping . All was provided with great diligence , and he set out in search of the Enemy ; but by ill Luck Lawrence Coello fell into their hands , and was slain with all his Men , having fought bravely , Carvallo being no way able to come to his Relief , by reason of the contrary Wind. 6. On the 15th of August he fell upon the Turks with great Fury , and was received with no less Courage . The Fight lasted some hours with much bravery ; all the Enemies Ships were boarded and taken , but much shattered ; many killed in them , and others swimming to the Shoar . Then Giles Fernandez went to ransom the Prisoners , and restored Emanuel Rodriguez , not only his Liberty , but also Goods of great value the Turk had taken from him at Punicale . 7. At this time the two Brothers , D. Alvaro de Ataide and D. Pedro de Silva , at Malaca , were at Variance about that Command ; the former was most to blame , endeavouring to Remove the other before his time . Iames de Melo Coutino and D. Duarte Deça acted worse in Ceylon ; for , after the Example of the Vice-Roy , having taken Mony of that Prince to assist him with each fifty Men against his Enemy , the King of Ceytavaca ; the first after demanding more Mony , sent but Twenty ; the other after receiving his , sent none , and because he refused , more increased the Feud he ought without any Bribe to appease . Melo had secured that Princes Father by D. Alfonso his Order ; upon pretence of Suspition ; in reality , because he owed him 12000 Ducats of 100000 he promised on account of being succoured . Deça , instead of mending this Fault made it worse , keeping the Old Man with more rigour , and much more when he heard he was converted to the Faith , which might hinder his wicked Designs . A wicked practice of many Portugueses , who hindred the Conversion of many Souls , because it was an obstacle to filling their Purses . The Prisoners Wife bribing the Guards got him out , and set him at the Head of a Body of Men she had in readiness to revenge this Outrage . He began to act successfully , till his Son appeased him . This year departed this Life St. Francis Xaverius , and the next was brought to Goa with great solemnity . 8. At Constantinople Pirbec's Head was cut off , for going beyond the Commission he received from the Turk , notwithstanding he made him a Present of all the Riches he carried . At the same time Moradobec set out by that Prince's Order with fifteen Galleys , to prevent the harm the Portugueses might do in revenge for what they had received . Moradobec was the Captain that lost Catifa , and desired to recover his Reputation . On the Coast of Persia , D. Iames de Noronha met him with his Fleet. They saluted one another with showers of Bullets and Arrows . In the height of the Engagement the Wind calming , left our Galleons without motion . That of Gonzalo Pereyra Marramaque was far distant from the rest . The Turk laying hold of this opportunity besets him with his Galleys , tears all his Rigging and pierces him in a thousand places . However Pereyra stood firm , and did much Execution among the Enemies , but receives more harm ; for almost all that was above Water of the Galleon was torn in pieces . The Gentlemen , Souldiers and Seamen fought with incredible Courage , and appeared wherever there was occasion , though weakned with several Wounds . 9. The Captain was always where the greatest danger threatned , and the Turks never durst board him . Our Admiral raved that he could not relieve and share with him in that Honour , and after making his Vows to Heaven , without being heard , even railed at Providence , stamped and tore his Beard for madness . He sent some Boats , but they could not reach the Galleon , because the Galleys compassed it round . Towards Night the Wind began to freshen , and the Admiral to move . The Turk not daring expect him , retired . The Admiral came up to the Galleon , admired the Bravery ; but scarce knew the Men , they were so disguised with Wounds , Blood and the Smoot of the Powder . He embraced every one , and bestowed due Praises on them . 10. Pereyra his Galleon and Men were not in a condition to proceed , so they were sent to Ormuz with some Barques . The Admiral pursued the Galleys , which kept close in with the Shoar . Our light Vessels forced a Ship that had been taken by Pirbec to run aground ; the Men leaped Over-board to save themselves and were killed . The Ship was taken and brought off , and our Admiral returned to Ormuz , having in vain endeavoured to overtake Moradobec , who run up the Euphrates , where there was not Water for our Galleons . At this time arrived in Goa only one Ship from Portugal ; four set out thence , one of them was forced back , the other two came later . In the first Ship went our admirable Poet Luis Camoens , to try if he could advance his Fortune by the Sword , which had been so little favourable by the Pen. 11. Now comes the King of Cota's Revenge ( as was promised before ) for those Wrongs done him by the Portugueses . One of the Orders Fernandalvarez Cabral , Captain of the Ship newly come from Portugal , carried , was , That all that had been exacted from that King , should be restored ; Which , though slowly , was executed . Another , That Bernardin de Sousa should be Imprisoned for what he had done at the Maluco's : He was Imprisoned , but not long . And another , That the Vice-Roy should no way employ D. James de Almeyda Commander of Diu ; for that the King had struck him out of his Books , never to ●…e received into Service : This also was put in execution . Almeyda's Crime was , That he had seemed to undervalue the Kings Favour , refusing some Grace offered him . The Vice-Roy was concerned , that the differences between the Kings of Pimienta and Cochi●… grew daily greater . Towards the End of November , the Vice-Roy sailed with a good Fleet to assist the latter , who was our Friend . He was met at Sea by D. Iames de Noronha and his Fleet , with whom came Gonçalo Pereyra Marramaque , who was received with much Joy , for his great Bravery in the late Action with the Turks . It was agreed , after some Consultation , to land in the Islands called Alagada's , belonging to the King of Pimienta . The Natives in crowds opposed our Men landing with showers of Arrows ; but the Cannon made way . After a vigorous Resistance all was destroyed with Fire and Sword ; only one Man was lost on our side . 12. Gomes de Silva was left to prosecute the War , which he did so successfully that the King sued for Peace , which was concluded to our advantage , and he was satisfied with the restitution of the Islands , his Wife , and the People taken in them . The Vice-Roy dispatched the Ships for Portugal . That of Ferdinand Alvarez Cabral was Cast-away at Aguada de S. Blas ; some of the Men got ashoar in Boats. After a tedious Journey by Land , Cabral and D. Alvaro de Noronha , with his Family , were drowned in a River . The Vice-Roy sent his Son D. Ferdinand , with a good Fleet to the Red-Sea . He attempted to gain the Fort of Dofar , but was repulsed with loss of seven or eight Men ; so he returned without any effect . 14. At Diu arose New Troubles on account of the death of the King Sultan Manaud . He was bred with Poison ( like Mithridates , ) that none might hurt him . When his Women were near their time , he opened them to take out the Children . He was one day hunting a Deer with some of them , and falling off from his Horse hung by the Stirrup ; the Horse dragged him , and one of the Women running cut the Girts with a Cimiter ; in requital he killed her , saying , A Woman of such courage , had enough to kill him . A Page , in whom he had great confidence , murdered him ; for Tyrants always dye by the hands of those they trust . A Child , accounted his Son , succeeded him . The Nobility offended at the Insolence of Madre Maluco , who with the Title of Governour managed the Affairs of the Crown , rebelled in several parts . One of these was Abixcan at Diu , who suffering his Men to Affront ours , obliged D. Iames de Almeyda to enter the City with Five hundred Men , killing a great number , and plundering their Houses . Abixcan , though late , saw his Error , and came to Composition ; and was afterwards more submissive than had been at first desired of him . 14. D. Iames de Noronha succeeded Almeyda in that Post , in pursuance of the Kings Order before-mentioned . The Moors forgetting their Fault , and the Punishment they had incurred , relapsed again . Noronha with Six hundred Men so refreshed their Memories , that they abandoned the City . Cide Elal , who Commanded in the Castle that was in the City , offered to defend himself ; but seeing our Men begin to scale it , submitted to march away without Arms. The Castle was demolished . Scarce was it done , when Abixcan appeared with Four hundred Men. Ferdinand de Castanoso advanced to meet him with One hundred and twenty ; but Three hundred of the Enemies Horse obliged him to retire in such disorder , that on a sudden he found he had but seventeen Men left . He posted himself where the Horse could not come , and the Three hundred Enemies dismounting beset the 18 , who back to back defended themselves till they were all killed , their Hearts cut out , and carried to the General . 15. D. Iames de Norona marched on with the rest of the Men , ignorant of what had happened ; but so impatient to engage with Abixcan , that he could no way be dissuaded from pressing forward . Meeting the Three hundred Horse , he fell on furiously and put them to flight ; but Abixcan coming on with his Cannon , D. Iames was forced to retire , rather losing than gaining Reputation in this Action . Common Conveniency brought them to an Accommodation . Noronha this day lost by his Rashness , what he often deserved for his Valour ; for the Factor endeavouring to stop his fury , and saying to him , He ought to consider the King's Fort would be lost . He Answered in a Passion , No matter , when I am gone , all is gone . This saying was remembred when he was in election to be Vice-Roy of India , and deprived him of that Post ; because it was thought , so great a Trust could not with safety be reposed upon so rash a Man. 16. The Great Turk hearing Miradobec was come off worse than the Unfortunate Pirbec , and Alechelubij making great boast of what he would do , gave him the Command of fifteen Galleys . D. Ferdinand , who was come out of the Red-Sea , went after them . On the 25th of August he had sight of them near Mascate . Alechelubij not daring to give Battle , endeavoured to get off with all his Galleys ; but six of them could not escape , being taken by our Caravels . 17. D. Ferdinand put into Mascate , refitted the Galleys , bought the Slaves , and appointed them Captains . Alechelubij pursued by some of our Vessels was drove into Suratt with seven of his nine Galleys , and there shut up by D. Hierome de Castellobranco , Nuno de Castro and D. Emanuel Mascarenhas . The other two were pursued by D. Ferdinand de Monroy and Antony Valadares , till they were beaten to pieces on the Coast of Damam and Daru . 18. But because one is coming to succeed our Vice-Roy , let us say somewhat of him . He was modest , easie , and not active , which was the Cause his Government answered not expectation . As to his Person , he was of a middle Stature , a graceful Countenance and agreeable Behaviour ; his Complexion swarthy ; his Hair black . In the number of Vice-Roys he was the 5th , in that of Governours the 17th , and held it four years , the second of the Name and Sirname . CHAP. XI . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Peter de Mascarenhas , from the Year 1554 till 1555 , King JOHN the Third still Reigning . 1. DOn Peter de Mascarenhas was of one of the best Families of Portugal , and had born the most considerable Offices in the Kingdom , and was 70 years of Age when named Vice-Roy of India . He set out of Lisbon with six Ships , one of them was drove back , and that in which he went , as soon as he Landed at Goa , sunk downright . In these Ships were Two thousand Land-men . The first thing the Vice-Roy did , he appointed his Nephew Ferdinand Martinez Admiral , to the great dissatisfaction of all Men. Martinez had 32 Sail given him , and Orders to bring to Goa the 7 Turkish Galleys that were blocked up at Suratt . Cáraçen , Commander of that place , would not permit it , and gave good sufficient Reasons for his refusing ; so by consent of both sides they were taken to pieces , and the Turks fled into the Woods and Mountains : The late Vice-Roy D. Alfonso de Noronha now failed home with the Trading Ships ; whereof that Commanded by Belchior de Sousa was lost , with all the Men. 2. The Great Turk ( as it were ) foreseeing the Fate of Alechelubij , immediately sent after him Zafar , a Janizary , to take upon him the Command of the Galleys : But too late ; for he only came time enough to hear the News of their Destruction . He took four Merchant Ships of ours bound for Ormuz , and returned rich to Suez . About the same time Gemes de Silva took several Prizes in the Sea of Calicut . 3. The Vice-Roy sent F. Gonçalo Rodrigues , and Bro. Fulgentius Freyre , of the Society of Iesus , to persuade the Emperour of Ethiopia , to redress the Abuses introduced among his People in Matters of Religion , and with them went Iames Diaz , well versed in the Affairs of that Empire . The Emperour could not be moved to admit our manner of Baptism , and abolish Circumcision ; the Priest continued at his Court , but to no effect . In February set out Emanuel de Vasconcelos with three Galleons , and five small Vessels , to discover what Zafar was doing at Suez . He spent some time under Mount Felix , and returned without doing any thing . With him went the Famous Luis de Camoens , who finding no employment for his Sword , exercised his Pen. 4. Some great Subjects of Hidalcan at this time , Treated with the Vice-Roy about making Mealecan , who had lived long at Goa , King of Visapor ; and assisting to support him in that Title . In Return , they offered to make over to the Crown of Portugal the Lands of Concan , worth a Million of yearly Revenue . A great Bait for our Avarice . The Profit was considered , but not the Difficulties , and Peter de Faria his Advice to Martin Alfonso on the same occasion was now forgot . We shall see in its place , how much more proper it had been to consider the Difficulties , than the Profit . The Offer was admitted , and Meale immediately Proclaimed King of Visapor ; and his Wife and Children left at Goa as Hostages for the performance of our Hopes . Three thousand Portugues Foot , and Two hundred Horse , marched with a Body of the Natives of the Island . After a small Resistance they took the Fort of Ponda , and sent Advice to the Vice-Roy , who set out with the New King , and at Ponda delivered him to his People that there waited for him . He left D. Antony de Norona to Command the Fort with 600 Men. 5. The Vice-Roy returned so sick to Goa , that he died in a few days ; and it was believed if he had continued in that Government some years , he had re-established Truth , Justice and Honesty in India . It is a mark of his Justice , That he gave no Employment to any of his Servants ; because he would not deprive them of it to whom it was due by Merit . A Friend of a Court-Favourite , complaining he did not dispatch him after serving Three years ; He Answered , I am now busie about those that have served twenty , fifteen , ten or five years ; as soon as I come to those that have served three , I promise I 'le remember you . 6. D. Peter Mascarenas had such an awful Presence and majestick Deportment , that no Body before him durst do or say any thing undecent . He is famous on six several accounts , any one whereof might give another a Name after death : He was a Valiant Souldier , a Wise Commander , a Magnificent Embassadour , a Singular Tutor , a Just Vice-Roy , and what is best of all , a very Good Christian. He was Tall , and though lean , Graceful ; his Complexion brown : His Gravity no ways made him intractable . Of Vice-Roys he was the 6th , of Governours the 18th ; held it ten Months , and was the second of the Name and Sirname . He is Buried in the Church of Alcazar do Sal , where he had built a Tomb worthy of him . CHAP. XII . The Government of Francis Barreto , from the Year 1555 , till 1558 , in the Reign of King JOHN the Third . 1. FRancis Barreto succeeded D. Peter Mascarenas with the Title of Governour . He was a Gentleman of Merit , and qualified for this Post , and had gained much Esteem , being Commander of Bazaim . His Government began with a Fire kindled by a Squi●… , which burnt Ten the finest Vessels in India , notwithstanding he used the utmost diligence , and promised great Rewards to save them : Yet this Care saved the rest of the Fleet. He soon repaired this Damage , building others no less beautiful . 2. He went to Ponda , to carry on what his Predecessor had began , by Installing Mealeacan King , and appointed Officers to receive the Revenues about Ponda , leaving D. Ferdinand de Monroy in that Fort , and sending D. Antony de Noronha , who had it before , to receive the Revenues at Concam . Xacolim Aga , who was gathering the same for Hidalcan , with Seven thousand Men prevented him . The Governour sent a supply of Ammunition to Noronha , which he no sooner received , but he marched to Cural●… , of which he took possession , ( the Commander of it being fled ) and with Kindness attracted the Natives to come and inhabit the Town and Country , leaving Portugues Officers to look to the Revenue . Then hearing that Xacolim continued gathering the Rents , he went to find him . By the way he met two Ships , in which was Xacolim's Wife , Children , and Goods of Value , which he fearful of some danger sent to Cambaya . Noronha easily made himself Master of all . 3. Not far from Achara he halted , and designed to pass the Night . Xacolim sent a Thousand Men to surpize ours ; but they were upon their Guard , and D. Iohn the Morisco falling upon them killed Seventy , and put the rest to flight ; after the Pursuit he returned to D. Antony . They marched together to meet Xacolim , who was drawn up in good Order on the other side of a River . After a vigorous opposition our Men forded it , and there ensued a bloody Battle , in which D. Antony and Xacolim met , and having tryed each other parted . In this Action were lost 24 Portugueses , above 1000 of the Enemy were slain , the rest fled . Our Men proceeding , gathered the Revenue . 4. Mean while Meale was solemnly Proclaimed King at Visapor . He enjoyed it not ●…ong ; for there were some of those who ●…et him up , that designed to betray him to Hidalcan , who offered great Rewards for him . He succeeded not this way ; but did , purchasing Fifteen thousand Men of the King of Bisnagar , that were so successful , they killed the Chief of those had made Meale King , and took him Prisoner . Hidalcan immediately sent Forces to recover the Lands where D. Antony was employed . The Governour hearing of it sent him Orders to withdraw , as also to Ferdinand de Monroy , who was at Ponda . They unwillingly obeyed , remembring how prudently Peter de Faria had before dissuaded this Undertaking . 5. This year sailed from Lisbon five Ships , one of them was Cast-away at the Island Tercera , and another at the Islands beyond Madagascar . The Captain of this last left about Four hundred of his Men on that Shoar , and in his Long-Boat got to Goa . These Four hundred who were left , built a small Vessel and arrived at Cochim . In the other Ships went the Bishop D. Belchior Carnero , a Jesuit , and some other Religious Men , sent by the Pope to the Emperour of Ethiopia . D. Alvaro de Silveyra was now made Admiral of a Fleet of 21 Sail , provided for the Sea of Calicut , and against the Queen of Olala , who refused to pay her Tribute . He over-run all those Coasts with Fire and Sword , destroying many Towns and Ships , and all things that stood in the way ; particularly the City Mangalor , and a sumptuous Pagod . Zamori sensible of his Losses , desired Peace , which was concluded . Silveyra returned Victorious . 6. Let us return to Ceylon . Tribuli Pandar having made his Escape ( as was related ) out of Prison , fled to Balande . Madune subtilly exasperates him against the Portugueses , and sent him Six hundred Chingala's , with whom and his other Men he was so succesful , that he reduced the Towns of Paneture , Caleture , Maça , Berberi , Gale and Beligam , to the last Extremities , destroying our Churches , and killing many Christians , Converted by the Religious of St. Francis , who first Preached there . Now comes Alfonso Pereyra de Laçerda to take upon him this Command : Madune , who before had assisted Pandar , now offers to aid Laçerda against him . He accepts the Offer . The King sent his Son Raju by the way of Caleture with an Army . Laçerda sent Ruy Pereyra with Two hundred Men , and Antony de Spinola with One hundred two other ways to assault the City Palandu , where Tribuli was . They beset the Town at one time , and after a vigorous Resistance the Portugueses entred it ; the King fled , his Wife was taken , and many of his Men killed . The Portugueses returned Victorious , and Madune obtained one of the Ends he had proposed to himself , which were either , That the Portugueses should destroy Pandar , or he them . 7. The beginning of this Year sailed Iohn Peixoto with two Galleys for the Red-Sea , to discover what was doing at Suez . He found all quiet , and being loath to return without doing something , he Landed before Day in the Island Suanquem , with the King whereof we were at Variance . It being a dead time of Night , he found all asleep , and might say ( as a Prince who killed a Man that was sleeping ) that he left those Islanders as he found them ; for many were killed before they awaked , others after . The same fate befell the King in his Palace . Peixoto returned to his Galliots , carrying Slaves and Booty without receiving the least damage . Next day , keeping along the Coast he destroyed several Towns , and returned to Goa , having purchased as much Honour with two small Vessels , as others with many . He brought away F. Gonçalo Rodriguez , whom he found at Arquico , much dissatisfied that he had not prevailed with the Emperour of Ethiopia , to admit of the Rites of the Church . 8. The King of Baçora , oppressed by the Turks , made now the same Offers to the Governour , he had done before to the Vice-Roy D. Alfonso de Noronha , in case he would assist him to throw off the Turkish Yoak . The Conditions were admitted , and neither this time did it succeed ; for D. Alvaro de Silveyra going upon this Design with twenty Sail , met not with the success he had the year before against the Malabars . A terrible Storm so disabled him in that Port , that he was not in a condition to attempt any thing a second time . Michael Rodriguez Coutino prospered better , going to the Lands of Salsete and Bardes against some Parties of Hidalcan , who sought Revenge for our favouring Meale . All the Sea-Ports were destroyed with Fire and Sword , and many Ships perished . He killed and took many Prisoners , and returned with Honour and Riches to Goa . The chief of the Booty was a great Ship of Meca , taken at Dabul after a sharp engagement ; for there were Two hundred Moors in her , who killed eight of our Men. 9. This Misfortune the more enraged Hidalcan ; and to mend it , he sends a numerous Army into those same Lands . The Governour set out with a strong Body to oppose him . The War lasted all the Winter , without any Action worthy relating . In September arrived four Ships from Portugal ; in them went Ferdinand de Sousa and Castellobranco , Embassadour to the Emperour of Ethiopia , and F. Iohn Nunes Barreto , Patriarch of that stubborn People . His Companion was the Bishop Andrew de Oviedo , who did nothing , because the Emperour could not be reduced to change his Old Rites . With these came to India F. Gonçalo de Sileyra , to be Provincial ; he afterwards received the Crown of Martyrdom in Monomotapa . All this shall be related in its proper place . 10. The Governour set out to Visit our Forts in the North , with a Fleet consisting of One hundred and fifty Sail of all sorts . He gained the Mountain and Fort Azarim for a small purchase , by the means of Coje Mahomet , a Trusty Moor , living at Bazaim . This Mountain is not far from the City , and rises very upright for the space of a League ; a little below the Top it is girt with a sort of Border standing out , which renders it almost inaccessible , the rest being very difficult of ascent . It is kept by Threescore Men , who need no other Arms to defend them but the Stones that lye there , which rolled down the Passes , must carry before them all that is in the way . The Garrison lives upon the Top , which is plain and almost round . They light themselves with sticks of Wood that grow there , and burns like a Torch , with that odds , that they cannot be quenched by Wind or Water . 11. Antony Moniz Barreto was sent to take possession of this place ; he left there a Captain and 60 Portugueses , and went on to take the Fort of Manora , not far distant , which the Inhabitants abandoned ; he left there George Manhans with 120 Men , and returned to Bazaim , where he found the Governour receiving an Embassy from the King of Cinde , who desired Succour against a Tyrant that infested him . We were desirous of this Prince's Friendship , and thought fit to purchase it by Relieving him . Seven hundred Men were sent to him in Twenty eight Vessels , all Commanded by Peter Barreto Rolim . 12. The Fleet arrived safe at Tatá , the Court of the King of Cinde . The Prince , who was there , visited Barreto , and sent word of his Arrival to his Father , who was absent in the Field : He Answered , desiring our Commander to wait till he Advised what was fit to be done . Barreto stayed , and soon after hearing the King was agreed with his Enemy without giving him notice ; he asked of the Prince leave to depart , and that he would pay the Charge of the Fleet , as was promised by the Embassadour . The Answer was so little to satisfaction , that Barreto landed his Men , entred the City , and in the Fury killed above Eight thousand Persons , and destroyed by Fire the value of above two Millions of Gold , after loading the Vessels with one of the richest Booties that had been taken in Asia . He lost not one Man in this Action . He spent eight days , destroying all on both sides Indus . The Fort of Bandel made some Resistance , but being taken was demolished . 13. Gaspar de Monterroyo , a Souldier of Note , going accidentally into a Wood , met some Blacks , who bid him go no farther ; for hard-by there was a Serpent had just then devoured a Bullock . He desiring to see such a Monster as they described , went on till he discovered the Head , which was of a wonderful bigness ; and not satisfied , came so near as to touch it with the Point of his Sword , and the Monster lifted up its Head ; and he gave it such a fortunate stroak on a soft place , that it soon after died . It was thirty Foot long , and proportionable in bigness . Barreto returned thus Victorious over Men and Monsters to Chaul . There he found Orders to go to Dabul , where he would find Antony Pereyra Brandam Admiral of that Coast. They were to joyn in order to destroy that City in part of Revenge , for the damage Hidalcan did us . Being joyned they attacked the City , and though vigorously defended , it was taken , and wholly reduced to a heap of Rubbish . Then they did the same to all the Villages upon the shoar of that River . CHAP. XIII . The End of the Government of Francis Barreto . 1. HIdalcan's General , Nazer Maluco , entred the Lands of Salsete and Bardes with 2000 Horse , and 18000 Foot. The Governour with 3000 Portugueses , 1000 Canara's , and 200 Horse , met him in the Fields of Ponda , having then but 17000 Men , and a Mountain on his back . He furiously attacked , put him to flight , and returned victorious to Goa . D. Peter de Meneses , who Commanded the Fort of Rachol , did what he could , which was not much , because the Enemy was too numerous . Iohn Peixoto vigorously opposed Moratecan in the Lands of Bardes . A Renegado Portugues , who had fortified himself , doing him much harm , he assaulted and routed him twice , killing 200 of his Men , and 〈◊〉 Captain . Nazer Maluco intrenched himself again at Ponda . 2. Five Ships arrived now from Portugal , three of them were Cast-away in their Return home ; one at Tierra del Natal , another at the Island St. Thomas , and the third at Madagascar . The arrival of these Ships , and some damage we had done Hidalcan , obliged him to conclude a Peace , which we sued for , yet was not dishonourable . 3. D. Duarte Deça , Commander of Ternate , was not idle . He was harsh and covetous , so easily falling out with the King , he Unchristian-like Imprisoned him , his Mother and Brother Cachil Guzarate , using them very unworthily , and to compleat his Cruelty , ordered they should have nothing to eat . Publick Complaints obliged him to consent the Hospital of Misericordia should maintain them ; and his desire of killing them made him so base as to poison their Water , which was discovered by a Stone the King had in a Ring . The Ternatenses took Arms , and called in the Tidores , so that the Fort was in great danger . 4. D. Duarte having received Relief , ventured to fight at Sea with as good success , as if Justice had been on his side : But the Portugueses themselves no longer able to endure his Obstinacy , put him into Custody , and discharged the Prisoners , which put an end to that Discord . No Man would take upon him the Command of the Fort , till Antony Pereyra Brandam was forced by the People to accept of it in Trust , till the Governour disposed of it . Whilst some Portugueses in the Maluco's , by their Actions , appeared most barbarous Heathens , some Infidels became Christians ; a thing to be admired , having such ill Examples before them . The King of the Island Bacham was converted by F. Antony Vaz , a Jesuit . 5. The War continued at Goa . A Moor with Five hundred Men waded over the Ford of Zacorla , in the Island Choram , and surprizing those few Portugueses that were in it , gained some advantage , till others coming in from several Parts , drove them headlong into the Water , where many of them were drowned . The Governour hearing of this , marched to their Relief , and sent before George Mendoça , Commander of the City , with some Gentlemen , who behaved themselves well , and brought many Heads of Moors to the Governour . All was kept quiet afterwards by D. Francis Mascarenhas , who was left in the Island with 300 Men. 6. The Governour desiring to secure the Promontory of Chaul , asked leave of the King Nizamuxa to fortifie it . He not only refused it , but secured the Messenger , and sent 30000 Men , who began to build an impregnable Fort there . The Governour sent Alvaro Perez de Sotomayor with some Ships , to keep the Mouth of the Port till he came , which was soon after . He brought 4000 Portugueses , besides Natives . The Enemy better advised , proposed a Peace , which was concluded to our content , on Condition the Work of the Fort should not advance . The Governour returned home . A Miracle was seen here , which was , That the Moors could never cut down , or remove with force of Elephants , a small Wooden-Cross , that was fixed upon a Stone . 7. The Governour having setled Affairs at Goa , was wholly employed in fitting out a mighty Fleet against the King of Achem , who is the only Terrour of Malaca . In a few Months he provided 25 Galleons , 10 Gallies , and 80 Galliots , all so well furnished , it renewed the hopes of fixing our Empire in India . But all this Industry falls to nothing ; for now a new Governour comes , and the New ones never prosecute the designs of the Old. However this Force was well employed , though not as our Governour designed . 8. Francis Barreto brought to Lisbon a Jewel wrought by the hand of Nature . A Portugues Souldier on the Coast of the Island Ceylon , met a Iogue ( that is , a sort of Penitent Heathen , ) who among other things had picked up a brown Pebble , of the shape and bigness of an Egg , on which were represented the Heavens in several Colours , and in the midst of them the Image of our Blessed Lady with our Saviour in her Arms. The Souldier gave him some small thing for this Stone ; and afterwards it came to the hands of Francis Barreto , who presented it to Queen Catherine , and by virtue of it God wrought several Miracles in India and Portugal . 9. Francis Barreto was a couragious , discreet and generous Gentleman , and such a Governour as India now mourns for . He afterwards returned as Governour and Conquerour of the Empire of Monomotopa , where he died , as shall be seen in its proper place . He had a stately Presence , his Complexion tawny , and black Hair. He Governed three years , was the 19th Governour , and second of the Name . CHAP. XIV . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Constantine de Braganza , from the Year 1558 , till 1561 , in the Reign of King SEBASTIAN . 1. ABout the End of the Government of Francis Barreto , died King Iohn the Third . In him ended the good Fortune of Portugal , as did that of India in the Vice-Roy sent thither , after his death , by those who managed the State during the Minority of King Sebastian . D. Constantin , Brother to Theodosius , Duke of Bragança , was 30 years of Age when he accepted this Charge . What he wanted in Age for so great an Employ , was made up by being of the Blood Royal , and by his great Parts and natural Endowments . 2. He sailed from Lisbon on the 7th of April , with four Ships and two Thousand Men , and arrived at Goa about the beginning of September . Three things remarkable hapned in his Voyage and at his Arrival ; the first , that he had not the least bad Weather in his Passage ; the second , the great demonstrations of Joy wherewith he was received ; and the third , that he no way affronted the Governour that went off , as was always used in India . 3. Our Vice-Roy commenced as usual , by sending Commanders to Forts . D. Payo de Noronha went to Cana●…or , and by his Ingratitude in receiving some Presents sent by that King ( though not with sincere meaning ) gave occasion to his resentment , signified by not suffering the Portugueses to resort to the City . The Vice-Roy sent fourteen Sail to their assistance , and gave the Command of them to Luis de Melo de Silva . The Vice-Roy was bent upon possessing himself of the Town of Damam , a place of consequence , to secure the Lands of Baçaim , and whereof Francis Barreto had obtained a Grant from the King of Cambaya . The difficulty lay in wresting it out of the hands of Cide Bofata , who was in Rebellion against his Prince , which was the chief Motive why he so freely gave what he could not get for himself . Bofata was well provided , and with a Resolution not to sell the place at an easie rate . The Vice-Roy having held a Council about it , the result was , he should go thither in person . 4. He first dispatched the Trading Ships for Portugal , in which went his Predecessor ; the Ships were seven , and only three of them came to Lisbon . One was lost at the Island St. Thomas : Two were forced back to Mozambique , in one of which was the late Governour Francis Barreto : The Captain of a fourth finding her sinking , got into a Long-Boat with 60 Men , and came to Goa , the rest of the Men all perished . Francis Barreto , at Mozambique , spent 20000 Ducats of his own in refitting the two Ships . They set out again , and being in distress , the other Ship ungratefully forsook him ; yet he afterwards seeing her perishng saved all the Men , so that he had 1137 Persons aboard . In this condition , not able to go forward , he almost miraculously returned again to Mozambique . This year ended with the Foundation of that Fort , and return of Barreto to Goa . 5. Luis de Melo , at Cananor , being assaulted in his Trenches by 3000 Moors , put them to shameful flight ; and while he sent for Succours to the Vice-Roy , followed Fortune that now seemed to Favour him . Mean while the Vice-Roy set out with the Fleet , had been fitted out by Barreto , having increased it to 100 Sail. 6. The Vice-Roy arriving at Damam , sent D. Iames de Noronha to take a view of the Works ; he found them strong , and defended by 4000 Men. Notwithstanding all this Preparation , no sooner our Men landed but the Enemy fled , abandoning both City and Fort. The Vice-Roy entred , and giving Thanks to Almighty God for this Bloodless Victory , blessed the Mosque under the Invocation of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin , on which day it was taken . 7. The Enemy , after their flight , encamped at Parnel , two Leagues off , and thence with 2000 Horse infested the Vice-Roy . Antony Moniz Barreto offered with 500 Men to remove them . He marched all Night towards the Enemy , and being come up with them , found that he had but 120 Men , the rest wandring in the dark through unknown ways ; yet thus he attacks and puts them to flight , as believing the Vice Roy was there with his whole Force . The Morning discovering from how small a number they had fled , Bofata and his Men come down from a Hill , whither they had retired , and falling upon Barreto pressed him hard , till those that were scattered coming up , he again routed the Enemy , killing 500 of them . In their Camp were found 36 good Pieces of Cannon , some Cart Loads of Copper-Mony , and other Plunder . 8. The Vice-Roy with Liberality and good Usage attracted the Country People , who were fled for fear ; and confirmed to the Neighbouring King of Sarçeta the Duties he had in Damam . For the more security he resolved to possess himself of the Island Balzar , not far distant . He intended to go thither in Person , but sent before D. Peter de Almeyda with 150 Horse , and as many Foot. The People of Balzar abandoned the Town , which D. Peter entred , and the Vice-Roy being come , left Alvaro Gonzales Pinto to Command there with 120 Men , and some Cannon . Being returned to Damam , he sent D. Alvaro de Silveyra with 20 Sail to the Red-Sea , being informed Cafar was fitting out his Gallies . This Fleet was dispersed by Storms , and put into several Ports of India , without effecting any thing . 9. D. Iames de Noronha was appointed Commander of Damam , and had 1200 Men given him under five Captains , who were to keep Tables for them . Tables are kept in India for such as have not any thing of their own ; or if they have , yet will accept of this Liberality . I admire there are men that will stoop to receive this , but much more there are any that give it ; for the same Men when they come to Spain , have not the Heart to give a stick of Wax , which there is worth nothing , and here a Half-peny . The Vice-Roy after this success returned to Goa . 10. In the City St. Thomas , or Meliapor , a Portugues , one of those who more religiously worship their Interest , than the Heathens their Idols , and of those there are many in India ; persuaded Rama Rajo , King of Bisnagar , to march against the City , telling him the Plunder would be worth two Millions , and it would be a great Service to the Idols he worshipped , which were there thrown down by the Christians . He was a good Christian , that was so zealous for Idols . The King hearkning to the hopes of Gain , set out with 500000 Men. Peter de Ataide encouraged the Inhabitants to defend themselves ; but they , to palliate their Fear said , It was but Reason the King should be admitted to waht was his own . Ataide went away to Goa ; the Townsmen prepared for the reception of the King , and sent him a Present of 4000 Ducats , wherewith he was somewhat appeased . He Encamped and would not enter the City ; but ordered all the Inhabitants of both Sexes , and all Ages , and all their Goods , to be brought to his presence . Which being performed , he found the whole Value did not exceed 80000 Ducats . Enraged at the Wickedness of the Informer , he ordered him to be thrown to the Elephants , who tore him to pieces . He discharged the Citizens , and restored all their Goods so punctually , that only a Silver Spoon being missing among them all , it was sought and restored . 11. Luis de Melo de Silva , who sailed last year for the Coast of Malabar , did much harm there , and ruined the Trade of the Moors . At Mangalor he ordered two Captains to bring him a Vessel belonging to our Enemies of Cananor , that was in the River , but the Owners and some of the Townsmen coming to defend it , our Men were worsted . Melo enraged hereat assaulted the Town , and put all Living Creatures to the Sword ; then fired it . An old Moor leading a Company of the Inhabitants that fled , with a Dagger in his hand met our Commander , and struck him through the Arm. He laying hold of his long Hair , delivered him to those that were near , saying , Take away that Devil . He had scarce said it , when the Moor was cut in pieces . Melo having burnt the City with loss of some few Men , returned to his Ships . 12. Thirteen Ships of Calicut and Cananor were coming up to attack Melo ; but he went out to meet them with only seven . He was formost in his Galliot , and the Admiral of Calicut , a Turk , advanced before the rest to meet him . As soon as they came within Cannon-shot , our Gunner made one so fortunate , it swept him from Stem to Stern , and in a Minute the Keel of the Ship appeared above Water , all the Men perishing . Three other Ships board the Galliot , and kill many of the Men ; but Melo stepping forward , not only cleared his own Deck , but pursued into the Ships , in which not one Man was left alive . Our other Vessels took the other three Ships of Calicut , so that not one of them escaped ; and the Admiral of Cananor fled with his seven , having only stood by as a Witness of what the others did . The Enemy lost above 400 Men. For a long time after the People along that Coast would not eat Fish , because a man's Fingers were found in the Belly of one . 13. Luis de Melo went thus Victorious to Goa , and the Vice-Roy confined him ; because he had done those Actions when his Presence was required at Cananor . His Confinement was censured , and the Vice-Roy being none of those that will obstinately persist in their Opinion , though it do never so much mischief ; he went in person to be Friends with Melo at Pangim , where he was in Custody . Melo knowing well how to esteem such Favours from Superiours , was abundantly satisfied , and returned with his Fleet , by the Vice-Roy's Order , to Cananor , because D. Payo de Noronha , was in some distress there . Emanuel de Vasconcelos went to Ternate with three Ships , and other small Vessels . 14. Luis de Melo was the Life of Noronha : who was in great danger at Cananor , being threatned with a Siege by all the Princes of Malabar stirred up by Ade Rajao , not without some provocation given by Noronha . Rajao with 100000 Men attacks the Fort , and enters the Trenches . Melo , who was in them with 60 Men , flew about like Lightning , Antony de Villena , with Fifty , did Wonders among the Moors , who had entred his House . In fine , the whole number , which was 500 Men , did more than human Actions among that multitude of Enemies . It is said , A Religious Man at his Prayers saw the Holy Ghost in the form of a Pigeon on a Beam of the Church , and shewed it to many others . Our Men hearing of it fell on with new Vigour , and so effectually that they put the Enemy to flight , having killed 15000 of them . Of the Portugueses 25 were lost . The fight lasted 12 Hours . Luis de Melo played the part of a Souldier as well as Commander . Francis Risca●… , a Man of ordinary Extraction , performed extraordinary acts of Valour . The Enemy went home admiring the Valour of our Men , and Peace was restored to Cananor . 15. It is strange , that among all the Churches erected in India , none till this time had been dedicated to its Apostle St. Thomas . Our Vice-Roy taking this into Consideration , began to build at Goa a sumptuous Church to him , which was not finished , because the time of his Government expired , and remains to this day as a heap of Ruins , none of his Successors having put his Hand to advance so good a Work. CHAP. XV. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Constantin , in the Reign of King SEBASTIAN . 1. AT this time the Emperour of Ethiopia was much molested by the Turks and Moors , and obtained some Victories over them , having some Portugueses in his Service . Our Bishop could not work upon him to leave his Heretical Customs , and therefore resolved to leave him ; but stayed at the Request of the Portugueses . The Emperour being Invaded by the King of Mallassays , contrary to the Advice of the Portugueses , marched to meet him , and they followed . He was slain by Malassays ; and they seeing his Subjects fly , cast themselves among the Enemies , and after doing more than is credible , were most of them killed . 2. The Turk desiring to possess himself of the Arabian Ports on the side next Persia , sent this Year an Officer with two Gallies and seventy Barques , with 1200 Turks and Janizaries , against the Fort of Baharem . Rax Morado , a resolute Commander , was in it , who provided the best he could , and sent Advice of the danger he was in to the King of Ormuz , and D. Antony de Noronha , then Commanding that Fort. D. Iohn de Noronha went to relieve him with ten Ships ; he was near taking the Turkish Galleys , but missed for want of pursuing , and the next day they obliged him to take shelter in the Creeks along that Shoar . D. Alvaro de Silveyra receiving Advice from Ormuz , came up , and joyning D. Iohn took the Galleys . The Bassa having lost them , concluded he was also lost , if he took not the Fort , and therefore pressed on his Attacks . Rax Morado and D. Alvaro had a Meeting , and agreed it was not convenient to fight , but besiege the Besiegers ; yet such was the Insolence of the Sou●…diers , that Mutinying they obliged them to give Battle . Rax joyned the Portugueses with 300 Persians , well Armed , they attacked the Turks , who purposely ( though with loss ) gave way , till they drew them to an Ambush , which put them into disorder in spight of all D. Alvaro could do , till he fell by a Musquet-Ball that hit him in the Throat . The Portugueses fought desperately , some to defend , and others to bring him off , but to no purpose , for the Turks cut off his Head. Above 70 of our Men were killed , and several taken . Rax Morado retired with many to the Fort , after behaving himself in such manner as might be envied by the Portugueses . Thus was the rashness of those that were so hot for fighting punished . 3. Peter Peixoto succeeded in the Command of our Men , and following the Advice before despised , besieged the Island , and so streightned the Turks they sued for Mercy ; whereby it appeared how great a Fault it was not to take this course at first . D. Antony de Noronha receiving Advice at Ormuz of our loss , presently set out to revenge it . The Siege continued , and in conclusion the Turks surrendred on Condition to return our Prisoners ( they were about Thirty , ) and deliver up their Cannon , Arms and Horses , and 10000 Ducats . They were to be carried to Baçora , but were so weak with Hunger and the Pestilential Fever , which about that time rages at Baharem , that only two hundred of them lived . Many of our Men died of the same Disease . 4. About the end of this Year arrived in India five Ships from Portugal ; six sailed thence , but one was drove back . In them went F. George of St. Lucy , and F. George Temudo , the first was Bishop of Malaca , the latter of Cochim , both Dignities new Created ; for Queen Catherine seeing the See of Goa was over-burthened , had obtained of the Pope the Instituting these Bishopricks ; but subordinate to Goa , as were to be all others that should be Instituted . 5. The Vice Roy understanding the Enemy was fitting out Ships on the Coast of Malabar , where Luis de Melo was , sent to his Aid 17 Sail with 600 Men. Melo distributed them about the Mouths of the Rivers , and he himself ran along destroying the Towns and Woods . Seven strong Parao's , well manned and equipped , came down the River Maim , where Gonçalo Perez de Alvelos was , firing their Cannon upon him , and he answering sunk one of them : But the Powder taking fire in one of our Ships , blew it up and all the Men in it ; so the Enemy escaped . Melo continued the War this Year and the next with success , and utter desolation of all that Coast. 6. Bofata , not long since defeated , now marched towards our Fort of Balzar with 600 Horse , and a great Body of Foot. Our Commander Alvaro Gonçalez Pinto boldly meets him with 20 Horse , 100 Portugues Foot , and 500 Natives . The first Charge they killed 50 of the Enemy ; but being overpowered by the Multitude were routed , the Captain and most of the Portugueses killed , and 150 of the Natives , the rest fled . Bofata immediately attacks the Fort , not at all doubting to carry it ; but was vigorously opposed by the Valour of Gomez de Silva , who though not born a Gentleman , in this Action shewed how Gentlemen are Created . The Enemy encamped , and Silva did great Execution on them , till Tristan V●…z de Vega came to his Relief , from Damam , with ten Vessels well furnished . In spight of all opposition he Landed and got into the Fort , and Bofata seeing no hopes of prevailing drew off . Not long after he returns , and our Commander Alfonso Diaz Pereyra meeting him in the Field , had the same success as Pinto , and was killed as well as he ; all the difference was , that the Enemy now entred the Fort pell-mell with our Men ; but Vincent Carvallo drove them again out headlong . Calisto de Sequeyra killed 20 with his own hand . They were quite spent with continual Fatigue when Luis Alvarez de Tavora brought Relief from Damam , at sight whereof the Enemy retired . 7. However , by the Vice-Roy's Order , the Fort was abandoned , and the Enemy returning razed it ; then went on doing great harm in the Villages , till they came to Tarapor , where Martin Lopez de Faria was with 40 Men ; they attacked his Works and were repulsed with such loss , that they desisted and went on . This Action cost Lopez his Life , being mortally wounded , whereof he died at Damam . D. Iames de Noronha marched after the Enemy , and found them in the Country of Vaypim , being 600 Horse and 1000 Foot ; with him were 150 of the former , and 350 of the latter . He fell on with such Fury , that 60 of the Enemy fell the first Charge , and after a sharp Dispute they all fled , leaving him many Prisoners , their Women , Mony , Baggage , Horses , Arms and Ammunition , with which he returned triumphant to Damam , notwithstanding the Enemy rallying attacked him in the Rear ; but at last fled to lament his Loss in the Woods , whilst it was celebrated in the Town . 8. Christopher Pereyra Homem sailing for Ethiopia with three Vessels , only to set ashoar there B. Fulgentius , a Jesuit , sent by the Vice-Roy to the Bishop with some Church-stuff , near Arquico met Cafar his four Gallies , and with difficulty escaped them . But the Admirals Galley coming up sometime after , the Fight could not be avoided , and Pereyra boarding her with 30 Men , the Turks who were 150 killed every Man of them . The other two Vessels leaving him in the danger got to Goa , where Vincent Carvallo and Rock Pinheyro were put in Gaol for their Cowardize ; for had they done their Duty , Cafar had been taken . 9. B. Fulgentius was taken , and afterwards ransomed ; the loss of him and what he carried , was lamented by the Portugueses in Ethiopia . Adamas Sagad succeeded the Emperour that died , and defeated many Rebels , in which Victory the Portugueses had a considerable share . The Turkish Bassa returning with a greater Power , defeated Sagad with the assistance of some Portugueses ; for they can be Turks when they please . This was the cause that Emperour never after trusted . them . 10. Bisminaique , Lord of the Pearl-Fishery , seeing those of Punicale would pay no greater acknowledgment than One days Fishing , resolved to right himself by force . He marched with 1000 Men , Melrao lead the the Van , doing much harm . D. Duarte de Meneses after several Skirmishes killed him , and stopped the current of his Men , till the useless People , as Aged Men , Women and Children , with the best of their Goods , got off in a Ship , where they suffered much Hunger , and such Thirst that they drank their own Water . The Commander of the Fort , Emanuel Rodrigues Coutinho , Charged a Body of those that Melrao had Commanded , and did good Execution ; but Bisminaique coming up with his Army , D. Duarte was forced to retire to his Ship , and Coutinho to another , where he was taken with all his Men , and after ransomed . The Enemy entred and plundered the Town . 11. Four Ships arrived now in India , of six that sailed from Lisbon : In them went the first Archbishop of Goa , and the first Inquisitors , sent to suppress the Jews . One of the six Ships was forced back to Lisbon . Another Commanded by Ruy de Melo , was drove to Brasile , and thence set out again so unsuccessfully , that she was lost beyond the Cape of Good Hope . The Men got ashoar , and part of them Coasted along in the Long-Boat and two Barques they made , the rest marched along in sight of them , till they took three little Ships which held them all , and so went up a River in the King of Menanchabo's Country . Their neglect , and the Beauty of D. Francisca Sardina , Wife to Iames Pereyra de Vasconcelos , gave courage and opportunity to those Barbarians to assault them , and steal her . They fell on our Men on a sudden and killed 60 , carrying away this Portugues Hellen or Proserpine . The rest arrived in India . 12. The late Governour Francis Barreto put to Sea the third time , and arrived safe at Lisbon with D. Luis Fernandez de Vasconcelos , who had before lost his Ship. The Kings of Cochim and Cananor were now at War , and the Portugueses intermedled not , because they were both Subjects to Portugal ; in the end he of Cochim had the better . Those of Cranganor committing some Outrages , Iohn Pereyra chastized and reduced them . 13. The Vice-Roy was now preparing to make War upon the King of Iafanatapan , and Lord of the Island Manar , because he persecuted the Christians , and had usurped that Crown from his Brother , who fled to Goa , and was Baptized by the Name of Alfonso . He Landed near the City Iafanapatan with 1200 Men , forcing the Prince to retire , who with 2000 opposed him . The Portugeses entred at a large Street in which were some Pieces of Cannon , which killed N. Sardina , Ensign to Luis de Melo . Iohn Pessoa took up the Colours , and marched up to the Canon . Luis de Melo and D. Philip de Meneses were both Wounded . 14. The Vice Roy came on , and six or seven Men were killed about him . The Prince coming down another Street made some resistance , but to no effect . Night coming on the King retired to his Palace , and not thinking himself safe there , set fire to it and withdrew to a Fort a League off . Thus the Vice-Roy was left possessed of that beautiful City . He marched after the King , who thinking that Fort too weak , was fled farther off . D. Constantin took possession of it , and sent several parties to pursue the King , the first of them Commanded by Luis de Melo , the Achilles of those times . They pursued him till he cried for Mercy ; and to purchase an Accommodation , offered to restore the Treasure taken from Tribuls Pandar , and his Mother-in-Law , Wife to the King of Cota , to pay an Acknowledgment to the Crown of Portugal , and give up the Island Manar . The Vice-Roy accepted the Conditions , considering how difficult it was wholly to deprive him of that Crown , and restore it to his Brother , though he had never so much right . 15. Fortune is as quick in over-turning , as bestowing her Favours . Whilst the Conditions were putting in execution , the Natives falling upon the Portugueses , who were secure in their Submission , killed many . The Vice-Roy escaped narrowly and got aboard the Fleet , whence he sent D. Antony de Noronha with 400 Men to relieve the Fort , where Ferdinand de Sousa was , and had killed many of the Natives in defence of it . They two being joyned made themselves way and marched to the Shoar , carrying all that was in the Fort , and killing all that opposed them . The Vice-Roy thus succesful at first , and afterwards unfortunate , set Sail , carrying with him the Prince , given as an Hostage for performance of the Articles of Peace . He sailed to the Island Manar , where he built a Fort , and translated thither the Inhabitants of Punicale , to redeem them from the Tyranny of that Nayque who would fleece them . Emanuel Rodriguez Coutinho was left to Command there , and with him some Franciscans and Jesuits , all satisfied with the equal distribution the Vice-Roy made of all things . Then he sent Balthasar Guedez de Sousa to Command in chief in Ceylon , and with him the King of Cota , his Grandmother and Kindred , whom the King of Iafanatapan had delivered to him , being one of the Conditions of that unfortunate Treaty . CHAP. XVI . The End of the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Constantin . 1. AMong the Treasure lately taken from the King of Iafanatapan , was an Idol adored throughout all the Coast of Asia , and so highly esteemed by all those Princes , particularly the King of Pegu , that he every year sent Embassadours with rich Presents , to get a Print of it . This so much worshipped Relick was nothing but a Tooth of a white Monkey . Some say , the rarity of the Colour was the cause of his being so much admired , as the King of Siam's white Elephant : Others affirm , besides his Whiteness , he came into such esteem by finding out the Wife of an ancient Indian King , that was run away from him , and had been sought for through all parts to no purpose , the King loving her beyond expression . The King in requital made much of the Beast while it lived , and after its death erected Altars to it : Others are of Opinion , it was a Mans , not a Monkeys Tooth , and perhaps the Man had the same Employ as the Monkey ; for all was no better than Pimping , a great step to Preferment with Princes . However it was , the King of Pegu hearing our Vice-Roy had the Tooth , sent to offer him 300000 Ducats for it , and it was not doubted his Zeal would extend to give a Million , if the Bargain were well drove . Most of the Portugueses were for taking the Mony , and some wished they might be employed in carrying the Tooth to Pegu , not doubting but they should gather a Treasure by shewing it by the way . 2. The Vice-Roy doubtful whether he should accept , or reject the Offer , and to throw the blame of either Resolution from himself , had a meeting of the Chief of the Clergy and Laity , where the Question was discussed long , and with much heat . The Resolution was , That the Tooth should not be sold , but consumed to As●…s . The Vice-Roy accordingly , in the presence of them all , caused it to be beaten to dust in a Mortar , and then burnt . All men at that time seemed to applaud the Act ; but not long after , ( two Teeth being set up instead of that one , as shall be related in the Government of D. Antony de Noronha ) they as much condemned and railed at it . 3. D. George de Meneses Baroche at this time did much in Ceylon in defence of the King of Cota against his Brother Madune . D. George was hard to please , because he loved to endure hardship ; he hearing one Morning , in his Galley , a Souldier asking an ●…on for Breakfast , said to him ; What do you 〈◊〉 for Dainties ? There is no provision in this Store , but Powder and Ball. A good Example for our Times , when a Portugues lords half a Galleon with Hen-Coops , and 〈◊〉 of Sweet-Meats . 4. This Severity in D. George caused some Souldiers to desert to Cota ; he went to bring them back , and at his return found that George de Melo his Lieutenant ●…d fallen upon the Enemy so successfull●… that he cut off a number of them . Baroche envious of this Honour , attacked them in another place and killed 200 , and with the same heat run up a River after Madune , till a Cannon Ball kil●…g 20 of his Seamen at once , he retired a ●…e . Then matching by Land , after Raju 〈◊〉 Son , who had above 3000 Men ●…h him put him to flight , killing 150 , without losing one Man. The Enemy fortified himself in a convenient place , and D. George going on to attack him , was told there was no Powder ; then says he , Load your Muskets with Sand. He advanced unfortunately ; for what with an Ambush , and what with the assistance of the Elephants , he lost above 70 Men. D. George was in danger of being killed by an Elephant , had not P●…dralvarez Freyre fortunately shot it . He retired in such a Rage for this ill success , that he bit the Sand , perhaps because it had not served him instead of Powder . 5. Madre Maluco , King of Cambaya , taking the advantage of the Vice-Roys absence from Damam , resolved to recover that City , and was ready to march with a formidable Power . D. Iames de Noronha , who spent much Mony in Intelligence , soon understood his design , and finding he could not oppose him with open Force , had recourse to Artifice . He dexterously persuades Cedemecan Lord of Suratt , his Neighbour and Friend , that his Brother-in-Law , Madre Maluco , was coming to expel him that City , and therefore gave out his design was upon Damam . Cedemecan gave credit to the Fiction , and going to Visit his Brother-in-Law in the Camp , persuaded him to Sup with him in the Town , and carry with him the principal Heads of his Army . Scarce were they in his House when he killed them all , and falling upon the Camp put the Army to the rout with great slaughter Thus Noronha avoided this Danger without drawing Sword , and Cedemecan drew on himself another , to shun that which did not threaten him . The Manager of this Intrigue was , D. Iames Pereyra , a Gentleman of great Prudence and Vigilance , who performed it very dexterously , not without great danger to himself . 6. Chinguiscan with a prodigious Power marches to Suratt , to revenge the Death of his Father , and enters the City ; Cemedecan retiring into the Fort , Chinguiscan sets down before , and begins to batter it furiously , and Cedemecan omitted nothing towards his defence , when 10 Ships arrive , sent by D. Iames under the Command of Luis Alvarez de Tavora , with Orders so to manage himself , that either of the two Enemies might believe he came to their assistance . D. Iames under-hand writ to Chinguiscan , acquainting him he had sent those Ships to his Aid ; Tavora had a Letter from him to Cedemecan of the same purport . All this Preparation vanished ; for the Besieger hearing another Enemy invaded his Kingdom , agreed with the Besieged and returned home . So did Luis Alvarez , having given much Content to our Neighbour , who had he known all , had more cause to be highly dissatisfied . Alvarez coming to Damam found D. Iames de Noronha at Death's door , and he soon after expired at ●…he Age of 44. He died Poor , having spent ●…ll he got in the Service of his King and Country . D. Antony de Noronha , after Vice-Roy , used to say , That a man must be mad to ●…ractice this sort of Liberality . After that rate ●…ow-adays all Men are very Wise. 7. The Vice-Roy being at Cochim , dispatched three Ships for Portugal , two of them arrived safe , the other was forced back . Then he had a meeting with the King of Pimienta , with whom he was at variance , and they agreed . The Princes of Calicut being sent to be bred at Cananor , and those of Cananor at Calicut , caused such a Confusion , that Iohn Pereyra , Commander of Cananor , was in some danger , attempting to hinder the Passage of the Malabars , who had possessed themselves of the Island Primbalam , belonging to Cochim , which might prove the loss of our Fort. The Vice-Roy sent first D. Francis de Almeyda with ten Ships , and after him Luis de Melo de Silva with 500 Men , and the King of Cochim assisted with his Forces . There was a great Fight , many of the Enemies were killed , and the rest expelled the Island . Martin Alfonso de Melo afterwards cleared all the Passes , and restored the Island to the King. D. Constantin returned to Goa . 8. He sent Commanders to several Forts ; and a Fleet of 21 Sail under the Command of Sebastian de Sá , to assist the King of Baçora against the Turks , for which he offered to permit us to build a Fort there . This Fleet was by bad Weather scattered and put into several Ports . Cedemecan sent to acquaint the Vice-Roy , That Chinguiscan was again marching towards him , and he being in no condition to oppose him , would deliver up that Fort to the Crown of Portugal , only upon Condition to be carried with his Family and Treasure where he should appoint . Don Constantin immediately fitted out fourteen Ships , the Command whereof he gave to D. Antony de Noronha . With him went Luis de Melo , to receive the Command of Damam from Iames de Silva , who held it by the Death of D. Iames de Noronha . There they found four Galliots of Sebastian de Sá his Squadron that was dispersed , and so made up 500 Men , and passed to Suratt . They went up the River through such showers of Bullets , that there was scarce a Vessel but lost some Men. Then they Landed , and immediately entred a Work , and after a tedious Engagement Chinguiscan with above 20000 Men , was beaten by 500 Portugueses , and our Captain remained Master of the Field . 9. In the same Heat he entred the City , where Chinguiscan was , and retired honourably , though not without danger : But coming to Treat with Cedemecan about delivering up the Fort as he had promised , found him quite estranged from it . Some say , he durst not do it for fear his own Men should kill him ; and 't is likely it was so , for D. Antony being gone to Goa , they would have murdered him only for the Intention ; so that he was forced to make his escape from them , and being taken by Chinguiscan had his Head cut off . Caracen his Brother-in-Law succeeded him in Suratt , and found the means of obliging Chinguiscan , so that he left him in peaceable possession . 10. Emanuel de Vasconcelos being arrived at the Moluco's , prevailed with the King of Ternate , to quit his claim to that Kingdom , as being left by the rightful Possessor , who died a Christian at Malaca to our King. Accordingly King Sebastian was Proclaimed in all the Neighbourhood , he that Resigned still keeping the Title and Government . Vasconcelos having made War against the King of Tidore , soon after died . Sebastian Machado his Lieutenant succeeded him , and sent George Ferreyra against the Sangaje of Gilolo , who brought him to Submission . The Christian Faith was now very much propagated in these Parts by the labour and industry of the Jesuits . 11. The Year ended the Government of D. Constantin , applauded by all lovers of Truth , though censured by the Vile Portugueses in India . He was endued with all those Parts that make a man Great , and was fortunate in his Undertakings ; his Government such , that King Sebastian offered it him for Life , and he refused ; and when that Excellent Vice-Roy D. Luis de Ataide returned thither the second time , he bid him Govern like D. Constantin . 12. His Countenance was beautiful and majestick , his Complexion white , his Beard thick and black . In the number of Vice-Roys he was the 7th , in that of Governours the 20th , and held it three years . CHAP. XVII . The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Francis Coutinho , Count de Redondo , from the Year 1561 , till 1564 , in the Reign of King SEBASTIAN . 1. IN the beginning of September arrived at Goa D. Francis Coutinho , Count de Redondo , no less known for his witty Sayings , than his Actions in Peace and War. He brought five Ships , and sailed from Lisbon the beginning of the Year . The Count having sent Commanders to several Forts , dispatched five Ships for Portugal , in one of which went D. Constantin . Next he sent D. Francis Mascarenhas with 650 Men in 23 Ships , to seek out Cafar's Gallies that were abroad a pilfering ; but he missing of them through neglect , returned to the Coast of Malabar , where he secured the Trading Ships for the term of three Months , and then went into Port. 2. In February the Vice-Roy sent George de Moura with three Galleons , and some small Vessels , to secure our Ships that were to come from Ormuz against Cafar's Gallies . On the Coast of Caxem he met a Ship of Achem of great strength and value , it carried 500 fighting Men and 50 Pieces of Brass Cannon . Towards Night Peter Lopez de Rebelo stood up with and boarded her , whereupon ensued a bloody Fight . The Enemy fired the Galleon , and Antony Cabral coming up in the Night with another , thinking it was the Ship , attacks the Galleon . Perceiving his Mistake he drew off , and the Ship taking fire both were inevitably lost . Cabral saved Rebelo and his Men. Of the Enemy only a few escaped in the Long-Boat . Moura was coming on with the rest of the Ships , when discovering a Sail he gave it chase , but in vain . He cruized there some time and saw several Ships , but could not fetch up any . 3. In September arrived in India 6 Ships from Portugal , with 3000 Land-men . The Vice-Roy was preparing to set out for the Sea of Calicut , whilst Cide Meriam was marching to besiege Damam with 800 Horse and 1000 Foot , after doing much harm in the Neighbouring Villages . Our Men went out to meet them , a Dominican carrying a Crucifix before them ; at the first Charge several of our Men fell , and among them the Dominican ; a Souldier took up the Crucifix and marched before till a Ball broke the Arm of it , which much stirred up our Men to revenge . In the heat of the Action Cide appears , calling upon Garcia Rodriguez , who spurring his Horse met , and with a stroak of his Lance dismounted him ; but Garcia fell too , and Meriam recovering came at him with his Cimiter ; Garcia embraces him fast , and so they strugled till one of our Souldiers run Meriam through with a Pike . Our Captain mounted again , and running into the thickest of the Enemy , they were disordered and fled ; many were killed , many taken , and a considerable Booty . 4. About the beginning of December the Vice-Roy set out of Goa with 140 Sail , in which number were ten very large Gallies ; in this Fleet were 4000 Men. All this Preparation was only to meet Zamori , and Swear to the Peace already concluded . They met at Tiracole , the Vice Roy walking through a Lane made by his 4000 Men , and the King through another of 40000. After the usual Ceremonies the Articles were read , and then sworn to by each after his own manner . 5. The Count returning to Cochim , dispatched the Ships for Portugal , which arrived safe , except one that was never heard of . The Portugueses of this great Fleet having no other employments for their Swords , fell to Challenging one another , by which means above 50 were killed . The grounds of these Quarrels are commonly so idle and ridiculous , that it is not worth time to mention any of them . 6. The Vice Roy began this Year , sending some Commanders to several Parts : But there was nothing of moment , but the Business of Amboina , one of the Maluco's , whither he sent Henry de Sá with some Relief . Amboina is an Island in that Eastern Sea , about 16 Leagues in compass ; but contains in that little Space many good Towns. Iordan de Freytas , Commander of Ternate , got a Grant of it for himself ( as is before said ) from the King of it , who being converted by his means repayed him with that Gift , which afterwards fell to the Crown of Portugal . Sá sent his Nephew Vasco thither to build a Fort ; but he behaved himself so ill , that he estranged the Hearts of all the People , chiefly the Inhabitants of Ative , where he was ; and those of Aito , not far distant . The better to compass their Revenge , they offered Subjection to the Queen of Iapara , in the Island Iava , that she might assist them with her Shipping . The other Islands also sent a Fleet , and joyning with those that were in Arms , killed many of the Christians newly converted by St. Francis Xaverius . One of these called Emanuel , gathering a Number , put a stop to this Current , till Henry de Sá joyning they totally defeated all those Enemies , with a great slaughter of them . Then Sá took in hand the punishing the Rebels , among which were two Infamous Portugueses , who had laid the muzzles of their Musquets to Emanuel , because he defended the New Christians ; that it may appear , there are many New Christians better than the Old. Peace being setled , the Spiritual Conquest was carried on . 7. In Ceylon Madune , always aiming to deprive his Brother , the King of Cota , of his Kingdom , kept his Son Raju in the Field with a good Force . Raju with 30000 Men besieges the Fort of Columbo , Commanded by Baltasar Guedez de Sousa . He battered it several days with great Fury , but found such opposition he was forced to draw off , and marched to the City Cota , two Leagues distant , not doubting to carry it , having been reinforced and believing the Portugueses were not in condition to Relieve it . Yet Baltasar Guedez was there as soon as he with 400 Men. The City was besieged , and the Attacks carried on vigorously , and backed with Elephants . Many Portugueses were here seen fight with those Beasts single , and with many Wounds drive them back upon their own Men. 8. Though bravely defended , the Town was in great danger by reason of the Enemies great number , had not Iames de Melo Coutinho , Commander of Manar , come opportunely with 400 Men and Provisions . Raju seeing this Relief raised the Siege , having lost 2000 Men. On our side twenty were killed , and three Franciscans . The King repaired his Works , and Coutinho returned to his Command , leaving the Men he brought . 9. This Year sailed from Lisbon four Ships , one of them was forced back , three arrived at Goa , one whereof sunk there . The Vice-Roy sent D. Francis de Mascarenhas to Cananor with fifteen Sail , we being then at War with that King. Hierom Diaz de Meneses staid behind with his Ship , in which were forty tried Souldiers . He met three Parao's of Malabars , and could not with Honour avoid them ; so making up to the formost layed it aboard , and killing most of the Moors , had taken it , but that the other two coming up forced our Men to defend their own Ship , and though they behaved themselves with great bravery , were by the multitude of Enemies drove into the Poop , whence breaking out again they cleared their Decks , killing 60 Moors . They parted , and Diaz pursued his Voyage . 10. The Vice-Roy dispatched two Ships for Portugal , which after a dangerous Voyage arrived safe . Hearing what had hapned , Hierom Diaz with the Malabars , who continued their Piracies contrary to the Peace so lately sworn , he complained to Zamori . He Answered coldly , because his Intentions were never sincere , That those were some Rebels , and whosoever met them might punish them . The Count meditating Revenge , heard above 80 Vessels of Malabars were sailing for Calicut ; these he resolved to destroy , and if Zamori complained , to Answer after this manner , That they were some Rebels had done it , whoever took might punish them . To this he sent Dominick de Mesquita , a Man of Valour and no nice Conscience , as was requisite for such an Action , with 120 Men in three Ships . He cruised upon the Coast of Carapatan , and took by two and three at a time twenty four Sail. The Vessels he sunk , some of the Men he beheaded , others he sewed up in their Sails and threw them into the Sea. Above 2000 died after this manner , so that all the Coast of Malabar was filled with Cries for the loss of Friends and Goods . This Action soon after produced a very tedious War. 11. This was the Vice-Roys last Action , and scarce came to his knowledge ; for he died very suddenly about the end of February . His Death was lamented , because he was beloved . He was neither Prodigal , nor Covetous , a great lover of Justice , and so happy in witty Expressions , that all pleasant Sayings were Fathered upon him . His Countenance was jovial , his Eyes lively . In the number of Vice-Roys he was the 8th , and ●…e 21th of Governours , and held it two ●…s and five Months ; the third of the Name , ●…rst of the Sirname , and second that had the Title of Count , for D. Vasco de Gama was the first . 12. At this time our Famous Poet , Luis de Camoens , was at Goa , and had been well looked upon and favoured by the two last Vice-Roys . The Governour Francis Barreto had Imprisoned , and then banished him for Debts and some youthful Extravagancies ; and the Count towards the End of his Government , had again given him up to the Law , and he was cast in Prison . We shall hereafter see him deceitfully carried to Zofala , and there sold. Such is the hard Fate of great Wits . CHAP. XVIII . The Government of John de Mendoza , for six Months of the Year 1564 , in the Reign of King SEBASTIAN . 1. JOhn de Mendoça , late Comma●…er of Malaca , succeeded the Vice-R●… with the Title of Governour . As soon as he had taken the Sword , there came to him Embassadours from Zamori , complaining of the Harm Dominick de Mesquita had done the beginning of the year to his Subjects , contrary to the Peace so solemnly sworn . The Governour answered as the Count designed to have done ; That it was perhaps some Portugues who was in Rebellion ; that they might punish him if taken , and he would do the same . The Embassadours had nothing to say ; but before their departure came in Dominick de Mesquita , and the Governour ( not to carry on the Shew too far ) caused him in their presence to be apprehended . As soon as their backs were turned he released , and rewarded him as his good Service deserved . 2. A Woman of a bold Spirit , and of good Repute among her People , Wife to one of those killed by Mesquita , running about the City of Cananor with loud Cries and Complaints , stirred up the Moors to revenge that Action . They all run to Arms , swearing not to lay them down , till they had rooted out the Portugueses from among them . They beset the Fort where D. Payo ●…e Noronha Commanded , and the King unexpectedly set fire to above thirty Ships that ●…ode under the shelter of it . The Governour sent immediately Andrew de Sousa with six Sail to the relief of that Fort , where Adé Rajao already was with a great Power . Thus began the War of Malabar , and went on slowly . 3. It being now the beginning of September , the Ships arrived from Portugal , in which went the Vice-Roy D. Antony de Noronha , to whom the Governour delivered the Sword , and went out of India poor , after bearing honourable and advantagious Employments . He was the 22th Governour , and held it half a year , was the second of the Name , and first of the Sirname . 4. Since the short time of his Government afforded not Matter enough for a Chapter , I will give some Account of the Zamories and Preaching of St. Thomas the Apostle . It is before related how Perimal , who divided the Empire of Malabar into several Kingdoms , was persuaded to Mahometanism , and went to end his days at Meca . This was a false Invention of the Moors ; for there were several Sovereign Princes in Malabar 500 years before the Birth of Christ. Malabar lies between the Points of Cananor and Cape Comori , 150 Leagues in length , and about 15 in breadth up the Inland , expiring at the Foot of a Mountain that runs through all that length . The chief Sovereignties therein are Cananor , Tanor , Moringue , Cranganor , Parum , Mungate , Repelim , Cochim , Diamper , Pimienta , Turungule , Maturte , Porca , Marta , Pitimene , Calecoulam , Coulam , Changernate , Gundra and Travancor . 5. The differences that often arose between these Sovereigns , obliged them to chuse an Arbitrator , who was to be but of indifferent Fortune , to prevent his growing too powerful ; and the Office was not to be hereditary , but he always chose by consent of those Princes . This Arbitrator they called Xara Perimal , and appointed his residence to be in the City Calicut ; so ancient is this Employment . The great concourse of Merchants from all parts to that City , caused it in time to rise to an Empire , though such care had been taken to prevent it . This Dignity of Emperour ( which is signified by the word Zamori ) continued till the Year of Grace 347 , according to the Records of Calicut ; but according to those of Cochim , till 588. Whensoever it was , Xara Perimal then Reigned , who tired with the Cares of a Crown , and having some knowledge of the Evangelical Doctrin , as being a great Favourer of the Christians of St. Thomas , inhabiting at Cranganor , he resolved to end his days at Meliapor , serving in that Church . By Consent of all his Princes he resigned the Crown to Manuchem Herari his Page , esteemed worthy and able to Govern that Empire . Perimal died at Meliapor , and it is thought one of those Bodies found with the Apostles was his . Since his time till now have been above 110 Zamories , of whose Names we do not make a Catalogue , because they are all called Manuchem and Zamori , in memory of that first Successor of Perimal . Another Relation says ; This Perimal was one of the three Kings that went to adore our Saviour , new Born at Bethlehem , and perhaps that might be the Reason of his following the Apostle St. Thomas . In an ancient Manuscript of two hundred years standing , I have found what follows : Melchior was King of Nubia and Arabia ; Baltasar , of Goli and Saba ; Gaspar , of Tharsis , Insula , and Grisola , where the Body of St. Thomas lies , and they were afterwards by him made Bishops , and suffered Martyrdom with him . 6. In this Empire ( so in all the Kingdoms of it ) the Sons do not Inherit , but the Nephews born of Sisters , by reason of the ill conceit they have of the Mothers , believing this way they secure the Royal Descent . The Princesses that bring forth these Heirs , get them in this manner : The Princess is Married to a Neighbouring Prince , who leaves her untouched ; a Nayre of the Family of Naburii , destined for this Employ , gets her Maidenhead , and then departs , never more to be seen in the Country upon pain of Death . The Princess afterwards chooses others among the Naburiis , of whom she makes use till she has Conceived . She has liberty to choose among them all , but none of them can court her upon pain of Death . The Nayres are very poor , few of them can maintain a Wife ; and he that can , need not fear another corrupting of her . For this Reason three or four of them joyn to maintain a Woman , and that is their manner of Marriage : When one goes to the Wife , he leaves his Buckler at the Door , which is a sign one is within ; and if another comes , he must stay . The Kingdom of Cochin was subject to this Empire , though without paying Tribute , and made free by the Portugueses in requital , for the fidelity of the King Uniramacoul , who Reigned when we first discovered India , and exposed himself to utter danger of being ruined , rather than deliver up the Portugueses to Zamori . King Emanuel sent him a Crown of Gold by the Vice-Roy D. Francis de Almeyda , which he received , submitting himself as a Subject to Portugal , without any other acknowledgment ; but is yearly presented with two pieces of Gold ; the one a Portugues , being a Coin worth 18 Ducats , on the 1st of Ianuary ; the other on the day of the Epiphany , is a Cup worth 640 , Thus much of the Empire of Malabar . 7. As to Meliapor , for what relates to the Apostle : It is the received Opinion he was killed at Antenodur , a Mountain a League distant from the Town , where he had two Caves , whither he retired to Pray . The nearest now belongs to the Jesuits , the other is the Church of our Lady of the Mount. He being one day at Prayer in the former , opposite to a Clift that gave Light to it , one of the Bramens , who was watching , thrust a Lance through that Hole in such manner , that a piece of it remaining in his Body , he went to the other Cave , and there died , embracing a Stone on which a Cross was carved . Hence his Disciples removed and Buried him in his Church , where he was found by Emanuel de Faria , or Frias , and the Priest Antony Penteado , sent thither on purpose by King Emanuel . 8. In the Year 1547 , being about to repair that Oratory where the Apostle died , digging they found a Stone , which seems to be the same he held then . It is about a yard long , and three quarters wide , the Colour grey , with some red spots . In the middle of it is carved a Portal round at the Top , with Letters between the two Borders ; within two Banisters , rather than Pillars ; being turned , on which are two twisted Figures , like Dogs sitting , from whose Necks rises a graceful Arch of five Borders , and between every two are knots like Beads . In the hollow of this Door is a Pedestal of two Steps , from the uppermost of which rises a Branch on each side , and over them , as it were in the Air , is a Cross , the ends of it like to that of the Military Order of Alcantara , as the History relates ; but the Print shews them like three half Moons , the Convex sides outwards , and the Points meeting , as commonly we see in many ancient Churches in Europe . Over all is a Dove flying , as it were descending to touch the Cross with its Beak . There are ancient Pillars in the East with Doves after this manner . One preserved in the Pagod of Negapatan , has carved on it a Cock , a Rope and a Candle . There is a Tradition , it came of it self to those parts by Sea , with a Candle burning . 9. The Chappel being repaired , or beautified in the Year 1551 , the Stone was solemnly set up in it , and at the time the Priest pronounced those words of the Gospel ; Missus est Angelus Gabriel , &c. it began to change colour , and became black and shining , then sweating turned to its own colour , plainly discovering the spots of Blood which before were obscure . The Letters about it could not be understood till the Year 1561 ; a Learned Bramen said , they were 36 Hieroglyphicks , every one containing a Sentence , and were to this effect : In the time of the Son of Sagad the Gentile , who Reigned 30 years , came upon Earth one only GOD , and was Incarnate in the Womb of a Virgin : He abolished the Law of the Jews , whom he punished for the Sins of Men , after he had been in the World 33 years , and taught Twelve Servants the Truth he preached . A King of Three Crowns , Cheralacone , Indalacone , Cuspandiad ; and King Alexander of the Kingdom Ertinabarad , with Catherine his Daughter , and many Virgins and six Families , voluntarily followed the Law of Thomas , because it was the Law of Truth , and he gave them the Sign of the Cross to adore . Going up to the place of Antenodur , a Bramen run him through with a Lance , and he embraced this Cross , which was stained with his Blood , and his Disciples carried him to Maiale , and Buried him in his Church with the Lance in his Body . And because We the above-named Kings saw this , we carved these Letters here . Hence , besides the Story , is gathered , That Maiale was the ancient Name of the City Meliapor , now called St. Thomas . This Stone afterwards sweated sometimes : Till the Year 1561 it was a good Omen ; since then a bad one . 10. In the time of the Priest Penteado were also found three Brass Plates about a Span long , and half as broad , in shape like a Scutcheon , on the top a Ring . On the one side was a Cross and Peacock , the ancient Arms of Meliapor ; on the other , Characters which were explained by another Learned Bramen . The first part was Titles of the King ; Boca Raja , Son of Campula Raja , and Grandson of Atela Raja . He begins confessing , One God without beginning , Maker of all things . And says of himself , That he is as Great a Gentleman as the Beast Chigsan , and as one of the five Kings who conquered 99 : That he is as strong as one of the eight Elephants that the World stands upon , and that he Conquered the Kingdoms of Otia Tulcan and Canara , cutting his Enemies to pieces with his Sword. The other Plates contained Grants of Lands to St. Thomas , directed to himself , and calling him Abidarra Modeliar . Whence may be gathered , these Princes Reigned at the time that Christ suffered . One of them begins thus : After the Year 1259 , in the first Year called Icarrana Rachan , on the 12th day of the New Moon of the good Year , I give in Alms to the Saint Abidarra Modeliar , &c. Thus Another : This is a Token of Alms-deeds to purchase Paradice , and all Kings that perform them shall obtain much more , and he that disannuls them shall be 60000 years with the Worms in Hell , &c. 11. It has always been controverted , which way St. Thomas came into India . The Heathen History says , That St. Thomas and St. Thaddeus being in Mesopotamia , they parted at the City Edessa ; and the former sailing with some Merchants came to the Island Zocotora , and after Converting the People , passed to Mogodover Patana , a City of Paru in Malabar , where he built a Church . The King keeping there the Wedding of his Son , some Jewish Women came to sing , and their Musick was Texts of Scripture , many of them fulfilled by the Life and Death of our Saviour . St. Thomas being present , was so rapt , hearing those Prophecies from them People , that a Heathen observing it gave him a Box on the Ear. Soon after going to fetch Water , a Tiger bit off his Hand . He came running to tell his Misfortune , and after him a Dog with the Hand in his Mouth . The Apostle took , and set it on again , so that no Mark remained . Then he went to Calicut , and converted Xa Perimal . There is an Account , That he went to the Mogol's Country , where Chesetrigal then Reigned , and after being in China recurned to India , visiting the Province of Tibet , and setled at Meliapor , where he ended . 12. In the Year 800 arrived at Mogodover , or Patana , a rich Christian Armenian , called Thomas Cananeus , who with his Company presented himself to the King : He received him with Kindness , and soon after won by his Presents , gave him the Lands of Cranganor and City Patana , where there was scarce any Footsteps of St. Thomas his Church . On those Foundations he built another ; another at Cranganor by the name of St. Thomas , now standing within our Fort ; another of our Lady , and another of St. Ciriacus . These being the Works of Thomas Cananeus , made them erroniously be believed the Apostles . Afterwards were found other Plates containing Grants of Lands to the Disciples and Successors of the Apostles . 12. It may reasonably be believed , that Pagod where Gama entred , as he went from Calicut to Zamorie's Palace , was of this Foundation , because the Image of our Lady was there called Mary by the Heathens ; and it being believed one of the three Kings that went to Bethlehem was of Malabar . The Heathens yearly celebrate a Feast to St. Thomas , to preserve their Ships ; because formerly many of them used to be Cast-away sailing to Parvi . End of the Second Part. THE Portugues Asia . TOM . I. PART III. CHAP. I. Conquests under King Emanuel , from the Year 1515 , to the Year 15●…8 . Lope Soarez de Albergaria , being Governor . 1. THE great Alfonso de Albuquerque was drawing towards the last Period of his Life , when King Emanuel , as if he had foreseen it , sent a new Governor with a Fleet for India . The Governor was Lope Soarez de Albergaria , the Fleet consisted of thirteen Ships , and in them fifteen hundred fighting Men , many Gentlemen by Birth , most such by their Actions . Among them was Duarte Galvam , a Person of Learning , Authority and Judgment , who went Embassador to Prester Iohn , with rich Presents ; some for him , some for the Church . The Governor being arrived at Cochin , by his ( perhaps rather affected than natural ) reservedness became disagreeable to many , and particularly to the King , who was used to Albuquerque's discreet Civility . D. Garcia de Noronha , who took Charge of the Dispatch of the homeward bound trading Ships , went away with them after no small Disagreement with Lope Soarez . Till this time the Gentlemen had followed the Dictates of true Honor , esteeming their Arms the greatest Riches ; from this time forwards they so wholly gave up themselves to trading , that those who had been Captains became Merchants , so that what had been Command became a Shame , Honor was a Scandal , and Reputation a Reproach . Lope Soarez entred upon the Government . He visited the Forts , placed in them new Captains , gave out Orders and such other Affairs of small moment , which rather serve to fill Paper than increase the Substance of a History . 2. This year sailed from Lisbon five Ships under the Command of Iohn de Silveyra , three of them arrived in India , the other two were lost on the Sands of St. Lazaro . The Governor prepared , according to the King's Order , for the Red Sea ; and being informed , that the Soldan was fitting out a great Fleet at Suez , he sailed in search thereof from Goa , on the eighth of February , with twenty seven Sail of several sorts and Sizes . In this Fleet were twelve hundred Portugueses , eight hundred Malabar Soldiers , and eight hundred Seamen of the same Nation . He arrived before the City Aden , the Commander whereof Miramirzan , finding himself defenceless , by reason a piece of the Wall was beaten down by Raez Soliman , Admiral of the Suez Fleet , Lope Soarez went in search of , he made a Virtue of Necessity , and offered the Keys to Lope Soarez , affirming he would have done the same to Albuquerque , had not he begun by Acts of Hostility . Lope Soarez pleased with this Flattery , trusted to him , and took not possession of the City , but went away in search of Raez Soliman , thinking first to find out him , and then take the City ; and neither did he take Aden at his return , nor meet Soliman as he went. He went up the Red Sea , in quest of Solyman , but with bad Fortune ; for D' Alvaro de Castro was lost with forty Men through Covetousness ; for having taken some . Vessels , he so overloaded his own with the Goods , that it sunk down to rights . Other Ships sustained much damage . Hearing that Solyman was drove by stress of Weather to Ioda , and had no Defence , he resolved to sail thither . 3. Ioda ( or as the Arabs call it ) Gidda , is seated in Arabia Felix in twenty one Degrees and half of North Latitude , in a most barren Soil , being all a deep Sand. It was a Colony of Moors , who attended more to Trade , than Delight . The Buildings are good , but not the Harbour ; the Inhabitants of two sorts , the native Arabs , and foreign Merchants . The Town was fortified by Mir Hozem , after he was defeated by D. Francisco de Almeyda , for his own Security , being afraid to return to the Soldan , but upon pretence of the Defence of the Sepulchre of Mahomet and his Prince . When Hozem was busie in this Work , came to the Soldan Raez Solyman , a Turk of base Parentage , but a powerful and bold Pyrate , born in the Island Mitylene of the Archipelago . He offered himself to command the Fleet of twenty seven Sail , that was preparing at Suez to fall upon Aden , an employ Mir Hozem had set his Heart upon . The old Servant was laid aside , and the Stranger received . The punishment of this Inconstancy soon fell upon Ioda . For Solyman after repairing the Loss sustained at Aden ( where many of his Men were killed ) and taking a great Booty in the City Zeibid , returned to Gidda , where he slew Mir Hozem , and then delivered the City to the Turk , who not long before had killed the Soldan in Battel . This was the occasion that Lope Soarez found Solyman at Gidda . 4. The Port being dangerous , Lope Soarez anchored a League from the City , in which there was so good Cannon , that three or four Peices reached the Ships at that distance . There came a Messenger from Solyman , offering a private Combat between Man and Man , or as Soarez should propose . The Challenge was received by Gaspar de Silva , and D. Antonio de Meneses , but the Governor would not permit , saying he would answer ashore . He sounded a Channel that goes up to the City , which was terrified by the firing of a Galeon . Solyman appeased the Tumult , and appeared with some Men without the Walls , whilst multitudes appeared on them , filling the Air with loud Cries . Lope Soarez delayed the landing two days , till his Men began to complain of the delay . He appeased them by shewing his Instructions , wherein he was ordered to fight the Fleet , which he could not compass , not to attack that City where there might be much danger and little profit . Tho Votes differed , it was resolved in Council to desist . He retired to the Island Camaran , whence he sent some to several parts of that Sea. Here died Duarte Galvam , a studious and ingenious Man , who had been Embassador in several parts of Europe , and was going now in the same quality , being above seventy years of Age , to Prester Iohn . At his death he said , that his Son George Galvam and all his Men were cast away in their Vessel , and that in the Island of Dalaca they had cut off the Heads of Laurence de Cosme and others that were sent thither . It being impossible this News could be brought to the Island where he died , yet was afterwards found true . 5. After suffering much through Famine , whereof some Men died , and losing seventeen Portugueses , taken by the Moors , and carried to Gidda , Lope Soarez set sail , and appeared before the City Zeyla , on the Mouth of the Red Sea , and the African Shoar , called by Ptolomy , Emporium Avalite , being the great Market of those parts . The Town was easily taken , being unprovided , and burnt , and then the Fleet bent its course to Aden . 6. Here Soarez found how much he had been to blame in not taking possession when offered by Miramirzan ; for he finding his Enemy now weaker , and the Wall repaired , refused by forming Delays what afore he offered with haste . Lope Soarez fearing to lose time , durst not call Miramirzan to account , but set sail , designing to do the same at the City Barbora , as he had done at Zeyla . But the Fleet was scattered by Storms , and drove to several Ports , and when they came after to hear of one another , it was found above eight hundred Men had perished by Hunger , Sickness and Shipwrack . All which Misfortunes made the loss of the most fortunate Albuquerque be the more lamented . 7. Whilst these Disstasters attended Lope Soarez , another threatened the City Goa , where D. Gutierre de Monroy commanded . According to the Orders left him by Soarez , some Ships of the Enemy were taken of more Value than Reputation , and with more Danger than Profit . One Alvaro Madureira , who was married in Goa , fled to the Enemy , and turned Moor , then was reconciled , and falling again , brought the Indians to attack our Ships , putting them in great danger . And because Troubles seldom come alone , it happened that one Ferdinando Caldera , who also was married there , flying the punishment of Crimes , followed the Example of Madureira , or ( as was said ) terrified by the Threats of D. Gutierre , who desired his absence , being in love with his Wife . This is likely , since there was scarce ever any great Mischief without a Woman at the end of it . Caldera went to serve Ancostan , an Officer of Hidalcan . D. Gutierre demanded him , because he desired not his absence that way . Ancostan refused to deliver him . The other challenged him , but he accepted not . De Gutierre sent one who pretending to be a Deserter should kill Caldera , he executed it , and was killed upon the Body by the Moors . Lope Soarez arriving at Goa was informed by D. Gutierre what had passed , and left it to him take the revenge he thought fit of Ancostan , which produced the loss of Men and Reputation , and brought upon the City a dangerous Siege . It fell out thus . 8. As soon as D. Gutierre had this leave of the Governor , he prepared to put his Designs in execution , and when he thought time , sent out his Brother D. Fernando with one hundred and fifty Portugueses , whereof eighty were Horse , and a great number of Canaras , against Ancostan . At Ponda they routed the Moors , who rallying , obliged D. Ferdinando to retire , having lost two hundred Men , killed and taken . This caused all the Country to rise in Arms against the Portugueses , and Hidalcan pretending the Peace was broke , to order his General Sufo Lari to besiege Goa . Sufo Lari appeared with four thousand Horse and twenty six thousand Foot , and attempted to pass into the Island , but was repulsed . Hunger began to press the Besieged , till three Ships arrived , one from Portugal , another from Quiloa , and another from China , so Lari raised the Siege , and the former Peace was confirmed . 9. The same Misfortune attended Malaca , through the ill Government of George de Brito , and Animosities of others . The People fled from Malaca , because of their tyrannical Usage , and the King of it that had been prepared to recover it , sending before to this effect his General Cerilige de Raja , with considerable Forces , and some Cannon . He intrenched himself , and so pressed the Besieged , that had not D. Alexius de Meneses come to take the Government with three hundred Men , then had ended the Portugues Possession of Malaca . 10. Anthony de Saldana arrived now in India with six Ships from Portugal . In this Fleet went one Alcacova as Surveyor of the King's Revenue , with such a Power as lessened that of Lope Soarez , and with a will to take it all away . There soon broke out the Flame of Contention between these two . Alcacova bore down by such as envied him , took revenge on himself by returning to Portugal , and on them there by causing them to be called to account for their Proceedings . Hence began the hearing Complaints against the Governors and Commanders of India , and hence it was that many took more care to heap Riches than Honor , knowing them to be a protection against all Crimes . Lope Soarez sent D. Iohn de Silveira to the Maldivy Islands , D. Alexius de Meneses to Malaca , Manuel de la Cerda to Diu , and Antony de Soldana with six Ships , by the King's Order to the Coast of Arabia . They arrived at the City Barbora near to Zeyla , and not unlike to it , but much less . It was taken without resistance , the Inhabitants being all fled . It was burnt , and the Fleet , without doing any thing remarkable , returned to India at such time as Lope Soarez was sailing for the Island Ceylon . CHAP. II. A Continuation of what was done in India the same Year 1517 , during the Government of the same Lope Soarez de Albergaria . 1. THE Island Ceylon is opposite to Cape Comori , and is the Southermost Land of India , within Ganges , distant from the Continent sixteen Leagues , once , as some imagine , join'd to it , in length about eighty Leagues , and forty five in breadth . The Southermost Point is in the Latitude of six degrees , the most Northerly in about ten . In this Sea is a Fishery of precious Pearls . The ancient Inhabitants of it called it Ilanare . The Persians and Arabs , Seradib . It took the Name of Ceylon from the Sea that parts it from the Continent , because being dangerous , and the Chineses having lost a great Fleet there , called it Chilam , that is to say , Danger ( it somewhat resembles Scylla ) and corruptly it was called Ceylon . This is the ancient Trapobana , and not Sumatra , as some have imagined . It produces many things , Cinnamon better than that of all other places , Rubies , Saphires and other precious Stones , much Pepper and Cardamum , Brasil Wood , and other Dyes , great Woods of Palm-trees , the Elephants bred there the most sensible , much Cattle , has good Ports , and several Rivers of good Water . The Mountains are covered with pleasant Woods , one particularly rising the space of seven Leagues , on the top whereof is a round plain of about thirty paces Diameter , in the Center whereof rises a smooth Rock about six spans above the rest , on the Superficies whereof is the Print of a Mans Foot about two spans in length . This Footstep is held in great veneration , being thought to be of a holy Man born at Delhi , who lived many years on that Mountain , preaching to the Inhabitants the Belief of one only God , who afterwards returning to his own Country , sent one of his Teeth to the Kings of that Island , as a Token to remember him , and they keep it as a Relict whereon they repose much Confidence in time of Danger . On this account resort thither many Pilgrims from places a thousand Leagues distant . The Island is divided into nine Kingdoms , the chiefest Columbo on the West . The others Gale on the South ; Iaula , Tanavaca , Cande , Batecalon , Vilacem , Triquinamale , and Iafanapatam . 2. The King of Columbo in Ceylon had a Trade with the Portugueses , desired their Friendship , and furnished them with Cinnamon from the time of Albuquerque . Lope Soarez went thither now with a Design to oblige him to pay Tribute , and to build a Fort as King Emanuel desired . He had with him seven Gallies , two Ships , and eight small Vessels with the Materials and Workmen for the Building , and 700 Portugues Soldiers . They had bad Weather , but arrived safe . The King presently granted leave to build a Fort , and the Moors as soon altered his mind , and he received Soarez going to begin the Work in such manner as put him to a streight ; but in the end the Enemies were put to flight . They had fortified themselves to hinder the Work , and Lope Soarez did the same now to begin it . The King came to composition , the Articles were that he should be a Subject to Portugal , paying a yearly Tribute of twelve hundred Quintals of Cinnamon , twelve Rings of Rubies and Saphires , and six Elephants , for Soarez would not admit his Excuses , wherein he blamed the Foreign Merchants . 3. At this time arrived from the Maldives , Iohn de Silveyra with four Sail ; in his way he took two Ships of Cambaya , and the King of the Island granted leave to erect a Factory . He went with the same Design to Bengala , where he was in great Danger , for there a Bengalian young Man that sailed with him , discovered the taking of the two Ships which were sent to Cochin , and so he was looked upon as a Pyrate not worthy to be heard . It had been worse with him , had not Iohn Coello arrived then with his Ship from Pacem , being sent on the same Errand by Ferdinando Perez de Andrade , to the King of Bengala . Don Iohn de Silveyra , set Sail hence after passing the Winter with great hardship , especially through Famine . He was invited by the King of Arracam to his Port , who , with the Messenger sent him a Present , but all his Kindnesses tended to destroy him at the instigation of the Governour of the other Port. This Treachery took no effect , and he arriv'd at Ceylon at the time that Lope Soarez finished the Fort , who gave him the command of it , and left Anthony de Miranda de Azevedo with four Ships to cruise in that Sea. 4. Whilst these things were acted at Maldivia , Chatigam and Columbo , D. Alexius Meneses secured Malaca , being arrived with Men and Amunition , and putting an end to the Divisions of the Portugueses about succeeding the Governour who lay dying . Alfonso Lopez de Costa had the government , and Duarte de Melo the command of the Sea. Duarte Coello was sent with an Embassy and Present from King Emanuel to him of Siam , the substance of it was to confirm the Peace , and as a token of it , that he would send People to inhabit Malaca , that so the Moors whom he hated as much as we , might be totally expelled . He granted all with great satisfaction , and as a testimony of his Sincerity , caused to be erected in a remarkable place of the City Hudia , where he then was , a Cross with the Arms of Portugal on it . Coello having thus succeeded was thrown by stress of weather upon the Coast of Pam , the King whereof received him friendly , and voluntarily submitted himself to the Crown of Portugal with an yearly tribute of a Gold Cup. This action was done rather in hatred to the King of Bintam than of any love to us . 5. The Kingdom of Siam where Coello had now been setling Peace , is one of the three greatest of Asia , the others are that of China and that of Bisnagar . The great River Menam runs through the middle of the Kingdom of Siam as it lies in length , the River has its spring in the great Lake Chiamay in the Latitude of 30 Degrees , and falls into the Sea in 13 Degrees , so that the length of this Kingdom is 330 Leagues . On the West of it is Bengala , on the South Malaca , on the East Cambodia , and on the North China . It contains much Mountain and Plain , and in both sundry sorts of People , some most barbarous and cruel , who feed on human Flesh , as the Guei who for ornament make figures on their Bodies with hot Irons . Here are bred many Elephants , black Cattle and Buffaloes . It has many Sea-port Towns and populous Cities . Hudia is the Metropolis or Court. The Faith of the Siamites agrees in many considerable points with the Christian , as one God , Heaven and Hell , Good and Bad Angels attending each body . They build sumptuous Temples , in which they place Idols of vast bigness . They are very religious , sparing in Diet , much given to divination , studious , particularly in Astrology . All the Land is most fruitful , abounds in Gold and Silver , and other Metals . The memorable services of Subjects are recorded to be read to the Prinçes , not the favours of the Kings . Against this King takes the Field , he has in a readiness almost 300000 Men , 10000 Elephants , and other Beasts of burthen . 6. About this time Fernan Perez de Andrade ( sent by the King to several discoveries ) sailing towards the Bay of Bengala , arrived at Pacem the Metropolis of one of the Kingdoms of Sumatra , where he found Portugueses trading , and was well received of that King. Here he lost his biggest Ship , burnt by a Candle carelessly set up , and was thereby obliged to return to Malaca , sending away Iohn Coello in a Ship of Bengala to expect him there with what Intelligence he could get till he returned from Malaca . Hence Coello set out with fresh Instructions for China , and met with furious Storms and other Dangers . On the Coast of Champa taking in fresh Water , had like to cost him his Life . At Patane he established Peace and Commerce with the Governour , the same at other places and thus spent the Winter without reaching China . He returned to Malaca , and refitted himsel●… for his Voyage , to which he now sets out with eight Ships . 7. The Empire of China is the most Eastern part of Asia , as Spain the most Western of Europe . Opposite to it is the Island Hainan , as that of Cadiz to Spain . It is almost as big as all Europe : Divided from Tartary by a wonderful Wall running from East to West above 200 Leagues , and ends at a vast Mountain that like a Promontory is washed by the Eastern Sea. This large Empire is divided into fifteen Provinces or Governments . Along the Coast Quantung , Fokien , Chekiang , Nanking , Xantung , Leaotung . The inland , Queicheu , Iunnan , Quangsi , Suchuen , Huquang , Xensi , Kiangsi , Honan and Xansi , in which are 244 Cities . Its Riches are prodigious , its Government to be admired above all others . They say they have two Eyes , Europe one , and all the rest of the World is blind . They had Printing and Cannon long before us . The City Quantung , which is the Chief on the Coast , is remarkable for its Greatness , Strength of its Wall , and resort of Strangers most Merchants . 8. Fernan Perez arriving here after some dangers and difficulties , had a conference with the th●…ee Governours of this City , and sent to them one Thomas Perez with an Embassy and Present from our King to theirs , to be sent forward to him . He setled a Peace with that City and traded in it and the neighbouring Parts , and then sailed for Malaca , having received advice of the dangerous condition it was in , by reason of the War with the King of Bintam and the Discord between the Portugueses . 9. Fernan Perez loaded with Riches , Ammunition , and good Success in China , was no less welcome at Malaca , than D. Alexius de Meneses had been not long before . What followed shall be seen hereafter . Now let us turn to behold Iames Lopez de Sequeyra newly possess'd of the Government . Lope Soarez de Albergaria was the third Governour . He was a comly Man , very red hair ; he is pictured with crimson Breeches and Doublet , and black Coat lined with the same , his Armour white adorned with Gold. CHAP. III. From the Year 1518 , tell the Year 1520 , ending the Government of Lope Soarez de Albergaria , and beginning that of James Lopez de Sequeira , King Emanuel still reigning . 1. ABout the end of March sailed from Lisb●… 〈◊〉 Ships bound for . India , with 1500 fighting Men , all under the command of Iames Lopez de Sequeyra , to whom the King gave the Government of India as a reward of his good Service in Africk , his discovery of Malaca , and worthy Qualities . At the Cape of Good Hope , one Ship was in danger of perishing by means of a great Fish , which running against her , stuck the length of two spans of a long Beak it has into her side ; this was afterwards found to be the Fish called the Needle . Lope Soarez presently resigned the Government to Iames Lopez , and set Sail for Portugal with nine Ships . Sequeyra began to act . D. Alonso de Meneses was sent against Baticala , because it refused to pay . Iohn Gomez went for Maldivia , where he was to command and build a Fort. These things dispatched at Cochin , Iames Lopez went away to Goa , whence he dispatched others , Anthony de Saldana to the Coast of Arabia , and Simon de Andrade to China . 2. The King of Bintam who had treacherously concluded a Peace , only that D. Alexius Meneses and Fernan Perez might depart for Cochin , as soon as they were gone , attacked Malaca with 1500 Men , and many Elephants , and with 60 Vessels by Sea. In the City were only 200 , many sick , and most unprovided . But this surprize cured many of their Feavers , and all Men running to oppose the danger , on both sides there was a sharp engagement for the space of three hours with great loss to the Enemy , and some on our side . Twenty days the King lay before the Town , and then retired having lost 330 Men , of ours 18 were killed . Then he lay to hinder the bringing of Provisions till the Governour sent relief , and the Portugueses perceiving the damage they received from the Fort of Muar , whence Sansotea Raja made inroads , they resolved to gain it , and accordingly gave the assault , and after a vigorous resistance entered , having killed most of the Defendants , which were 800 Moors , and then burnt it after securing the spoil , in which were 300 Cannons , some of Brass . Thus Malaca was for a long time delivered of a dangerous Enemy . 3. The King of Bintam still persisting in his resolution of taking Malaca , the Inhabitants were reduced to great extremity , having but few Men , many of them sick , and their Commander Alfonso Lopez ready to die . He delivered the City from this last danger by resigning his command to Garcia de Sa , who was newly arrived with 60 Men. Nothing of note happened at this time , only that Iames Pacheco going with two Ships in search of the Island of Gold was lost , and most of his Men. 4. Now arrived at Malaca , Anthony Correa , who came from the City Martavan , where he had been concluding a Peace with the King of Pegu , at the swearing of the Peace assisted with the King's Ministers , the Priests of both Nations , Catholick and Gentiles . The Heathen was called the Great Raulim , who after the Capitulations made in the Golden Mine , as is the Custom of those People were publickly read , began to read in a Book , and then taking some yellow Paper ( a colour dedicated to their holy uses ) with some sweet Leaves of Trees , whereon were certain Characters , set Fire to it all , and then taking the Hands of the King's Minister and holding them over the ashes , said some words , which rendred the Oath inviolable . Anthony Correa , to answer this Solemnity , ordered his Priest to put on a Surplice and bring his Breviary , which was so tottered and torn , that it was scandalous those Heathens should see how little respect was paid to our sacred Books . Correa observing this , ordered to be brought instead of it a Book of Church-Musick , which was more creditable , being bigger and better bound , and opening it , the first Verse he met was . Vanity of Vanities . This passed among those People as well as if it had been the Gospel . The Metropolis of this Kingdom is Bagou , corruptly called Pegu. On the West of it is the Bay of Bengala , on the East the Kingdom of Siam , on the South that of Malaca , and on the North that of Arracam . The length almost a 100 Leagues , and in some places the same bredth , not including its Conquests . The Land is plain , well watered , and therefore fruitful , producing several Plants and plentiful of Provisions , as well of Cattle as Grain . In it many Temples with multiplicity of Idols and much variety of Ceremonies . The People believe themselves to be descended from a Chinese Dog and Woman , who only escaping from shipwrack on that Coast ingendred , and thence they say it is that the Men are very ugly and not the Women , those taking after the Father , and these after the Mother . Sodomy being grown much in use among them , a Queen called Canane endeavouring to banish it , ordered that all should wear small Bells on the private Parts , thereby to incite them to the use thereof neglected by that horrid vice . 5. Garcia de Sa encouraged with the relief brought by Anthony Correa , resolved to shew himself to the King of Bintam . He fitted 30 Ships , and in them 500 Men , whereof 150 were Portugueses , and gave the command of all to Anthony Correa . They sailed to the place where the King was lodged , which was defended by a Fort well mann'd and with much Cannon . The access to it was guarded by many difficult Passes and Vessels well provided Our Men fell on , and the Moors stay'd not for a second attack , so the Fort was taken and in it 20 pieces of Cannon . The King retired to the Town and the Portugueses followed , and found him with 2000 Men and some armed Elephants . Mean while our Ships cleared all that hindred their going up the River , and then landing killed many and put the rest to flight , the Town was first plundered and then burnt . The King flying on an Elephant , stopped not till he came to the Island of Bintam , where he continued long , wanting Courage and Necessaries to prosecute his hopes . 6. His success in the beginning of this War encouraged the Kings of Pacem and Achem to commit some outrages against the Portugueses . Garcia de Sa being now victorious , set out a Ship commanded by Manuel Pacheco to take revenge of the harms sustained . After some success he sent out a Boat for water , rowed by Malayes with only five Portugueses in it , on a sudden they espied three Ships of Pacem with each 150 Men , the Commander made up to them before the others , and they finding it impossible to escape , boarded the Ship , and laid about them with such fury that they soon covered the Deck with dead Bodies of the Enemy , the rest leaped over-board , and after them the Captain , rather to punish them than save himself , being seen to hue them with his Cymater as he swam . The five Portugueses were left in possession of the Ship , which the other two perceiving fled . The King of Pacem terrified with this action offered Peace and Satisfaction for all the damage he had done , and so Emanuel Pacheco returned to Malaca with Honor , where the Ship taken was preserved as a monument of so notable an action . Duarte Coello was then ready to sail for China . More of him in its proper place , let us see what was done by the Commanders sent abroad by Iames Lopez de Sequeyra . 7. Iohn Gomez went to Maldivia to build a Fort there , but behaved himself with so much pride , that the Moors offended at it , fell upon and killed ten or twelve Portugueses he had with him . This is the Chief of a thousand Islands that lye in clusters in that Sea , and such is the signification of Maldivia . They lye like a long ridge of Mountains , and about the middle of them is this great one , where the King resides . The Natives are Gentiles governed by Moors , and the distance between some of them so small that the Yard-arms grate against the Shoars , and Trees . They are stored with Coco-Trees , the inside whereof is pleasing Food , and the outward rine of use to make Cables . There is another sort of these Trees growing in the bottom of the Sea , the Fruit whereof is bigger than the Coco , and a greater antidote against Poison than Bezoar-stone . 8. Christopher de Sousa sent to the Coast of Dabul did much execution , not without some loss . Christopher de Sa in the Bay of Cambaya gave some trouble to Melique Az , obliging him to lay up his Fleet of Boats. 9. This year King Emanuel sent a Fleet of fourteen Ships to the relief of India , which was dispersed to several parts . The Commander in Chief George de Albuquerque and four more arrived in India . Six stay'd at Mozambique . Some fell into the Coast of Brasil where fifty of the Men were killed , and one of the Captains D' Luis de Guzman wickedly slew others and turned Pyrat , whereby he grew very rich and at last died as he deserved . One was drove back to Eisbon , another watering at Matira lost some Men , and six more at Oja , that King keeping them long with kind entertainment , the Ship sailed and left them , and was lost upon a Bank off of Quiloa , and the Moors of that Island , Monfia and Zanziber , slew all but one young Man. George de Albuquerque passed with much difficulty from Mozambique to India , not able to follow Iames Lopez de Sequeyra to the Red-Sea , as he had sent order by Gonzalo de Louli , who by the way took up the Men that had been cast ashoar in the late Storms . 10. Iame Lopez de Sequeyra having dispatched the trading Ships homeward-bound , commanded by Ferdinando Perez de Andrade , and settled other Affairs , sailed from Goa on the 13th of February with a Fleet of 24 Sail , and in it 1800 Portugueses and almost as many Malabars and Canaras . On the Coast of Aden Lopez , his Ship struck upon a Rock and was broke in pieces , the Men were saved and he went into the Galeon of Peter de Faria . At the entrance of the Red Sea they took a Moorish Ship , who informed them there were six Turkish Gallies at Gidda with 1200 Men designing against Aden The weather hindered going in search of them , and it had been to no purpose , for they hearing of our Fleet had haled in to the shoar . Iames Lopez designed for the Island Maçua , when by the way , on the 9th . of April being Easter-Sunday , there was seen by all in the orb of the Sun about the time of its setting , a little black Flag with some motion . Being arrived at the Island , they found the Inhabitants were fled , yet they found some Booty and Vessels in the Port , and some Prizes in the Neighbourhood . The Inhabitants of Maçua were fled for refuge to the Port of Arquico belonging to Prester Iohn ; the Governour of the Town sent a Messenger with a Letter to Iames Lopez , desiring he would make Peace with those People that had fled to his Protection . He asked nothing in behalf of the Town because they were all Christians , and because there was a Prophecy among them foretelling the coming of foreign Christians to settle a correspondence with them , which he seeing the Christian colours looked upon to be fulfilled . Iames Lopez ▪ returned a courteous answer , and stood in to the shoar , where some Christians came abroad to him . They told him their Prince Prester Iohn , had some years since , sent an Embassadour whose name was Matthew , to a King of the end of the World , whose Fleet then conquered India , to inform him of those remote Christians , and demand succour against the Moors , but that he never returned . Sequeyra hearing this , was convinced those Men dealt ingenuously , because he brought that Embassadour with him , and had orders from King Emanuel to land him safe in his Prince's Dominions . The Embassadour was placed before them , who received him with great respect and joy , which was no less in him for being restored to his Country after ten years absence . Next day came ten Religious Men from the neighbouring convent of the Vision with the same gladness to see him , they were received by the Priests of the Fleet in their Surplices . There were great demonstrations of Joy for the Union of two so distant Nations agreeing in the same Faith , and the fruit of this meeting was , that those who from the beginning had not acknowledged the Supremacy of the Roman Church , now submitted to it . CHAP. IV. A continuation of the Government of James Lopez de Sequeyra , from the Year 1520 till the Year 1521 , and reign of King Emanuel . 1. THE Kingdom of Prester Iohn , now discovered , is most known by this name , though improper , and is properly called the Kingdom of Abassia , or Empire of the higher Aethiopia . It was so called from that great Iovarus ( corruptly Prester Iohn ) who came to it from the Christians of Tartary , with a Cross before him like our Bishops . And this King carried a Cross in his hand , with the Title of Defender of the Faith , as being a Iacobite Christian. The Dominions of this Prince lye between the Rivers Nile , Astabora and Astapus . On the East it runs along the Red-Sea 120 Leagues , this being the least side , which in all contain 670 Leagues . On the West it borders on those Blacks who possess the great Mines of Gold , for which they pay him Tribute . On the North divided from the Moors , by a Line drawn from the City Suanquem to the Island Meroe , or Noba . On the South it borders on the Kingdom Adea , from whose mountains falls the River Obi , that loses it self in the Sea at the Town of Quilmance in the Kingdom of Melinde . 2. The Kings of Abassia pretend to be descended from Solomon and the Queen of Saba , she being delivered on the way , called the Child Meilech , and sent him to his Father to be by him declared King of Ethiopia , who when he anointed gave him the name of David his Grandfather . He ordered his Houshold , and gave him Officers of his own , and for High-Priest Azaria the Son of Sadoc , who stole the Tables of the Law out of the Temple , and carried them with his new Prince . They affirm , that the Descendants of those same Officers still possess the same Employs . They had knowledge of the Law of Christ by the means of Queen Candace , in whom they glory as being of their Country . But their true Apostles were S. Philip , and S. Matthew . The King , in memory of his Descent , begins his many Titles thus : David beloved of God , Pillar of the Faith , of Kin to the Stock of Iuda , Grandson of David , Son of Solomon , Son of the Pillar of Sion , Son of the Progeny of Iacob , Son of the Hand of Mary , &c. Emperor of the great and high Ethiopia , &c. The People are very religious , have many Churches , and many Monasteries of only two Religious Orders , the one of S. Anthony , the other the Canon Regulars . They have no considerable Towns , little practice of Learning , no skill in Mechanicks , and so are very rude in their Diet and Cloathing . In such Houses as use more Grandeur , all the Furniture is of other Countries . There are as expert Thieves among them , as our Gypsies in Europe . The Religious Men who live in Convents wear long Habits of Cotton ; the others and their Priests and Nuns , Skins , which does not cover as much as Modesty requires . Their Prince for the most part lives in the Field in a populous City of Tents , often removing . In his Messages he uses that style of Portugal ; I the King greet you . This was what our Discoverers could then gather ; let others say what is since found , and what Alterations have happened . 3. Now came the Barnagax or Governor of that Province , having received the News of the arrival of Matthew the Embassador , and our Fleet. He appeared on the Shoar with two hundred Horse , and two thousand Foot. After some difference about the place for him and Iames Lopez to meet , they met on the Edge of the Water , and were seated on Chairs upon the Sand , which then burnt with the heat of the Sun ; there Matthew the Embassador was delivered , and with him D. Rodrigo de Lima , sent Embassador by King Emanuel to Prester Iohn . There they treated of building a Fort either on the Island Camaran , or that of Maçua against the Moors . Lastly , they both swore the Sincerity of this Agreement on a Cross , and after they parted , sent some Presents on both parts . D. Rodrigo de Lima set forward on his Journey without Matthew , who soon after died in the Monastery of the Vision , which he had earnestly desired to reach . Iames Lopez erected a great Cross in that Port in memory of the arrival there of our Fleet , and caused many Masses to be said in the Mosque of Maçua . Hence he went to the neigbouring Island of Dalaca , and having burnt the City , deserted by its Inhabitants , stood over to the Coast of Arabia . One Galley and most of the Men were cast away by bad Weather , and he came to an Anchor at Calayate , where he found George de Albuquerque , who waited his coming , and going on to Mascate , left him to winter there with the Ships , and he went on with the Gallies to Ormuz . 4. Whilst our Governor was in the Red Sea , Chrisnarao , King of Bisnagar , covered the Hills and Plains , and drank up Rivers , with an Army of thirty five thousand Horse , and seven hundred thirty three thousand Foot , five hundred eighty six Elephants , loaded with Castles , in each of which were four Men , and twelve thousand Water-carriers , to supply all parts , that the Men might not dispe●…se to seek it . The Baggage was numberless , and there were above twenty thousand common Women . He led all this power to take the City Rachol , belonging of right to his Ancestors , who still left the Recovery of it as a Charge to their Successors , and was possessed by Hidalcan , with whom to this effect he waged War. 5. The City Rachol was naturally almost impregnable , seated on a high Mountain , fortified with several Walls , and large and deep Ditches , strong Towers , stored with Artillery , and all other Defence , garrisoned by four hundred Horse , eight thousand Foot , and twenty Elephants , with Provision and Ammunition enough to tire the most patient Besiegers . Chrisnarao encamped about it , and gave many Assaults to no effect for the space of three months , when Hidalcan came to the Relief with eighteen thousand Horse , one hundred and twenty thousand Foot , one hundred and fifty Elephants , and much great Cannon . After many Preludes these two Princes came to a Battel , wherein at first Chrisnarao received great damage , but recovering himself , made such havock among Hidalcan's Men , that only those escaped the Sword , or Captivity , who at last moved pity in the very Enemy . The principal Booty consisted of four thousand Horses , one hundred Elephants , four hundred great Cannon , besides the small , and other Riches . Here died valiantly forty Portugueses who were in the service of Hidalcan , who saved himself by flight . As Chrisnarao returned in a rage against the City , there came to his Camp Christopher de Figueredo , with twenty Portugueses , who brought some Arabian Horses to sell to the King. They discoursed about the Siege , and he asked leave to view the place which was granted . He gave two Assaults , and being backed in the second by Crisnarao , the Town was enter'd . Crisnarao was puffed with this Victory when Hidalcan's Officers came to beg the Booty taken in the former . He answered , It should be restored , if Hidalcan came to kiss his Foot , as supreme Lord of the Empire of Canara . The base Condition was accepted , but the execution prevented by several Accidents . Ruy de Melo , who commanded at Goa , laying hold of this opportunity , possessed himself of the neighbouring part of the Continent , with only two hundred and fifty Horse , and eight hundred Canara Foot. 6. About this time Lope de Brito had succeeded Iohn de Silveyra in the Command of the Fort in Ceylon , and carried with him four hundred Soldiers , and many Workmen , wherewith he made the Fort so strong , that it raised a Jealousie in the People of Columbo , who , at the instigation of the Moors , refused to trade with him . Brito sent them some Threats , which brought on him twenty thousand Men , who besieged him five months , during which time the besieged suffered great Hardships , till Anthony de Lemos arrived with fifty Men , with this small relief they ventured to fall upon that multitude , and putting all to the rout , the place was restored to its former quiet . 7. The season being fit to sail ( which in those parts is very uncertain ) Iames Lopez set out from Ormuz , and went to meet George de Albuquerque at Calayate , where he found one Ship arrived from Lisbon , of nine that sailed thence together , all the others afterwards came safe . One of these Ships sailing before the Wind beyond the Cape of Good Hope , stopped all of a sudden , the Sails , tho full , giving her no motion . The Cause being examined into , it appeared that a great Sea-Monster bore the Vessel upon its back , the Tail about the Rudder , and Head up with the Boltsprit , casting up Streams of Water . It was removed by Exorcisms , no human means being thought sufficient . The Sailers said it was the Fish called Sambrero or Hat-Fish , because the Head resembles it , and such a one , tho less , had been seen on the Coast of Portugal , doing great harm about Atouguia . The King ordered the Governor to build Forts in Maluco , Sumatra , Maldivia , Chaul , and Diu. Iames Lopez resolved to attempt the last first . To that effect he treated with Melique Az , but was put off with delays , and he dissembling , sailed for Cochin , to provide for his return thither , in order to gain by Force what the Moor endeavoured to put off by Art. 8. He dispatched the homeward bound trading Ships under the Command of Antony de Saldana . Being eased of this Care he applyed himself to that of the Attempt upon Diu. In order thereunto he gathered the greatest Fleet of ours that had been seen on those Seas , consisting of forty eight Vessels of all sorts and Qualities , and in them three thousand Portugueses , and eight hundred Malabars and Canaras . A great Power lamentably disappointed as will appear in the Sequel 9. On the ninth of February , Iames Lopez appeared with all his pomp before Diu , Melique Az was then absent , being gone to the King of Cambaya , to prevent him granting the leave he persuaded us to ask for building the Fort. And being suspicious this preparation was made against him , had fortified and intrenched the City in wonderful manner . He had left in it against all Accidents his Son Melique Saca , and three stout Commanders with a strong Garrison . Our Governor having observed the Difficulties , had it debated in Council what was fittest to be done , and all agreeing the City should not be assaulted , they all afterwards accused him because it was not done . And tho they allowed his Prudence in private , yet in publick accused him of Cowardise , but his Valour was well known . Besides they laid several Imputations upon him , so that the innocent Sequeyra suffered for their Crime , having acted nothing with that great Power , but only lost much Reputation . A misfortune ( if it be lawful to say so ) well deserved by Princes , who wink at such Crimes , and do not punish Faults committed through malice . Iames Lopez went to winter at Ormuz , some of the Captains to several Markets , and D. Alexius de Meneses , with the rest of the Fleet , retired to Cochin , with power from the Governor to act as should be expedient in those parts . 10. D. Alexius , at his arrival at Cochin dispatched the trading Ships for Portugal , and others appointed for several places . But their chief Business being Merchandise , their Names are more proper for the Custom-House-Books . But because some of them were at Sumatra , it will be fit to give some short account of that Island . CHAP. V. A Continuation of the Government of James Lopez de Sequeyra , the Year 1521 , and Reign of King Emanuel . 1. THE Island Sumatra lying North-West and South-East is in length two hundred and twenty Leagues , its greatest Breadth being but seventy , the Equinoctial Line cuts it into two equal parts . It is divided from Malaca by a narrow Channel , by a less its most Southern Point is parted from Ia●… , which is above one hundred Leagues in length , and but twelve in breadth . East of it lies Borneo , cut by the Equinoctial , so that two Thirds are on the North-Side the Line . Sumatra is plain about the Coast , the inland mountainous , watered by great Rivers , covered with vast Woods so condensed with Fogs , that all the Force the Sun has there cannot pierce them . For this reason it is very unhealthy , yet resorted to for its Riches , and chiefly plenty of Gold. There is in it a Spring of Oil , a burning Mountain like Aetna in Sicily , it produces white Sandal , Benjamin , Camphire , Pepper , Ginger , Cinnamon , abundance of Silk , much Fish and Cattle of sundry sorts . The Natives are Pagans ; the Moors first came in as Merchants , then possessed themselves as Lords , since the year 1400. Of the Natives those they call Batas who inhabit the inland are most brutal , eating human flesh . The Moors dwell on the Coast. They use several Languages , but chiefly that of Malaca . Their Weapons were poisoned Arrows like those of Iava , from whom they are descended ; afterwards they used our Arms. The Island is divided into nine Kingdoms , that of Pedir was once the greatest , now that of Pacem whose Kings are no longer lived than the Rabble pleases . George de Albuquerque now carried one of their Princes expelled , to restore him to his Crown , either by persuasion or by 〈◊〉 he having to this effect fled to the protection of the Portugueses , when Alfonso de Albuquerque took Malaca . 2. George Albuquerque arriving at the Island , and assisted by the neighbouring King of Ara , proposed to the Usurper to quit the Kingdom to the lawful Prince , who had submitted himself to the King of Portugal . Genial the Usurper offered the same submission to keep his possession . The Offer was refused , and Albuquerque went to attack him in his Fort , which was scaled , and the Gate broke open , but valiantly maintained by thirty Men who were in a Tower over it with the Usurper himself , till Cid Cerveyra with a Musket Shot , which went through his Forehead , brought him down , whereupon the thirty Men dismayed and fled . The Flower of three thousand Moors ( assaulted by three hundred of our Men ) courageously defended a large Court or place of Arms , assisted by the Elephants . Hector de Silveyra directing his Lance to the Trunk of one , the Beast put it by , and laying hold of his Body threw him into the Air , but so fortunately , that he lived . Two others succeeded better , one killing the Rider , the other wounded the Elephant , so that he flew back , making great havock among his own party . The Moors retired to a lesser place , and being close pursued , the King of Aru coming on to our assistance in due time , two thousand of the Enemy were slain . Four or five Men of Note were killed on our side , many wounded , George de Albuquerque twice in the Face . Next day the dispossessed Prince was restored with great state , and made tributary to King Emanuel , and a Fort raised there as in other places . 3. At this time arrived at the same Port Antony de Brito with the Fleet that had been commanded by his Brother George , who with the choice of his Men was killed on the shoar of Achem , twenty Leagues distant from Pacem , and was sent thither with six Sail , and three hundred Men. Behold an example of Avarice and Ingratitude . Iohn de Borba , after suffering Shipwrack , having been tossed nine days on the Waves with nine Companions , and cast upon the shoar of Achem , was received and relieved by that King , as if he had been in his native Country . But George de Brito arriving , he informs him there was great store of Gold in the Tombs of the Kings , and the more to induce him to commit the Robbery , said the King had taken away the Goods of some Portugueses . Brito , after some inquiry into the Business , began to pick a quarrel with the King , and seise upon that Gold. He landed with two hundred Men , and finding a Fort in his way , took it . Two Drunken Men issuing out after the taking were killed by the Enemy , and several succeeding to relieve or revenge them , George de Brito was at last obliged to come to their Succour at such time as the King came on with a thousand Men and six Elephants . Here Brito and most of his Men were killed , among them fifty of Note . This is the just Reward of Injustice , Ingratitude and Avarice . The sad Remainder retired to their Ships , the Command whereof fell to Antony de Brito , ( Brother to him slain ) who now joined Albuquerque in the Port of Pacem , where he left some Men , and three Ships which were afterwards of use against a Moor who infested that Coast. 4. George de Albuquerque returning to Malaca , and taking possession of that Command , prepared to make War upon the King of Bintam , who was forty Leagues distant from Malaca , in the Island Bintam of forty Leagues circumference . The Island was well fortified , having two strong Castles , and the Rivers staked , so that it seemed almost inaccessible . Albuquerque set out from Malaca with eighteen Sail , and six hundred Men. Finding it impossible for the Ships to come up , he landed his Men in Boats to attack a Fort , but the Water being up to their middles , and the Enemies shot very thick , they were forced to retire without doing any execution , and having lost twenty Men , and many wounded . 5. Hence Antony de Brito set sail for the Maluco Islands , which are in the midst of many others under the Equinoctial , about three hundred Leagues from Malaca Eastward . The principal of them are five , about twenty five Leagues distant from each other . Their Names ( tho in general called Malucos ) are Ternate , Tidore , Mousell , Maquien , Bacham . The biggest not above six Leagues in circumference . They are covered with Woods and Fogs , therefore unhealthy . These five produce ●…ves , but no manner of Food , and th●…and Batochina , sixty Leagues in length , produces Food but no Cloves . In some there are flaming Mountains , chiefly in Ternate . Their chief Sustenance is Meal made of the Bark of Trees like to the Palm , from these and others they have Wine and Vinegar . There is a sort of Canes that in the hollow have a Liquor delightful to drink . The Inhabitants are not great Lovers of Flesh , though they have plenty ; more of Fish , of which there is an infinite quantity . They are not affable , but warlike , and most swift either in running or swimming . Idolaters as to their Religion . Of their Origen there is no account . They were in process of times possessed by Moors , since whose first coming to them there was yet living an old Master when Brito arrived . 6. To these Islands , and particularly Ternate , Brito was sent to build a Fort , which long since Boylefe the King thereof had desired . Others had gone before but to no effect , as in the time of Albuquerque , Antony de Abreu , who lost one of the three Ships he carried , but saved the Men. He arrived in the Island Banda ; five go under this name , but it is most proper to the chief , which is like an earthly Paradice , one great Ornament of it being the Plant which produces the Mace. Antony de Abreu returned to Malaca , but his other Captain Francis Serram was drove to Ternate , the King whereof seeing him , and some of his Men in Armour , concluded a Prophecy was fulfilled , which foretold , that Men of Iron should come to that Island , who would make it famous . Anthony de Miranda went thither afterwards , Francis Serram staying there to expect an answer from King Emanuel , to the Letters of the Kings of Ternate and Tidore each striving to have the Fort built in this ●…sland . D ▪ Tristane de Meneses afterwards carried this answer . Because the difference increased about the same thing between the two Kings and the King of Bachan who desired the same , Tristan defferred the work to avoid the danger , and get loading for five Ships he had with him . This was what happened from the taking of Malaca , till this time when Anthony de Brito undertook the Affairs of Maluco . 7. He had six Ships and above 300 Men. At the Island Agacim he met D. Garcia Enriquez with four Sail. They set out together , and Brito arrived at Ternate at such time as the King Boleyfe was dead , and he of Tidore had admitted to the Spaniards , thinking himself as happy in them , as Ternate could be in the Portugueses . Yet seeing the Queen of Ternate Governess of her Son , received Brito with great Joy , he visited and finding him displeased on account of the new Guests he had entertained , offered to deliver them up to him . This he thought would oblige him to build the Fort at Tidore , which at length was done at Ternate as the most convenient , Brito laying the first Stone , and after him all the Captains and Men of note crowned with Garlands , it being upon the Feast of St. Iohn the Baptist. 8. At this time a Correspondence was held between Francis Serram at Ternate and Ferdinando de Magallanes in Portugal , which turned to the advantage of Spain , and trouble of Portugal . Magallanes , or as he is commonly called among us Magellan , was a Gentleman of good Note , a Man of Valour , and Knight of Santiago , and had served well at Azamor in Africk , and in sundry parts of India . He solicited for a sort of allowance ( given usually to Men of service in Spain and Portugal ) very inconsiderable for the value , but of much esteem for the honour of it . With much Justice he might pretend to it , and therefore finding a refusal , proceeding from the malicious accusations of some Men , which found more Credit than his Service , he resolved to quit the Kingdom , and go over to the Emperour Charles the V. his Service . By his skill in Sea-Affairs , and the Correspondence he held with Serram at Maluco , he guessed there might be another way to India , and this at such time as the Spaniard had began to taste the Fruit of those Islands , and accordingly he writ to Serram that he hoped soon to be his Guest at Ternate , going thither a new way . In order hereunto he went and offered his Service in Spain , was admitted , and the command of five Ships given him , with 250 Men , some of them Portugueses . He sailed from the Port of St. Lucar de Barrameda on the 20th . of September 1519. Many at this time took the liberty to rail and cast reproaches upon him , but he to take off the occasion , had by a solemn act unnaturalized himself . Princes should be cautious of forcing to desperate actions by injustice , such Men as have deserved rewards . 9. These Ships being past the Rio de Ianeyro on the Coast of Brasil , the Men began to be mutinous , but much more when having passed the River S. Iulian , they found not the Streight they looked for , and began to be pinched with the great cold of that Climat . Hence proceeded some disrespectful discourses against Magellan , not only reflecting on his Knowledge , but also his Fidelity . He finding it run high , and that of necessity he must give them some satisfaction , suppressing the best he could the anger that began to swell his Breast , called together the Principal Men , to whom he made a large and learned discouse . He spoke of Navigation in general , then of Discoveries , and the Pains and Hardships that great Undertakings are subject to , he encouraged them by the example of all the great Discoverers that had been before them , he put them in mind that the World would say the Spaniards were less daring than the Portugueses , and after proposing many motives of Honour and Glory , concluded with threatning to put in execution the Power of Life and Death the King had given him , and accordingly to punish such as were refractory . This , instead of a Compliance , produced fresh Disputes , more Disagreement and finally a Conspiracy to kill Magellan , thinking no other means were left to prevent the prosecution of this Voyage . The Chief Conspirators were three Captains Cartagene , Quixada , and Mendoça . The Design was discovered , and Mendoça immediately stabbed , and after quartered , the other two were taken , and Quixada quartered alive , both as Traytors . Cartagena with a Priest who had a hand in the Design were set ashoar on that barbarous Coast : most of the Men were in the Conspiracy , but it was necessary to pardon them , least he should want them to prosecute the Voyage . Whilst they wintered there , he sent some Men into the Country , who went up about twenty Leagues , and brought some of the Natives of the stature of Giants , being above three yards high . After suffering much through Cold and Hunger , and continual Labour in the Ships , being almost spent , they reached the Cape they called De las Virgenes , or , Of the Virgins , because discovered on the Day of the 11000 Virgins . It lies in 52 Degrees of South Latitude . Below it they discovered the mouth of the Streight they looked for , b●…ing a League wide . Being entred , they found within in some places the same bredth , in others somewhat more , and in others much less . The Land high on both sides , part bare and part covered with Woods , many of Cypress , and much Snow which made the tops of the Mountains appear the higher . Having run about 50 Leagues in this Streight they spied another , and Magellan sent one Ship to discover it , but having staid much beyond the limited time for her return and no news of her , he ordered the Astrologer Andrew Martin to erect a Figure , and he answered they were gone back to Spain , and that the Captain Alvaro de Mesquita was carried as a Prisoner for opposing that resolution . It proved so , and they spent eight Months in the Voyage . Magellan somewhat troubled at this action , called the Chief Men to Council , and contrary to the Opinions of all resolved to proceed . Which he put in execution and came out into the South Sea with only three Ships of the five , that which Iohn Serrano commanded being lost , but the Men though with much difficulty all saved . 10. To shun the Cold which tormented them , he sailed towards the Equinoctial , steering W. N W. and being 1500 Leagues from the mouth of the Streight , found an Island in 18 Degrees of South Latitude , and 200 Leagues farther another . Having lost his computation for the Malucos , he found several Islands in 15 Degrees and a half of North Latitude , and at last came to that called Subo in 10 Degrees of North Latitude , being about 12 Leagues in circumference . He was well received by the King and the Natives , and so good a disposition he found among them , that the King , Queen , their Children , and above 800 Persons were baptized . This Prince was at War with a Neighbour , and made use of Magellan's Assistance against him . After two Victories he was killed in a third Battle , together with the Astrologer and some others , on the 27th . of April 1521. The King who in Baptism was called Ferdinand , seeing that slaughter , agreed with his Enemy to kill all the Christians that were ashoar , and inviting them to Dinner poysoned them all . They who were aboard being too few for three Ships , burnt one , and set sail with the other two , one of them the famous Victory commanded by Iohn Sebastian Cano. They arrived at the Malucos , and were received at Tidore by the King , in hatred of the Portugueses and Ternatenses for their late Differences . There they loaded with Spice , and went thence to Banda , where they took in more with the Assistance of Iohn de Lourosa a Portugues . The second Ship returned to Ternate , some of the Men being dead , and the rest spent by a contagious Disease . Antony de Brito treated them as if they had been his Country-men , not intruding Strangers , relieved and sent them to India , whence they returned in our Ships to their Country . The famous Ship the Victory returned with triumph to Spain , after performing that wonderful Voyagé about the World. Their arrival raised new Contests between the Emperour Charles the V. and our King Iohn the III. because the Maluco Islands belonged to Portugal , according to the former agreement . The Year 1524. there was a meeting of Civilians and Geographers , about this Affair between Badajoz and Elvas , which fell to nothing . But was afterwards setled in the Year 1525. CHAP. VI. Continues still the government of James Lopez de Sequeyra and reign of King Emanuel . 1. IT is absolutely necessary something be said of those Captains who the foregoing years were sent to several parts , tho' what they did was in relation to Trade , a subject unbecoming a grave History . Fernan Perez de Andrade had secured the Trade of China in the City Quantung . The profit was exceeding great , and all Mens desires were directed thither . His Brother Simon de Andrade obtained leave of the Governour to undertake that Voyage with five Ships . They anchored in the Port of the Island Tamou , opposite to Quantung where the other had been . Our Embassadour to the King of China was not yet gone thence , but went soon after up a large River with three Vessels richly furnished with Portugues Colours , it being a received Custom that none but those of China should be seen there , which are Gules a Lyon Rampant . In this manner he came to the foot of the Mountain , in which are the Springs of the River he sailed . This Mountain is called Malexam , which beginning at the Bay of Couchin china in the Province of Fokien , divides three Southern Provinces , that is , Quangsi , Quantung and Fokien , as the Perineans , Spain and France . In one of the only two Ports there are in this division Thomas Perez landed , and travelled Northwards to the Province and City Nanking , where the King then was , having spent four Months in the Journey without staying at any place . So large is that Empire . That Prince designed to give him audience at Peking , a City farther distant . The Embassadour followed . But now appear the effects of trading avarice , for whilst he travelled , Simon de Andrade behaved himself after such a manner in the Island Tamou , that an account of his bad proceedings was sent after Thomas Perez . The Embassadour set out , but the Information reached the King first , and was fully credited . He and his Companions were condemned to death as Spies . The rigour of the Sentence was mitigated , but the Embassy not received , and they sent back Prisoners to Quantung , with order , that in case the Portugueses would restore Malaca to its King , who was a subject to China , they they might be restored and heard , otherwise these should be punished , and none ever admitted , but treated as Enemies . 2. Simon de Andrade was proud and conceited , and thought by high Hand to authorize his unjust dealing . To this end , as if he had been King of that Island , he raised a Fort , and set up a Gallows to terrify the People . He committed violence upon the Merchants who resorted thither , contrary to their Privileges , and bought young People of both Sexes without the usual precautions , giving occasion to Thieves to steal them from their Parents . These extravagancies which lost nothing by the carriage , were heard by the King before Thomas Perez , and had the effect above related . At this time arrived there Iames Calva with one Ship from Lisbon , and others from Malaca . The Portugueses agree in acting more insolently , which wholly exasperated the Governours of Quantung , who to punish them , secured some , and contrived to take the Ship arrived last . They began to act when Duarte Coello arrived with two Vessels from Malaca , well manned and provided . The Itao or Admiral of that Sea , attacked them with fifty Sail , did some , and received greater damage from our Artillery , was forced to retire , and lying off , kept them besieged . Forty Days he had kept them in , when Ambrose del Rego came with two Ships more from Malaca , and it was resolved to force their way through Itaos's Fleet , and get out of the Island . The Fight was bloody , but a Storm rising dispersed the Enemies Fleet and left ours in safety . The Itao revenged this Disaster upon some of our People that arrived there , and upon the Embassadour , Thomas Perez and his Companions who being returned to Quantung were all slain and robbed of the Present sent to that King , and what Perez had gained . We will not pass it in silence to show how great was the return of this Trade , for this Man being of base Parentage , and by Trade an Apothecary ( though chosen for Embassadour for his good Parts ) yet at this time there was found with him 2000 weight of Rhubarb , 1600 pieces of Damask , 400 of other Silks , above 100 ounces of Gold , and 2000 of Silver , three quarters of a hundred of loose Musk , and above 3000 Purses of it , at first called Papos , and much other Merchandise . 3. Mocrin King of Lasah refused to pay the tribute due to the King of Ormuz for the Islands of Baharem and Catifa , on the Coast of Arabia ; and he of Ormuz was backward in paying us , excusing himself with the failure of the other . He had already sent a considerable Force with some Assistance of Portugueses to reduce him , but to no effect . He now resolved to do it effectually , and treated about it with Iames Lopez de Sequeyra , who to secure our tribute , consented to assist him against his Enemy . The King of Ormuz set out 200 Vessels with 3000 Arabs and Persians . The Portugues party consisted of seven Ships and 400 Men , commanded by Anthony Corea . All our Ships arrived at Baharem , Raez Xaraso commanded the Ormuzians , some whereof came not up . Mocrin was well prepared to receive them with 300 Arabian Horse , 400 Persian Archers , 20 Turkish Musquetiers besides Natives , and above 11000 armed with several Weapons , strong Intrenchments and other Works , the Wall well furnished with Cannon , all under the Care of tried Commanders . The Persian Gulph lies between Arabia and Persia , from which last , as the noblest , it takes its name . This most famous Part be gins at Cape Iasque , or Carpela , in twenty six degrees of Northern Latitude , and ends at the Mouth of the River Euphrates ; along this Coast are many Cities , Rivers , Woods and Islands . It is not so on the other side , which beginning at C. Mozandan , or Assaborum , and ending where it meets with Persia , yet in all that distance has but four Towns , in which is a Fishery of Pearl . Catifa is opposite to Baharem , and is thirty Leagues round , and seven in length , distant from Ormuz one hundred and ten . It s greatest product is Tamarins , but has all other Fruit that is usual in Spain . The greatest Town is of the same Name , there being in the Island about three hundred Villages . The Inhabitants are Moors and Arabs , the Air unhealthy . The Pearl found here , tho not so much in quantity , is of more value than that of Ceylon in India , or Hainan in China . Opposite to the Island on the Continent is the City Lasah , whereof Mocrim was King , who now was provided against us at Baharem . 5. Raez Zarafo was ordered to relieve where he should see the greatest need , whilst Correa landed with one hundred and seventy Portugueses , to which his Brother Ayres carried the Van with fifty , all of them knee-deep in Water . The Trenches assaulted , the Fight was hot , the King encouraging his Men at the Head of them , till Weariness and Heat obliged both parties to take breadth . Being recovered , they return to the Attack , and the King being shot through the Thigh , whereof six days after he died , his Men fainted , and great numbers being killed , and wounded , they left us a complete Victory . Raez Xarafo from his Vessel looked on all the time . But after knowing the dead Body of the King was carried over to be buried at Lasah , he obtained leave to go take it , and having performed it , cut off the Head which was carried to Ormuz . We had many wounded , seven killed , and the Island in two hours was restored to our Homager . For this reason Antony Correa had the Title of Baharem added to his Name , and the Head of a King to his Arms , which continues in his posterity . 6. Whilst our Arms were exercised at Baharem , they were not idle in India . They assisted the King ▪ of Cochin against him of Calicut , who braved it with two hundred thousand Men , the other having but forty thousand . The Portugues Aid being but forty Men , thirty of them Musquetiers yet so terrified the Enemy , that they retired , Iames Fernandez de Beja , who was left by the Governor before Diu , now came to him to Ormuz , ill treated by the Vessels of Melique Az , whose double dealing was now visible . Iames Lopez thought to mitigate the Grief of this Accident , by another more grateful , and brought new Trouble upon himself at Ormuz , thinking to prevent the Frauds of that Custom-House . To this effect he placed Portugues Officers in it , which so exasperated the Natives , who were concerned , that thev endeavoured to shake off our Yoke , as shall appear in its proper place . 7. Now Iames Lopez designed to reassume the Business against Diu , and therefore sent before Iames Fernandez de Beja , with four Galeons , to hinder any Ships entring that Port , he executed it effectually , and took some . But Melique Az his Vessels coming out with much Cannon and better Fortune , they sunk one of our Ships , and did much damage in the others , till the Wind , which had failed , favouring , they were obliged to retire . With like Fortune Iames Lopez drew near for having taken a Ship by the way , and divided the Moors were in her among his , those who were allotted to Antony Correa , set fire to the Powder , which blew the Poop into the Air , and sunk the Vessel , so miserably ended that brave Captain who had triumphed over King Mocrin . These Misfortunes obliged Iames Lopez to desist from the Enterprise , and go over to Chaul . 8. Here he found Ferdinando Camelo , whocame from the Court of Nizamaluco , with leave for us to build a Fort there , for his own ends , and chiefly for the importation of Horses , which at that time was the Trade of Goa only . The Work was begun , and Melique Az fearing it would lessen the Trade of Diu , and encrease our Power , resolved to obstruct it . He appeared in the Sea of Chaul , with above fifty Vessels of his own and Confederates , and presently sunk a great Ship in which Peter de Silva de Meneses was newly come from Ormuz , and for for the space of twenty days did much damage in the Ships and Gallies , wherewith D. Alexius de Meneses opposed them . Notwithstanding all dangers the Work was carried on with good success . 9. But it being necessary for the Governor to repair to Cochin , because his Successor was arrived , and he must prepare to return home , he set out of Dabul , rushing through the Dangers that surrounded the Work. He left his Nephew Henry de Meneses to command the Fort , and Antony Correa at Sea. 10. Whilst Iames Lopez sailed to Cochin , Ag●… Mahamud , who commanded Melique Az his Fleet , came to hinder the Work of the Fort. To secure the Entrance of the River there was raised opposite to the Work a Bulwark , which was committed to the Care of Peter vaz Permeo , with upwards of thirty Men , Mahamud sent three hundred by night to surprize this Bulwark , whilst he on the other side gave a Diversion . They reached the place by morning , and the three hundred unexpectedly assaulted the thirty , and the thirty fought as if they had been three hundred ; for tho the Captain and some others were killed , they maintained the place till Ruy Vaz Pereyra came with sixty Men , and put to flight about two hundred of the Enemy , the rest being killed . This Success daunted our Enemies , and among them Xeih Mamud a great Man in the City , who feigning himself our Friend , sought our Ruin , and now sent a Present , and to congratulate for this good Fortune with Antony Correa . Correa , who knew his Designs , sent him for an Answer the Heads of the chief Men who carried the Present , and hanged the Bodies along the Shoar . The Barbarian was astonished , but began to act openly what before he had done underhand , encouraging the Aga by giving him intelligence of our Scarcity of Ammunition , but then arrived D. Luis de Meneses , to whom Correa gave up the Command . Mean while Iames Lopez de Sequeyra with his Ships set out from Cochin for Portugal . He governed three years , was of a ruddy Complexion , a white Beard , is painted with a Truncheon in his Hand , a Coat of Mail , his Cap and upper Garment black , the Sleeves , Lining and Breeches blew . He was the fourth Governor . CHAP. VII . The Government of D. Duarte de Meneses , in the Year 1522 , when began the Reign of King John III. 1. D. Duarte de Meneses , . now Governor of India , tho sent the year before by King Emanuel , entered not upon the Government till the twenty second of Ianuary of this year , King Iohn III. being on the Throne , whose Father died the thirteenth of December foregoing . He brought with him twelve Ships . Having taken the Government , and sent the Commanders to their Posts , he began to feel the effects of his Predecessors , putting Portugues Officers into the Custom-House of Ormuz . He received advice the Moors had taken Arms , killed some Men , and besieged the Fort. D. Luis his Brother was immediately sent with relief , and Simon de Andre made Commander of Chaul , who began his Charge with taking two Turkish Gallies , and a Victory in Dabul , which reduced that City to pay Tribute . Melique Az. terrified with this Success , and the arrival of D. Luis , of whose Actions in Africk he was informed , withdrew his Vessels from before Chaul . 2. The Cause of D. Luis his going to Ormuz was the Insurrection which was occasioned by the avarice of the Portugues Officers there . Iames Lopez had placed them there against his Will in Obedience to the King's Commands , and at the persuasion of Men who loved Novelties , and said the reason the Tribute of Ormuz was not well paid , was , that the Officers cheated the King , to prevent which it was convenient to place Portugueses in their stead , To the avarice used by the Portugueses was added , the Violence they offered to the persons and honor of those people , forcing their Daughters , and Wives from them . D. Garcia Coutino then commanded that Fort , with whom that King conferred about sending a Present and Embassy to our King to obviate the Inconveniences that Innovation produced . This Means was prevented , and so it broke out to the great loss of the Portugueses . For sudddenly by night they were attacked by Sea and Land with Fire and Sword at Ormuz , Baharem , Mascate , Curiate and Soar , by private Order from the King , and above one hundred and twenty of them killed Ruy Boto was put to great Torments by the Moors in defence of the Faith. At morning some of our Men died , endeavouring to relieve others . All things being disposed the best the time would permit , and the Ships secured under the shelter of the Fort , D. Garcia sent advice to the Governor . Mean while he was besieged , had two Vessels burnt , and feared Hunger and Thirst. Tristan Vaz de Vega , and Manuel de Sousa received advice hereof at Mascate , and prepared to carry Relief . Tristan Vaz arrived first , and made his way to the Fort through one hundred and sixty Sail that lay before it . Two days after appeared Manuel de Sousa's Ship at an anchor two Leagues off . It was dangerous for the Fort to relieve him , and dangerous for all if he was not relieved . Tristan Vaz with his Ship ventured to his Aid through the hundred and sixty Sail of Enemies ; eighty of them pursued him , making way with full Sails , and Manuel de Sousa thinking him an Enemy did some harm , till undeceived . he was taken into the Ship. The King of Ormuz in a rage lays a heap of Gold on one side , and a heap of Womens Attire on the other , the one for such as should take Tristan and Emanuel Prisoners , the other ●…or such as behaved themselves not couragiously . Some being covetous of the Reward , and others fearful of the Disgrace , they manned one hundred and thirty Vessels , and set upon that one , which through Showers of Bullets and Arrows made its way to the Fort , and brought new Life to the besieged with the Relief it had on Board . 3. The King of Ormuz began to despair of shaking off the Portugues Yoke , and fearing the punishment of his Revolt , executed one more grievous upon himself than he could have received from those he had offended . He resolved to quit the City , and go over to the Island Queixome , which lies fifteen Leagues in length , close to the Per●… Shoar , and three Leagues from Ormuz , is fruitful , but not healthy . Privately he commanded all the Inhabitants to follow him , and then barbarously set fire to that beautiful City , which was four Days and Nights burning . And yet some Gentlemen from our Fort held intelligence with the King , advising how he should behave himself with the next Governour to be restored , and this they did in hopes to be inriched by him . Our Men , tho astonished at this brutal Action were delivered from the danger of the Siege , and going out to see if any thing were left in the City , only found Water in Cisterns , and Fire in all the Houses . Soon after came in a Ship from India with Provisions , and another with Ammunition . 4. D. Luis de Meneses sent by the Goververnor his Brother to Ormuz , did nothing of Note by the way , but arrived at the Town of Soar with ten Sail. This Town they destroyed with Fire and Sword , and then gave it to Xec●… Hozem to hold of the King of Portugal . Mean while his own Favourites murdered the King of Ormuz at Queixome , and crowned Mamud Xa , a Youth of thirteen years of Age , Son to the late King. 5. D. Luis arrived at Queixome , and after several Designs that took no effect , came to a●… Treaty with the new King. It was agreed , that the King should return to Ormuz , that he should pay the former Tribute of twenty thousand Xeraphins , and the Arrears due , that the Portugues Commanders should not meddle with the Government of his City , and to conclude all that King sent D. Luis a Present of Pearls , Gold , Jewels and Silks for our King , and another for himself , which he accepted not but to be sent with the other , as was publickly done . Then D. Luis dispatched three Ships for Goa , which were to take lading there for Portugal . One of them perished in a violent storm on the Coast of Mascate . D. Luis followed soon after , and came to Goa . 6. He found the Governor his Brother , and all the City , in Tears , for the Death of King Emanuel , the News whereof was brought by one of three Ships that came from Portugal this year , whereof two had wintered at Mozambique . The Gover●…or went over to Cochin , to dispatch the trading Ships for Portugal and other parts . At this time D. Pedro de Castro was not idle at Mozambique ; for being informed by Iohn de Mata , who commanded that Fort , that the Island Querimba , and the adjacent , denied the Tribute to those of Zanzibar and Pemba , whereby they were disabled from paying theirs to us , he went to Querimba with an hundred Men , and after a sha●…p Fight burnt the City , and obliged the Lord of it to pay the Tribute , the others terrified by this Example submitted . At his return he wasi n great danger by Storms and Hunger , and his Cousin D. Christopher killed by the Blacks who defended the Fruit of certain Trees , which our Men were carried to taste by Hunger , not Curiosity . D. Diego de Melo went now with him to Goa . D. Pedro's Ship being at an Anchor in that Port , suddenly sunk down right , being very old , whereby it appears there is no Security in things that are aged . 7. D. Duarte set out for Ormuz with ●…ix Sail , two of them Gallies , which on the Coast of Diu took a rich Ship coming from Pegu. Which lying between them in the night , the Moors perceived her sinking , and the Men in our Gallies asleep , so they furiously rushed into one of them , and our Men fled to the other , who seeing the Moors flie with their Vessel , and the other sink , took no notice , so that more Credit was lost by this Action than had been gained before . Melique Saca , Lord of Diu , afterwards had this Galley laid up , as if taken by his Vessels . About this time Iohn Rodriguez de Noronha , who commanded at Ormuz , pressed that King to come thither from Queixome to live , as he had agreed with D. Luis de Meneses , it was effected with the Death of one of his Favourites , killed by a bold Moor , whom D. Luis had hired before his Departure . 8. Don Duarte being arrived at Ormuz , examined who were the deepest in the late Rebellion ; and it appeared they were found most guilty who had the least Power . For Raez Xarafo a mighty Man , and the very Soul of those Troubles was rewarded ; and Raez Xamexir who ( according to agreement with D. Luis ) had killed Raez X●…dim , another Tyrant over those Kings , was banished instead of receiving the promised Reward . The young King not protected by the Innocence of his Years , had the Tribute laid on him of thirty five thousand Xeraphins besides the former twenty five thousand , which he could not pay when the City flourished , and must now pay so much more when it was ruined Whilst this was acted at Ormuz , D. Luis sailed towards the Red Sea , whither his Brother sent him with nine Ships , one whereof perished at Zocotora . On the Coast of Arabia he took and plundered the Town of Xaer , because they refused to restore the Goods of a Portugues who died there . At Verruma he burnt some Ships , then battered the City Aden , he entred the Red Sea , but did nothing considerable , and so returned to Ormuz , where he found his Brother the Governor , with whose Proceedings there he was so much dissatisfied , that he left him , and sailed for Diu , but being forced back by the Weather to Ormuz , kept him company to India . There they found two Ships of nine that came out this year from Lisbon . 9. That part of the Continent about Goa , which belonged to Hidalcan , and was taken from him by Ruy de Melo , whilst he was busied with the War of Narsinga , was now lost by Francis Pereyra Pestana , Hidalcan having no other Care but the Recovery thereof . Pestana was brave , and opposed the Enemies Power . Ferdinando Rodriguez Barba obtained a signal Victory over them . Five thousand Foot and four hundred Horse of them were after defeated by Ferdinando and An●…z Sotomayor , with few Foot and only thirty Horse . Nevertheless by degrees the Country return'd to the Obedience of Hidalcan , and was confirmed to him by the late Treaty of Peace . 10. D. Duarte de Meneses began to inquire into such things as related to S Thomas the Apostle , a particular Care of our Kings . This was what could now and some time after be discovered . In the year 1517 , certain Portugueses sailed with an Armenian , and landing at Paleacate of the Province of Coromandel in the Kingdom of Bisnagar , he invited them to go visit the place where were the Ruins of many Builddings , the Stones of several Colours , still retaining the Footsteps of Grandeur and Art. In the middle was a Chappel entire , of indifferent Structure , on the inside and outside whereof were carved many Crosses , like to the antient ones of the military Order of Alcantara , which is Fleury Fitched . A Moor resided there , who coming thither blind , miraculously recovered his sight . He said , That his Forefathers lighted that holy Body : that there was a Tradition that Church ( whereof only this part was standing ) was built by the same Saint when he preached the Christian Faith there , and that there were buried with him two of his Disciples , and a King converted by his Miracles . Upon this Information D. Duarte sent thither Emanuel de Faria or Frias , and a Priest and Mason to repair the Chappel , opening the Foundation of one side that was like to fall about the depth of an Ell they found a Stone-Tomb with an Inscription , containing , That when Thomas built that Church , the King of Miliapor gave him the Duties of all Merchandize imported , which was the Tenths . Going deeper they found a Hollow in which it was reported the Saint lay . Here they found between two Stones a Body and the two ends of a Lance , the But and Spear . These were believed to be the Bones of the Apostle , because those of the King and Disciple also found were not so white . They were put into a China Chest , and the others into another , and hid in the Altar . Inquiry being made , it appeared by the ancient Records of the Kingdom , that it was above fifteen hundred years since the Saint came to that City called Meliapor , then in a flourishing Condition , in and about which there was a Tradition there had been three thousand three hundred stately Churches , that it was then twelve Leagues from the Sea , the Ruins being now upon the very Shore . That the Saint had said , When the Sea should reach thither , a People would come from the West , and preach the same Faith he did . That he converted the King and all his Family , dragging out of the Sea a vast piece of Timber , which all the Force of Elephants , and Art of Men could not move , the King coveting it for his Buildings , and the Apostle for the Church . That a Bramen chief Priest to the King , envious of his Miracles , had killed his own Son , and accused the Saint of the Murder , but he restoring the Child to life caused him to say who was the Murderer . An Armenian Bishop who had spent twenty years in visiting the Christians of the inland of Coulam , swore he found what follows in their Writings , That the twelve Apostles being dispersed through the World , Thomas , Bartholomew , and Iudas Thaddeus came together to Babilon , and there parted . That the last preached in Arabia , since possessed by the Moors , the other in Persia , and was buried in a Convent of Armenian , religious Men near the City Tabris ; and the first embarquing at Baçora , on the Banks of Euphrates , crossed the Persian Gulph , preached at Zocotora , came to Meliapor , passed to China , where he built Churches , and returned to Meliapor , where having done what is said , he at last suffered Martyrdom through the malice of the Bramens , who , to execute their Design , counterfeited a quarrel whilst he was preaching , to find an opportunity of stoning him , and was at last by one of them run through with a Lance , and buryed by his Disciples in that Church of his own Building . Another Learned Man , a Native of Coulam affirmed , That there and at Cranganor were two Houses built by the Disciples of Thomas , who were buried in them , and that in that of Coulam was the burying place of Sibila , Indica , by whose advice King Perimal of Ceylon went to the Coast of Mascate , to meet the other two Kings that were going to adore Christ , newly born at Bethlehem . That the same King at the Intreaty of the Sibil , brought her the Picture of the Blessed Virgin which was kept in the same Tomb. This was the Invention of the Relicts of that Heavenly Messenger in India . And gave occasion to build the City , at this time called S. Thomas , a Portugues Colony in the Port of Paleacate , seven Leagues from the Ruins of the most ancient Meliapor . CHAP. VIII . Continues the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses from the Year 1522 , till the Year 1524 , King John then reigning . 1. ANtony de Miranda de Azevedo was this year Commander of the Fort of Pacem , in the Island Sumatra . On the Western Coast of this Island are six Moorish Kingdoms . The chief was that of Pedir , to which were subject those of Achem and Daga . But falling to War , that of Achem gained the Superiority . He of Pedir took the protection of our Fort against his ill Fortune . D. Andres Enriquez then commanded it , sent to that Post from Portugal with D. Duarte de Meneses . 2. The Tyrant of Achem scoured the Sea and Land with a great Power , till coming to the City Pedir , he endeavoured to draw to his snare the King who had taken the Portugues Protection . To compass his Design , he prevailed with the Men of that City to write a Letter to the King , telling him he might safely come thither , his Enemy being already expelled , and that he might easily destroy him with the assistance of the Portuguses . He gave credit to the letter , desired the assistance of the Commander , who gave him eighty Portugueses and two hundred Moors , commanded by his Brother D. Emanuel in small Vessels of Oars . The King marched along the Shore with above a thousand armed Elephants . He was received at Pedir with feigned Joy , and a Design to take him Prisoner that night , which was deferred to secure the Portugueses . The King being informed of the danger , next day fled with two Elephants and some Men. The Portugueses were left on the Shore exposed to the Enemies Darts and Arrows . D. Emanuel and thirty five of them were killed , the rest fled . With this loss D. Andres lost also the hopes of maintaining the Fort. He asked Provisions of Raphael Perestello , who was at Charigam , the chief Port of Bengala . Dominick Seixas was immediately sent with a Ship , who was stopped by thirty Portugueses , who were turned Pirates in that Sea , commanded by Games Iago . Seixas landed at Tenacari to get Provisions , and one Brito making himself Captain of the Pyrats ( Gago being dead ) and flying with a Vessel that was laden in the Port , left Seixas and seventeen Portugueses ashore , who were afterwards Slaves in the Kingdom of Siam , Such is the Fate of those who trust them that have violated all human and divine Laws . 3. D. Andres advertised the Governor of the Condition he was in , desiring a Successor to command the Fort , Lope de Azevedo was sent , to whom he would not deliver the Post through Covetousness of acquiring more , having already gained much there Azevedo returned to India . The King of Achem over-runs all that Country with Fire and Sword , enters the City Pacem with fifteen thousand Men , and summons D. Andres to quit the Fort. He after sustaining three Assaults to save the Riches he had there , withdraws , leaving the Command to his Brother-in law Ayres Coello , who couragiously took upon him this danger he saw the other shun . But the Sea forced back D. Andres to the danger he avoided . 4. D. Andres sailing for India , met Sebastian de Sousa , and Martin Correa , with two Ships bound for the Island Banda to load Spices . Sousa came from Madagascar , whither he was sent by King Emanuel to build a Fort in Port Matatane , which was not executed , because the Ship wherein were the Materials for the Work was cast away . These two Captains hearing by D. Andres the Condition of Pacem , went directly to that Port. Ayres Coello had then stood a furious Assault with loss of a Post. The Enemy seeing this Relief , abated of their heat ; and D. Andres after eight days resisting was forced back by the Weather . Above eight thousand Enemies one night encompassed the Fort , in which were three hundred and fifty Portugueses , some sick , some wounded , and all spent with labour and watching . With great silence they applied above seven hundred scaling Ladders , and mounted with great Shouts . The Dispute was hotly maintained on both sides , till some Ships being fired , gave light to each other , and to level our Cannon , which killed many of the Enemy and two Elephants . The morning discovered two thousand Men slain about the Fort , on our side only one Woman killed by an Arrow in her Chamber . The remaining six thousand retired , leaving half their scaling Ladders and Fire-works . Nevertheless the Difficulties of maintaining the place considered , it was resolved in counsel to abandon the Fort , shipping all the Men and Goods , and then giving fire to the rest . The great Cannon were left full of Powder , that when the Fire reached them they might burst . Most of the Fort was destroyed , but the Enemy coming in saved some Cannon , which afterwards did us great harm . The Portugueses lost some Goods in shipping , and embarqued up to the Necks in Water with the Fright , losing more Reputation by this Action than they had gained by the former . This they were more sensible of when they met at Sea a more powerful Relief sent by our Friend the King of Aru , who marched by Land with four thousand Men ; and Lope de Azevedo , from whom D. Andres ill deserved it , embarqued at Malaca with Ammunition to come to his Succour . Sebastian Sousa prosecuted his Voyage to Banda , and the Tyrant Achem followed the Fortune which had raised him above his own Hopes . 5. At this time Martin Alfonso de Melo Coutino was gone for China , not knowing what had been done by the Portugueses at Quantung . He had four Ships , and two joined them by the way . They sent ashore for fresh Water , and returned with Blood , the Chineses being in Arms to receive them . This drew them to a Battel , in which most of the Portugueses perished , some drowned , some torn by the Cannon , and some taken , part whereof died miserably in the Prison at Quantung , and twenty three were cut in peices as Spies and Robbers , the last part of the Accusation being the truest . Martin Alphonso and Duarte Coello returned to India . 6. All things cannot be exactly related in order as they happened . Malaca was streightned by the King of Bintam , who sent a greater power against it , and George de Albuquerque what he could against him under the Command of D. Sancho Enriquez , whilst they prepared for a Sea-Fight there arose a violent storm which destroyed seventy Portugueses , the whole being two hundred , the Remainder escaped . Let us see how Misfortunes when once they break out overflow . 7. Till now the King of Pam had been a Friend to our good Fortune , but at present seeing she favoured him he turned against us . George de Albuquerque ( ignorant of this change ) sent three Ships to his Port for Provisions , where two of the Captains and his thirty Men were killed , the third flying this danger met it at Iava , he and all his Company perishing there . Simon de Abreu and Crew were killed in another Action , and in another D. Garcia Enriquez sent to hinder Provisions coming to Bintam , lost two Vessels . 8. At Surubaya in Iava ten or twelve Portugueses were killed . Sebastian Sousa and Martin Correa found Alfonso de Melo Iusarte in great danger at Banda , having offended the Inhabitants of Cantor through Covetousness . 9. Such was the posture of Affairs at the Malucos , whilst these thing happened . Antony de Brito had put the Fort into a very good Condition , when two Bastard Sons of the late King of Ternate disagreeing , and the King of Tidore seeking revenge because the Portugueses had not built in his Island ; he agrees with his Daughter the Queen Dowager of Ternate to carry on his Design , at the same time that she had consented to make war upon him . But all the Contrivance was discovered , the young King and his Brothers brought to the Fort , and the Queen fled to the mountain . The War began , and Tidore was besieged . There George Pinto was killed with six Portugueses , and forty Seamen . 10. The Siege continuing , some places were assaulted . At Mariaco was a Fort on a high Ground well ga●…isoned , Martin Correa first , and after him Iohn Mendez entered it with twenty Men. Leonel de Lima relieves them , and at last the Governor of Ternate , Bastard Son to the late King , coming on with his Men , the Tidores were put to flight , and most of them slain . Several other places being taken , the King of Tidore begged peace , which was not granted him . But because there now comes a Successor to D. Duarte de Meneses , let us take leave of him , he was of a ruddy Complexion , his Beard black , his Cap , upper Ga●…nt and Breeches black , the Doublet Crimson , and the Linings . He governed three years , and was the fifth Governor . CHAP. IX . The Government of the Viceroy D. Vasco de Gama , and of the Governor D. Enrique de Meneses , the Year 1524 till that of 25 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. NOW the manner of receiving and delivering up the Government seems to be settled , it will not be amiss with our usual Brevity to give some account of it . At first the Wisdom and Experience of the person to be chose , were considered as well as his Birth . Afterwards the Birth was thought a sufficient Qualification . Gentility among Portugueses being of more account than Virtue and Merit , which has been the ruin of our first acquired Reputation The Viceroy or Governor ( for the Office is the same , tho the Title differ ) solemnly swears , That he made no Interest to procure that Employ ( how needless the Question , and false the Oath ) that he will do Justice and follow his Instructions , that in bestowing Employments he will not have more regard to his Kindred and Servants , than to the Kings and such as deserve , that he will take no Bribes . All Vows made in storms all forgot as soon as out of danger . Can any thing be better swore , or any thing less observed . In India the succeeded delivers the Government to the Successor in the condition it is , and a publick Instrument thereof is made . There are always three or four sealed Patents ( called Successions ) in case the Governor should die . He sailed this year for India with the Title of Count de Vidigueyra , and fou●…teen Sail , and in them three thousand fighting Men. Two Vessels perished with all the Men , a third was lost , and the Men saved . Moss●…m Gaspar was basely killed by his Caravels Crew , only because he was no Portuguese . These Ships being in the Sea of Cambaya in a dead Calm , on a sudden they t●…ssed so , that all thought themselves lost , every one thinking how to save himself , D Vasco the Viceroy perceiving it was the effect of an Earthquake , he cryed out with a loud Voice , Courage , my Friends , for the Sea trembles for fear of you that are upon it . One Man who leaped over-board to save himself was lost , such as lay sick of Fevers were cured with the Fright . D. George de Meneses , one of the Captains , took a great Ship of Meca worth sixty thousand C●…owns . The Fleet arrived at Goa . 2. The new Viceroy visited some Forts , gave necessary Orders , and from Cochin sent three Vessels of Oars towards Calicut to curb those Indians who began to be outragious . One of them fought three hours with fifty 〈◊〉 , large Indian Vessels , lost three Men , and had been lost had not his Companions relieved him , and put them to flight . Hierom de Sousa was ordered with six Vessels against the Malabars of that Coast , who defeated forty Catures , Indian Vessels , commanded by Cotiale , a valiant Moor , who hindered the carrying Provisions to the Fort of Calicut . Two Gallies having joined him afterwards , he fought eighty Paraos in the River of Bracalor , bound for Cambaya with Spice , he took twelve of them with the loss of four Men. He ordered the Commander of the Fort in Ceylon to quit it , as not worth the keeping , and had the same Orders for that of Pacem , but necessity had before caused it to be executed . Simon S●…dre was sent to Maldiva with four Ships to oppose the Moors , who infested us . He fought a Moor of Cananor , who had six Vessels , took two , and the four narrowly escaped . The Viceroy , tho sick , had greater Designs in hand , but Death drawing on , he named Lope Vaz de Sampayo his Successor , till such time as D. Enrique de Meneses , who was at Goa , and the next named in the Patents came . He died upon Christmas-Eve , having been Viceroy three months , was of a middle stature , somewhat gross , ruddy Complexion ; he is painted with a black Cap , Cloak and Breeches , edged with Velvet , all slashed , through which appears the Crimson Lining , the Doublet of Crimson Sattin , and over it his Armour inlaid with Gold. D. Vasco had a natural Boldness for any great Undertaking , angry he was terrible , a great sufferer of Labour , and hasty in execution of Justice . In fine , fit for all that was intrusted him , as Captain , as discoverer , and as Viceroy . He was the sixth in the number of Governors , and second of Viceroys . 3. Lope Vaz de Sampayo , sent Francis de Sa to carry the News of his access to the Government to D. Enrique de Meneses at Goa . He delivered that Command to the said Francis de Sa , and came away immediately . First he sent his Nephew D. George Telo with a Galliot , and five Paraos , against a Fleet that infested the Coast. They met thirty eight Vessels laden with Spice , under the Command of Cutiale , took four , and forced the rest ashore . The four were brought to Goa , with many of the Enemies hanged upon the Shrouds , the Canaras who rowed carried thirty Heads , and twelve alive , who were delivered up to the Boys , and by them stoned to death , the Sea threw up above sixty upon the Shore . Afterwards the same D. George had the like success against a Ship and ●…e Paraos , and then sailed to Cochin with his Uncle , who by the way being accidentally joined by D. George de Meneses , defeated thirty six Paraos of Diu , and took seventeen . At Cananor he hanged a Moor of Quality , which occasioned many of his Relations for shame to leave the City , and go live upon robbing along the the River . By the King's Consent D. Enrique sent Hector de Silveyra against them with two Gallies and a Brigantine ; in two days he burnt four Towns with much difficulty , and took their Cannon . Christopher de Brito set out with fourteen Gallies , and about one hundred Men. They scoured the Sea , destroyed some Moors , and at Dabul came out to them two Galiots , and seven other Vessels with above three hundred Men. At the first shock they killed our Commander , Christopher de Brito ; to revenge whom , our Men falling on furiously , in four hours time killed most of them , and took the rest and their Captain in Chief , who afterwards died of his Wounds at Goa , being first converted to the Faith. The Commander of Calicut being streightened by a great number of Nayres and other people that frequented that City , forced them to retire with only fifty Portugueses . D. Enrique made little haste to Cochin , because his Kinsmen D. Duarte and D. Luis de Meneses were there , and dissatisfied with what D Vasco de Gama had done in their Business , and he had no mind to undo what the Viceroy had done to oblige his Cousins . He sent a Message before , that they should not receive him with any publick Joy , in respect to the death of Gama ; this being the only Successor till then that shewed respect to his Predecessor . Another part of his Message was , that they should not give him the style of Lordship , because good Men had rather deserve Honor , than make use of its Titles . Afterwards the Viceroys took the Title of Excellency , and the Captains of Lordships . With such modesty did the new Governor enter upon his Command . Soon after he set out from Cochin with fifty Sail , besides some belonging to the Inhabitants of the Town , and Arel de Porca , a Subject to our King with twenty seven , making fifty more , and two thousand fighting Men , thus he arrived at Panane . This is one of the principal Towns subject to Calicut , seated on the Banks of the same River . It was well fortified and stored with Cannon , commanded by a Portugues Renegado . In the River were many Vessels in order of Battel . The Fight began furiously by Sea and Land , the Fortifications were entred , the Cannon taken , and the Enemy fled to the Woods . The Town and Vessels in the Port were burnt , many killed , of our Men nine . Next day twelve Ships were burnt in the Port of Calicut , and D. Iohn de Lima did the same in the Skirts of the City . Hence they went to Coulete , where was the same Fortification , number of Ships , and Artillery as at Panane , and twenty thousand Men in Garrison . 5. A Council of War being held , it was generally voted to desist from so dangerous an Enterprize , but D. Enrique prevailed for going on . D. Simon de Meneses was to command one Attack with 300 Men , D. Enrique another with one hundred and fifty , and the Fleet to engage one hundred and fifty Ships that were there . Great Valour was shewn on both sides ; at last many of the Enemy being slain , the rest fled ; of the Portugueses fifty four were killed , and many wounded . The Booty contained three hundred and sixty pieces of Cannon , a vast number of Musquets , fifty three Ships , most of them loaden with Spice ; the rest being shattered were burnt , as was the Town . D. Enrique returned to Cochin , leaving D. Simon with twenty Sail , and five hundred Men to cruise upon that Coast. 6. During the time that Lope Vaz de Sampayo held the Government by reason of the Viceroys Death , and Absence of D. Enrique , he sent Antony de Miranda with four Vessels , and three hundred and fifty Men to the Red Sea. He was come now to Cape Guardafu , where arrived before him Antony de Macedo , with a Galeon , and two Caravels , tho sent later . They had taken the Vessel of those mutinous Portugueses who had killed their Captain , and now practised Pyracy by this Crime to shun the punishment of the former . One N. de Aguiar commanded them who was beheaded at Cochin , and the rest impaled or banished according as they were found guilty . The two Antonies agreed to spread themselves cross the Mouth of that Sea , that so no Enemy-Ship might escape them . This Mouth reaching from Cape Guardafu in Africk , to Cape Fartaque in Arabia is fifty Leagues over . Here they took ten Zambucos and three Ships . Thence they went to the City Xael , and burnt many Moors in seven Ships , and took five . Mean while D. Simon de Meneses , assisted by Fernan Gomez , burnt the Town of Mangalor , and ten Ships in the Harbour . They scoured the Coast , had some Rencounters , one with seventy Paraos , whereof they took twenty , the rest being shattered and dispersed . Another time the Moors killed Gomez Martinez de Lemos , who going to assist Dominick Fernandez , struck upon a Bank , where died also Manuel de Lima , with seven Gentlemen , and all the Boats Crew . 7. Now the King of Calicut resolved to besiege that Fort in which D. Iohn de Lima commanded with three hundred Men. Twelve thousand Men broke ground to draw a deep Trench about . D. Iohn did all that was possible to hinder the Work , but the multitude prevailed and finished it . Then they planted many pieces of Cannon , some so large the Ball was two spans diameter . The Work being finished , Zamori came on with nine thousand Men. This Power was enough to terrifie any Resolution ; yet D. Iohn was not moved , but ventured to make a Sally , which had like to have cost him his life , so he resolved to stand firm against all their Assaults . 8. The Battery began furiously at break of day on the thirteenth of Iune . Our Cannon was more dexterously played , and did great harm , but it appeared not so much in the multitude . Next day advice was sent to the Governor , who immediately sent to their Relief two Caravels , with one hundred and fifty Men , commanded by Christopher Iusarte and Duarte Fonseca . The former arrived first , and there was a sharp dispute by Sea and Land about their entering the Fort , in which three Gentlemen were killed . The Enemy immediately applyed scaling Ladders , but were repulsed with great slaughter . D. Iohn sent Duarte de Fonseca back to Cochin to demand more succour , five hundred Men were sent him . Whilst they sailed , all the military Arts then in use were practised against the besieged , and above fifty of them killed . 9. This Relief could not reach Calicut , but was forced back to Cochin . The Governor joined two Squadrons he had prepared , and they both appeared to the distressed Fort , when Rage and Despair acted more in its Defence than Valour or Conduct . Hector de Silveyra commanded one of the Squadrons containing seven Ships , and Peter de Faria the other of twenty five , and three hundred and thirty Men. They encouraged our Men , and did harm to the Enemy from the Water , because they could not land till the Governour arrived with twenty Sail , and 1500 Men , besides some Catures or small Craft ; and Antony de Miranda coming at the same time , all the Sea of Calicut was covered with Ships . A Council was held about landing , all the Votes were in the negative . D. Enrique spent four days in considering what to do , then came to this Resolution . 10. One night he put one hundred and fifty Men into the Fort under the valiant Hector de Silveyra , and the next as many more under D. Iames de Lima. By break of day he landed , clearing the Shore of throngs of Enemies with Sho●… Granados , and all sorts of Weapons . In some Intrenchments they burnt two hundred , in others three hundred Moors . Many Gentlemen particularly signalized themselves upon this Occasion . Hector de Silveyra did wonders . D. George de Meneses with a two handed Sword made great slaughter , till losing the Right Hand , he took a less Sword in the Left , and went on without losing the Cutlace . But who can recount the Actions of this day . In fine , three thousand of the Enemy were killed , of ours thirty , none of Note . D. Enrique remained Master of the Field , and pitched his Tents to give there the necessary Orders . Zamori sent to desire peace , the Treaty held four days , and broke up without any effect . The Fort was demolished ( as King Iohn had commanded ) because it was of no importance . Having shipped all that was in it of Value with great care and privacy , they laid Trains to blow it up , and all drew off to the Ships . The Moors finding the Coast clear , and no Body in the Fort , run in Clusters to pillage ; but the Powder suddenly taking fire , blew up the whole Fabrick with great slaughter of them . This shews how much must be ventured rather than hazard Reputation ; since all this Labour and Prepararation served only to raze that Fort , because it should not be thought it was rather Fear than Conveniency forced us to quit it . CHAP. X. Concludes the Government of D. Enrique de Meneses in the Year 1526 , King John the Third Reigning . 1. THE Fort of Calicut being demolished , and Peter de Faria left with his Ships to scour the Coast of Malabar , the Governor went to Cochin , to dispatch the homeward bound trading Ships , which were five , and whereof two were lost : two also of sour that came this year from Portugal perished . After this Expedition D. Enrique designed to fall upon Diu. He sent out Hector de Silveyra upon other pretences , to Ormuz , with instructions that other things failing , he should enter the Red Sea , and take up at Arquico , D. Rodrigo de Lima , who by that time was returned from his Embassy to Prester Iohn . On the Coast of Arabia he assaulted and took the strong City Dofar , which he destroyed with the loss of two Men. Then he entered the Red Sea , and reduced the Islands Maçua and Dalaca , to pay Tribute . Thence sailed to Arquico where the Governor delivered to him D. Rodrigo de Lima , who was there waiting for a passage with an Embassador sent by Prester Iohn to Portugal . They went to rest at Ormuz . 2. Peter Mascarenas , who the foregoing year went to succeed George de Albuquerque in the Command of Malaca , found it in some distress , after performing honorable Actions . Martin Alfonso de Sousa scouring that Coast with six Ships and two hundred Men had done great execution among the Natives . After returning to Malaca he again went out to meet Lacxemena , who ravaged the Neighbourhood with thirteen hundred Moors , after a bloody Fight they were defeated , and Martin being mortally wounded , died in the City . The King of Linga our Ally had asked relief of George Albuquerque , against the King of Bintam , by whom he was besieged . Eighty Men were sent , who falling upon the Besiegers killed six hundred , the rest fled . This Victory cost but one Man. 3. Here Peter Mascarenas heard of a Renegado Portugues , who commanding three thousand Men of the King of Bintam , had done much harm to the City , in which there were but a hundred , yet obliged him to retire with shame . Two hundred and fifty solemnly vowed to carry the Head of George de Albuquerque , or that of the Factor Garcia Chaino , to the King of Bintam ( all Vows are easier to make than perform ) they lay in ambush in a close Wood , six Portugueses , whereof one was Francis Correa , fell into it . He seeing no possibility of escaping , encouraged the other five , and falling desperately upon the two hundred and fifty killed fourteen , the others fled . One of the six died . 4. Antony de Brito at Maluco , seeing he was not relieved , desired ( the last year ) a Successor might be sent him , D. Garcia Enriquez who then commanded the Cruisers upon the Coast of Malaca went thither . 5. He arrived at Ternate , where some Differences arose between him and Brito . They agreed among themselves , and by consent sent a Portugues with a small Vessel to discover the Islands called Celebes , where they heard was great plenty of Gold. The Discoverer found the Islands , but not the Gold ; and being upon his return , was carried away by a storm to the Eastward , till he lost his Account , and unexpectedly fell into a great and beautiful Island . The Inhabitants most simple , and treated them with great affection . Of Colour more inclined to white , of Body strong and comly , lank Hair , and long Beards , their Cloaths of very fine Mats ; their Food , Roots , Cocos and Figs. Their Language was not understood , but they dealt by signs . By tokens they gave to understand that in the mountain there was Gold , whereof they made no use ; they had no knowledge of Iron , or any other Metal . They left this Island , which they called of Iames Lopez de Sequeyra the Name of the Pilot , and returned to Ternate after eight months , whence Antony de Brito was then departed , leaving D. Garcia the Command of the Fort. 6. Peter Mascarenas at Malaca considering how much had been done by his Predecessors in defence of that place , and that it was no less insupportable than dangerous , to suffer the King of Bintam to lie safe in his Works , and continue his hopes proposed to deprive him of both . He immediately began to put in execution his Designs , tho they proved unsuccessful . 7. George de Albuquerque sailing from Malaca towards Cochin , with only one Vessel , met Arel de Porca with twenty five Barques of Calicut , who was seeking Revenge , for that D. Enrique had treated him as he deserved for his Cowardliness at the ▪ Assault of Coulete . The Case was that D. Enrique at that Engagement perceiving him stand only as a Looker on , watching the opportunity of sharing the Plunder , caused a Cannon to be levelled at him so dexterously , that it broke his Leg. Now he sought Revenge , and drew on himself farther punishment , for Albuquerque not able to avoid the twenty five Barques , to lose no time of playing his Cannon , levelled among them all , they answered with Showers of Ball and Arrows . But our Artillery was so well managed , that Arel was forced to retire with considerable loss , having done no other damage to Albuquerque , than the killing one of his Slaves . 8. The Governor D. Enrique still continued his Preparations against Diu , giving out they were for Aden . In all things he acted the part of a wise Captain . 9. He set out with seventeen Sail of several sorts all large , with a resolution to clear that Coast of Pyrats , that always abound there . At Chale two Leagues from Calicut he set ashore D. George de Meneses with five hundred Men , who reduced the Town to Ashes . At Bacanor he found D. George Telo and Peter de Faria entering that River●… in which they shut up above one hundred Paraos , bound for Cambaya , laden with Spice . He sent to their assistance D. George de Meneses , with four hundred Men in two Ships . The Moors by Land and Sea were four thousand strong . Peter de Faria was left to keep the Mouth of the River , the other went up to the Paraos , and saw the Shore covered with Men and Cannon . At length they engaged , the Fight was bravely maintained , but the multitude , the disadvantage of the place , and ill Fortune , obliged our Captains to retire , after losing forty Men. Victory cannot be always tied to one side , and it is wonderful , that in so many Encounters our Party should scarce ever be worsted , never quite defeated . 10. This was not the greatest Loss then happened to the Portugueses , for at this time D. Enrique fell sick of an Inflammation in two Issues he had upon one Leg , and finding Death came on , he gave the necessary Orders , and expired with that Calmness he had practised living . This happened at Cananor , ( where he is buried ) about the end of Ianuary in the thirtieth year of his Age. He was Son to D. Ferdinand de Meneses , called the Red , of a pleasing Countenance , a large Stature , an awful Presence , of a free Mind , his Actions just , free from Covetousness , continent , a true Patron of Merit , and Professor of Honor. It may appear how free from Avarice in that after his Death all his Treasure was but thirteen Royals and a half , not a Crown in all ; not but that he had an Estate before , but spent it during his Government on such as deserved well . He accepted not one Jewel of all that those Eastern Princes presented him . Let us give one Example of his ready Wit , which will shew the Beauty of his Person . A Gentleman whose person was contemptible , but had served well , and was dissatisfied with the Governor , one day talking with others , lashed out and said , I am as good a Gentleman as any in India , and better than some , as much a Soldier as the best , I have served the King as well as any man ; and in fine , I fear no man , nor yield to no man. The Governor finding all this passion aimed at him , to shew he understood it , and was not disturbed , answered very calmly : Sir , I confess you are a better Gentleman than I , and more a Soldier than I , that you have served better , and better deserve to be Governor ; but since I yield so many Points , you cannot but grant me one , and that is that you are not so genteel a man as I. So the Anger was turned into Laughter , and he doubly shamed . The most renowned Governors hitherto were D. Francisco de Almeyda , Alfonso de Albuquerque , and D. Enrique . His Complexion was white , his Beard Chesnut Colour , his Cap , upper Garment , and Breeches , black , slashed with Crimson Lining , the Doublet Crimson , over it a Coat of Mail , and upon that the Breast plate . He held the Government a year and a month , and was the seventh Governor . The End of the Third Part of the First Tome . THE Portugues Asia . TOM . I. PART IV. CHAP. I. The Government of Lope Vaz de Sampayo , from the Year 1526 to the Year 1527 , and Reign of King John the Third . 1. THE Governor D. Enrique de Meneses , when he died , left a Paper sealed , wherein was named who should succeed him , in case the person appointed by the King was absent , requiring all there present to give Obedience to him , this Paper was lost , but the person therein named known to be Francis de Sa , then commanding at Goa . The second Patent of Succession being opened ( because the first was fulfilled in D. Enrique ) it named Peter de Mascarenas then commanding at Malaca . The distance was great , and the Season not fit to sail , after some Debates they chose the worst Expedient , which was to open the third Patent , in which was named Lope Vaz de Sampayo . The Government was put into his Hands , having swore to deliver it to Peter de Mascarenhas as soon as he came from Malaca . He immediately dispatched Captains to several places , and went out himself to scour the Coast with seven Sail. Advice was brought him from D. George Telo , and Peter de Faria , that they lay upon the Bar of Cananor , to keep in a Fleet belonging to Zamori . He sent immediate Orders to D. Antonio de Silveyra , and Christopher de Sousa , who were at Goa , to go join the other two , and secure the prize till he came . They performed it . 2. Cutiale , Admiral of that Fleet , perceiving the danger that threatened him , disposed all things to meet it by Sea and Land. He had ten thousand Men at Command , Lope Vaz went in person through Showers of Bullets to view the Fortifications , which done , he returned and prepared for the Assaults , contrary to the Votes of most of the Captains , who rather envied him the Glory of that Action , than feared the Danger , as if each were not to share with him in it . Nevertheless all obeyed , and three Vessels were provided with one one hundred Men each to land first . Lope Vaz followed with a thousand Men in Vessels that rowed . Peter de Faria was to fire the Enemies Paraos . They all at once couragiously undertook the Charge assigned them , and at the same time mounted the Trenches with great Slaughter on the one side , whilst above seventy Paraos were fired on the other . At length our Men remained victorious , above eighty Brass Cannons were taken , Lope spared the Town , because it belonged to the King of Narsinga , with whom we were then at peace . 3. Lope Vaz sailed victorious to Goa , where Francis de Sa refused to re●…ve him as Governor , on account of the Title he had to it himself by D. Enrique's appointment in the absence of Peter Mascarenhas . But the Council of the City siding with Lope Vaz , he was admitted as Governor , and began to act as such . The first thing he did was to send Advice to Peter Mascarenas of his Election , either that he was not yet so fond of the Government , or rather to dissemble how fond he was of it . Next he gave the Command of Goa to Antony de Silveyra de Meneses , and sent Francis de Sa to the Island of Sunda , whether he had been designed from Portugal , giving him four hundred Men in six Ships . Antony de Miranda Azevedo had fourteen to guard the Coast of India . Manuel de Gama had nine for the Coast of Coromandel , which he cleansed from Pyrats , and retook a Ship of ours taken by them . Martin Alphonso Iusarte was sent to Maldiva with six Vessels , and took a rich Vessel of Meca , in which were three hundred Moors . Having given other necessary Orders , he sailed for Ormuz with five Ships , and three hundred Men. 4. They suffered much by the way , chiefly through Thirst. In his Passage he reduced the Towns of Calayate and Mascate , which had revolted , being exasperated by the avarice of Iames de Melo ; for it is certain the King and publick suffer for the Interest of private Men , a thing D. Enrique was so sensible of , that this Melo being then Commander at Ormuz , he writ to him to be more moderate , and not provoke thirty years to go from Goa to teach sixty at Ormuz , for those were the Ages of them both . Lope Vaz did nothing at Ormuz , but compose the Difference between Iames de Melo and Raez Xarafo , which had occasioned the Revolt of those two Towns , receive the Tribute of that King , and Prester Iohn's Embassador , who came with D. George de Lima , both brought by Hector de Silveyra . 5. Who was sent to lie off of Diu in wait of the Ships of the Red Sea , that trade for Cambaya , whereof he took three . They went to Diu where he continued many days at the request of Melique Saca , who made use of him to secure himself against the King of Cambaya , feigning he intended to deliver the City to Silveyra , being weary of the Tyranny of that King. Lope Vaz was then at Chaul , giving Oders for fortifying several places , fearing the Rumes or Turks were coming with a great Power , whereof he sent advice to King Iohn , and sailed for Goa . 6. At the same time arrived in India two Ships of five that set out this year from Lisbon , the other three came afterwards . These two brought fresh Orders from the King , relating to the Succession in the Government , wherein Lope Vaz was before Mascarenas , the former having been the contrary . The Surveyor of the Revenue Alfonso de Mexia , to whom they were directed , desirous to kindle Broils , caused them to be opened , to the great danger of the publick Peace . 7. The News hereof met Lope Vaz on the way , and arriving at Goa he was a second time received as Governor , and went thence to Cochin . He dispatched the trading Ships home , and sent in them Prester Iohn's Embassador , who went to Rome , where he gave entire submission to the Church of Christ , through the means of the Portugueses ; and having received several Favours from Pope Clement the Seventh , returned to his Prince . These Ships being gone , Lope Vaz designed to go to the Red Sea against the Turks , who ( it was said ) fortified the Island Camaran . Some loose Tongues said it was a policy to strengthen himself at Cochin , in order to resist Mascarenhas , who came to take upon him the Government . Others said he really intended to go to deprive Mascarenas of all Power , and gain the Affections of the Soldiers by giving them plunder . The certainty is , he studied to secure himself , for to resign a Command voluntarily is a thing not practised since those times . 8. Raez Solyman the Turk , who killed Mir Hozem at Gidda , recovered his Princes Favour by delivering up to him this City he had gained in the Service of the Soldan , and by means of a considerable Present ; for Gifts are of force even with Princes , who have no need of them . Selin , who was then at Grand Cayre , converted his Hatred to Love , because Solyman promised him great Advantages in India , if he would furnish him with a competent power to act there . He gave him twenty Gallies , and five Galions that were then at Suez . Solyman succeeding his Father Selin , sent Haydarin , to deliver this Fleet to Raez , who was then fortifying the Island Camaran , where the said Haydarin upon some disgust killed him . Mustapha , Nephew to R●…ez , succeeded him , and slew Hydarin , then sailed to Aden , and thence to Diu , seeking the protection of the King of Camb●…ya , as fearful of the Great Turk , whom he had offended with that Murder and other Actions ; and having but few Vessels with him , for most of them refused to obey him , and returned to Suez . Antony Tenreyro carried an account of the Success of this Fleet to King Iohn by Land , with general admiration , being the first that performed that Journey , till then thought impossible . 9. Let us now return to Peter Mascarenas at Malaca , where the News being come of his Succession to the Government , he was immediately proclaimed and obeyed as such . As such he gave Orders , and bestowed some Commands . The Season was not yet proper to sail from Malaca to Cochin . But the Desire of Command wa●…s no season so he set out without it . A storm forced him back to Malaca , and he making a Virtue of Necessity complied with Fortune , concluding it was Providence brought him to that City , which he had left in great distress , and taking it as an Omen of the Honor he thought to gain over Bintam , whose King entertained no small hopes of recovering Malaca , which was wholly unprovided Mascarenhas disposed the Minds of the few Gentlemen that were there , and prepared to fall upon that King , giving out all was for the Island of Sunda , whither it was known Francis de Sa was designed . He set out with twenty one Ships , in them four hundred Portugueses , and six hundred Malayes , commanded by Tuam Mahomet and Sinai Raja . 10. Great Labour was employed in clearing the Mouth of the River , when thirty Barques appeared , sent by the King of Pam to the Relief of our Enemy . Duarte Coello and Ayres de Cuna went to meet them , battered some , dispersed others , and took twelve loaden with Cannon and Provisions . They return to the hard Labour of clearing the Mouth of the River , in which Work Ferdinando Serram consumed twelve Days , wherein his Men were spent with toil , and his Ship pierced with a thousand Cannon Shot . Yet he obtained his end , tho not without danger of perishing , for Laxemena fell upon him with such fury , that Ferdinando was left for dead , and both sides fought with great obstinacy . Peter Mascarenas perceiving this Action , pressed forwards in small Vessels that rowed , and coming upon the Moors made them retir●… with a great slaughter . Being returned to his Post , he considered the City , which was formidable for its Walls and opposite Fort , flanked with Bulwarks , stored with Men and Artillery . He ordered the manner of the Assault , assigning every Man his Post , and diverting the Enemy from the place where he designed the chief Attack . 11. Our careful and almost rash Commander in the dead of night , marched his men through a close Wood and unknown way , very difficult for the Roots of Trees that crossed it , and streams of Water that spread the Superficies of the Grounds , yet before day they reached the City . The warlike Instrument sounding on a sudden from all sides , put the Moors into a Confusion , at last they resort where they thought was the greatest danger , and that was where Mascarenas had posted the Malayes to give a diversion , whilst he entered on the other side . All was full of Confusion , tho the Enemies behaved themselves gallantly . The first that mounted a Bulwark was Ayres de Cuna . Then they entred the City , and furiously run through it ; Peter Mascarenas ran to the King's Palace , where Laja Raja who commanded fell upon him , and the Fight was couragiously maintained till they understood the King was not there , for he perceiving the City was entered , mounted on an Elephant , and fled to the Woods and Mountain . This being known , the Moors gave way , some were killed , the rest fled . The Garrison consisted of seven thousand , four hundred were slain , two thousand taken . The Town was plundered , the Booty great , and almost three hundred pieces of Cannon , no inconsiderable part of it . We had not above three killed in this Action , which was one of the most glorious we performed in Asia , to the immortal Honor of Mascarenas , and Peace of Malaca . For the King dying with grief , tho his Son Alaudin undertook the same Task , he had no power to annoy us much . The Proprietor of this Island from whom the King had taken it , begged of Mascarenhas to be restored to it , which was granted , he owning himself a Subject of Portugal . At this instant arrived the King of Linga , our All●… , with Succour . He was an honourable Witness of our Victory , and after congratulating , returned home . 12. Francis de Sa now prepared to prosecute his Voyage to Sunda . This Island is divided on the South from Iava by a very narrow Channel . It produces pale Gold , and abundance of Pepper and Provisions . The Natives are many , unfit for War , but curious in adorning their Arms. They worship Idols , sell their Children to supply any want . The Women are beautiful , those of Quality chaste , contrary to what is usual in most of the other parts of the World. They have Convents into which they enter to preserve their Virginity as in Spain . The married Women kill themselves when their Husbands die ; a good Custom to shew their Duty , and to prevent their killing them , were it not against the Law of Nature , and therefore a brutal Error . 13. Hither came before Henry Leme drawn by the Plenty and Goodness of the Pepper it produces , he was well received by the King Samiam , who offered a place to build a Fort , and three hundred and fifty one Quintals of Pepper , as a yearly Tribute to purchase the Friendship of the King of Portugal , in order to his support against the Moors who infested him , and were now much inferior to the Portugueses in those parts . But he attained not then the effect of his Desires ; for when Francis de Sa came to raise the Fort in the place marked out by Leme , he met such opposition from the Moors , that he was obliged to return to Malaca , without doing any thing . 14. Mean while D. Garcia Enriquez did something at the Malucos , which had been glorious , if just . A War being left on foot by Antony de Brito with the King of Tidore , D. Garcia made peace with him only to undo what the other had done . This produced some difference between D. Garcia and Cachil de Aroez , who to revenge himself joined now with the King of Tidore . D. Garcia fearing this Union might prove dangerous , suddenly fell upon that City , then busied with the Funeral Ceremonies of the dead , and entring it , took away the Cannon , and burnt the rest . Thus the Peace rashly concluded was more rashly broke and the Portugueses throughout all those Islands were esteemed Men of no Faith or Reputation , for commonly a whole Nation suffers for the Faults of a few . 15. Martin Iniguez de Carchisano arrived at Port Camafe in the Kingdom of Tidore with one Ship of six the Emperor Charles V. sent the year 1525 to those parts that belonged not to him . The other Ships came before to an Island in three degrees of North Latitude , which they called S. Matthew , where , on the Trunks of Trees they found Inscriptions denoting it to have been inhabited by Portugueses eighty years before . As soon as D. Garcia understood the new comers were Spaniards , he endeavoured to compose the Affair , but to no effect , and perceiving they caused an alteration in the price of Spice , he sent first , then went in person to expel them , but were all obliged to retire after much damage sustained by the Spaniards Cannon , yet their Ship , tore by the Portugues Shot , afterwards sunk . Our Men had the like success at another Town on the Shore where the Spaniards were . D. Garcia sent Martin Correa to Malaca , where he understood that the Inhabitants of Lobu , a Port of Sumatra , had slain Alvaro de Brito and seventy Men , he carried to revenge the Death of others killed there . As soon as he arrived , George Cabral recommended this Business to him , which he performed , reducing the City to Ashes , after putting all the Inhabitants to the Sword , taking all their Cannon , Brito's Galley and some others , the rest were burnt . 16. At this time came to the Malucos that renowned Gentleman D. George de Meneses , who lost his Hand at the glorious Action of Calicut , being the first that went thither by the way of Borneo , passing through many Islands , and giving his Name to some of them . The known way being five hundred Leagues , he made it a thousand , and spent eight months in the Voyage , by reason of the Difficulties of that Sea , which is a meer Labyrinth of Islands and Banks of Sand. D. George and D. Garcia fell presently at variance , because the latter would not return the way the other came , but by Banda , which was more easie and advantageous , on the contrary of that by Borneo . It seem'd D. Garcia sought not the same that D. George ; and D. George in all obeyed Peter Mascarenas as Governor of India . The Dispute came to words ill becoming such Men , and the words to actions of the same nature . D. George puts D. Garcia in Irons . And D. Garcia being set at liberty , puts D. George into them . Being threatened by some he set him loose , and D. George being at liberty , sent after him to Banda , in case he came thither to make him Prisoner , and take his Ship. Vincent de Fonseca carried the Message . He also sent Vasco Lorenzo , Iames Cam , and Gonzalo Veloso to Malaca , by the way of Borneo , and with them a Present for that King. One part of the Present was a Piece of Tapestry with Figures of Men , which the Barbarian no sooner beheld , but he cryed out , They were men inchanted that would kill him in the night . And no persuasions being of force to convince him of his Error , ordered the Tapestry should not remain in his House , nor the Messengers in his Port. 17. Fonseca was so diligent , that he arrived at Banda before D. Garcia . They both armed , but Fonseca by craft took his Ship , and D. Garcia endeavouring to regain it , had two of his Men killed , and was forced to retire . He embarqued in a Vessel laden with Goods for Malaca , which was there seized upon , yet restored to him ; yet afterwards at Cochin the Vessel sunk , and the Sea swallowed to the value of fifty thousand Crowns he had in her . D. Garcia was left ashore with only the Cloaths he wore , and Nuno de Cuna , then Governor , imprisoned and sent him to Portugal , to answer what he had done at Maluco . This was the end of those violent Courses wherewith he endeavoured to enrich himself , and of the rashness with which he durst say , That in spite of Sea and Winds he would reach Goa . 18. Whilst D. Garcia struggled with his ill Fortune , the Spaniards at Tidore were at variance who should succeed in the place of their Captain who died . They agreed , and another Spanish Ship arrived , commanded by Alvaro de Saavedra . D. George modestly required them to desist , but to no purpose . Ferdinando Baldaya went against them in a Galliot . Alfonso de los Rios met him in another Vessel , they fought couragiously , the Spaniards remained victorious , having killed our Captain and others . Saavedra set sail for New Spain to bring assistance to prosecute this Act so well begun , and carried with him some of the Prisoners in the Galliot he had taken . They fled with his Long-boat from certain Islands where he touched , and being afterwards taken at Tidore , and brought to the Spaniards , they condemned them as Traitors to the Emperor ( as if they had owed him any Allegiance ) and hanged Ferdinando Moreira , Simon de Brito was dragg'd and beheaded . After this D. George de Castro ( who accidentally came to Ternate ) by order of D. George de Meneses went against the City Camafo , and the Inhabitants being fled , burnt it to the ground . But this belongs to next year , let us see what is doing in India . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of Lope Vaz de Sampayo , from the Year 1527 , till the Year 1529 , King John the Third Reigning . 1. LOpe Vaz de Sampayo understanding at Cochin , that Peter de Mascarenas was coming from Malaca to take upon him the Government , held a Council , where it was resolved not to admit him as Governor . This done , he went away to Goa , leaving Alphonso Mexia to put in execution what had been resolved . At his departure Lope Vaz paid off the Soldiers , who presently concluded , that Action proceeded not from his Bounty , but was to gain their Affections . Mascarenas arrived the last day of February , and after some difference with Mexia , resolved to land unarmed , thinking thereby to disarm the other . On the contrary , as Mascarenas landed , he was met by Mexia , well armed , and mounted with armed Men , who fell upon Mascarenas , run him through the Arm with a Lance , and wounded others of his Company , so that to avoid more harm he was forced to return to his Ship. 2. The News of this Exploit being brought to Lope Vaz at Goa , it so highly pleased him , that as a Reward to the Messenger he gave him the Command of Coulam , taken from Henry Figuera , because he had treated Peter de Mascarenas with Civility . In this one Action he committed two Crimes , one in rewarding Insolency , the other in depriving Modesty of its Reward . Now being informed , that Mascarenas was on the way to Goa , he sent out to take and put him in Irons , which was executed by Antony de Silveyra , who delivered him at Cananor to D. Simon de Meneses , Commander of that Fort. The People of Goa were so weary of these Proceedings , that they broke out into open Railing . And Christopher de Sousa , Commander of Chaul , gravely reproved him for it by Letter , comforting Mascarenas the same way , affirming those Affronts redounded more to his Honor than the Government could have done . 3. Hector de Silveyra , a Gentleman in all his Actions great , fell at variance with Lope Vaz , upbraided him with his ill usage to Mascarenas , and particularly with refusing their pretensions to be brought to Judgment as Mascarenas desired . Lope Vaz 〈◊〉 sented it , Hector withdrew , and gathering his Kindred , Friends , and the Council of Goa , they sent a Letter signed by three hundred to Peter Mascarenhas , desiring him to come to Goa , where they would obey him as Governor . Then agreed to imprison Lope Vaz , but he knowing it , sent Peter de Foria , Commander of Goa , to secure Hector de Silveyra , and all that were with him . Hector refused to deliver himself up , and Lope in a rage arming himse●… , entered the House where these Gentlemen were , then Silveyra , to prevent any publick Disturbance suffered himself to be taken 4. D. Simon de Meneses , who held Mascarenas Prisoner at Cananor , and was no less offended at Lope Vaz his Proceeeings , hearing what passed at Goa , set him loose , and together with all that were there , swore him Governor . At this time arrived three Ships of five that set out of Lisbon , and in them D. Iohn Deca , Brother-in-law to Lope Vaz , of whom he asked whether he had not a good Title to the Government , and remained satisfied of the Justice of his Cause , because approved by him and Friends . The other two Ships were cast away on the Island Madagascar . Christopher de Sousa acknowledged Mascarenas as Governor , which much enraged Lope Vaz , but his anger was not of force to take place . 5. Antony de Miranda de Azevedo , Admiral of the Indian Sea , desiring as well as Christopher de Sousa to prevent Distractions , joined with him , the Result of their Agreement was , that Lope Vaz was reduced to put the business to arbitration . It was articled , that the Competiors should stand by the Verdict , that neither should act as Governor in the interim , that all who were imprisoned on this Account should be released , that the two who had procured this Accommodation might come freely to Goa , without any danger of Lope Vaz his anger . He at first opposed this Agreement , but liking the Arbitrators , consented , adding some Conditions , the chief about Alfonso Mexia , in case Mascarenas had the preference . 6. Christopher de Sousa perceiving the Judges were all of Lope Vaz his Faction , to his great regret , caused one of them to be removed , and five others to be added . The Arbitrators being declared , many resorted thither , and chiefly the Inhabitants of Cochin who , conscious , of what they had d●…e against Mascarenas , declared , if he were preferred , they would fly to the Moors . In fine , those who before solicited for Mascarenas were now against him , and Sentence was accordingly given against him , the twenty sixth of December . It is not much that Lope Vaz should rejoice , but strange that Mascarenas should not be at all concerned . He embarqued in one of the Ships that came this year for Portugal , was well received by the King , who gave him the Command of Azamor in Africk , on his return from thence he was lost at Sea. 7. As soon as Lope Vaz was quietly settled in his Government , he dispatched Commanders to some Forts , and among them Peter de Faria to Malaca . Antony de Miranda de Azevedo was sent with a Fleet to burn the Turkish Gallies that were left at Camaran , after the death of Raez Soliman . Martin Alfonso de Melo Iusarte went to build a Fort at Sunda , with eight large Ships and four hundred Men. He touched at Columbo in the Island Ceylon , where Pate Marcar of Calicut oppressed the King of Cota our Ally ; but hearing of these Ships he fled up the Rivers , and Madune Pandar the King's Brother who joined with his Enemy , and pretended to the greatest part of the Kingdom , raised his Siege . Martin Alfonso went thence rich , having taken some Ships of the Moors , and agreed at Calecare with the Lord about the price of Pearls , whereof there is a Fishery . Further on he destroyed the Town of Core , because the Inhabitants had killed Iohn de Flores , who guarded that Fishery . 8. Going on his Voyage , a sudden and fierce storm drove all his company out of sight , and set him upon a Bank of Sand near the Island Nagamale , opposite to the City Sodoe . He went into the Long-boat with fifty Men , and with great difficulty came to the City Chacuria in the Kingdom of Bengala , the Lord whereof , after making use of them against his Enemy , made them all Slaves . Hence they were carried to Sore , where two of his Captains arriving , thought to have stoln them away by night , but were discovered and disappointed . The Indians had made a Vow to sacrifice to their Idols the handsomest Portuguese they should take , they judged one Gonzalo Vaz de Melo to be such , and accordingly sacrificed him , notwithstanding his Uncle Martin Alfonso promised a great ransom for him . The others were afterwards redeemed by a Moor , for three thousand Ducats . 9. One of the Captains Lope Vaz had sent out , was D. Iohn Deca , to scour the Sea of Calicut . He behaved himself bravely in several Rencounters , and took this year fifty Prizes , laden with all sorts of Goods . He burnt the Town of Mangalor , and meeting afterwards the Fleet of Calicut , consisting of seventy Paraos , well equipped , under the Command of the Chinese Captain Cutiale , he fought them , took Cutiale , and most of the Vessels , killed fifteen hundred Moors , and had almost as many Prisoners . In these Rencounters he lost twenty Portugueses . 10. Antony de Miranda de Azevedo sailed the latter end of Ianuary for the Red Sea , with twenty Ships , and above a thousand Men. After taking some Prizes , he met in the Mouth of that Sea Henry de Macedo , engaged with a great Turkish Gallion . They boarded him , and the Turks threw a burning Dart which stuck in the main Sheet , and began to fire it , but a strong Gust of Wind shaking the Sail , cast it back into the Turkish Gallion , where falling among the Powder , it blew all up , so that only eight Men escaped , and those escaped only the Fire , not the Sword , being killed as they swam . Antony de Sylva took a great Ship of Diu , and killed all the Men. D. Antony de Miranda fought another two days , and she got off . Several Captains had other Rencounters . The chief Design , which was fighting the Turks in the Red Sea at the Island Camaran , took no effect , the Winds being contrary . They burnt the City Zeylan , the Inhabitants having saved themselves and Goods by flight . 11. They went thence to Ormuz , and next to Diu , and were dispersed by a storm . L●…pe de Mesquita met a great Ship wherein were 200 resolute Moors , and boarded her with thirty Men ; no sooner were they in her , but his Gallion fell off . Being left thus they furiously fell upon the two hundred , kill most of them , and take the Ship , which being much battered by the Gallion , was sinking . Mesquita with all speed sends his Brother Iames with sixteen Men in the Long-boat to save the Mony taken in the Ship , and return for those that were behind . Those who thought to escape fell into the greatest danger , for not reaching the Gallion , they were taken by the Fleet of Diu , and carried to the King of Cambaya , who would force them to turn Moors , but they remained constant . The King in a rage caused Iames de Mesquita to be put into a Cannon , in order to be blown in pieces , but admiring the resolution with which he entred , was appeased , and spared him . They were all put into Prison , and afterwards released . Lope de Mesquita , the Gallion and Antony de Miranda met at Chaul . Antony de Macedo came with his Ship so battered , it was almost a miracle he escaped , and his Face so monstrous no body knew him , that caused by the Cannon , the latter by Fire , having been beset by fifty Barks and three Galliots off of Diu. He fought them a whole day , and was reduced to only six Men and a Woman , who supplied them with Powder , till accidentally Antony de Silva came up with him , and the Enemies Commander being killed they fled . 12. The Moors had improved our Divisions to do us much harm , Lope Vaz prepared to be revenged . He left Antony de Miranda to command at Goa , and went to Cochin where he fitted out eighteen Ships . At Cananor met him one hundred and thirty Paraos of Malabars . He could not attack them with the great Ships by reason of the contrary Wind. But resolving not to slip the opportunity , advanced with thirteen Paraos against the hundred and thirty . He came up with and did them much harm with his Cannon , and they spared not theirs , but seeing two Paraos come out of Cananor to the relief of the thirteen , and the great Ships spread their Sails to come up , they fled , eighteen of them were sunk , twenty two taken , and in them fifty pieces of Cannon , eight hundred killed , and many Prisoners made . Those that fled , and others who joined them fell into the snare near Cochin . 13. Lope Vaz set out again with the same Fleet in search of Arel , Lord of Porca , who was seeking revenge for what had happened between him and D. Enrique at the destruction of Coulete . Lope Vaz scoured the Coast as he went. Simon de Melo , who commanded the Brigantines , burnt twenty six Ships , and razed the Town of Chatua . The Fire ran 〈◊〉 far as Cranganor . He ordered the Fleet that was there to follow him , that all might share in the plunder of Porca , which he thought secure . He had a thousand Men with him , and with them he assaulted the City . Arel was not within it , and the Moors fought couragiously in defence of their Wives , Children and Goods . But the greatest part being slain , the rest fled , and the Town was plundered . The Wife of Arel and other persons of Note were taken , with much Gold , Silver , Jewels , Silks and other Stuffs , good Cannon , and thirteen considerable Vessels , all was put to the Sword first , and then delivered up to the Flames , without the loss of one Man. The Governor returning to Cochin found there two Ships that came from Portugal with Nuno de Cuna , who came to take upon him that Government , and was behind with most of the Fleet. Lope Vaz desired to deliver up India to him , cleansed of Pyrats , and so prosecuted his Undertakings . He went to Cananor , and sent his Nephew Simon de Melo against Marabia , a Town not far distant , who burnt twelve of the Paraos that guarded the Port , and landing , fired the Town . The same he did at mount Delii . Antony de Silva de Meneses acted in the same nature at other places . There was nothing every where but Fire and Sword , Ruin and Destruction . 14. The King of Cambaya at this time had fitted out eighty Barques against Nizamaluco , Lord of Chaul , and did harm to the Portugueses : Alexiath , a valiant ●…oor , commanded that Fleet ; and our Commander at Chaul and Nizamaluco both demanded aid of Lop●… Vaz . He set out with forty Sail , in which were above a thousand Portugueses , besides the Natives , who bore Arms. Hector de Silveyra had the Command of the Vessels that rowed . Lope Vaz being arrived at Chaul , sent eighty Portugueses under the Command of Iohn de Avelar to Nizamaluco , then sailed towards Diu , understanding the eighty Barques steered that way . Off of Bombaim he had sight of them . Some Vessels run to secure the mouth of the River Bandora , left the Enemy might escape that way . Hector de Silveyra with his Brigantines fetched up Aleixiath . The Cannon began a furious Charge , and the Smoak being dispersed , there appeared in the Air showers of Bullets and Arrows . Then they boarded , and after a vigorous Engagement Alixiath fled with only seven of his eighty Barques . Thirty three of them were of use , the rest burnt , the Prisoners were many , much Artillery taken , and abundance of Ammunition . Hector lost not one Man in this glorious Action to which Lope Vaz was a joyful Spectator , tho envious of Silveyra's Glory . Iohn de Avelar acted no less , for scaling an almost impregnable Fort of the King of Cambaya ; he was the first ▪ that entered , and having slain all the Defendants , delivered it up to Nizamaluco . Here three Portugueses were lost . They were all assisted by a thousand of Nizamaluco's ●…ubjects . That Prince honored and rewarded the Bravery of the Portugueses . 15. Lope Vaz overjoyed with this success , thought Diu , now weakened , would surrender , if he appeared before it , and he judged right , as afterwards appeared . But all the Captains , except Hector de Silveyra , being of a contrary opinion , he was forced to desist , and went back to Goa , leaving the famous Hector with twenty two Vessels that rowed to scour that Coast of Pirats . Antony de Miranda on that of Malabar drove all that came in his way . He had destroyed twelve Paraos , when Christopher de Melo , the Governor's Nephew , joined him with a hundred choice Men in six Brigantines and a Gally . Then they took in the River Chale a mighty Ship of Calicut , laden with Pepper , and bravely defended by much Artillery and eight hundred Men. Near Monte Hermoso , or Mount Beautiful , they defeated fifty Sail of Calicut , and took much Cannon and many Men in three Paraos . But the Winter coming on , they retired . 16. Hector de Silveyra who was left with his Brigantines on the Coast of Cambaya did much execution . He run up the River Nagotana of Baçaim , and landed , the Natives , with the Terror of his Actions , deserting the Towns , whereof he burnt six . At the last the Commander of Nagotana appeared in the Field with five hundred Horse , and a great number of Foot. Hector knowing it was a ra●…ness to encounter him , retired towards his Brigantines , but the Horse coming on hindered any from embarquing . Hector faced them , and killing three , made some room . Francis Godino dismounting one of the Enemy , got upon his Horse , and killing another , brought that Horse to his Captain , who encouraging his Men , made the Enemy give back , and so gained time to imbarque . Hector went hence to Bacaim , seated on the Banks of the River of the same name , found it well fortified , and stored with Cannon , through whose Mouths he must force his landing . Behind the Town lay Alixiath with five hundred Horse , and three thousand Foot. Hector entered the River by night , and in the morning in despight of their Cannon forced the Works , killing many of the Defendants . As he marched to the Town , on a sudden Alixiath fell on him with his three thousand five hundred Men. Silveyra drew his Men into one Body , and bravely put all that number to flight , killing many . Whilst they fled , Ba●…aim was plundered and burnt . The Lord of Tana , a great City , not far distant , terrified at this success , submitted himself as Tributary to Portugal , and was received by Hector , who now retired to Chaul . 17. Let us now see what was done during this time at Maluco . Simon de Sousa Galvam was going in a Galley with seventy Men , to take the Command of that Fort of D. George , a most violent storm brought him in a miserable condition to the Port of Achem. Immediately flocked about them several Vessels upon pretence of assistance , but being come aboard they fell upon the seventy Portugueses with all manner of weapons , but they recovering the Fright , bravely drove them all from their Ships sides , but not above twenty of them were left that could stand upon their Feet . The King in a rage that the Ship was not taken , ordered his Admiral to attack her in the morning . He came , and Simon de Sousa encouraging those Men that could scarce support themselves , did Feats like to those related in Fables , and repelled with great slaughter that Inundation that came upon them . But a Moor , who was in the Galley , leaping overboard , gave the Enemy an account of her miserable condition . With a fresh supply they came on again and boarded her , killing most of our Men , Simon de Sousa was cut in pieces . Only such as had not life enough to seek their death remained alive , and were carried to the King with the Galley , and afterwards served in the execution of his wicked Designs , as shall appear in its proper place . 18. Thus Simon de Sousa sailing by the way D. George de Meneses continued his Command at Maluco . He sent some Portugueses against Tidore and the Spaniards that were there , but they being put to the rout , D. George gathered the Ternatenses , they their Allies the chief whereof were Cachil de Aroez , the King of Bacham and the Sangages . They fell upon Tidore in the morning , those of of Tidore and the Spaniards fought couragiously , but were obliged to give ground and retire , the Spaniards to their Fort , having lost six Men , two killed , and four taken , the Tidores to their City , whence they were forced to fly by D. George , who burnt and plundered it . Then he returned to the Fort , and summoned Ferdinando de la Forre , the Spanish Captain to surrender . He no longer able to hold out , accepted the Capitulation , the Heads of it were , that he should immediately go over to the City Camafo , that he should commit no Hostilities upon the Portugueses , Ternatenses , or any of their Friends , that he should go to no Islands that produced Cloves . The King of Tidore was made Tributary to Portugal , and obliged not to aid the Spaniards . Then D. George returned victorious to Ternate . 19. Mean while Bohaat , King of Tidore , died in the Fort , not without suspicion of Poison given by Cachil Daroez . His Brother Cachil Daialo succeeded , who was no less suspicious of Cachil Vaiaco , whom he accused of heinous Crimes , but being afraid of his Life fled to the Fort , and suspecting D. George would deliver him to his Enemy , chose rather to die , by throwing himself out of a Window . All Ternate now mutined against D. George , and he imagining that Cachil Vaideca had caused to be killed a China Sow he much esteemed , having more respect to that foul Beast than that noble person imprisoned , and after set him at liberty , anointing his Face with Bacon , which among that People is the most heinous affront , and had been as highly revenged upon the Portugueses , had not the Prudence and Modesty of Antony Galvam , who succeeded in the Government , appeased the rage of the People . 20. D. George not content with this violence , sent to rob the Houses of the Moors of their Provisions . In fine , this Gentleman became on a sudden most wicked and outragious . The Moors stood upon their Defence , and treated some Portugueses as they now deserved . In the Town of Tabona D. George took the chief Magistrate , and two Moors of Note , these two he sent back after cutting off their Hands , upon the other he set two Dogs on the shore , who tore his Flesh till he fled into the Water to shun them , but they pursuing , he defended himself with his Teeth , till the water coming up he was tore to pieces and drowned . This made D. George odious to all , and moved Cachil de Aroez to stir up the People to rise and expel both Portugueses and Spaniards . D. George catched him in the Contrivance , and beheaded him publickly in Ternate , to the terror of all People , which occasioned the City to be unpeopled , the Inhabitants and even the Queen flying from this storm to other places . D. George was imprisoned for these inhuman Barbarities , and sent to India , and thence to Portugal , where he was condemned to Banishment . Any Reward was too small for his former Actions , and this Punishment too slight for the latter . But because Nuno de Cuna now enters upon the Government of India , let us conclude this Chapter , and hereafter we shall see Lope Vaz return to Portugal , and his Punishment there for the Extravagancies committed against Peter de Mascarenas , and usurping the Government , which deprived him of the Reward , if not the Glory of those notable Exploits which might have rendered him deserving of it . He was Governor of it three years and ten months , his Complexion fair , and Countenance venerable , his Beard grey , Cap and upper Robe black with Crimson Lining , Breeches and Doublet of the same Colour , over all his Armour . I will reckon Peter Mascarenas the eighth Governor , both because he executed the Power some time , and because the condemning of Lope Vaz confirmed his Right . So Lope Vaz will be the Ninth in order . CHAP. III. The Government of Nuno de Cuna from the Year 1529 to the Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. IN May this same year arrived at Ormuz , Nuno de Cuna , who came the year before from Lisbon with eleven Ships . Because setting out late he had a tedious Voyage , and by the way did considerable things , we will say somewhat of him before his arrival in India . One of his Ships was lost near Cabo Verde , the Captain and some Men saved , one hundred and fifty perished . After passing the Line they were dispersed by a storm , some met again afterwards . Nuno put into the Port San Tiago on the Island Madagascar , where he found a naked Portuguez , no less wild in appearance than the Blacks , but they were somewhat civilized . By him he understood the loss of two Ships of five that came from Lisbon the year 1527 , commanded by Manuel de Lacerda and Alexius de Abreu . 2. This Man was a Soldier belonging to Abreu , they were cast away upon the Sands before that Port. They fortified themselves in hopes some Ships passing by would take them up . After waiting a year one Ship passed but could not come to them , and they no longer able to subsist there , marched up the Country to seek their Fortune in two Bodies , and this Man was left behind sick . Nuno de Cuna having advertised the King hereof . Duarte and Iames Fonseca were sent from Portugal to find these Men The first perished in that Island , the other found but four and a French Man , and was cast away with them sailing for India . The French Man belonged to one of three Ships that came that year from France , and perished in that place . The four said many of their Companions lived in the Inland , but 't was impossible to find them . From these it is thought sprung those People that the Hollanders there found eighty years after . They said , that a Portugues Captain suffering shipwrack there , conquered that place , and became Sovereign , and all his Men marrying Natives had numerous Issue , that they erred much in matters of Faith. Great were their Errors that could be perceived by the Atheistical Hollanders ! But doubtless these People could not descend from only that Shipwrack , they might be some of the first Discoverers that were never heard of , and among others the three that sailed from Cochin with Francis de Albuquerque , the year 1530. 3. Nuno de Cuna being in this Island , inquiring into the Affairs of it , his Ship perished in a storm . The Men were saved in the other two , much Goods and Arms lost ; and thus he reached the Island of Zanzibar , where he eased the Ships over-burdened with Men , setting ashore ( the King being our Friend ) two hundred sick , under the Care of Alexius de Sousa Chichorro , with orders to go to Melinde as soon as recovered . 4. Nuno de Cuna went thither , he tried to pass to India , but could not . Therefore not to lose time he resolved to take revenge on the King of Monbaça , who , in hatred to us , infested those of Melinde and Zanzibar . If the City was taken he purposed to make Munho Mahomet , Son of him that so kindly received Gama the first time , King of it . Which he understanding , and returning thanks , said , That he was incapable of that honor , being begot on a Cafre Slave ; but since he would gratifie his Father's Kindness to the Portugueses , he might do it in the person of his Nephew , who , tho younger , was of the Blood Royal of the Kings of Quiloa . Nuno rightly judged , that none better merited a Crown than he that coveted it not , and reserved his Answer till he saw the Event of the Enterprize . He set out with eight hundred Men , and Mahomet with sixty , and as many with Cide Bubac the King's Nephew , the other had proposed to be King. 5. As he drew near there met him the Lord of Otondo , a neighbouring Town , offering to accompany him with a well furnished Vessel , being admitted , shewing Silver Chains upon his Legs , he said , He wore them in remembrance that he had been wrongfully imprisoned by that King , and had swore never to take them off till revenged ; that all the motive his Enemy had to use him so , was for his affection to the Portugueses , tho be never was so happy as to serve them . The King of Monbaça knowing Cuna's Design , prepared , planting Guns on a Bulwark that kept the mouth of the River , and bringing six hundred expert and resolute Archers into the City . Nuno entred the River through Showers of Bullets that flew from the Bulwark , which killed some Men , and battered some Vessels . Yet he anchored the Evening near the City , all the Night the Enemy poured Arrows upon the Fleet , which answered with their Cannon . Day appearing , the Attack began , and Peter Vaz , Brother to Nuno , driving all before him , was the first who set up the Portugues Colours in the highest place of the City , which being seen far off , the Ships began to celebrate the Victory . Many Moors were killed , the rest left the City . D. Ferdinand de Lima was suddenly clasped by a stout Moor , but his own Men coming in the Moor was slain , fulfilling a Vow he had made to the King's Neece whom he loved . For this Woman going out with others , said to him : Are these the brave men of Monbaça , who suffer their Wives and Children to lose the City , and go for refuge to the Cafres ? And he answered : Since you affront me thus , I swear by the Love I bear you , before two days , those who love shall weep for me , and you , if you value me , shall not see me to reward my Love. He fulfilled his Vow , as did many more , not one Portuguese was lost . 6. The City was plundered , twenty great pieces of Cannon taken . D Ferdinand de Lima going to secure the Bulwark , some Moors issued out of a Wood , did harm , for a few of our Men died of their poisoned Arrows . Many of the Enemy were afterwards slain . Hither came News of some of Cuna's Fleet who had been separated from him . Nuno the better to secure and people the City , which was great , sent to Melinde , whence presently came a Nephew of that King with five hundred Men , many of Quality , and he of Montangue with two hundred . By this means the Natives were drove out of the Island , tho Hunger afterwards forced back many . The King of Monbaça , sensible of his Ruin , sent a Man of Note to treat of an Accommoda●…ion with Nuno , offering to become Tributary , and pay a Ransom for the City . They came to Agreement . 8. The King presently began the Payment , and as soon fell off , finding the Portugueses sickened and died . Two hundred were already dead , among them some Gentlemen , and Peter Vaz de Cuna . This and other Misfortunes pressed the disposing of the City . The King of Melinde's Sons durst not undertake to maintain it without a number of Portugueses , which could not be afforded after such a loss . Nuno consumed the City to Ashes , and returned to Melinde , bringing with him those who were left before at Zanzibar , and other places , who joined him after the City was taken . 9. At Melinde he left eighty sick Men to be carried to India by Tristan Homem , who afterwards with them defended that King against him of Monbaça , who sought to revenge there the harm done him by the Portugueses . In May the Governor began to visit the neighbouring Places to Ormuz , making Proclamation , That all persons who had any Cause of Complaint against Portugueses should appear before him . Many appeared with much Cause , and the Offenders were obliged to make restitution , to the great astonishment of the Moors , , not used to see such Justice executed . At Ormuz he made a solemn Entry , which being unusual , was much admired by those People . 10. He found that Raez Xarafo great Guazil , or rather Tyrant over that King , tho restored by Lope Vaz , was not clear of those great Crimes he stood accused of . The chief were Rapin and Murder . and the Circumstances such , that King Iohn had sent after Nuno de Cuna , Emanuel de Macedo , with Orders independent of the Government , to take and bring him to Portugal . They both had a Hand in securing him . Nuno visited the King , and gave him Letters from ours . He qualified the King's Displeasure for imprisoning Xarafo , and his fear for his own Offences , received his Excuse , and took leave . The King presented him with rich Jewels , Pieces of Cloth of Gold , Silks and a stately Horse with fine Furniture after the Persian manner . Nuno refused to accept , but seeing the King was affronted at it , received it in his King's Name . The Gentlemen with him received rich Gifts . 11. Nuno made some Inquiry into Xarafo's Crimes , and sent him to Portugal . The King for the Murder of Mahomet was sentenced to pay forty thousand Xeraphins over and above the sixty thousand he paid yearly . It is true , this Crime served only as a pretence to overload him with this Tribute , being the third part of the Revenue of Ormuz . Raez Xarafo , tho guilty of heinous Offences , carried enough Riches with him to purchase Favour in Portugal , and be restored to his Employ . 12. Whilst the Governor was thus employed at Ormuz , Belchior Tavarez de Sousa came thither , he had been to assist the King of Baçora with forty Men against him of Gizaira . He was the first Portuguese that went up the Rivers Tigris and Euphrates . Baçora is thirty Leagues from the mouth of these Rivers , in thirty degrees : somewhat more of Northern Latitude . It is a new Foundation in memory of the ancient Baçora , eight Leagues distant from it , the Ruins whereof are still to be seen , and in the opinion of a person of Judgment who did see them , are twice as big as Grand Caire . The Island Gizaira is formed by the two Rivers , Tigris , whose Springs are in Curdi , of the greater Armenia ; and Euphrates , whose Fountains are in Turkomania . The Circuit of it forty Leagues , it contains forty thousand Archers . 13. The King of Baçora had received Sousa with State , and Joy in a Court of his Palace , so large , that it contained two thousand Men without any Throng . Next day gave him an account of his Condition , desiring he would either bring the King of Gizaira to an honorable Peace , or recover some Forts he had taken from him . The King of Baçora set out with two hundred Dalacas , or large Barques , in them were five thousand Men , six hundred whereof were Musqueteers , seven Vessels full of Turks with good Cannon , his Nephew marched by Land with three thousand Horse . He planted himself on the side of Arabià , opposite to where he of Gizaira was posted with twelve hundred Men. By order of the King of Baçora , Sousa writ to his Enemy , telling him , He was sent by the Commander of Ormuz to make peace between them , or to stand to the Event of War , The King of Gizaira answered , That being the first Request of the Captain of Ormuz , and he the first Portuguese that had come to those parts , he granted all . 14. The King of Gizaira sent persons with power to treat , and Peac●…●…as concluded to the satisfaction of him of Baçora , who seeing all safe , refused to perform what he had promised Sousa , which was to deliver up the seven Turkish Vessels , and not admit them into this Kingdom again as being our Enemies . Sousa embarqued , took one of his great Barques , and landing with thirty six Portugueses , burnt a Town of three hundred Houses . Another , tho not so big , he fired on the Persian side . He again appeared before Baçora , but wanting Provisions , returned to Ormuz . 15. Nuno de Cuna , to reward Sousa , gave him the Command of that Sea , sending him at the King's Request to the Island Baharem , to secure Raez Barbadim , who was revolted . But he having good intelligence baffled the Contrivance , and obliged Nuno de Cuna to send his Brother Simon with eight Vessels , and four hundred Men , besides some of the Natives in their Barques . They set out . 16. Mean while Nuno de Cuna prepared to go for India . He arrived at Goa the latter end of October , where were before him four Ships come from Portugal the most fortunately that any had done yet ; for of above fifteen hundred Men they brought , none died but our Captain , and they came all in perfect health . Nuno made a very solemn Entry into the City . There were at this time ready almost one hundred and forty Vessels , provided by the care of Lope Vaz , many considerable , as six Gallions , eight Royal Gallies , six Caravels , and fourteen Galliots , all well stored , with Arms and Ammunition . The Forts were also well provided . For tho Lope Vaz usurped the Government , he managed it better than many that were named for it . The Governor's presence was required at Cochin for the Dispatch of the homeward bound trading Ships and other Affairs . 17. Whilst he sailed to Cochin , Simon de Cuna came to Baharem with his Ships , and joining Belchior de Sousa , landed . He battered the Fort three days , and lost it for want of Powder , for whilst he sent for more to Ormuz , his Men so sickened , that above one hundred Portugueses died , and many were in danger , and the very Persians used to that Clime were in no better Condition . With this loss he drew off . This seemed an effect of Divine Justice , for Barbadim offered to deliver up the Fort upon condition he might go away in safety , but our Gentlemen would not hearken to him , fearing to lose the Booty . 18. Simon de Seusa found no less a Pestilence had raged among his Seamen . Thus they set sail , but being becalmed not far from Ormuz , many of the sick died , and among them some persons of good Note , and Simon de Cuna himself . A great Grief to his Brother Nuno , who had already lost his other Brother at Monbaça . CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , from the Year 1529 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. NUno de Cuna sailing to Cochin , put in at Cananor , and the King sent to welcome him . Cuna excused himself that he did not go ashore to see him by reason of his haste , and the King for not going aboard the Gallion , because he was indisposed . After these Complements came the Guazil , a great Friend of the Portugueses , and to gain the favour of Cuna , as of other Governors , privately offered him a Collar , which he refused to receive . Don Iohn de Deca at that time had the Command of the Fort , he visiting the Governor aboard , brought him a Message from Lope Vaz then there , desiring him to come ashore , and he would there resign the Government to him . Nuno sent to desire him to come and resign aboard . He came , and the Resignation was performed with the usual Solemnities . As he was in the Vessel ready to return , he was ordered by Cuna to bear him company to Cochin . Then the Governor made Proclamation , That any who had been wronged by Lope Vaz , should repair to him , and he would do them Justice . This troubled Lope Vaz , and he sent him word , That those were rather Libels than Proclamations ; for no Man that had cause of Complaint against him , needed to be stirred up by sound of Trumpet . At Cochin , Nuno ordered Lope Vaz to be imprisoned , and an Inventory of all his Goods to be taken , and all deposited in safe Hands to be delivered at Lisbon , as the King should direct . Lope Vaz said to the Officer that took him , Tell Nuno de Cuna , that I imprisoned , he imprisons me , and one will come who will imprison him . Nuno being told it , said , I doubt not but I shall be imprisoned , but the difference between us will be , that Lope Vaz deserves it , and I shall not . Neither was he deceived , for he had been close laid up in Portugal , had he not died at Sea : we shall see it at the end of his Government . Lope Vaz was less afflicted for his Confinement , than the insolent Reproaches of the Rabble , that the worst Ship was allotted him to imbarque , only two Servants allowed him , and barely so much of his own as would maintain him the Voyage . An unjust proceeding with a Man of his Worth , whose person ought not to be indecently used whilst his Crimes were inquired into . 2. Nuno de Cuna found nothing in readiness at Cohin , of what he ordered from Melinde should be provided to make war upon Diu , which was the principal point of his Instructions . Perceiving the year was too far gone for that Undertaking , he applyed himself to other Affairs , and fitted a Fleet of thirty Sail to scour the Coast of Malabar , under the Command of Iames de Silveyra , who commanded the four , came last from Portugal . Antony de Silveyra Meneses had a Squadron to cruise in the Sea of Cambaya . And Hector de Silveyra another for the Red Sea. Whilst these Commanders sailed on the Coasts assigned them , our homeward bound Fleet arrived at the Terceras Islands , where an Officer was waiting to put Lope Vaz into Irons . Loaded with them he landed at Lisbon , and was set upon a Mule , on which he was carried , accompanied by the rude Rabble up to the Castle , and put into a Dungeon , w●…h Orders , that not even his Wife should be permitted to see him . He was accompanied in this miserable state by Raez Xarafo Guazil of Ormuz , brought by Emanuel de Macedo . After two years Lope Vaz his Crimes began to be taken into consideration and examined , the King having ordered him to be prosecuted with the utmost rigor . The principal Article against him was his unjust Proceeding with Peter de Mascarenas . The Duke of Braganca pityng the Misfortunes of this brave Gentleman , prevailed with the King to give him a hearing in Council . Accordingly his Majesty being seated in Council with all his Judges about him , Lope Vaz was brought in , venerable for his person , his Face covered with a thick and longe white Beard , and with such tokens of the Miseries he had endured in almost three years imprisonment , reckoning from India , that had Peter Mascarenas or any of his Enemies seen him , they might think themselves sufficiently revenged of all the Extravagancies he had been guilty of towards them . Being placed at the Bar as a Criminal , after the King's leave obtained , he with an undaunted Constancy made a learned , comprehensive and copious Speech . In which after running over his Forefathers Services to the Crown , he particularized his own from his infancy till that time , reflected upon his Sufferings and Wrong done him since Imprisoned , and in general to several other brave Governors his Predecessors , exposed the Malice of his Accusers , justified his own Proceedings , illustrated by Examples how others guilty of greater Crimes than he was accused of , were pardoned in respect of their Services , then made a parallel between them and his Sufferings , and concluded , throwing himself upon either his Majesties Justice , or Mercy , from one of which he hoped such a Discharge , that he might have more cause to return thanks for the future , than he had till then to lament his hard Usage . The King having heared with attention , examined him upon every Article of his Impeachment , and he answered to each . The Articles were in all forty three ; the principal , as was said , such as related to Peter Mascarenas , the others such as would never have been thought of , had not those brought them in to fill up the number . In fine he was carried back to the Castle , whence he sent his Defence , as is usual in such Cases , and in conclusion was sentenced to lose all his Allowance as Governor , and to pay to Peter Mascarenas ten thousand Ducats , which confirmed the latter , not him , to have been the real Governor , and justified those who had obeyed them as such . He was also banished into Africk . But he resenting this hard Fortune , resolved to change his Country and his Prince , as the famous Ferdinand Magallanes had done before . And getting into Spain , he unnaturalized himself ; and from Badajoz writ a Letter to the King , affirming his usage had been highly unjust , and that he was resolved to try whether changing his Country he could change Fortune , and restore his Honor . This had such effect , that he was restored to his Country . Alfonso Mexia being likewise brought prisoner to Portugal , had the same success ; he was also accused of Crimes committed at Ormuz , the Commander of which Fort Iames de Melo was under the same Circumstances . Let us now return to India . 3. Iames Silveyra on the Coast of Calicut carried so heavy a Hand upon those People , that their King was obliged to send Embassadors to Nuno de Cuna , desiring Peace . He granted upon such Conditions as they deserved who had never kept any . They were willing to accept part , but rejected the rest , so Silveyra reduced them to extreme Famine , hindering the Importation of Provisions . They received some Relief from Cananor , and Simon de Sousa being forced upon that Shoar , after valiantly repulsing the Moors , his Powder took fire , and blew up the Brigantine . 4. Melique Saca being expelled Diu , found it convenient for the compassing his Ends with the King of Cambaya , to use those Artifices with Nuno de ●…una he had done with Hector de Silveyra , when he offered to deliver up that City to him . He writ to Nuno , that tho he could not deliver Diu , at least he could assist him in the taking of it ; to this end it was convenient they should have a meeting , and in order thereunto he might send him a Pass and Ships for himself and Retinue , commanded by Gaspar Paez , whom he had known at Diu. The Governor granted all , and he made use of it to be restored to the King of Cambaya's Favour , receiving and putting off Gaspar Paez with Subleties and Impudence , pretending the Pass was not securely worded , and the Ships were too few . Paez told him he had by the way with those Vessels taken a great Ship , and put to flight fourteen Barques in the River Pormeane , and that he might go with all safety . But no Reason is of force against Craft and Falshood . 5. Gaspar Paez would have taken some Revenge , but could only burn nine Barques . The Governor enraged hereat , suddenly began to make such Preparations against Diu as should not easily be disappointed . He had not yet seen the King of Cochin who was sick of the Small Pox. Nuno being less fearful of the Infection than the King , who sent him word , That he did not desire to see him , for fear he might catch the Disease , tho he believed his fight would cure him . Nuno went to visit him , and it was much he was received , for those Princes suffer not themselves to be seen in any Sickness . The whole Conference contained nothing but Complaints of Injuries done by Lope Vaz and Alfonso Mexia . Nuno left him well satisfied with his Courtesie , so that he began to look upon himself as a King , having till then been treated as a Slave , and found himself better in health . 6. It was requisite Nuno de Cuna should now go to Goa . At Chale he visited the King , and gave him content . About Mid - February he came to Cananor , and saw that King , whom he much obliged by conforming to his own Ceremonies at the Interview . This Prince offered him some Jewels , which he fearing to affront him received , but delivered to the Officers of the Revenue as belonging to the King. 7. He ordered Iames de Silveyra to punish a rich Merchant of Mangalor , who did great wrong to the Portugueses . He scoured the Rivers along that Coast , with sixteen Ships , and four hundred and fifty Men. Then entered the River Mangalor , on whose Banks is the Town of that Name belonging to the King of Narsinga , our Friend , but that Merchant favoured Calicut , our Enemy . This Merchant knowing the Design was against him , was well fortified . Iames Silveyra chose the lesser Vessels with two hundred and forty Men to go up the River , who were met by a great Squadron , which after some contest was put to flight . The Town was immediately entred , all the Defendants quitting it . Iames Silveyra then turned to the Fort , and after some resistance took it . The Merchant fled in despair , but was overtaken and killed by a Musquet Ball. Those who fled sought refuge in the River , and our Swords there made it run bloody . Nothing was taken but some Cannon , for Booty being very great , the Captain caused it all to be burnt , lest he might endanger his Ships by over-loading them . There were also burnt thirteen Vessels that waited for loading . Winter coming on , he thought so great a Force was not requisite , and dismissed half the Fleet. But there had been use for all when he met Pati Marcar , a Commander of Calicut sailing for Mangalor with sixty Paraos . The Weather prevented fighting then , so he waited their Return , and gave Battel at Mount Delii , where six Paraos were sunk , then went to Cochin . 8. Antony de Silveyra , to whom the Coast of Cambaya was allotted , had now under his Command fifty one Sail , whereof three were Gallies , and two Galliots , and in them nine hundred Portugueses . He went up the River Taptii , on whose Banks are two Cities , the chiefest of that Coast. On the one side , Surat , containing ten thousand Families , most Handycrafts , and all of no Courage , called Bancanes . On the other side , Reyner , of six thousand Houses , but warlike Men , and well fortified . The River being sounded , it was found there was not Water enough for the greater Vessels , which were left at the Barr under Francis de Vasconcellos . With the rest Antony de Silveyra returning to the Mouth of the River , and having sailed four Leagues , discovered Surat . Three hundred Horse , and almost ten thousand Foot opposed the Landing , armed with Bows and Musquets , they spent their-Shot , and fled without expecting an Answer . The City was entred without any farther resistance , and nothing left in it that had life , or was of Value . Then the City and some Ships that lay in the Arsenal were burnt . A little higher on the other side was the City Reyner , inhabited by the Nayteas Moors , of more Courage and Policy , who nevertheless scarce essayed our Fire , when they fled , leaving all in the Hands of the Portugueses , who had all been rich , could they have carried away all the Plunder . They carried what they could , the rest was all burnt , with twenty Ships and many lesser Vessels that were in that Port. Emanuel de Sousa was in both Actions the foremost at landing , not without great danger , especially in the latter , the Enemy playing much great Cannon at him . 9. Antony de Silveyra returning to the Mouth of the River , found that whilst he burnt those Cities , Francis de Vasconcellos had not been idle , but taken six Vessels laden with Provisions bound for Diu. Now they sailed together to Damam , a Town great and strong , yet terrified by the Disaster of the others , quitted by the Inhabitants , and burnt by our Men. On the contrary the Town of Agaçaim fourteen Leagues from Chaul , dared the Portugues Fury with four hundred Horse , and five thousand Foot. At first shock they killed five Portugueses , and the rest began to flie , but being rallied by the Captains , the Town was taken , and in it much Cannon and Riches . Many were killed , above two hundred taken . The Fire of the Town took hold of the Vessels which were three hundred . 10 Whilst Antony de Silveyra was thus employed , Francis Pereyra de Berredo , Commander at Chaul , overcome by the Intreaties of the Inhabitants , oppressed by Badur , King of Cambaya ; who was Master of the Field , marched with fifty Horse , and one hundred and fifty Foot , till he met Popaterao with five thousand of the former , and twelve thousand of the latter . The multitude , weariness and heat so disordered the Portugueses , that most of them were slain , Francis Pereyra seeing the Fort in danger , called Antony de Silveyra , who instantly with care relieved it in person , which preserved it from falling into the Hands of King Badur , which it must have done , if assaulted at that time . Francis Pereyra was punished for that loss and rashness by being deprived of his Command , and imprisoned by the Governor , who gave that Post to Antony Silveyra , whose Diligence had saved it . 11. Hector de Silveyra , who sailed from Goa on the twenty first of Ianuary with ten Sail , and six hundred Men , for the Red Sea , spread his Ships cross the Mouth of it from Cape Guardafu on the Coast of Asia , to Xael in Arabia , that no Enemy might escape him . Most of them had some Success , chiefly Hector and Martin de Castro who took two great and rich Ships , killing the Defendants who made a brave resistance . A Brigantine of twelve Men that accompanied the Ship taken by Hector to Mascate , made up to a great Barque , supposing her a Portuguese , and discovered not the mistake till it was not possible to avoid fighting thirty valiant Turks that were in her . They fought till both parties tired , were forced to rest , and having recovered Breath all the Turks were slain . Of the Portugueses three died , the nine carrying off the Barque as a Trophy of this brave Exploit . The Fleet being joined , appeared before Aden , where Hector managed that King with such Dexterity , that he consented to pay a Tribute of twelve thousand Xeraphins yearly to the Crown of Portugal , offering him immediately a Crown of Gold. The Agreement was solemnly signed on both sides , and Antony Botello left in that Port with a Brigantine and thirty Men. In the same manner the King of Xael submitted , who not long before had accompanied Mustapha , a Turkish Captain , with twenty thousand Men to make war upon Aden . In the Month of September arrived at Goa six Ships from Portugal . 12. Let us look upon the Indian Sea now covered with a Wood of Ships , the product of the Governor 's great care , now full of his Design upon Diu. This Fleet consisted of above four hundred Sail , many large , more indifferent , and the greatest number small , several of them were only Sutlers , fitted out by the Natives for private Gain . In the Island Bombaim was made a general Review of the Fleet , and found to contain three thousand six hundred Soldiers , and one thousand four hundred and fifty Seamen , all Portugueses , above two thousand Malabars and Canaras , eight thousand Slaves fit for Service , and almost five thousand Seamen . The Governor landed at Damam , a Fort of Cambaya , which was immediately quitted by the Moors . Mass was said there and the general absolution given . Then three Rewards were proposed to the three first that should mount the Walls of Diu at the scaling of it . Hither came the News , that the Arabs , Turks and others , to the number of two thousand fortified themselves in the Island Beth , seven Leagues from Diu. It was by Nature and Art so begirt with Rocks and Walls , and stored with Cannon , that Nuno de Cuna gave no Credit to the Relation till he saw it . 13. On the seventh of February he came to the Island , and having in person viewed all Difficulties besieged it . He summoned the Barbarians to surrender ; but they were so resolute , that many of them shaved their Heads , a Token that they fear not death , but are devoted , which they call making themselves Amoucos . Their Commander gave them a brutal Example of Resolution , making a great Fire , and throwing into it his Wife , Son , Goods and Family , that if the Portugueses overcame , they might find nothing but a heap of Ashes . Others followed the Example . Nuno ordered the Island to be attacked at once in six several places . At Break of Day each Officer couragiously fell on the place appointed him . The Enemy received them with desperate fury . Many were killed , and among them the brave Hector de Silveyra , who in so many Occasions had notably signalized himself . This to us was a great loss . Our dead in all were twelve . A Portuguese ran through an Islander with his Lance , and he pressing forward upon it , with his Cymiter cut off the Portuguese his Leg , and they both fell down dead . One stood upon a Rock with four Women , and seeing our Men comeon , killed two of the Women by their free consent , but a Bullet preventing him from killing the other two , they both leap'd into the Sea to prevent being made Slaves , but to no effect , for they were taken in the Sea. Eighteen hundred of the Enemy were killed , and sixty Cannons taken . 14. Nuno de Cuna parting from Beth , appeared no less formidable to Diu , than that City did to him . The City considered the Sea covered with that Fleet. The Fleet , a City built upon Rocks , and encompassed by them and Water , the Mouth of the River crossed with massy Chains sustained upon Vessels , and eighty filled with Archers and Musqueteers to defend them ; within ten thousand armed Men , and an infinite number of great Artillery . The tops of Houses , Walls and Rocks covered with multitudes of People of both Sexes and all Ages , rending the Air with Shouts . Our Governor viewed the danger , consulted the Captains , and ordered the Assault . 15. On the sixteenth of February , the signal being given , the Sea and Land were covered with Clouds of Smoak and Dust of the Destruction our Guns made in the City . Nuno standing in a Boat cloathed in red , to be the better seen , flew to all parts where there was occasion , and being known , was all the Mark the Enemies Shot was directed to . Which Sebastian de Sa , who , by favour , was taken out of another Boat into his , perceiving with some concern , said to him , Alas , Sir , was it for this you brought me hither ! And he pleasantly , as if no danger had been near , replyed to him and others , Humilitate capita vestra . D. Vasco de Lima had not lowered his Head , for a Ball took it off his shoulders . Our Cannon began to burst with the continual Fire . Cuna perceiving this loss , and that twelve Men were killed without doing any considerable Execution upon the Enemy , the day being spent , consulted with the principal Men , and it was agreed the Enterprize was not practical . He desisted , leaving Antony de Saldana with sixty Vessels in the Bay of Cambaya , to do what damage he could to the Enemy . It was agreed on all Hands , that had not the Governor stayed to take Beth , he had carried Diu ; for the Moor Mustapha was the only cause of its holding out , who entered but three days before with considerable Relief . We lost never a Vessel , and that part of the Fleet which went with Nuno de Cuna arrived at Goa the fifteenth of March , where it stayed till two Ships came in of six that sailed this year from Lisbon . Of the other four , one returned to Portugal , another perished in a storm at Cape Comori , the Captain Manuel de Macedo and all the Men being saved ashore , where they defended themselves against a great number of Moors , till relieved from Cochin . A third was never heard of . And the fourth came afterwards , but returning home with another , it was never known of what became of both . 16. Mustapha as soon as the Portugues Fleet was gone , went to offer himself to King Badur , carrying great Presents , and was received with Honor , and rewarded . He gave him the Command of Baroche in the Bay of Cambaya , and other considerable Revenues with the Title of Rume , because he was a Grecian ; for the Indian Moors being ignorant of the Division of the Provinces of Europe , called all Thracia , Greece , Sclavonia , and the adjacent Countries Rum , and the Natives thereof Rumii , this Name being proper only to those of Thracia , called Romania . Therefore the Turks and Rumes are different Nations , those being originally of Turchestan , and these of Greece and Thrace , and the Rumes esteem themselves more honorable than the Turks . He also gave him the Title of Cham , a Dignity among the Tartars , like a Duke with us , and among the Eastern People is given to Persons of great Merit . So Mustapha from hence forward was called Rume Cham. 17. Antony de Saldana , who was left in the Sea of Diu with sixty Sail and fifteen hundred Men , went to the City Madrefabat , five Leagues distant towards the Island Beth , and burnt it with small opposition . Then he went to Goga twenty four Leagues distant from the last , a place of great Trade , formerly populous and strong . In the Port were fifteen of the best Paraos of Calicut , laden with Spice , who fled up a Creek , and were followed by Saldana , with eight hundred Men in the smaller Vessels . It was found necessary to land , and three hundred Horse and eight hundred Foot coming down to the Relief of the Malabars , there was a sharp Engagement , till above two hundred of the Enemy being killed , they quitted the Field and Vessels which were all burnt , as was the Town and eight Ships in the Port. We lost some Men. The chiefest Booty was much good Cannon . The same happened to the Towns Belsa , Tarapor , Maii , Quelme and Agacim , and lastly Surat , then rising after the last Fire , and some Vessels in that River . Saldana having thus terrified all that Coast retired to Goa . About this time came into Nuno de Cuna's power a Brother of the King of Cambaya , who was the rightful Heir of that Crown , and through him our Governor hoped to compass some considerable advantage . D. Antony de Silveyra who parted from Chaul with six Ships arrived at Aden , and found that King who not long before submitted to the Portugueses , had killed such as had stayed there , for Covetousness of a Ship laden with Spice that came to his Port. Silveyra being too weak to revenge this , sailed to Ormuz , where he died , George de Lima succeeded in his Command , and took two rich Ships in the Bay of Cambaya . 18. Our Cruisers had about this time taken twenty seven Ships of the King of Calicut richly laden . He being preplexed with these Losses , and fearing greater , proposed an Accommodation . Iames Pereyra was sent to treat , and obtained what he desired , which was leave to build a Fort at Chale . Chale is an Island in a River that falls into the Sea three Leagues from Calicut , navigable in Boats up to the Mountain Gate . Urinama , a Heathen , was a King of it , and next to him he of Tanor , both Subjects of Calicut . Both coveted the Friendship of the Portugueses , as well to cast of that Yoke as in hopes to grow rich with our Trade . As soon as Nuno had obtained consent to raise the Fort , he set out from Goa with one hundred and fifty Sail , three thousand Portugueses , and one thousand Lascarines of the Country . Such diligence was used in the Work , ( the Gentlemen not sparing their Labour ) that in twenty six days it was in a posture of Defence , the Wall being nine Foot broad with Bulwarks , Towers , a Church , a House for the Commander , and Store-houses . The Command of it was given to Iames Pereyra , who had forwarded the Work , with two hundred and fifty Men ; and to secure it by Sea Manuel de Sousa with twenty two Ships . The King of Calicut repenting he had given leave for that Work , made War upon the Kings of Chale , Caramanlii and Tanor , at the same time making Overtures to draw them to break with the Portugueses : but to no effect . 19. About the end of February Emanuel de Vasconcellos set out for the Red Sea with two Galliots , and some Brigantines . At Xael with the loss of one Man he took some Turkish Vessels laden , and among them a great Ship called Cufturca , which was sent Mascate . The King of Xael fearful of some danger , made his Peace with Submission and Presents . After Vasconcelos , came thither Antony de Saldania with ten Ships , and the King seeing he would not allow of the submission he made to Vasconelos , began to secure himself , sending out of the Town all the Riches , Women and Children , which were seen from the Ships , crossing the Mountain upon Camels . But the Weather obliged Saldana to leave that Sea. 20. He sailed to Mascate , thence to the Coast of Diu , seven or eight Ships of that City came out and engaged him , he took three , and stranded the rest . The same happened to a Turkish Gallion that was in Port , and endeavoured to flie . A storm rising there dispersed most of the Brigantines . Saldana had three Gallions with him , and they suffered Hunger and Thirst , when the Sea driving them towards the Bar , twenty seven Ships of the Enemy that watched the opportunity fell upon them , but drew off without any considerable Action . He dispatched two Vessels to view Pate , on which he had some Design , they meeting a rich Ship bound for Diu , after a very sharp Engagement took her . The Ship had only in Gold Coin above sixty thousand Venetian Chequins . Sailing to Goa with Prizes worth above two hundred thousand Ducats , he met short of Chaul , Iames de Silveyra , to whom he delivered the Vessels the Governor ordered . At this time arrived four Ships that sailed from Portugal the beginning of this year , Antony de Saldana returned home with them . 21. Iames de Silveyra sailing to Patam , twelve Leagues from Diu , plundered and burnt that City with four Ships in the Harbour . The very same was done to Pate , and Mangalor . This was no new thing in Iames Silveyra , for he had before the same success at Bandora Tana , and other Towns , and on the Coast of Diu at Castelete , Tolaja and Madrefabat , by which means he came to Goa with above four thousand Slaves , and an infinite Booty , having killed a great number , and spread an universal Terror . 22. All this encouraged Nuno de Cuna to streighten Diu , and the King of Cambaya , that he might be obliged to consent to the raising a Fort in that City . And because the Growth of Bacaim might be an Obstacle to our Designs , he resolved to destroy it . Thither he went with a Fleet of above one hundred and fifty Sail , three thousand Portugueses , and two hundred Canaras . Melique Tocam Lord of Diu was then fortifying the City , and hearing of the Power that was preparing against it , put in a Garrison of above twelve thousand Men. Nuno divided his Men into three parts to give the Attack , the Landing was dangerous , and the Enemy so numerous , it seemed a rashness to go on , but our Men despising all danger , the Enemy fled first to the Fort , and then to the Mountain , six hundred of them being killed , of ours only eight or nine . Here were taken above four hundred Pieces of Cannon , and much Ammunition . The Country about was all ravaged , and the Fort razed . After this Victory the Governor sent Emanuel de Albuquerque with twelve Vessels and three hundred Men , to destroy the Fort of Damam ; but he not able to effect it , burnt all the Towns from Baçaim to Tarapor , and bringing under Tribute Tana , Bandora , Mais and Bombaim , then retired to Chaul with much Riches , and many Vessels taken in those Rivers . Iames de Silveyra , who sailed from Baçaim with four Gallions and fifteen Brigantines bound for the Red Sea , took off Cape Guardafu a rich Vessel . Vasco Perez about Zocotora took a yet richer Turkish Ship , most of her Men being slain , and near Cape Fartaque another . Iames Silveyra afterwards burnt two at Aden , and did a very generous Action , which was thus : He discovered a very rich Ship of Gidda , which spying him , lay by , and her Captain coming aboard , shewed him a Letter from a Portuguese , who was Prisoner in that City , which the Moor thought to be a secure Pass , being given him as such , Silveyra opened and found in it these Words : I beseech such of the King of Portugal 's Captains as shall meet this Ship to make prize of her ; for she belongs to a very wicked Moor. Silveyra perceiving how the Moor was imposed upon , took no notice of the Deceit , but discharged him , chusing rather to lose the Riches of that Ship , than bring into question the Sincerity of the Portugueses . At the latter end of April he returned to Goa . 23. At the same time arrived in India six Ships from Portugal , a seventh perished by the way . These Ships brought new Orders , that the Commanders of Forts should be sworn by the Governor-General , by which it appears , they were till then independent of them . Nuno de Cuna had always his thought fixed upon Diu , when Melique Tocam , Lord of that City , desired him to send a fit person with whom he might treat about an Affair of Importance to the King of Portugal's Service . He then was apprehensive of his own King. It was therefore thought , he would for his own security deliver up the Town to us . This was the intent ; but Vasco de Cuna , a Gentleman of parts , being sent , and having done all that could be expected in it , returned without concluding any thing , but not without hopes . 24. At the same time Tristan de Ga at Cambaya pressed that King to consent to the raising a Fort at Diu. The Result was , that the King would have a Conference with Nuno de Cuna , and his Design was rather to kill him , than grant the Fort. Nuno went thither with an hundred Sail , in which were two thousand Portugueses . The King was already at Diu when the Governor arrived , and delayed the Interview , desiring , he would send him some of his principal Captains , for that he desired to see them . They went richly cloathed , and were splendidly received . Discoursing , Emanuel de Macedo took the liberty , tho in a respectful manner to tell the King , That he justly admired he would take the Command of that City from Melique Tocam his Subject , who had served him well , and was Son of one who had done so before , to give it to Mustapha , now called Rumi Cham , whose first merit was his Disloyalty to the Turk , his natural Prince ; that if he denied this , he challenged to fight either single , or as he should think fit . Rume Cham was present , and gave no answer , till the King looking angrily upon him for his silence , he said it proceeded from Contempt . Macedo repeated the Challenge , and the Turk no longer able to shun it , accepted the Challenge to be fought at Sea. Macedo , according to appointment waited for him , but he came not . The Interview took not effect for the differences about the manner of it . Nuno taking another Course , joined in League with Omaum Patxath , King of the Moguls . Then Nuno returned to Goa , and before and after dispatched several Captains , Antony de Silveyra went to Bengala with nine Vessels , Vasco Peres de Sampaya to the Red Sea with sixteen , thither also Iames de Silveyra with five Gallions , D. Stephen de Gama to Malaca , the two that were for the Red Sea made some Prizes . 25. Cunale Marcar , a bold Pyrat , about this time scoured the Sea of Calicut with eight Vessels well equipped . At Cape Comori he found at night a Brigantine with eighteen Portugueses , and three Gunners , all so fast asleep , that they were all bound before they waked . Having awaked them , he caused their Heads to be bruised to pieces , saying , It was to punish them for daring to sleep , knowing he was abroad . A pleasant Cruelty . Thence he went to Negapatan , where were forty Portugueses who defended themselves , but to no effect , for the Degar , or Governor , who they thought their Friend , agreed with Cunale to rob them . Coje Marcar , tho of kin to Cunale , desirous to deliver them from this danger , did it by art , speaking to each of the two apart , and so making them suspicious to each other . Yet Cunale took some Portugues Vessels in that River , and shot to death eight of the Men. The first died for sleeping , these , I suppose , because they were awake . Antony de Silva set out of Cochin with two hundred Musqueteers , in fifteen small Vessels . Cunale hearing of it , run up the Canamera , a Bay on this Coast , and fortified himself , but Antony obliged him to make his escape in the Habit of a Beggar to Calicut , leaving his Vessels and Cannon , with which Silva returned victorious to Cochin . 26. The King of Razet was revolted from him of Ormuz . Antony de Silveyra who commanded the Fort at the request of the latter , sent Francis Govea with two hundred Men and eight Sail , to reduce him . Razet received them with Fraud , designing to kill them . But it succeeded not , for Govea was upon his Guard , knowing his ill Designs , and that he had with his own Cymiter killed the Officer he sent to treat with him . Our Captain sailing over to a small Island to water , met a Fleet of this Kings , and took a Vessel wherein was the King's Nephew , for whose Ransom Razet restored the Prisoners he had , and submitted to him of Ormuz , ratified the Peace made by him he had killed , and excused what was past . 27. King Iohn his Care was upon the Affairs of India . He had understood the event of Nuno de Cuna's attempt upon Diu , and that the common Enemy prepared to disturb our Progress , so he continually sent relief . This year arrived there twelve Ships with fifteen hundred fighting Men , commanded by D. Pedro de Castillobranco , who set out from Lisbon the last November . The latter end of this year came also five Ships more , which set out the beginning of this same year , they were commanded by Martin Alfonso de Sousa , who had a Commission to be Admiral of the Indian Sea. The Governor immediately put him in possession of the Post , sending him against Damam . At Chaul , Iames Silveyra delivered him his Squadron , and Vasco Perez his . Now Martin Alfonso had five hundred Men in forty Vessels . He found Damam destroyed by its own Commander , who was retired to the Fort with five hundred Turks and Resbutos . Martin Alfonso attempted to scale it , and received some damage , one of his Ladders breaking , when the Enemy on the other side opening a Gate to fly , our Men stopped them , and entring , found a large Court full of Men , and fifty Horse , most of them were put to the Sword , and the Fort razed . The King of Cambaya fearing greater loss , desired Peace , which Nuno de Cuna granted , and 't was sworn upon the following Conditions . That he should give to the King of Portugal for ever Bacaim , with its Dependences by Sea and Land. That all Ships bound for the Red Sea from that Kingdom should set out from Bacaim , and return thither to pay the Duties . That none should go to other places without leave from the Portugueses . That no Ships of War should be built in any of his Ports . That he should no more give assistance to the Rumes . There were other Articles in favour of the King to sweeten the harshness of these , which were afterwards moderated when he gave leave to raise the Fort at Diu. Now we have some footing in this Province , something may be said of its situation , people and other affairs with our usual Brevity . CHAP. V. Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , and Reign of King John the Third . 1. THE Kingdom of Guazarata ( commonly called Cambaya , from its Metropolis of that Name ) extends from Cape Iaquete in the West to the River Nagotana near Chaul . It makes a great Bay of the some Name . The Sea ebbs and flows with such violence in this Bay , that in swiftness it exceeds the fleetest Horse ; and if in this fury it meets any Ship , it certainly perishes . To avoid this danger there is always a Man on an eminence , who when he sees that Torrent coming , gives notice with a Horn. The distance between Cape Iaquete and the River Nagotana is above two hundred Leagues . On the West it borders upon the Resbuti , a mountain people ; on the North with the Kingdom of Chitor , and the East with that of Pale , all the Coast is covered with many Towns and Cities . It is watered by two famous Rivers , Taptii and Tapetii , besides many Creeks that form several Islands . It breeds abundance of Cattle , and is plentiful of other Provisions . The Country is all plain , so that they generally travel in Waggons after the manner of Flanders , but lighter , and easier drawn by Oxen somewhat less than those of Spain . The Natives are of four sorts ; one called Baneanes Bagançariis , that feed after our manner ; another called only Baneanes , who eat nothing that hath life . Their Priests are called Vertias , who cloath themselves in white , and never take those Cloaths off till they fall to pieces . They live upon Charity , and ( like the Children of Israel in the Desart ) can keep nothing for the next day . They place their greatest hope of Salvation in killing no Creature , they use no light at night lest any Butterfly should die by it ; they always carry a Broom wherewith they sweep the Ground they are to tread on , lest they tread any Worm or Insect to death . The other two sorts are the Resbuti , who are good Soldiers , formerly the chief of this Kingdom . They acknowledge one God and three persons , and worship the Blessed Virgin , a Doctrine preserved from the time of the Apostles . The last are Mahometans , called Lauteas , that is , Natives who embraced that Sect , and those who came to conquer the Countrey . The common people are very ingenious in Mechanicks , in Works of Silk , Gold , Ivory , Mother of Pearl , Tortoise-shell , Crystal , Ebony and other things of Delight . They follow the Rules of Pithagoras , killing no Creature , but rather buy all , tho venemous , from those who take them , and set them loose again . They entertain men whose only Business it is to look about the Towns and Fields for Beasts that are sick , which they cure with great care in Hospitals erected for that purpose . Notwithstanding all this Beastly Charity , they have none that may be called human , for they will not reach their Hand to assist any person in the greatest necessity . 2. In the year 1292 , and according to the Mahometan Account 700 , the Pagan Galacama was in quiet possession of this Kingdom , and disturbed it to deprive his Brother of the Kingdom of Champanel , left him by his Father . Galacarna employed two Brothers as Generals upon his Frontiers , Madana , one of them had the most beautiful Woman of that Country to Wife . She was of the Race of Padaminii , who are affirmed , besides their comely Shape , to have so sweet a Scent in their Skin , that they communicate it to their Cloaths , which makes them esteemed above all o others . With much reason , for it is a wonder to find a Woman that has a good smell . Yet not impossible . They say there are scarce any of these Women in this Kingdom , but many in Orixa . There is no mischief without a Woman , even where they have an ill favour ; how much more where one smelt well ! The King in love with this Wife of Madana , tried all means to gain her ; but she being chaste ( which was doubtless the sweet Smell ) acquainted her Husband and Brother , who joining with Xiath Nosaradim , King of Delhi , on whom the Covetousness of that Kingdom prevailed , they wasted the Kingdom of Cambaya , till Galacarna was at last slain in Battel . Nosaradim lest Habedxiath his General to conquer the Remainder . He rewarded the two Brothers who brought him to this Conquest , and retured home , having made the Kings of Mandou and Chitor tributary . Nosaradim soon after being killed by his Nephew , Civil Wars ensued , and several Governors revolting , called themselves Kings , as did Habedxiath , to whom Moors succeeded . Thus , 3. The year 1330 , Hamet the Mahomemetan Tartar , who lived in the City Cambaya , with the assistance of Arabs , Persians , Greeks and Rumes , or Turks , usurped great part of this Kingdom , then possessed by Desingue Rao . What he had tyrannically gained , he prudently maintained . Ale Cham succeeded him , and had forty Sons , and three of them were Kings . The first Peruxiath , who succeeded him , the second Azeide Cham , who by his Wife got the Kingdom of Mandou , and the third Ale Cham , who with his Wife had the Kingdom of Agimar , bordering on that of Chitor . Peruxiath followed his Father's Example in securing his Government , and built the City Diu in memory of a Victory gained over a Chinese Fleet. Sultan Mahomet his Son succeeded him , and reigned at the time that D. Vasco de Gama discovered India , he left the Crown to his Son Madafor , as worthy of it for his Actions , as Birth . Not to his Son Scander Cham , who gave occasion to his Subjects to kill him , and set up his youngest Brother Mahomet Cham. But the second Brother Latisa Cham , to whom of right the Crown belonged , made War , but without success , and it remained in the third , his Name was Badur Cham. 4. Modafar divided the Possession of Melique Az , the Lord of Diu , among his three Sons . This Distribution enraged the King 's own Sons , who coveted those ●…ands . But chiefly Badur , who poisoned his Father by whom he was as much hated as loved by his Mother . After this Murder he fled to the King of Chitor , and killing one there in the King's presence in a Ball made to entertain him with the assistance of Crementii the Queen he fled to Delhi . 5. There he made himself a Calandar , or Religious Man , to shun the punishment of his Crimes . These Calandars go loaded with Iron Chains , and feed very hard : with this outward rigor they practise privately all sorts of Wickedness and Uncleanness . They enter into no Towns , but blow a Horn without , that people may bring them Alms. Sometimes they go together to the number of two thousand : Badur was one of these . Hearing of the Distractions of the Kingdom of Cambaya , he repaired thither with his Chains in search of the Crown . In that manner he entred Cambaya , and was proclaimed King by favour of the people , who were pleased with those Tokens of Religion . His Brother Desta●… C ham thought to escape by submitting , but he caused his Head to be cut off as a Traitor . Then he gave the Cities of Reyner and Surat to two rich Merchants , and afterwards overcame in battel his Brother Latisa Cham. He caused Madremaluco to be fley'd alive , because he had settled his younger Brother in the Kingdom , in hopes to have the Administration of it , then with his own Hand beheaded the Brother , and two others that reproved that Act. 6. Badur desiring to take off Melique Saca , Commander of Diu , sent for him upon pretence of Business , but he excused himself upon other pretences , and so stopped the Execution ; and being pressed , endeavoured to escape with his Riches , but being disappointed , went off poor , and not without danger . His Friends at Diu brought thither from Madrefahat his Brothor Melique Tocam . Badur , the other being fled , had like to have killed this , but for some Reasons was obliged to pardon him and others , but he destroyed many . He set out for Champanel the year 1527 , where were brought to him sorty French Men , and one Stephen Dias Brigas , a Portuguese , who for some Crimes done in his Country , fled into France , and came to India , Captain of a Ship of that Nation ; at Diu they were all taken , and sent to Badur , by whom they were all miserably put to death . 7. At Champanel came to Badur Embassadors from Babor Paxiath , King of Delhi , demanding homage for that Kingdom , as part of the Dominion of their Prince . Badur at first would have killed them , but replyed , he would himself carry the Answer ; and instantly composed an Army of one hundred thousand Men , four hundred Elephants , and a great Train of Artillery . His Design was disappointed , being forced to turn himself to Doitabad , a great Town , taken by Nizamaluco , and tho he recovered it , it was with great loss , some by the Weather , as being Winter , and some by a Shower of Stones as big as Oranges . At Champanel he found certain Men of the Kingdom of the Colii , who said they came to receive Tribute , which he paid by fleying them alive . The year 1529 he marched with seventy thousand Horse , and two hundred thousand Foot , and did great harm in the Territories of Nizamaluco . 8. Mean while Babor Paxiath , King of the Mogols and Delhi , marched upon account of the Answer given to his Embassadors the year before . The King of Chitor denyed him passage , and in a Battel there was such a slaughter , the Mogol was forced to go back to raise new Forces to prosecute his first Design . But the King of Chitor pursuing and doing him great damage in his own Country , he desisted . Badur fell upon the King of Mandou , whom he treacherously slew . Then imprisoned the Sons , giving the Mother and Daughters to his Favourites . Next he killed some Officers of that Kingdom who had helped to bring him in . 10. Salabedin , one pardoned by Badur , fearful of his favour , getting away , secured himself in a strong Castle , whence Badur drew him by policy , and forced him to turn Mahometan . Then he prepared to take the Fort and mountain Raosinga , where Salahedin left his Son when he was deceived by Badur's promises ; and by the way designed to expel the King of Chitor , Son to him , who kindly entertained him when he fled for the Murder of his Father . This young King bravely resisted Badur , disappointed his Design , and made him return to the other against Raosinga , a place almost impregnable by art and nature . Here eight Portugueses who followed him , shewed their usual Valour , Francis Tarares being the first who scaled a Bulwark . 11. Botiparao , the Son of Salahedin , fearing his resistance might occasion his Father's death , left that City , and went to recover another , the Besieged surrendered . Badur perceiving Salahedin's Women came not out , asked the cause of him , and sent in to know it , they answered , They would not come out unless with him . He was sent to that effect by the King. His Wives and Slaves ( above five hundred in number ) as soon as they saw him , exclaimed against his turning Mahemetan , and shewing him a heap of Wood , said , They would sooner burn themselves with 〈◊〉 , than be delivered to their Enemy . So Salahedin , with one hundred and twenty that were their Guard , killed them all upon the Pile , where they were burnt with their Riches . Badur hearing of this , hasted to save the Treasure , but was stopped by Salahedin and his Men , till all was consumed to Ashes , and they all slain . Yet Badur saved almost a million and half of the Remainder of this Destruction . 12. Salahedin , and those who died with him , were honorably buried . The mountain he gave to Sultan Alamo , who came to him , forced from that place whither Botiparao went from hence . Hearing there was a Portugues Fleet at Diu , he flew thither with precipitation . But that being no matter of danger , he returned to the Conquest of Chitor , with one hundred thousand Horse , innumerable Foot , and six hundred Cannoh . He incamped in the higher Grounds about that City , tho it was like Raasinga , it was battered the space of two months , and capitulated , and now Badur was possessed of three Kingdoms , each of which was considerable . 13. This was the time when Tristan de Ga was at the Court of Badur , by Nuno de Cuna's Order , to treat of Peace , which was delayed by sundry Accidents , chiefly the death of the King of the Mogols , whom he much feared . 14. Badur , through Covetousness , cut off the Pay of many that had served , which occasioned above four thousand of Note to desert to the Mogol . Mujate Cham , a prudent and notable Man , represented this to him , and he , to reward his Advice , sent him on some other pretence to Diu , with orders to Melique Tocam to kill him . But Melique abominating the wickedness of Badur , advised the innocent Mujate Cham to fly . Mujate , instead of flying to save himself , returned to Badur , before whom being prostrate , and delivering his own Cymiter , he said , If I have deserved death of you , here is the Traitor and the Sword. If you please to kill me , I can have no greater honor than to die by your Hand , tho my Grandfather , Father and self have deserved better . The King was surprized , received him with honor , and bestowed new Favours on him . 15. But his Rage was turned against Melique Tocam for discovering the private Order , so he sent Rume Cham to kill him . He got into Diu , where Melique was not at that time , but received advice of it at a Country-House where he was diverting himself , and fled . Badur came to the City , and with his usual craft brought it under . At the same time arrived there Nuno de Cuna , in order to that Interview , which took no effect . 16. It took no effect , because Badur never made any Proposals but to shift off a danger , which he greatly feared from the Mogol , and hoping to agree with him , he was willing to break with the Portugueses . But he was deceived , for that Prince recalled his Embassadors , and commenced the War. Let us see who this Mogol is . CHAP. VI. Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna from the Year 1534 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. THE Mogols call themselves Chacatais , in the same manner as the Spaniards call themselves Goths . Chacata is the Name of the Province they inhabit near Turquestan , and the Nobles suffer not themselves to be called Mogols . The Persians write they are descended from Mogog , Grandson to Noah , from whom they received the Worship of one only God. This Nation wandring through many Provinces , got the best footing in Mogalia , or Mogostan , called by Ptolomey , Paropanisus ; now they stretch farther , and border upon the Kingdom Horacam , which that Author calls Aria , or Here , now the Metropolis thereof . The Mogols go from the North to drink the Waters of the River Geum , that runs through Bactria , so called from its Metropolis Bactria , or Bohara ( a famous place for Learning , being the Remains of great Zoroastes , where Avicen got the Learning that made him so famous ) neighbouring upon Sogdiana , now called Quiximir , and mount Caucasus , which divides India from other Northern Provinces . This Kingdom now reaches to the mountainous Parveti and Bagous , which they call Angou . As there are in it great Mountains , so there are most large and fruitful Plains , watered by five Rivers , which compose the famous Indus . They are Bet , Satinague , Chanao , Rave and Rea. The Cities are many , the Men couragious . 2. The Mogols are Mohometans , their Language Turkish and Persian , they are well shaped , white , and have small Eyes like the Tartars and Chineses . The Nobility wear rich and gay Cloaths , fashioned like the Persians , their Beards long . The Women are beautiful . Their military Dress is no less costly , their Arms being gilt and polished ; they are singular at the Bow. In fight violent , and of good conduct : they use Artillery . Their King is treated with great Majesty , is seldom seen , his Guard two thousand Horse every quarter . 3. The Mogols and Patanes both equally strove to conquer India . They were Neighbours . The Event of War and Treachery brought the Patanes and Delhi under the Subjection of the Mogol , at the time when Babor Paxiath , great Grandson to Tamerlane the Great , reigned among them . 4. Omaum , Son of Babor , now broke with Badur , King of Cambaya , who to begin the War sent twenty thousand Horse , and a multitude of Foot upon his Enemies Frontiers . Here it may appear , that Ingratitude never escapes unpunished . The Queen Crementii , who had saved Badur's Life , and in return was by him deprived of her Liberty and Kingdom of Chitor , now revenged her self on him , after this manner . He by his Embassadors required her to send him her Son with what Men she could to serve against the Mogol . The Queen desired he would restore her other Son , whom he kept as an Hostage , that she might not be deprived of both , and that the mean while she would raise the Forces . Badur not diving into her Design , sent him , and she immediately put her self into the protection of the Mogol Badur enraged at this Action , gathered one hundred thousand Horse , four hundred and fifteen thousand Foot , a thousand Cannon , many of great Bulk , six hundred armed Elephants , and six thousand Carriages . This multitude marched in great order , and was abundantly supplyed with all things . 5. He besieged the City Chitor , and battered it furiously ; but tho the besieged received great damage , they did him much more . Badur now raging , received the News that the Mogols had slain twenty thousand of the Men he sent to ravage their Country . He vented his passion upon the City , and at last more by policy than strength became Master of it , having lost fifteen thousand Men , among them four Portugueses . The Queen with the choice of her Riches fled . Badur used no Cruelty towards the City , but repaired it against future dangers , leaving Mina●… Hozem to command in it with twelve thousand Men. Then he marched towards his Enemy , who advanced victorious through the Kingdom of Mandou , in order to relieve Chitor , and being now informed it was in possession of Badur , and that he was intrenched about Doçor , Omaum marched thither , and encamped . 6. Badur found the greatest danger where he sought security ; for being incamped between a River and a Lake , and Omaum before him , the resort of Provisions was quite cut off , so that in few days they suffered extreme Famine , and such as went out to seek Relief , fell into the Hands of the Enemy , as did Coraçam Cham with two thousand Horse . 7. This so disheartened Badur , that he stole away , and his Camp was plundered by the Mogols , who found there vast Riches . Badur with all speed fled towards Mandou , accompanied by Rume Cham , and some Portugueses , being left by many persons of Note , and particularly Melique Liaz , for the murder of his two Brothers . In fine , very little of that mighty Army escaped the Sword or Famine , and what did was dispersed and disarmed . Badur got into Mandou , having slipped ten thousand Mogols , who thought to prevent his reaching that place . 8. Badur fortified this City , and gave the chief Command to Rume C ham his Favourite . Omaum hearing of it , lengthened his Marches to come upon him . Rume Cham , now fearful of his Master , deserts to Omaum , Rume's Wife , Daughter and Riches were at Champanel . Badur and Rume strove who should first secure Champanel , the former having there one ( tho the least ) of his three Treasures , which only in Copper-Mony was worth thirty Millions , besides Pearls , Precious Stones , and other things of value , with this Treasure he sent Rume's Family and Riches under a strong Guard to Diu , whilst he himself hearing the approach of Omaum , wasted the Country , and destroyed the Artillery , lest it should fall into the Enemies Hands . The same he did at Cambaya●… Rume C ham seeing his Wife and Riches were carried away , obtained of his new Master five thousand Horse to follow them . As he entered one Gate of Cambaya , Badur was going out at another , who seeing himself so close pursued by Rume , left his Women and Riches by the way , that they might put a stop to his pursuit . So it fell out , for Rume Cham returned to Champanel , and Badur got to Diu , whilst Omaum was at Champanel dividing his Kingdom , and conquering that impregnable place with Liberality . 9. Champanel was impregnable by Art and Nature , and the Mogols not used to spend time even in easie Sieges , but Tyrants have nothing secure , so these Rocks which might have been a secure Retreat to him , turned against Badur . This mountain is thirty Leagues from the Sea , and yet visible thither , the ascent of it being almost five Leagues . Where Nature left any passage , Art supplyed it with strong Walls . The City stands on the side of it , has sightly Buildings , twenty thousand Families , and a great Trade . The City it self is not walled , but there are many places upon the Mountain well fortified , strongly garrisoned and stored with Cannon . Somewhat higher is the Royal Palace , wonderful for Structure and Greatness , and on the top a Fort can terrifie the most daring . Here Badur found no security , for Tyrants can meet none in the World , and think themselves between Sheets , when they are between the strongest Walls , and when between the finest Sheets they imagine they lie upon Thorns . 10. These Misfortunes were the Motives that induced Badur to consent to our raising the Fort at Diu. Before , to secure our Friendship against the Mogol , he had surrendered Baçaim to Nuno de Cuna , and now in hopes of our assistance to recover what was lost , he offered Diu. Badur sent to dispose Martin Alphonso de Sousa , who was at Chaul , and he urged the necessity of raising the Fort , giving advice hereof to Nuno , and desiring leave to go treat about this important Affair . Cuna refused him leave ; jealous that any but himself should compass a matter so much desired by his Prince , and sent his own Secretary Embassador to Badur . 11. Still Badur struggled with his Pride , and thought to get assistance from the Turk to recover his Kingdom . To this effect he sent Saf Cham Embassador with a rich Present , but hearing the Mogol had taken Champanel , utterly despaired . He resolved to fly to Meca , and there wait the Turks Answer , but his Mother and Friends dissuaded him , advising to grant leave to the Portugueses to raise the Fort at Diu , and by their assistance his Fortune might be bettered . Instantly he sent to offer it to Martin Alphonso at Chaul , whither also came a Message from the Mogol with the same Offer . 12. Martin Alfonso having sent advice to the Governor , asked not a second time for leave , but set out immediately for Diu , as Badur desired . At Sea he met the Secretary Simon Ferryra , and both arrived at Diu on the twenty first of September . They soon came to an agreement upon these Articles , That Badur confirmed all that had been done relating to Baçaim ; that something which concerned Trade should be transferred thence to Diu , that there should be a League offensive and defensive between the King of Portugal and him , that the Fort should be raised , where and in what manner the Governor should appoint , that a Bulwark upon the Sea should immediately be delivered to him , that they should not meddle with the King's Revenues at Diu , &c. Immediately a Iew and an Armenian were sent to Portugal with this News to the King ; and to the Governor at Goa , Iames de Mesquita , one of the Portugueses who served Badur at the Siege of Chitor , that King desiring that Nuno de Cuna would instantly come to Diu. 13. Whilst these things were in agitation , seven Ships arrived from Portugal with Men and great Riches . They came to Goa before the first advice reached the Governor , and before the second could come he was under sail , with a resolution to accept the Offer of Badur . The King received him with much honor and demonstration of Joy. After the first Visits , he desired him to send some Men to recover the Fort of Vivarcne , taken by the Mogols upon the River Indus , and some Relief to the City Baroche . Vasco Perez de Sampayo was sent to the first with two hundred and fifty Portugueses in twelve Barques . To the latter Enterprize went Emanuel de Macedo , who returned to Diu , without doing any thing , the Inhabitants having quitted the place which was too big for his small number to maintain . 14. About this time there was one Iames Botello in these parts , who was in disgrace with King Iohn , because it was said he designed to go for France , being skillf●… in the Affairs of India . The Favour of Princes is generally recovered either by something very inconsiderable , or else by some Action that seems impossible . Botello resolved upon the latter . He knew how earnestly the King desired the raising the Fort at Diu ; scarce was it granted , when he getting the Draught of it , and a Copy of the Capitulation , committed himself to the vast Ocean that is between Spain and India , in a Barque that was but sixteen Foot and half in length , nine Foot broad , and four Foot and a half deep . He set ou●… privately with his own Slaves , three Portugueses , and two others , saying he went to Cambaya . Being out at Sea , he discovered his Design , they were all astonished , but overcome by fair Words and Promises . Till finding they were reduced to unspeakable Miseries , the Slaves agreed to kill him , and killed a Servant , which occasioned all the Slaves , who were Sailers , to be slain . Without Seamen or Pilot he held his Course , and to the admiration of all Men arrived at Lisbon , where the Barque was immediately burnt , that no Body might see it was possible to perform that Voyage in so small a Vessel . The King was greatly pleased with the News , and Iames Botello restored to the Royal Favour , without any other Reward for this prodigious Action . 15. Nuno de Cuna began the Work with diligence , and a great number of Hands , being himself the first that laboured at the Foundation , which was done , with Sound of Trumpets , Fifes , Drums , Noise of Cannon and Shouts . The Work was soon finished , and the Command of the Fort given to Emanuel de Sousa , with nine hundred Portugueses , and sixty Pieces of great Cannon . Badur already reaped the Benefit of this Concession ; for Nizamaluco , at the instance of Nuno de Cuna , not only made peace with , but assisted him against his Enemy . Vasco Perez had recovered Varivene , and King Omaum hearing Nuno de Cuna was at Diu , despaired of taking that 〈◊〉 , and employed his Arms against other places . 16. Badur pleased with this success , desired to view in person how much of his Kingdom was yet left him . This he communicated to Nuno de Cuna , desiring a number of Portugueses might go with him , and particularly Martin Alfonso de Sousa . Nuno approved his Resolution , and gave him five hundred Men , whereof fifty were of Note . Now Cuna fearing Omaum would fall upon Baçaim , sent to its Relief Garcia de Sa , with four hundred Portugueses . He seeing a mighty Army threaten that City resolved to quit it , to the terror of all the Inhabitants , and with miserable Cries of Women and Children . Antony Galvam considering the loss of the Portugues Reputation , persuaded him with strong Reasons to alter his Resolution . Sa began to fortifie the place , and the Mogol knowing th●…r Resolution , drew off . This Retreat of the Mogols encouraged Mirao Muhmold , Nephew to Badur , who was upon the Frontier of Nizamaluco to recover many places taken by the Mogols , which brought fresh Hopes to Badur of regaining his Crown . 17. Badur being thus prosperous with the assistance of the Portugueses only , and repenting he had given leave to raise the Fort , would build a Wall between it and the City , covering the Design he had thereby of gaining the Fort , with the pretence of parting the Portugueses and Gurarates , whose too free Communication caused Divisions . There was some bickering between the King and Nuno about it , till the King desisted . Nuno de Cuna went to Baçaim , and began the Fort there , giving the honor of laying the first stone to Antony Galvam , in reward of his resolution in defence of it . Garcia de Sa was left to carry on the Work , and Nuno returned to Goa . 18. Let us return to Malaca and Maluco , whence the course of the Occurrences in India drew us . During the Government of Lope Vaz de Sampayo , the King of Achem had caused to be killed Simon de Sousa , and others , bound for Maluco , and taken others prisoners . He feigned to be sorry for that Action , and sent three of the Prisoners to Peter de Faria , then commanding the first time at Malaca , offering Peace , and desiring him to send persons fit to treat of it , and he would deliver to them Sousa his Galley , and the other Prisoners . This was much for the ease of Malaca , and therefore Peter de Faria sent presently a Vessel with some Portugueses , who were all killed by that Tyrants Order before they came to him . Six months after Garcia de Sa then commanding , the King writ a Letter to him , saying , He wondered no Body was sent to treat of Peace ; believing by reason of the Secresie used in murdering the others , it was not known ; and at the same time caused the Prisoners he had ( whom , to compass his wicked ends , he treated kindly ) to write to the Commander about it . Sa presently sent a Gallion well provided with Men and Cannon , commanded by Emanuel Pacheco , who suffered himself to be circumvented by the King's Barques , and he with most of the Men were slain , the Gallion was carried for the King to see , who then caused the rest of the men , and the prisoners he made much of to be killed . Then he joined with the King of Aru , and all this to the intent to gain Malaca , having intelligence with Sinaya Raja , a considerable Moor , who lived in that City . The Correspondence being discovered by some drunken Achemes , produced the publick safety and death of Sinaya , who was thrown headlong from a Tower by Garcia de Sa his order . 15. The year 1530 Gonçalo Pereyra set out from Malaca for Maluco , and in pursuance to the Governor's Order , by the way visited the King of Borneo , offering him liberty to trade at Malaca . Borneo is an Island fruitful of Provisions , rich in costly Merchandize , and produces the finest Diamonds . The King is powerful , his Religion the Mahometan , so his People . The City of that Name is large , has beautyful Buildings and strong Walls . The Island has four principal Ports , to which resort Merchants from sundry parts . The Offer pleased the King. Gonçalo Pereyra arriving at Ternate , D. George de Meneses delivered him the Fort , and King Cachil Daialo , who was there prisoner . The Queen his Mother , who had fled from her City as was before related , hearing of the new Commander , sent to put him in mind , how kindly the King her Husband had received the Portugueses , how ungrateful the Return had been from them , who caused his Son and Heir to die in a prison , and now kept the other , and obliged her their Mother to fly to the Mountains , having lost the City where she was born , and whereof she was Queen . That she demanded Reparation of D. George his Cruelty , and Liberty for her Son. After some Scruples Gonçalo Pereyra solemnly swore he would set him at liberty as soon as opportunity served , whereupon she returned to the City , and they agreed ; as did the King of Tidore , being eased of a Tribute , imposed by D. George , which he was not able to pay . There was also an Accommodation with the Spanish Captain Ferdinand de la Torre . Thus things were settled as was suitable to the Portugues Reputation . 20. Gonçalo Pereyra , in pursuance of the Governor's Orders made D. George a prisoner . He was carried to Goa , thence to Portugal , whence he was banished to Brasil , and killed by the Heathens there in a Battel . After this Gonçalo Pereyra examined the Proceedings of the Portugues Officers of the Revenue , and found them guilty of great Frauds . They offended at this Discovery , conspired with the Queen to kill him , which they executed , tho he defended himself with Resolution , yet most of the Murderers were killed by the other Portugueses , who maintained the Fort which was in great danger of being lost , and Luis de Andrade kept the Command as Lieutenant . 21. Bras Pereyra , who commanded by Sea , would have succeeded his Kinsman . But the Conspirators elected Vincent Fonseca one of their Companions . He having promised the Queen her Sons Liberty , if she would assist him in obtaining that Post , now loaded him with Irons , and secured his Brothers and Family . She withdrawing into the Country , stopped all provisions from coming to the Fort , and so obliged him to set her Son free , and all was appeased for the present . 22. This Quiet lasted not long ; for the King being near of Age to govern , Pate Sarangue , who governed for him , finding his power expiring , conspired with Fonseca , to set up Tabarija , the King's Bastard Brother , who was younger . To this effect they began to lay several scandalous Imputations upon the King , and Fonseca attempted to secure him , which he having notice of fled to the Mountain . Fonseca follows , pretending he had a Design upon the Fort. The King might have defended himself , but forbore in respect to the Portugueses whom he loved . He fled with his Mother to Tidore . His Enemies set up Tabarija , and following to Tidore , oblige both Kings to seek security in the Mountains . Fonseca was the more inraged against the King for that at his return a Moor had killed his Son , and endeavoured to slay Tabarija , who escaped ; and because many obeyed not the Usurper , calling him Fonseca's King , whereas they might more properly term Fonseca , Tabarija's King. He sent Pate Sarangue with Forces , and subdued all . He by treachery catched the Queen Mother , and gave her as Wife to Sarangue , and the deposed King's Wife to the Usurper . The distressed King leaving his Mother and Friends had recourse to the King of Gilolo's Courtesie . 23. Now Fonseca sends Blas Pereyra and others prisoners to India . The Governor informed of the Insolences committed at Ternate , sent Tristant de Altaide to command there , who secured Fonseca , and sent him to Goa . With him went the Spaniards from Gilolo , in order to be sent to Spain in the Portugues Ships . But the King of Gilolo refusing to surrender the Spaniards , Tristan was obliged to go with a power , in which the Kings of Ternate , Tidore and Bacham joined , the City was abandoned and burnt , and the Spaniards set at liberty . 24. Tristan de Ataide , at the instigation of Samarao , put Tabarija in prison , and set up his younger Brother Cachil Aeiro . The King's Mother and Sarangue were also secured , and the City became desolate , the Natives of it finding no Comfort in their Neighbours , who upbraided them for admitting so wicked a People as the Portugueses , who since they had footing in this Island were guilty of the most exorbitant Villanies that could be imagined . In fine , Ataide sent those Prisoners to Goa , for the Crimes he was guilty of himself , and so Nuno de Cuna judged it , taking care to send them back to their Country . 25. Now Tristan de Ataide employed his Thoughts on the Profit he designed to make by the Sale of Cloves , and ordered it so , that the King of Bacham would not consent . Tristan in a rage sent his Men armed , the King protested he was a faithful Friend to the King of Portugal ; but they sought Spice for themselves , not Friendship for their King. So they were convinced by the Sword , many killed , and the rest were shamefully put to flight . Tristan in a greater fury joining with the Kings of Ternate and Tidore , forced him of Bacham to abandon his City , which was destroyed , and to sue for peace , which was sold him for a Tribute to be paid in Cloves . Yet at the same time this King conspires with those of Gilolo , Tidore and the deposed of Ternate , and with Samarao to kill Ataide , and take the Fort. They began their Design by persuading him to send Ships several ways , where he lost many Men , and Cachil Daialo , the deposed King of Ternate , laying hold of the opportunity , recovered part of his Kingdom , with the assistance of those of Gilolo , Tidore , Bacham , Maquiem and Moutel , with whose aid the Ternates slew all the Portugueses about the Island . Ataide prepared to take revenge , when Simon Sodre arrived from Malaca with a Ship and many Men , that brought new life to the desperate Ataide , and put him in a posture to recover some places . 26. The Moors endeavoured to burn some of our Vessels , bringing to execute this design almost three hundred Sail , they received some damage , but would not desist , nor hearken to Ataide , who sued for Peace , being in the Fort , and reduced to eat all sorts of Vermin . D. Ferdinand de Monroy , a Spanish Gentleman , who came from Banda with Provisions , delivered him out of this danger . This Success was answered by a Misfortune , for all the Inhabitants fled from Ternate , and the Moors killed some of his Men , and took a Ship , but now a new Captain comes to the Fort , which stood in need of it . Tristan de Ataide was as deformed of Body as his Actions were scandalous . Let us return to the Affairs of India . CHAP. VII . Continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , the same Year 1536 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. WE have already related how the Empire of Decan by the death of Mahomet Xiath , was divided into seven parts , by as many Governors who set themselves up as Kings , and warring among themselves were reduced to five . The first and chief of these was Hidalcam , whose Territories lie from North to South along the Sea Coast from the River Domel , eight Leagues off Dabul , to Cintacola , eleven below Goa , and has sixty Leagues in length , and fifty in breadth where largest . On the North it borders upon Nizamaluco , on the South upon Canara , and part of Narsinga , and on the East upon Madremaluco , Melique Verido , and Cotamaluco , which make the five into which that Crown was divided . Cotamaluco and Verido were at war because the former reflected upon the latter , as disloyal to the dead King , as if either of them were innocent . Cota came off with loss . 2. Hidalcam upon such like occasion took Arms against Cotamaluco , who was then at Golconda , a City almost impregnable , being seated upon an inaccessible mountain , well fortified and garrisoned . Hidalcan set down before it with one hundred thousand Horse , and four hundred thousand Foot. Cota , not without reason , was apprehensive of this danger , but reposed great confidence in twelve Portugueses he had with him . The Enemy the first Attacks lost twenty thousand Men , and afterwards an hundred thousand , as well by Famine as Sword , for Catamaluco cut off all his Provisions , and such parties as went out for them , and of what he took he sent ten thousand to Hidalcan without Ears or Noses , bidding him put upon them those of his Men he had served so the last War. The Sorrow for , these Misfortunes caused his Death , whence sprang Wars between his Sons . These were Mulacam , who was received as Heir , and Abraham , who could not brook his being owned as such , and being encouraged by Cotamaluco and others , disturbed the common Peace , and was at last himself taken prisoner . 3. Cotamaluco set upon Mulacham as he was carrying his Father to bury him , but was forced to fly to the Woods . Mean while Abraman escaped out of prison , and by the assistance of Nizamaluco possessed himself of the Kingdom , and took his Brother Mulac●…am whom his Army infamously delivered up at Bisapo●… . Açadacam set out with a good Army to rescue Malucam . But Melique Cuf , in whose custody he was , cruelly put out his Eyes , and delivered him and his Treasure to Abraham . He desiring to appease Açadacam , made him great Offers , which were all rejected ; Açadacam encamped within five Leagues of him , and sent a Messenger to him , whose Name was Caçem ; this Man Abraham prevailed with to undertake to murder his Master , which Açadacam discovering , caused him to be stabbed before he approached him . 5. Açadacam endeavoured to alienate the Hearts of the great ones from Abraham , but was not altogether so successful as he wished . In fine , Cogerte Cham , who at his instigation acted in the same manner , was obliged to fly for relief to Nizamaluco , in whom he sound his Ruin , being robbed by him , and brought to such misery , he resolved to retire to Mecha , but passing through Dabul , he accepted the Offer of Protection made him by Simon Guedez ▪ then commanding there , till Nuno de Cuna received him at Diu , and obtained of King Badur to entertain him according to his Quality , where after he became one of the chief Generals of Cambaya . 6. The new Hidalcan ( I mean Abraham , for those Princes , when they come to the Crown , all take this Title ) was perplexed with the Proceedings of Açadacam , and endeavoured to reconcile him . Açadacam's Forces at this time ravaged all the Continent about Goa , and Hidalcan made fresh Instances to bring him to his Court , but to no effect . Mean while the desolation of that Country was such , that the Natives freely offered it up to Nuno de Cuna , he , after conferring about it with Açadacam , accepted the Offer to deliver that Country from utter Ruin. 7. Açadacam was a Mahometan as well in his Dealing , as Belief . The more to perplex Hidalcam , he goes into the Service of the King of Bisuagar , who received him with great honor . Nuno de Cuna was not exempted from his Frauds ; therefore to carry on his Designs , he persuaded him to send Christopher de Figueredo , promising to prevail with the King of Bisnagar to resign to the King of Portugal the Continent about Goa , to which he had an ancient Title . Hidalcan being informed of these Proceedings encamped near him of Bisnagar with four hundred thousand Men , and 700 Elephants , the other had a 1000 Elephants more , and some thousands of Men. He sent to let him know , that according to former Agreements , he ought to deliver up to him his Slave Açadacam . The King of Bisnagar referred it to Açadacam himself to give the Answer , and he gave it such as deceived , and at the same time was approved of . 8. But the King was soon undeceived ; for Açadacam , who had done all this only to better his Fortunes , now went over to Hidalcam , when least he expected it . Cotamaluco , who had joined Hidalcan , to oppose Açadacam , seeing him received with great honor , goes over to the King of Bisnagar , who was marching to besiege the City Rachol , which he had before taken , and had again submitted to Hidalcam . At last these Princes came to a Composition , parting the Territory of that City , which fell to the Lot of Hidalcam . Açadacam , by order of his Master , marched after Cotamaluco to the City Naiteguir taken by him , and recovered it , and obliging him to put himself into Hidalcam's Power , with a Grand daughter he had offered him to Wife . The Wedding reconciled all this Discord . 9. King Badur pretended by an ancient Custom of Indostan to have the power of giving the Title of King. He sent the Royal Ensigns to Hidalcam , desiring he should acknowledge him as his Predecessors had done : but Hidalcam accepted his Friendship , and rejected the Title . Badur's intention was to secure Hidalcam against the Portugueses , to whom he owed the Recovering of his Crown ▪ Açadacam , being suspicious of Hidalcam , endeavoured to be far from him , and to this end prevailed with Cotamaluco to return home and declare war. Hidalcam discovered the Author of this Discord , and would have killed him , but the Design being disclosed , Azadacam threw himself at his Feet with two hundred thousand Pardaos of Gold , begging pardon , tho he said he had done nothing to ask pardon for . Thus he bought his Life , and Hidalcam sold his safety . Such is the power of Gifts , even over those who can give greater . 10. Hidalcam now bent his thoughts upon recovering the Lands about Goa . Açadacam , who had been the cause that Nuno de Cuna took them , now was the promoter of his Master's demanding them . Nuno referred the Answer to Diu , whither he was going , being sent for by King Badur , at his arrival almost despoiled of his Crown . They expected no answer , but suddenly Solyman Aga invaded those Lands with almost six thousand Men. They began to hinder the carrying Provisions to Goa . D. Iohn Pereyra , who then commanded , sent to advertise Solymam of the Injustice of his Undertaking , but he gave no ear to it , and killed some Portugueses not without receiving considerable damage . He besieged Christopher de Figueredo in the Fort of Mandor , to whose relief came Iordan de Freytas , with some Men , sent by D. Iohn , so the Turk raised the Siege , and fled as far as Margam . 11. Don Iohn marched at the heels of Freitas , and being at Ma●…dor , the Aga sent him word , he came not to make war , but to receive the Rents of those Lands : the Answer was , That he should march off within an hour and half . Don Iohn followed the Messenger to force the Turk , in case he obeyed not , but finding he did , retired . 12. Solyman halted at Ponda , from whence he made fresh Instances to D. Iohn to resign those Lands to Hidalcan . He answered , he acknowledged him not as his Minister , and prepared for War. He built the Fort of Rachol , where some Blood was spilt , Solyman endeavouring to obstruct it , who lost three thousand Men about Bailim and Singuizar , slain by the Gentils , assisted by two hundred Portugueses . Iordan de Freytas , with fifty Men , routed the Turk Sarnabose , sent by Solyman with five hundred . Emanuel Vasconcelos razed a Bulwark the Enemy was making in the Pass of Borii , and burnt some Houses . Solyman advances as far as Margam . Pereyra went to meet him with five hundred Portugueses , and seven hundred Canaras The Fight began , the Canaras and some Portugueses gave way , terrified with strange Fire-works made by a Witch , who in Man's Cloaths sought to revenge the Death of her Husband . Pereyra seeing this Disorder , advanced , crying out , Let who will follow me , for I hope with the help of God to overcome the Enemy . All following his Example , Solyman quitted the Field , having lost eight hundred Men , on our side not one was killed . The Booty was considerable . 13. Mean while Açadacam attempted to recover these same Lands , but met no great success , for Hidalcam endeavoured thus to divert him , while he gained his City of Bilgam , where his Riches lay . At length they agreed , and Açadacam designed again to attempt the Dependences of Goa . He proceeded not with Vigor , being conscious , Nuno had by his advice possessed himself of them , and because he had lately received a Message from him after his Return from Diu. Yet in conclusion he marched as far as Ponda with twenty thousand Men. 14. From that place he sent a Letter of Hidalcam to Cuna , demanding those Lands . The Answer was , He held them by consent of Açadacam , that if he desired war the Portugueses were not backward , and that he could not restore them , or raze the Fort of Rachol without his King's Consent . Açadacam fearing his Master would take his City , acted not much on this side . So there happened no considerable Action . 15. Now the Answer of Hidalcam was brought , containing , That since Açadacam was the Cause of his taking those Lands , he would stand by what should be agreed between them . Both cove●…ing the same thing for themselves , they came to no agreement . Cuna relieved Vasco Fernandez who was in some distress , and they put the Enemy to flight . Hearing the Enemy appeared now in greater Numbers , he sent Don Iohn Pereyra with one hundred and thirty Horse , six hundred Portugues Foot , and one thousand Canaras , commanded by Crisna , an honest Pagan . They found the Enemy at the Foot of a Mountain , and attacked them with such Vigor , they presently fled , their Commander and many more were slain , on our side only four . 16. Açadacam , after these Losses , desired a Conference with Nuno de Cuna , but it succeeded not , so the Inroads were continued chiefly about Rachol , where our Cannon killed some . Winter expiring , Nuno began to act more vigorously . He sent Antony de Silveyra to the Continent with two hundred Canara Horse , and seventeen hundred Portugues Foot. Antony went three Leagues up the Country , making great havock , and killing three hundred Moors , and two considerable Officers , with loss of eight Portugueses . Mean while Gonzalo Vaz Coutinho destroyed the Coast of Dabul , and thence brought to Goa many Vessels taken , and three hundred Prisoners , and abundance of Provisions , which encreased the Joy of the other Victories , and relieved the City distressed for want . 17. The Clamours of that ruined People , and a Letter from Nuno de Cuna coming to Hidalcan , he ordered Açadacam to desist . He obeyed not , but to justifie his refusal , sent him a Present of a stately Horse and Cymiter , set with Jewels . Hidalcan going to take off a piece of Silk , in which the Cymiter was wrapped , was hindered by his Mother , who caused a Page to unfold it , he instantly fell down dead , as did two Men who were ordered to mount the Horse , Such was the Poison the Present carried . Then the Queen looking upon her Son , said , Behold your Father's Murderer . For it was believed he had been poisoned . The Governor perceiving that Açadacam did not desist , sent Gonzalo Vaz Coutino with thirty Vessels and three hundred Men , half Canaras , who burnt the Town of Ponda , and many Ships , and returned with three hundred Prisoners . Azadacam in a rage marched towards Rachol , and opposite to it began to erect a Fort called Bori , to obstruct our Sailing up the River of that Name ; and notwithstanding our opposition , put it into such condition , it appeared formidable . Nuno de Cuna sent a fresh Supply to hinder this Work , and they assaulting it with more courage than conduct , four hundred of them were slain , and forty taken , whereof one appearing naked before Açadacam , he took off part of his own Garment to cover him , saying , The Portugueses were not to be so used . This Loss caused the demolishing the Fort of Rachol , which the Governor ordered Peter de Faria to execute . Nuno de Cuna's presence was required at Diu , and he fearing to leave Goa in danger , concluded a Peace with Açadacam . This was rather a Truce than Peace , for neither desisted from his pretensions , unless Açadacam did by going away from Ponda . 18. Whilst these things were in agitation at Goa , the King of Calicut marched to Cranganor , upon pretence of visiting those parts , as their Emperor , but in reality to destroy the Portugueses , induced thereto by King Badur . Thence he designed to pass to Vaipaim , which being suspicious , Peter Vaz commanding at Cochin , endeavoured to prevent , striving withall to avoid affronting him , or being faulty in his Duty . Having made provision by Sea and Land , he desired the King to desist from that Design . The King gave no ear to him , but sent many Ships to clear the Passage : but they failed , above a thousand of their Men being slain , and much damage received by Vincent de Fonseca's Artillery , which guarded that Pass , many more flying with precipitation , were drowned . This happened near the Churches of S. Thomas and S. Iames , which they endeavoured to burn , but could not compass . The Passes were valiantly defended all the Winter . 19. On the nineteenth of September , Martin Alfonso de Sousa set out of Goa with one hundred and fifty Men in fifteen Vesels , and passing by Calamute , two thousand Nayres would have kept him in , whereof he killed many , dispersed the rest , burnt their Town , and took seven Barques . He arrived at Cochin , where were five Ships newly come from Portugal . The King of Calicut understanding Martin Alfonso was coming to meet him with almost a thousand Men drew off . Martin Alfonso now bent his Force against the King of Repelim , who had offended him of Cochin . Antony de Brito who had led the Van , met a vigorous opposition at this Island , till Martin coming up they fled , who maintained the Outworks . The King retired to his City , in which were six thousand fighting Men. Next day Sousa attacked it , after some resistance the King and all the Defendants fled . As Sousa entered a Mosque , he had like to be killed by a Moor , but receiving the Stroke on his Buckler , he run the Moor through with a Javelin . This Victory cost us fourteen Men , the City was plundered and reduced to Ashes . The principal part of the Booty that fell to the King of Cochin , on whose account this Action was undertaken , was a piece of Marble , by him highly valued , because on it were carved the Names of the Kings of Malabar for three thousand years past , which was taken from him by the King of Repelim ; some Brass Plates with Serpents engraved on them , esteemed a great Relick by the conquered King ; and his Hat lost in the flight , which among them is the greatest Disgrace to the Conquered , and highest Glory to the Victor . 20. The King of Calicut returns with forty thousand Men to attempt the Pass of Cambalam . Martin Alfonso posts Francis de Barros de Payra to keep the Pass of Cranganor with three Vessels , which proved of great use ; he himself goes to the other , and landing , sees five thousand of the King's Men attempt to pass the Ford. Our Men began to fear , but he encouraging them , boldly falls on , and killing three hundred of the Enemy , made them turn their Backs . Zamori comes up with the Gross of his Army , attempts the Ford , and is repulsed with equal loss . Now the Prince of Cochin joins us with twenty thousand Nayres . Martin Alfonso leaves Antony de Brito with them , and four hundred Portugueses , who in the space of twenty days fought six Battels with the King of Calicut , wherein he made such havock as obliged him to draw off with great Loss , and greater Shame . 21. The Reason why Martin Alfonso left that Post , was because , like a watchful Commander , he was at once in two places by his Vigilance , here in Body , and in Thought at Sea , where now appeared a powerful Fleet of Calicut . He therefore seeing the Valour of Brito , and the assistance of those Nayres , left him to command there , and put to Sea with three hundred Portugueses in eleven Ships . At Chale he met Iames Reynoso with five Vessels , Cutiale , Admiral of Calicut , had taken one from him , he took Reynoso with him . He went in search of Cutiale , and found him with twenty five Vessels , and in them fifteen hundred Men , some of our Vessels impatient of delay , advanced before the rest , and forced him to retire to Tiracole , whither Martin Alfonso pursuing , the Fight lasted till night with great slaughter of the Enemy , who fortified themselves , and in the morning appeared six thousand strong , having flocked from all the Neighbourhood . Just at this time came an Express from the King of Cochin , desiring Martin Alfonso to return with all speed , because the King of Calicut knowing he was absent was coming down with a fresh Power This Advice diverted any farther Action He returned , and the King of Calicut who came on , because he was absent , retired as soon as he knew he was present . So great is the Force of Conceit . 22. Mean while Madune Pandar , King of Ceitavaca , besieged his Brother of Cota , with a Fleet by Sea. Nuno Freyre de Andrade , in defence of the latter went to Columbo to meet the other with only eight Portugueses , and six hundred Natives , where he killed many , and took four Paraos , with good Artillery . Madune demanded Aid of Zamori , he sent him two thousand Men. With this Assistance he besieged the City of Cota for the Term of three Months . Knowing then that Martin Alfonso was coming to his Brother's Relief , who had desired it as a Subject of Portugal , he raised the Siege . When Martin came , Madune was drawn off , and reconciled to his Brother . There being nothing left for Martin Alfonso to do here , having visited the King , who was most thankful for the speedy Succour , he set out in search of the Malabar Fleet , which had assisted Madune , and met it at Mangalor , where after a sharp Encounter it was defeated , and twelve hundred Moors slain . CHAP. VIII . Still continues the Government of Nuno de Cuna , from the Year 1537 , till the Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. THE King of Cambaya , Badur ( who with only the assistance of the Portugueses had recovered his Kingdom ) now studied their Ruin , and repenting he had granted leave to raise the Fort , endeavoured to take it , and kill the Commander , and all the Garrison . Nuno de Cuna understood his wicked Design , and began to prepare to prevent it . That brave Gentleman Emanuel de Sousa then commanded at Diu , by him Badur designed to begin the Execution . On the eighth of October at night a Moor came to the Wall , and told Sousa , The King would send for him next day to kill him , that he would not tell his Name , le●…t it might be thought an invention to get a Reward . Emanuel was long in doubt whether to go or stay , at last he resolved to go , and using at other times to have a numerous Retinue well armed , went now with only one Servant , being sent for at the hour he had been before warned . The King seeing him unconcerned , converted his malice for that time into an honorable Reception , and Emanuel returned to the Fort. The King's Mother endeavoured to dissuade him from this wicked intention , and he thought it was better by often visiting the Captain in the Fort to take off all suspicion , and so murder him there , and seize upon it . He was of a violent nature , and so began his first Visit at an unseasonable hour of the night , not regarding the very unseasonableness was enough to render it suspicious . Sousa received him upon his Guard , they discoursed of things indifferent ; the King went away , believing he had ensnared Sousa , and he had given him a sufficient caution . 2. Nuno de Cuna being advertised by Emanuel de Sousa of the posture of Affairs at Diu , thought strange , That he had not secured the King when in his Power , and his wicked Intentions were known ; and that he had given out that Ships were come from Portugal with great Supplies . This Invention endangered Nuno , for Badur resolved to murder him first , that he might not come to the Relief of the Fort when Sousa was killed . He writ to him , desiring he would come to Diu about important Affairs . Nuno , tho he knew his wicked Designs , made no difficulty of going . He set out of Goa on the ninth of Ianuary , and with what Vessels he carried , and followed him , appeared there with near three hundred Sail. 3. He put in at Chaul , and found that Nizamaluco , induced thereto by Badur , had been there with eight thousand Men , pretending it was to divert his Women at Sea , but in reality with an ill design on that place , which was disappointed by the care of Simon Guedez , who commanded there . At Ba●…aim he took up his Brother-in-law , Antony de Silveyra , a Man of great worth , and left in his place Ruy Vaz Pereyra . 4. King Badur was at that time in the mountains hunting . Nuno sent to visit him ; but he who let slip no opportunity , now especially , prevented him by sending to him first one Iohn de Santiago , not long before a Christian , but fallen again , and become a Favourite of Badur , by the name of Frangue Cham. Cuna was indisposed , and feigned himself worse , so lying off of Diu he sent to excuse himself to the King for not landing immediately . The King feigning great Friendship presently enters into a Boat in which he had sent Nuno a Present of Venison . There went with him thirteen Men of Quality , and Emanuel de Sousa , who had carried the last Message from Nuno de Cuna to him . He received him aboard the Galeon in the best manner he could . Being seated , they discoursed of indifferent things , but the King was surprised to see a Page whisper Nuno de Cuna , and it was a Message from Emanuel de Sousa , who believing he was to be there secured , or killed , sent word that some Captains were waiting his Orders . The King was somewhat quieter , seeing Cuna did not mind the Page , and soon rose , and went away . Cuna had thought it strange that Sousa did not secure the King when he had him in the Fort alone , and now having him aboard the Gallion he did not detain him . Nuno ordered all the Officers to accompany the King first , and then Emanuel de Sousa to the Fort , where he proposed to secure the King , when he came to visit him ; as the King on the other side had resolved to seize him at a dinner he had a design to invite him to , and send him to the great Turk in a Cage . 5. Emanuel de Sousa was going to invite the King to the Fort , while Nuno de Cuna got thither . He came up with the King 's Catur or Barge , and made the offer by the means of Rume Cham , who at the sametime advised the King not to go , because he suspected they would secure him . He slighted the Caution , and bid Sousa come into his Barge , who stepping over fell into the Sea , but being taken up , the Officers who came with him carried him to the King. At the same time came up another of our Barges and some Gentlemen , who seeing Emanuel de Sousa entred hastily into the Kings . He suspecting their hasty coming aboard , together with the Caution given by Rume Cham , ordered his Officers to kill Emanuel de Sousa . Iames de Mesquita understanding it , flew at , and wounded the King , whilst they killed that valiant Captain . There was a bloody Fray in which four of our Gentlemen were killed , having slain seven of the Enemy . Other of our Barges coming up received some damage from a Page who shot several with the King's Bow , till killed with a Musquet Ball. Three of the King's Ships came up to rescue him . He seeing the danger began to fly , but was stopped by a Cannon shot which killed three of his Men that rowed . The King thought now to escape by swimming , but being in danger of drowning , cried out , discovering who he was . Tristan de Payva de Santarem coming up , reached out to him an Oar to bring him aboard his Vessel , when a Soldier struck him cross the Face with a Halberd , and so others , till he was killed . He was a little while above Water , and then sunk , and neither his nor Emanuel de Sousa his Body could be found , tho Nuno de Cuna caused them to be diligently looked after to give them the due Funeral Honors . 6. Most of the Citizens from the Walls beheld this Engagement , and no sooner was the News of the King's Death spread , but they began to abandon the City in such confusion , that many were trampled to death , running hastily to save life . The fear was that Nuno de Cuna would fall upon the City for the Plunder , but he soon quieted them with publick Proclamations . Such as had not fled , stayed ; and those who had , returned . He was seen to enter the Town unarmed , comforting the Inhabitants , and restraining the Avarice of his Men , so that not the least Disorder was committed . Then he went to the Fort. 7. He gave the Command of the Fort to Antony de Silveyra Meneses , his Brother-in-law , whom he brought from Ba●…aim , and the Sequel shewed it was his Worth , not Kindred , that procured him that Post. Pay●… Rodiguez de Araujo was appointed his Lieutenant . The Queen Mother was retired to Navanaguer . Nuno de Cuna sent to comfort her , and demonstrate the death of her Son had been of his own seeking , but she would not hear the Messenger . What was found in the Palace in Gold and Silver did not exceed two hundred thousand Pardaos . The quantity of Ammunition was to be admired . In the Port were one hundred and sixty Vessels , some of great bulk . No less wonderful was the number of Brass Cannon , for that of Iron was not reckoned . Among the first were found three Basilisks of such prodigious Greatness , that Nuno de Cuna sent one as a rarity to Portugal , which is to this day kept in the Castle of S. Iulian , at the mouth of the River of Lisbon , and called , The Gun of Diu. 8. Among the dead King's Papers , and those of Abdel Cader his Treasurer , were found Letters from Saf Cham , containing the progress he had made towards bringing the Turks upon the Portugueses , and Copies of others from the King to those of Aden and Xael to the same purpose . Nuno having gathered these and other Testimonies against the King , called Coje Zofar , a Man in great repute among the Maho●…etans and Gentils , who gathered the principal Merchants and Cazi●…es , that is , Teachers of the Law. Before all these the Governor produced the Letters and other Testimonials , which convinced the wicked Designs of the King , and justified all his own Proceedings in that Affair . All the Moors and Pagans confessed themselves fully satisfied , as to the Justice of the Action , and accordingly gave him Certificates thereof in the Arabian and Persian Languages , signed by Coje Zofar , and the principal Merchants and Caziçes , which were dispersed to the Princes of Decan , Narsinga , Ormuz , and the Coast of Arabia as far as Aden , that they might all be informed of the true Causes of this Accident , and that the Jealousies caused by the King's death might be allayed . 9. For the greater satisfaction of the publick , Nuno ordered the Mahometans should have the free Exercise of their Religion and Laws ; and that the Constitutions made by Badur should be observed as if he were present . All Pensions or Salaries allowed by him were continued . Among many that resorted to reap the Benefit of this unexpected Liberality was a Moor of Bengala , who by authentick Informations was found to be three hundred and twenty years of Age. He was seen long after , as shall be said , when we speak of his death , or vanishing . He had at this time two Sons , one ninety , the other twelve years old . His Beard and Teeth had fallen and grown again four or five times . To appearance he seemed about sixty years of Age. Of person indifferent , rather little than tall , neither fat nor very lean . He said , that being one day in his first Century , looking to his Cattle on the Bank of a River , there appeared to him a Man cloathed in Grey , girt with a Cord ; with Wounds in his Hands and Feet , praying him to carry him over upon his Shoulders . And that having done it , he told him , That as a Reward for that Act of Charity , he should continue in the same disposition of Body , till he saw him again . The Portugueses , after this coming into India , and he into one of their Churches , and seeing the Image of S. Francis , cryed out with surprize : This is , this is the Man I carried over the River so many years ago . This was the cause why Badur maintained him , and why now Nuno de Cuna continued his Allowance . 10. Mir Mahomet Zaman descended from the Kings of Delhi , who had reigned in Cambaya , hearing the death of Badur , went to visit the Queen Mother at Novanaguer . She fearing he came to rob her , would not see him . Zaman had no such intention then , but came to offer her his Service , and to revenge the death of the Son. She thinking she was not secure there , resolved to remove , and he offended at her Contempt , lay in wait for her with two thousand Horse , and robbed her of all that was of Value , which amounted to above two millions of Gold , and gathering above five thousand Men , was by them proclaimed King of Guzarate , and with this Title entered Novanaguer . Hence he sent to Nuno de Cuna , acquainting him with the posture of his Affairs , his Title to the Crown , and desiring his Assistance , in requital for which he offered the Portugueses all the Coast from Mangalor to Beth , the Town of Damam as far as Baçaim , the Royal Country-House of Novanaguer , and other advantageous Conditions . Nuno admitted them , and caused him to be proclaimed King in the Mosque of Diu ; at the same time advising him to raise Forces , and disperse the other Pretenders . Zaman fearing the Advice was deceitful , lay still , and found the ill Consequence , for the People set up Mahomet , Nephew to the deceased , and prepared to fall upon Zamam at Novanoguer , but delayed the Execution because Cuna was so near . At this time arrived five Ships from Portugal . 11. The Governor being gone as the Princes of Guazarate desired , the better to maintain Mahomets Title , two of them marched towards Zamam with sixty thousand Men , they corrupted most of his Officers . He being sensible of it , ordered his Friends to carry about them as much Gold and Jewels as they could to serve them in their flight . Those who were corrupted did not fight ; the others did wonders , particularly Zamam , who fled to Omaum , King of the Mogols , of whom he received the Kingdom of Bengala . The Conquerors called Antony de Silveyra , Commander of Diu , to an account for the King's death , and being satisfied of the Causes , proposed a Peace , but refusing the Conditions granted by Zamam , broke off . Cuna hearing this News , made ready to return to Diu , dispatching the homeward bound trading Ships , and sending Martin Alfonso de Sousa with forty Ships to guard the Coasts of Malabar . 12. The greatest Enemies the Portugueses found in India were the Moors , inhabiting from Chaul to C. Comori , the space of 200 Leagues , who had flocked hither in great numbers for the great Riches of the Sea in Pearls , and vast Trade of all those Ports . Pate Marcar , a powerful Moor of Cochin , offended that the Portugueses had taken some of his Vessels , went over to Calicut the better to annoy them with the assistance of that King. There he was furnished with above fifty Ships , two thousand Men , and four hundred Pieces of Cannon , to go to the assistance of Madune Pandar , against his Brother the King of Ceylon , our Ally . At Coulam he found a great Portuguese Ship lading with Pepper , he beset her , and after a sharp Engagement was forced to retire , having killed the Captain of her . Farther on he took a Ship , and killed all that were in it . Beyond C. Comori he destroyed a Town of the Christians . Martin Alfonso hearing of this , pursues , and running up a River with only nineteen Barques , offers him battel , but he refused , and got off . It looked like a rashness to follow further , so Martin returned to Cochin , in order to set out again better provided . 13. He set out with twenty three Vessels , all to row , and four hundred Men. At Beadala he met Pate Marcar careening , in order to go over to Ceylon . Pate , seeing Alfonso , gathered seven thousand Men , and Alfonso with his four hundred resolved to fight him . He ordered Gaspar de Lemos with seven Barges to stay till he gave the signal with a Cannon , and then to come up with all the greatest noise he could to divert the Enemy on that side , while he attacked them on the other . A Piece being fired without order , Lemos thinking it was the Signal , came up , and was killed with others , before Martin Alfonso could relieve him . At last he came and revenged the death of those , killing above seven hundred of the Enemy , and putting the rest to flight , whereby he remained Master of the Sea and Field . Thirty Portugueses were lost . Among the Portugues Slaves here set at liberty was a Woman , who was Mistress to one of them loaded with Chains , who could not be prevailed upon by Threats nor Promises to renounce her Faith , but with great Constancy ( much to be admired in such a Woman ) encouraged the Slaves to continue firm in the Faith , in contempt of all Tortures . The chief party of the Booty consisted of twenty three Barques , four hundred Cannon , fifteen hundred Musquets , and many Prisoners . This happened on the fifteenth of February . Martin de Ayala was sent to the Governor in a Catur or Barge , with fifteen Men , who meeting near Chale , a Galliot with two hundred Malabars , fought them so long till both sides desisted through weariness . Ayala being recovered , found he had but four Men left alive , and with them prosecuted his Voyage . 14. Martin Alfonso sailed over victorious to Columbo , the King of which place was besieged by his Brother Madune Pandar , who at first thought our Fleet had been that of Pate , coming to his assistance . But hearing the Ruin of it , raised the Siege , and made Peace . Martin and his Officers honored and presented by the King , sailed to Cochin , from whence they again set out to scour the Coast. Off of Mount Delii they met six Paraos , and took five of them . A little farther they had the like Success with seventeen others . Next day they took six , and a Ship laden with Provisions . Six thousand Pardaos were offered Martin for the Ransom of one Moor , and he chose rather to hang him for an Example . Being ordered by the Governor to Diu , because a great Fleet of Turks was expected , he forced ashore by the way a great Gallion of theirs , and loaded his small Vessels with the Riches were in it . Thus Martin Alfonso struck a Terror into all the Enemies , and purchased us great security for some time . 15. D. Emanuel de Meneses was gone about this time Embassador to Xael , and was there imprisoned by that King with all the Portugueses who were in the Town . So●… base and insolent Spirits were the Cause of this Action . The King had favourably received some Portugueses in his Port , but they being a loose People , required his Kindness with Injuries . One of these among others had robbed the King 's own Cousin , and after other Tortures hung him and two other persons of Note by the private Parts , to make them discover their Treasure . Gonzalo Vaz committed another Robbery . Alvaro Madera being kindly entertained by an honest Moor , forced his Wife from him . One Godino had the Honor to treat the King at his House , and payed it with calling him Drunkard . Others took a Ship belonging to his Subjects , and impudently came to sell it in his Port. These and other Villanies had been acted , when D. Emanuel de Meneses came with seventy Men to settle a Peace . He was ignorant of what had happened , and suspected it the less , being well treated by the King. He was lodged , and then beset , the Moors killing all the Portugueses about the Town . A just Punishment for such Extravagances . The King sent for D. Emanuel to Court , he went with seventy Men , but was admitted with only one , and received very civilly , but detained a Prisoner , as were all the seventy , except Godino , whose Head was cut off in the presence of the King. For Insolencences committed upon Royal Persons admit no delay of punishment . Of the seventy he sent thirty as a Present to the Turk to purchase his Favour , thinking he had by this Action lost the Portugueses . Among the thirty was Madera , who making his Escape from Constantinople , carried the News to Portugal of the Turkish Fleet that was fitting at Suez to invade India . This Advice caused the King to send continual Succors , and immediately he dispatched five Ships . 16. Nuno de Cuna hearing what had happened at Xael , ordered D. Ferdinand de Lim●… who was going to command at Ormuz , by the way to conclude a peace with that King. He did it , the Peace was sworn , and D. Manuel de Meneses with those who were still there restored . Nuno being satisfied the Turks were not coming , as the Moo●… gave out to terrifie him , began that vast Cistern , which is there of such bigness , that being twenty five Spans deep each Span contains a thousand Pipes of Water . This he provided against a long Siege , and added new Fortifications . Having given all the necessary Orders in this place , he sailed to Goa . CHAP. IX . Continues still the Government of Nuno de Cuna , the same Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third . 1. LET us now turn a while to the Bay of Bengala , into which falls the famous River Ganges , by two mouths . This River has its springs in the mountains of great Tartary , from whence it runs to the Southward near 600 Leagues , and divides India into two pa●…ts Intra & extra Gangem . On the mouth that falls into the Sea to the Eastward is the City Chatigam , on that to the Westward Satigam . The Ganges runs through the middle of the Kingdom of Bengala , to which were subject on the East those of Caor , Comataii , Sirote , Codovoscam , Cou and Tipora , but these two last joining together , threw off the Subjection ; on the West of the River Cospetir , ( whose Plain is overflowed by Ganges , as Egypt by the Nile ) conquered by the Patanas . The Heathens here say , that God granted these particular Prerogatives or Blessings to five Kingdoms . To that of Bengala infinite numbers or Foot , to Orixa Elephants , to Bisnagar People skilled in Sword and Buckler , to Delhi abundance of Towns , and to Cou innumerable Horses . The Country of Bengala lying between twenty two and twenty six degrees of Northern Latitude , and being very well watered is most fruitful , and produces many sorts of Fruit some like that of Spain , Sugar and long Pepper , abundance of Cattel and foul , infinite quantities of Cotten , which they work , the Curiosity of their Quilts is extraordinary . The Natives are Heathens , and Men of no Courage , but false and treacherous , that it may appear all the World over Cowardize and Treachery go together . The King is Heir to all Men. The principal City Gouro seated on the Banks of Ganges , three Leagues in length , containing one million and two hundred thonsand Families , and well fortified ; along the streets , which are wide and streight , Rows of Trees to shade the People , which sometimes is in such numbers that some are trod to death . 2. About fifty years before the Portugueses discovered India , came ●…o Gouro an Arabian Mahometan , who growing rich and powerful , obtained the then King of Bengala , a Victory over the King of Orixa . The King besides other Rewards made him Captain of his Guard , and he ingratefully killed the King , usurped the Kingdom , and left the Inheritance thereof to the Moors that succeeded . They observe no Rule of Inheritance from Father to Son , but even Slaves sometimes obtain it by killing their Master , and whoever holds it three days they look upon as established by Divine Providence . Thus it fell out , that in forty years space they had thirteen Kings successively . At the time when Martin Alfonso de Melo Iusarte was prisoner to Mahomet Xiath , that King who tyrannically held the Crown kept his Court at Gouro , in great apprehension of being deposed , but with such state that only his Women amounted to the number of ten thousand . Martin and the others who were Prisoners with him obtained him success against the Patanas with whom he was at War. 3. Martin and his Fellows obtained their Liberty by the means of Coje Sabadim , a rich Moor , who promised , i●… Nuno de Cuna would carry him to Ormuz , he would contrive the King of Portugal should have a Fort in the Port of Chatigam . The Governor earnest upon this important Affair , granted all he demanded , and sent thither Martin Alfonso with two hundred Men in five Vessels . The better to gain the King 's good Will , Martin Alfonso sent him a Present , but he being suspicious , would have killed the Messengers , had not some Moors , and a Gentil reputed a Saint , and to be two hundred years of Age , dissuaded him . 4. Thirteen who carried the Present , and thirty of forty wherewith Alfonso was invited to a Dinner , were secured at the same time , the former at Gouro , and the latter at Chatigam , the other ten that were with him were killed in the Fray. 5. Nuno de Cuna hearing hereof by those who escaped in the Ships , sent Antony de Silva Meneses with three hundred and fifty in nine Vessels , to treat of ransoming the Prisoners , with the assistance of Coje S●…badim , the Author of that Expedition , and detained a Ship of his richly laden , for security of his fair Proceedings therein . Sylva from Chatigam sent the King the Governor's Letter , and a Present . The Answer being long a coming , Sylva thought the King had secured the Messenger , and so rashly fell upon , and burnt Chatigam and other places . As he was spreading Sail , the Messenger came with the King's Answer , who knowing what Antony had done , kept the Prisoners more hardly . 6. Necessity obliged him to turn his Severity into Kindness , for Xercham , a Man of Note with the Mogol , disobliged by his Prince , deserted to the King of Bengala with his Brother Hedele Cham. Both were put into great Posts . Xercham , now at the Head of a great Army , resolved to revenge upon this King the Death of a Child , by him murdered to secure himself the Crown . At the same time , Omaum the Mogol , in revenge of what Xercham had done at Delhi , met and defeated him . But being apparently reconciled , he recovered himself . 7. Xercham streightened the King , and he advised with Martin Alfonso how to withstand him , when Iames Rabelo came to Chatigam , sent by Nuno de Cuna with three Vessels to procure Martin's Liberty . The King being in distress ordered him to be favourably entertained , and to gain assistance from Nuno de Cuna , sent him twenty two of the Prisoners . Nuno sent nine Vessels . Mean while Xercham marched to gain a Pass upon the Fort of Gorii , which is where the Ganges enters Bengala . By advice of Martin Alfonso , the King sent two of his Vessels , commanded by two Portugueses , with eight others to stop his Passage . They stopped him there , and he taking another away , set down before the City Gouro with forty thousand Horse , two hundred thousand Foot , and fifteen hundred Elephants . Down the River came three hundred Almadies , which sailed to the place where the King had eight hundred Paraos to oppose them . Here eight Portugueses , commanded by Duarte de Brito , did wonders in the King's sight , to take an Elephant that was swimming , and much coveted by the King ; he was taken with the loss of three of the eight . Xercham distressed the City , and the King bought a Peace , and was content that he from his Army should do him reverence . 8. The King being at ease , gave liberty to Martin Alfonso and his Men to go for India , leaving only five as Hostages for the assistance he expected from the Governor . Soon after Xercham returns and enters Gouro by force , obliging the King already wounded to abandon the City , who died on his way to Omaum , the Mogol , while Xercham plundered the place . It was said Xercham drew off with above sixty millions of Gold value , when Omaum came on bringing the dead King with him . At this time Vasco Perez de Sampayo arrived with the Succour , but acted nothing . Omaum finding the City abandoned , buried the King , and set up in his place his own Brother-in law , Mir Mahomet Zaman , lately deprived of the Kingdom of Cambaya , and soon after of this ; for Xercham having secured his Treasure , with diligence returned to Gouro , and made him fly thence . 9. Omaum again set out to meet Xercham with one hundred thousand Horse , and one hundred and fifty thousand Foot , besides the Followers of the Army , which were above two hundred thousand . They met on the Banks of Ganges , near the City Canose . Xercham by a stratagem got the day with such a slaughter , that Omaum with only twenty five Men never stopped till he came to Labor , where his Brother Camiran Mirza received him better than he deserved , Mirza being then under Cure of the Poison he had given him . Xercham treated Omaum's Women , taken in that Battel with great respect , and afterwards restored them , well convinced of his Modesty and Liberality . 10. Omaum finding himself too weak for the Enterprize of Bengala , bent his Thoughts against Cambaya , and demanding Aid of his principal Subjects was by them disappointed . He went into Persia , in which King he had great Confidence , on account of the Friendship of their Fathers . Nor was he deceived , for the Persian King received him with Magnificence , gave him rich Presents , and lastly , an Army of twelve thousand Horse . And because Sultan Xiath , King of Quereman , to whom he gave the Command of them , excused himself , saying , It was not for his Reputation to engage where the person of his Prince was not . He gave him h●… Son and Heir , yet in his Nurses Arms , and ●…ade him Governor of him . So far can a truly royal Bounty extend when it resolves to do good . 11. Besides these twelve thousand given by Xiath , ten thousand Voluntiers offered themselves to Omaum . Who joining his own Forces , invested the City Candar , where his Broster Astarii Mirza had proclaimed himself King of Mogostam . The City taken , he gave to the young Prince , who possessed it not long , but died soon of the Fatigue of the Marches . King Sultan Xiath , his Governor , went to a City where many of the Persian Kings lie buried , to inter the Infant , leaving all the Men with Omaum for the space of two years , under four General Officers . These soon left him , and returned to Persia , where they were disgraced by the King , and made incapable of any Post of Honor , declaring he could not have wished the young Prince a more glorious death than he had in his Nurses Arms , assisting such a Prince as Omaum . Xercham raised by Fortune to a formidable pitch , having at command four hundred thousand Horse , and being courted by all the adjacent Princes , aspiring now to greater Undertakings , took the City Calijor of the Resbutos , with intent to rob the Treasure that was there in a Temple . Pointing a Cannon to kill an Elephant belonging to that Temple , he killed himself ; for the Piece bursting , tore him and many more to pieces . So that Fire turned all his Glory into Smoke . Such is the end of Pride . 12. At Malaca there were no less Troubles than in these parts . D. Paulo de Gama had the Command of this place , he , to found . Alaudim King of Viantana , Son to him of Bintam , destroyed by Mascarenhas , sent Sebastian Vieyra with five Pórtugueses to settle a Friendly Correspondence . The King , at the instigation of him of Pacem , bound and poured boiling Water upon them till they died , and then gave them to be devoured by wild Beasts . D. Paulo was not then in a condition to take revenge . He sent Emanuel Godino to the Kings of Panda and Pate , who concluded a Peace with them , whereby Malaca was relieved with Provisions , which he of Vjantana cut off on the other side . The year 1534 D. Stephen de Gama came and took possession of that Command , and repaired the Works . Hearing some Vessels of the Enemy were in the River Muar , he sent one to discover them , he returned pursued by ten sent by Lacxemena , who came to the assistance of Vjantana with seventy sent by his Uncle Tuam Gaba . Instantly D. Paulo set out with nine Sail. Two Paraos were sent after to their assistance but too late , for when they came up a bloody Battel was ended , in which almost all our Men were slain , having done wonders , and made such a slaughter of the Enemy , that they durst not take the Ships whose Crew they had killed . Only three Men of Note escaped . 13. D. Stephen now resolved to destroy the City of Vjantana , and set out with twenty six Sail and two hundred and fifty Men. Vjantana is the South East Point of the Coast of Malaca , from which forty Leagues distant . On the West of it runs into the Sea the deep River Tor , on whose Banks was seated King Alaudim's City , and three Leagues below it a Fort so well stored with Cannon , it could sink any Vessel should attempt the Entrance . Here D. Stephen entred with much danger , both Banks being covered with armed Men , but a party of Musqueteers on each side cleared the Shores. The first Attacks of the Fort D. Stephen received damage , but afterwards did much more for the space of eight days . The Besiegers began to dismay , but were encouraged by D. Stephen and Peter Barriga . Now the Enemy having received fresh Succour , drew out into the Field , where such slaughter of them was made , that they fled that day in despair to the Fort , and the next abandoned it , the King escaping with his Women and Treasure . The City Tor was plundered and burnt , much Cannon and some Vessels taken , such as could not be carried , perished in the Flames , and D. Stephen returned victorious to Malaca , where he was received in triumph , this being one of the notable Victories till then gained in Asia . 14. The King began again Acts of Hostility , and D. Stephen returns with four hundred Men. He found the Fort he had destroyed repaired , and in it five thousand Men Five hundred of them were killed the first Assault . Many Ships were burnt , and D. Stephen marched towards the City , when the King from the Mountain , whither he had retired , sent to treat of Peace . He was ordered to send Hostages , and sent an Uncle of his own , with his Wives , so D. Stephen returned to Malaca , whither four Embassadors followed , who concluded the Peace upon these Conditions . That the King should send to Malaca all the Cannon that was in his Country , that he should build no Ships of War , that he should erect no Forts , that he should restore all Prisoners and Goods taken , that he should not hinder bringing Provisions to Malaca , that his Subjects should resort thither to buy and sell. This Peace being sworn to , brought great Tranquility to Malaca . The year 1537 this Quiet was disturbed by a Commander of Achem , who attacked the Bridge with three thousand Men. D. Stephen met him with some Gentlemen and two hundred Soldiers , and slew five hundred without the loss of one , so the Enemy drew off with shame . Soon after he returns with five thousand , and retired with the like Disaster . 15. D. Stephen had sent Francis de Barros in a Ship with twenty Portugueses to the King of Patane . In that Port Tuam Mahomet , Admiral of Vjantana , fell upon him with forty Sail. The Fight was desperate , some Portugueses and many Enemies fell , and they parted . All advise Barros to save himself ashore , most leave him , and he stays aboard with only two , who at last prevail , and firing the Ship , they get ashore in the Boat , and bring off the Cannon . The King received them kindly . Henry Mendez de Vasconcelos was sent to bring them back . Those of Iava fall upon them both with twenty Calaluzes that carried two Rows of Oars , well furnished with Cannon . Mendez and Barros were in two Vessels , ten Calaluzes attack each , one had sixteen , the other but few more Portugueses . The Fight was very hot , some Portugueses fall , and Mendez was stun'd with a poisoned Arrow . Barros was in danger , having but three Men and himself wounded . Vasconcelos recovering , comes to his aid , shatters some , takes others of the Calaluzes , puts the Remainder to flight , and obtains an entire Victory . 16. Mean while Tristan de Ataide , at Maluco , through avarice , caused great Troubles . He took King Tabarija and sent him prisoner to Nuno de Cuna , who endeavoured to remedy these Disorders , by sending a very orderly Commander . Such was Antony Galvam , whose Prudence healed all the Sores made by his Predecessors . Having taken possession of the Command , he acted with Modesty and Justice , without favour or affection . The Fort was unprovided of Cannon and Ammunition , he furnished all at his own charge , and because Timber was wanting for the Works , he was always the fitst that went to the Woods , and returned loaded . 17. All things being settled here , Galvam turns to Tidore , where eight Kings with a vast number of Men were allied against the Portugueses . He sent to sound them , and they made a Truce , but observed it not , and Galvam seeing he had but few Men , that those decreased by Famine , and 't was too tedious to expect relief from India , he resolved upon an Action that was accounted rash . He set out in four Ships with on●… hundred and seventy Portugueses , and fifty Moors . Tristan de Ataide was left in the Fort. Galvam was met by 2000 Moors , there passed some Blows . Soon after appeared three hundred Sail , containing above thirty thousand Moors , who thought to have terrified Galvam , but in vain ; for he held on his course , and they followed him . They anchored at Tidore , the Shores were covered with multitudes who rent the Air with Shouts . The Cannon of the Fort played , but the Shot went over the Ships . The Fort appeared impregnable , but by that it was resolved to begin . Galvam scales it with one hundred and twenty Portugueses , and as many Slaves as made up in all three hundred . The Kings came upon him with fifty thousand Men , but he draws into a close Wood. They thought he fled , and pursue with hideous Shouts . Soon were they turned into Lamentations . King Cachil Daialo , who led the Enemies Van , came another way to fall upon Galvam , endeavouring to amuse him , till the Body of the Army came up , which he perceiving , gave the sign to fall on , and after a hot Dispute , the Enemy fled , the King being killed among the first . Some of those that fled disordered them that were marching , others run to the Fort. Galvam pursues the latter , and enters along with them . They abandon the Fort , and he set fire to it . Whilst the Fort flamed , the Kings fled to the Mountains with their Treasure , and Antony marches to the City . The Inhabitants abandon , and he burns it down to the Ground , levelling the Works so that scarce any memory of the City was left , but the signs of the Ashes . Many Moors were killed , and many taken . This unparallel'd Victory cost but one Slave . 18. Those Kings thought to do us some harm with Ambushes at embarquing , and afterwards at Sea , but came off with loss . He of Tidore afterwards came to a peace , the Conditions honourable on our side . Antony , the more to oblige that King , offered to rebuild the City , which was immediately put in hand , with these and other Courtesies he so much obliged him and his Subjects , that they confided in him as an ancient tried Friend . 19. Galvam found it was easier to overcome the greatest Army of Barbarians , than the least Portugues Avarice . He proposed to put in execution the King's Instructions relating to the Trade of Clove , and the Portugueses opposed , because they put a stop to their Frauds and Robberies . Next he would have examined into the Crimes of Tristan de Ataide , and he conscious of his own Guilt begged Mercy . Tho undeserving , Galvam took pity on and reconciled him with many , that they might not be his Accusers . Ataide requited his kindness by provoking most of the Portugueses to mutiny about the Trade of Clove . Antony endeavouring to appease , found them them all in Arms. At length Tristan sailed for India , having hindered the loading Clove for the King's use , and carrying away most of the Mutineers . So the Fort was exposed to eminent danger . If the Commanders were bad , the Moors could not live with them , if good , they could not live with the Portugueses . 20. The Kings of Gilolo and Bachan prepared a fresh to fall upon Galvam . He being weak , offered peace ; for the same Reason they refused it . Galvam finding himself in no condition to withstand , challenges them both to fight Man to Man. They accept of the Challenge , but the King of Tidore interposing , came to an agreement . The two Kings so religiously observed this Pacification , that they refused to admit into their Ports two Spanish Ships forced thither by stress of Weather . They were cast away upon the Coast , and those few that escaped , taken by the Natives , and ransomed by Galvam , who treated them courteously . Their Captain was Ferdinand de Grijalva , sent out the year 1537 by Ferdinand Cortes . Now the Ternatenses were at variance , refusing to obey Cachil Aeiro as King , set up by Tristan de Ataide , and clamouring for Tabarija , by him imprisoned and sent to India . They offered to make Galvam King till they had a lawful one . He refused and endeavoured to make them agree . This Action of his , and the persuasions of the King of Tidore , prevailed with them to admit Aeiro . After this all things continued in a wonderful Calm . 21. Galvam heared a great Fleet was coming upon Ternate , he borrowed some small Ships of the King of Tidore , into which he put forty Portugueses , and gave the Command to the Priest Ferdinand Vinagre , who behaved himself so well he beat that Fleet , and killed their Admiral . Then he quieted the Country , sometimes handling the Sword , sometimes putting on the Surplice , he baptized many . Galvam perceiving how great Fruit this Priest produced , assisted him to prosecute the Conversion ; and he so treated the Converts , that the Natives said , It must needs be a true God that such a man adored , and his Religion ought to be embraced by all men . At this time Galvam was informed , a great Fleet was coming from Iava , Banda , Macaçar and Amboina to load Clove at Maluco , by force of Arms. To meet them he sent Iames Lopez de Azevedo with forty Portugueses , and 400 Ternatenses and Tidores . The Battel was fought at Amboina , that Fleet defeated , Vessels , Cannon , Arms and Men taken . He scoured the Coast , and baptized three whole Towns , Ativa , Matelo and Nocivel . Two Brothers , Gentlemen of the Island Macaçar , came to Ternate to take Galvam , for their Godfather in Baptism , and took the Names of Antony and Michael with his Sirname . They afterwards came to visit him with Ships richly laden , and several young Gentlemen who were also baptized . They gave an account much might be wrought in their Islands , and those of Celebes both in Spirituals and Temporals . Galvam sent sent Francis de Castro with two Priests , who were drove by bad Weather to discover other Islands a hundred Leagues North of the Malucos . The first they came to was Satigana , the King and People Pagans . Castro made Peace with him , which was confirmed by drinking each the others Blood , to which effect they had a Vein opened . Then the King , Queen , a Son , three Brothers , and many Nobles were baptized . Next they discovered the Island Mindanao , where the same happened with the King , Queen , their two Daughters and many People . After them were baptized the Kings of Butuano , Pimilarano and Camisino , the two first took the Name of Iohn , the latter was called Francis. Francis de Castro brought to Ternate many Sons of the new Converts , for whom Galvam , at his own expence , erected a Seminary , where they might be instructed , which was the first in our Conquest . The obstinate Mahometans were astonished at so many Conversions , and endeavoured to persuade the Kings to put a stop to their progress ; but were quite amazed when they saw an Arab , whom they reverenced almost as much as Mahomet , from whom he was descended , leave him to follow Christ. The term of Galvam's Command expiring , those Kings begged of ours to continue him for life . But wordly Felicities especially in Government are never lasting . 22. Antony Galvam seeing all things settled , and that it was unjust the Kings of that Island should always be Prisoners , set at liberty Cachil Aeiro persuading him to choose a Queen . This confirmed the great opinion the Ternatenses had of him , and they made publick Songs in his Praise , which are the only History or Records they use . He composed all Differences between the Portugueses and Islanders , and being now at leisure built the Fort and all the Houses after the manner of Spain . After his Example the King beautified Ternate , with Buildings , and granted Lands to the Portugueses , who began to make curious Orchards and Gardens and Country Houses , the Moors did the same . Now Antony Galvam seeing there wanted Water , brought it from three Leagues distance . Being told he consumed his own without making any advantage of the Trade of Clove : he said , He could not meddle with Cloves , because it bore five Nobs , which represents the Wounds of Christ , and are the Arms of Portugal . His Command at Ternate expiring , he returned to Portugal full of Debts , thinking ( but he thought ill , if he knew his own Country ) that he should find some Reward of so much Valour , such Service , so great Parts and Merits . He found Contempt and Misery , which brought him to die in an Hospital . This was the Reward those who deserved best found in Portugal , where Heroick Actions were looked upon as Crimes , and Crimes as Heroick Actions . But his Fame will live for ever . CHAP. X. Which ends the Government of Nuno de Cuna this same Year 1538 , in the Reign of King John the Third , and concludes the First Tome . 1. THE Present sent by the King of Cambaya to the great Turk to obtain Succour from him , was delivered together with the News of his Death . The great Value of this Present demonstrated to that Prince the vast Riches of India , and stirred up in him a desire of becoming Master of it . He thought he might expel the Portugueses in the East , and one of them a Renegado , then at Constantinople , promoted the Design by making it easie . 2. The Turk ordered a Fleet to be fitted , and gave the Command of it to the Eunuch Solyman Bassa , Governor of Caire . Solyman was a Greek Janisary , born in the Morea , of stature short , his Face ugly , and Belly so big , he was more like a Beast than Man , his Age eighty years , he could not rise up without the help of four Men. His Purse purschased him this Command , offering the Turk to furnish the Shipping at his own Cost . The better to perform this , he put to death many rich Men to seize their Estates . Among others he hanged Mir Daud , King of The●…ayda , after taking from him a great Sum of Mony. So it might well be said , this Fleet was rather built by the Dead than by the Living . It contained seventy Sail , most large Gallies , well stored with Cannon , Ammunition and Provisions , seven thousand Land-Men Janizaries , Turks and Mamalucs , the Seamen and Slaves of the best , many of the latter taken out of the Venetian Gallies then at Alexandria , which were seized upon , the Peace made by Bajazet in the year 1503 , being now broke . 3. Solyman having set out committed Villanies natural to a Tyrant and Coward as he was . He caused four hundred Soldiers to be put to the Oars , and because they complained , put to death two hundred . He thought to have taken the King at Gidda , but he , who well knew him , escaped . At Zebet after receiving a rich Present he beheaded the King. In like manner after receiving a Present and Relief from the King of Aden , counterfeiting he had many sick Men aboard , they were set ashore privately armed , and seized the City while he murdered the King aboard . About the beginning of September he came before Diu , having lost six Vessels by the way . 4. When King Badur was killed upon the Sea with some of his Re●…inue , one Coje Zofar swam to shore , and was well received by the Portugueses , who put all others to the Sword. He upon several occasions shewed himself so grateful , that Nuno de Cuna much favoured and recommended him earnestly to Antony de Silveyra . At last without any provocation he fled from Diu to the new King of Cambaya , offering his Service , and persuading him to war upon the Portugueses , and drive them from that Coast , affirming it might be easily done with the assistance of the Turkish Fleet , which he knew would soon be there . The King with this Encouragement forms a Body of five thousand Horse , and ten thousand Foot at Champanel . The first that appeared was Coje Zofar , with three thousand Horse and four thousand Foot , maintained by himself , knowing it is suspicious to advise dangerous Enterprizes , and not have part in them . Antony de Silveyra having notice hereof provided for a long and dangerous Siege . 5. Coje Zofar made the first Breach , falling upon the Town of the Rumes near Diu , where he did much harm . Francis Pacheco defended himself bravely in a Bulwark with fourteen Portugueses , till relieved by Antony de Silveyra and Zofar , was obliged to draw off , being wounded in the Arm. At the same time appears Alu Cham , the King's General with all the Army , and he and Zofar set down before the Passes . Antony de Silveyra orders the Officers , commanding them to quit those Posts , the better to maintain the City and Fort. In the Execution of these Orders they lost some Ships and Guns . 6 By reason of this Loss , and because there were many private Enemies , who only waited an opportunity of shewing their malice , Silveyra could not maintain the City . Some he hanged , and retired to the Fort , always taking the Advice of his Captains . Alu Cham and Coje Zofar presently possessed themselves of the City and Island abandoned by us , and began to play their Shot vigorously . Lope de Sousa , who guarded the Wood and Water , whereof the Fort stood in need , had several Rencounters , and slew many of the Enemy , without losing one Man , but was himself much wounded . Antony de Silveyra , hearing of the approach of the Turkish Fleet , with speed sent advice thereof to Nuno de Cuna , the Answer was the Diligence wherewith he prepared to relieve him in person . 7. Michael Vaz , a resolute Man , sent by Silveyra to discover , saw the Enemies Fleet , and the better to view it , came up so near , that their Shot reached his Vessel . He got off , and carried the News to the Governor at Goa . The Fleet came to an Anchor in the Harbour , and was now formidable , not only to those few Portugueses , but even to the Moors , who had expected it . Next day Solyman landed six hundred Janizaries well accoutred , and armed with Bows and Musquets to terrifie the Beholders . They entered the City , and there acted all the Insolencies used among Soldiers . Then drawing near the Fort , they killed six Portugueses , but three hundred of our Musqueteers advancing , killed fifty of them , and forced the rest to retire . 8. A storm obliged Solyman to remove to Madrefavat , a safer Harbour . There he continued twenty days , in which time Silveyra bettered the Fortifications , planted his Artillery , and assigned every Man his Post. The same was done by the Turks , assisted by Coje Zofar . Some of their Cannon played upon a Bulwark , to burn which they built a wooden Castle on a great Barque filled with combustible Matbut Francis de Gove●… , who had his Command by Sea , went out by night , and with great difficulty got to and burnt it . At this time came some relief sent by Nuno de Cuna , yet the greatest Comfort they brought was the hopes of his coming after in person . 9. Solyman returns from Madrefavat , and fires his Cannon upon the Bulwark where Francis de Gouvea commanded ; from whence , and from S. Thomas his Tower , he was so well answered , that one of his Gallies sunk with most of the Men. The greatest harm the Portugueses received , was from their own Cannon , which burst and killed some : for the Enemy only killed two Brothers , whose Mother took them in her Arms , and carried off the Bodies without shedding a tear . Zofar now furiously battered Francis Pachecho's Bulwark , which he rendered not tenable , seven hundred Janizaries assaulted it , and set up their Colours , but some of the scattered Portugueses advancing , fell on , dislodged them , and killed one hundred and fifty . The Dispute lasted all day , and the Enemy drew off with shame , for the weight of this Action lay upon two resolute Gentlemen . Next day Pacheco in despair surrendred . The Enemy enters the Bulwark , casts down the Christian Colours , and set up the Turkish . Iohn Perez , enraged hereat , throws down the Turkish , and again rears the Christian Ensigns , the Turks come on , and five Portugueses more join Perez , who all were killed upon the spot , and their Bodies cast into the Sea , which laid them at the Gate of the Fort , where they were honourably buried . Pacheco and those with him had articled for Life and Liberty . The latter was not performed by Solyman , the first he granted , cloathing their Bodies with Turkish Garments , as they had cloathed their Souls with Infamy , in accepting them . Then he sent one of them to Silveyra to summon him to surrender . He made a jest of the Proposal . 10. Solyman enraged at this Contempt , prepared to batter the Fort. He planted his Artillery in several places under the direction of Coje . Among the Cannon were nine Pieces of wonderful bigness , carrying Ball of above ninety pounds weight . Thus several other Sizes of Cannon , which in all were above one hundred and thirty , guardby two thousand Turks . Upon Monday the fourth of October , the Battery began , and continued violently twenty days , doing great harm to the Fort , from whence scarce any could be done , nor they could hardly repair the most dangerous Breaches , tho all Art and Diligence was used . 11. The sixth day after they began to batter , the Turks perceiving Gaspar de Sousa's Bulwark much damaged , thought to carry it , but many of them were killed in the Attempt , with the loss of two of ours . Every day there was Action . Goncalo Falcam had his Head shot off . Iohn Fonseca being wounded in the Right Arm , held his Lance with the Left , as if he had received no hurt . The Gallego Iohn , a Youth of nineteen years of age , of a little Body , but great Heart , pursued a Moor till he run into the Sea , thither he followed , till losing ground he was like to drown . The Moor perceiving it , laid hold on him to kill him , but he recovering himself without losing Gun or Sword , slew him , and came out all bloody , walking leisurely towards the Fort , while Showers of Bullets flew about him . Many other singular Acts of Valour were performed this Siege . 12. But by this time many brave Gentlemen had been killed in the Fort , Powder grew short , the Provisions shorter , the Relief of the Viceroy D. Garcia de Noronha , now arrived in India , moved slow , the Neighbouring Forts sent no Aid , and all began to be in confusion . Which was increased by a sickness that hindered most from swallowing the little Provision they had , swelling the Gums , and loosening the Teeth , so that they fell out ; this was caused by the bad Water . In fine , the Portugueses fought and suffered , as if so much Misery could not overcome them . Let the Valour of the Women now take place here . Donna Isabel de Vega , a Woman of great Virtue , and some Beauty , was Wife to Manuel de Vasconcelos , he fearing the Fort might be lost , and she taken by the Turks , earnestly entreated her to go to her Father Francis Ferram at Goa , but she begged not to be parted from him ; which , with much regret at last he granted . Then this Virago considering there were many Men employed in the Work who might fight , and their places be supplied by as many Women , calling together all of that Sex that were in the Fort , she exhorted them to undertake that Labour , to the end so many Men might be added to the number of their Defendants . They all followed , she led and gave the Example , and with her Anne Fenandez , with whom she had before communicated her Design . This Anne was Wife to a Physician , and so couragious , that by night she viewed all the Posts , and appeared at Assaults , encouraging the Soldiers . Her Son being killed in her sight , she drew him away , returned where the Service was , and that ended , went to bury him . 13. Perceiving the Turks undermined his Bulwark , Gaspar de Sousa sallied with seventy Men to view their Work , which he did with great slaughter of the Enemy . At his Retreat missing two Men , he turned back upon the Enemy , fought bravely , and being surrounded , was hamstringed , yet so defended himself on his Knees till oppressed by the multitude . The Mine was countermined ; the continual Labour was insupportable , and impossible to repair so many Ruins . 14. At this Juncture arrived four Vessels , sent by the Viceroy D. Garcia , which carried only twenty Men of Relief . Solyman was concerned at this Succour , tho small , and much more that the Fort stood so many Assaults , Coje Zofar having assured he would carry it at two . At the beginning of the Siege there were six hundred Men in the Fort , many were killed , and some Cannon burst . But the Turk placed no confidence herein , and looked toward the Sea , fearful of the Portugues Fleet he heared was coming upon him . 15. This moved him to press the Siege with more vigour . The Bulwark of the Sea where Antony de Sousa commanded , was furiously attacked with fifty Barques , two whereof were sunk by our Cannon . Then they attempted to scale it , and were repulsed with great slaughter . The Assault was repeated , and still the Enemy came off with loss . Sousa sent the wounded Men to be dressed , among them Fernan Penteado , who waiting , heared the noise of a fresh Attack , and forgetting the Dressing , run thither , and received another Wound , the very same happened to him the third time , and then was dressed of all three . By this time there were left in the Fort but two hundred and fifity of the six hundred Men , fit to take Arms. 16. Solyman now in despair resolved to venture all . First he counterfeited he would raise the Siege , and twelve Gallies put to Sea , that Silveyra might be the easier surprized , but he provided still to repulse the greatest danger . One night some Noise was heared at the Foot of the Wall by water , it appeared they were applying great numbers of scaling Ladders , they were opposed , till morning appearing shewed the place beset round , and assaulted by fourteen thousand Men. First the Cannon was played , and then they mounted on all sides , chieflly next the Commandant's House , where it was weakest : but he had placed such Men there as made a great slaughter . Failing there , they attempted a Bulwark , powring in showers of Arrows and Bullets . Great was the Confusion and Havock on both sides . Now come up fourteen Gallies powring in their great shot , but do no Execution . Francis Gouvea made them draw off , having battered two , and killed some Men with his Cannon . By this time two hundred Turks had entered the Bulwark , and planted their Colours . Scarce thirty Portugueses were there to oppose them , but they rushing on desperately regain the Work. The Enemy being very thick , none of our shot is lost , they sustain great damage , and such as were in this Action draw off . Fresh Men succeed , and set up four Colours . The Portugueses wounded and burnt run for ease , and dipped themselves in Jars of Salt Water , where they perished , seeking Refreshment with hellish Torture . Antony de Silveyra indefatigably repaired to all places , encouraging all . Here a Soldier wanting Ball pulled out one of his Teeth to load his Musquet . The Enemy had much the better this second Assault , which a few Gentlemen perceiving , furiously rushed upon them . Iohn Rodrigues , a Man of great Body , and as great Courage , run out with a Barrel of Powder , crying , Clear the way ; for here I carry my own and many a Man's death . He threw the Barrel among the Enemies , and suddenly above a hundred were carried up into the Air , torn in peices , twenty lay burnt upon the ground . Iohn himself came off without hurt , and doing other considerable Actions , deserved afterward some of the first Rewards and Honours gained this Siege . Other Fireworks burnt the four Ensigns who had set up the Colours . Two of our Cannon cleared the place of Enemies , and two Bullets threw down two Ensigns that succeeded the former . The Enemy withdraws , and fresh comes on the third time , and place their Colours . The Commander of these , Son-in-law to Coje Zofar , being killed , his Men dismayed , and turned their Backs . These Assaults lasted above four hours , the same small number of Portugueses withstanding still fresh and numerous Enemies . Our Women in the Fort , and theirs on the Walls of the City , being Spectators of the whole Action . The Portugueses all smeared with Powder , looked more like Moors and were known by their Cloaths not Colour , and among themselves by the Voice , every one looking as if he came out of Hell , their black hue wrought with Fire , Blood and Sweat. In fine , the Enemy carried off above a thousand wounded and left above five hundred Men killed . Of ours fourteen were killed , and two hundred lay useless for want of Blood. Only forty remained able to bear Arms , and the Arms lay broken to pieces about the Ground , some serving such as could not stand on their Legs for Crutches . No hope was left if the Enemy renewed the Attack . The Walls were all shattered , and no Powder left . Nothing but horror appeard . Only the brave Silveyra's Countenance was what encouraged all Men. 17. Solyman put an end to all these Calamities ; for not knowing the Condition the Fort was in , and terrified with this ill success , he raised the Siege . Antony Silveyra seeing them weigh anchor , and hoise sail , thought it was still counterfeit , and prepared to resist as if he had any thing to trust to . He posted the forty Men , and caused some that were wounded to lean against the Walls , to shew a number ; those who could not rise ordered themselves to be carried in their Beds , saying , It was to die in an honourable place . Some of the Women also armed themselves , and appeared upon the Works . The Night was spent upon the watch , but the Morning was more comfortable to the afflicted ; for Solyman was under Sail without any thought of returning . Tho fear did much , yet a Device of Coje Zofar did more towards removing Solyman . Coje was moved to it by two Reasons , one that he was weary of the unsupportable Pride of that Turk ; another an Order that he had from his King , in case he found the Turk would keep that City and Fort ( as was feared ) he should rather endeavour to leave it to the Portugueses . Coje's Device was , that he framed a Letter which came to Solyman's Hands , who finding it contained , that the Viceroy of India would be there the next day with a vast Fleet , he thought not fit to delay his Departure , and so sailed away on the fifth of November . The same night Coje's Men fired the City , and marched away . This was the first Siege of Diu which was admired throughout the World , and added new Lustre to the Portugues Glory , all due to the invincible Courage of the ever renowned Antony de Silveyra , and those valiant Gentlemen who were with him , and whose Fame will last from Generation to Generation . 18. Solyman touched at the Ports on the Coast of Arabia , and took up some Portugueses he found there . He gathered above 140 , and cutting off their Heads , then the Ears and Noses , salted and sent them to the great Turk to shew what he had done . Among these was Francis Pacheco , who had not the Courage to die like a Gentleman in his Bulwark . Solyman being come to the great Turk , and not well agreeing with one who aspired to his Post , was reduced to kill himself . Such is generally the end of Tyrants . 19. This famous Siege was far advanced when the Viceroy D. Garcia de Noronha arrived in India , to whom Nuno de Cuna immediately resigned the Government . His arrival with so considerable Relief as he brought might well have bettered the Affairs of Diu ; yet on the contrary it much endamaged them . For had he not come , Nuno had relieved Diu with eighty Sail he had in a readiness for that purpose , and prevented so many Miseries and the death of so many brave Men. Still fresh Advice was brought of the danger the besieged were in , and still D. Garcia wasted the time in considering of means to relieve them , without chusing any , or taking the advise of Cuna . Thus the Siege was raised before he found the method of relieving , having gathered one hundred and sixty Sail for that purpose . 20. D. Garcia wanted not Courage , having given good demonstrations of it under Alfonso de Albuquerque . But he chose rather to commit an Error through his own wilfulness , than act rightly by the advice of Nuno de Cuna . 21. It soon appeared Noronha was not at all disposed to take advice of Cuna , treating him in such manner at Goa as obliged him to go to Cochin , to order his Affairs in order to return to Portugal . At Cochin he refused him a convenient Ship , contrary to an Order he had from the King to act as Governor , and chuse such Vessel as he liked . He was forced to set out in a Merchant-Galeon , hired for himself and Family . Tho the Viceroy treated him ill there , no less ill usage was designed him here ; and doubtless the knowledge D. Garcia had of the ill will the Ministers of State here bore him was the cause of his hard usage there . 22. Nuno de Cuna by the way fell sick and died . He protested at his death , that he had nothing belonging to the King but five Pieces of Coin , or Medals of Gold , found among the dead King Badur's Treasure , which for their Beauty ●…e carried to shew to the King. A Chaplain asked , How he would have his Body ordered to be brought home . And he answered , Since God is pleased I should die at Sea , let the Sea be my Grave . Since the Land would not have me , I will not give it my Bones . He died like a good Christian. Ordered a sufficient Weight should be tied to his Feet to carry him to the bottom . Thus ended an excellent Governor of India . His Age fifty two years . He was Son of Tristan de Cuna and Donna Antonia de Albuquerque . Of stature large and well proportioned . He wanted one Eye . Tho he had Majesty in command , he was courteous , and not subject to any passion , easie to be reconciled , loved to do good to all , an observer of Justice , free from Avarice , prudent in Counsel , affable in Discourse . His Picture represents his Complexion fair , his Beard black , all the Cloaths black , only the Cap blew . He governed ten years wanting two months , and died the beginning of the year 1539. He was the tenth Governor , and first of the Name . The End of the Four Parts of the First Tome . DEDICATED TO HER MOST SACRED MAJESTY , CATHERINE , QUEEN-DOWAGER OF ENGLAND , &c. THE PREFACE . SINCE our Asia now receives a new Prince , let us begin another Tome with a different Style . As the other Prefaces were filled with Instructions and Documents of pure Zeal ; so shall this with the delightful Entertainment of a curious Reflexion . For when Fortune makes it her Sport to heap Burdens of Care , there is none so resolved or unmoved but requires Diversion and Ease . The Kingdom of Portugal parted from consider , that it began and ended in Henry's , and in the number 12 ; that the last King died on the Day and last Year of Peace ; that the King and Kingdom expired where they had their Birth ; that being founded by a Spanish Female , by another they were extinguished ; and such-like Reflections ; we shall discover no less remarkable Circumstances in the Portugues Asia . The Promoter of this wonderful Discovery was Prince Henry , and Henry was the last of our Princes that Possessed it . Alfonso was the Founder of the Royal Throne of Portugal in Europe , Christ appearing to him ; and another of that in Asia , when the Cross appeared to Alfonso de Albuquerque in the Red-Sea . The Throne of this Kingdom was raised on the Victory obtained by Alfonso at Orique over the Moorish Emperor called Is●…iael ; and the Prince of Goa , the Metropolis of our Dominions in Asia , taken by Albuquerque , was called Ismael ; and the King of Persia , deprived of his Sovereignty over Ormuz , was also Ismael . Ferdinand Tellez de Meneses was the last Governour of India sent by our Natural Princes , and his Picture was the last the Hall in the Palace of Goa , appointed to hang up the Portraitures of the Viceroys and Governors , could contain . The Name of the first Viceroy of India was Francis , and consequently his is the first of those Pictures ; and now we see the Name of the first Viceroy sent by a Spa●…ish Prince is Francis , and therefore the Picture of that Name is the first in the second Hall destined to preserve those Memorials . If there be still any obstinate Philososophers , who hold , That all Worldly Things are the meer Effect of Chance , let them contemn the Consideration of these Parallels on such important Occasions ; but let not those despise it , who allowing the most inconsiderable Earthly Affairs to be the Work of Providence , cannot but be assured the Great are much more its Care. Let not those , I say , undervalue it , who know the Immortal Providence can be discovered but by Shadows . The Divine Power has always taken this course to manifest itself to Man. What Wonder then it should take that Method in the Revolution of a Kingdom , more peculiarly belonging to Christ himself ? Thus then , these wonderful Presages first concurring , ( not to spea●… of Comets , ) the Kingdom of Portugal returned to its formet Original , after 500 Years Peregrination over the whole circumference of the Earth : And now bringing that Precious Scepter from the East , puts it into the Hands of Philip in Spain , who had the Fortune to be the great Ocean to which run all the great , indifferent , and small Rivers of so many Empires , Kingdoms , and Sovereignties , spread over the whole Face of the Terrestrial Globle . Who would not believe , that the Portugueses would lose their Valour , having lost their Natural Prince , since it is certain the Presence of Princes is the chief Strength of it ? We shall see them deprived of this Glory , but not of that Virtue . Our Hero's of this Age did not degenerate from those of the other , so soon as naturally might be expected . Such was their Bravery , such their Courage , they seem to have exceeded the Bounds of their Fortune , and even of Nature . THE CONTENTS . TOM . III. PART I. CHAP. I. The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Francis Mascarennas Count De St. Cruz , fromthe Year 1581 , till the Year 1584 Page 1 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. Francis Mascarennas 9 CHAP. III. The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Duarte de Meneses , from the Year 1584 till 1588. 20 CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses 28 CHAP. V. Continues the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses 40 CHAP. VI. The End of the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses . 47 CHAP. VII . The Government of Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno , from the Year 1588 , till 1590 56 CHAP. VIII . The Government of the Vice-Roy Matthias de Albuquerque , from the Year 1591 till 1597. 64 CHAP. IX . Continues and Concludes the Government of Matthias de Albuquerque 71 CHAP. X. Of the Propagation of the Gospel in the Empire of China during these later Years 78 CHAP. XI . Continues the Subject of the Propagation of the Gospel 85 TOM . III. PART II. CHAP. I. THE Government of the Viceroy D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra , from the Year 1597 till 1600 93 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra 99 CHAP. III. Continues the Government of D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra 107 CHAP. IV. The Remarkable Revolutions of Pegu , during the Government of D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra 117 CHAP. V. The Government of the Viceroy Ayres de Saldanna , from the Year 1600 , till 1604 124 CHAP. VI. The Government of the Viceroy D. Martin Alfonso de Castro , from the Year 1604 till 1607 138 CHAP. VII . The Government of the Archbish D. F. Alexius de Meneses , who was Governor from the Year 1607 till 1609 148 CHAP. VIII . Of the Viceroy D. John Pereyra Frojas Count de Feyra , in the Year 1608 153 CHAP. IX . Of the Governour Andrew Furtado de Mendoça , in the Year 1609 162 CHAP. X. The Government of the Viceroy Ruy Lorenço de Tavora , from the Year 1609 till 1612 166 CHAP. XI . Of the Propagation of the Christian Faith in China 174 TOM . III. PART III. CHAP. I. The Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , from the Year 1612 till 1617 181 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1613 190 CHAP. III. Continues the Government of D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1614 197 CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of D. Hierome de Azevedo 207 CHAP. V. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1615 212 CHAP. VI. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1615 220 CHAP. VII . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1615 224 CHAP. VIII . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo this same Year 1615 , and that of 1616 229 CHAP. IX . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo the same Year 1616 234 CHAP. X. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1616 242 CHAP. XI . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo the same Year 1616 249 CHAP. XII . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1617. 256 CHAP. XIII . Particular Discoveries made in the Island of Madagascar , or St. Lawrence , by Order of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo . 264 CHAP. XIV . Continues the Discoveries in the Island Madagascar , under the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo 271 CHAP. XV. The Government of the Viceroy D. John Coutinno Count de Rodendo , from the Year 1617 till 1619 278 CHAP. XVI . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. John Coutinno Count de Redondo 284 CHAP. XVII . Several wonderful Accidents during the two Years Government of the Viceroy the Count de Redondo 292 CHAP. XVIII . Of the Governor Ferdinand de Albuquerq●…e , from the Year 1619 , till 1622 299. CHAP. XIX . Continues the Government of Ferdinand de Albuquerque . 308 CHAP. XX. Of the Viceroy D. Alfonso de Noronna , in the Year 1621 314 CHAP. XXI . Of the Propagation of the Faith in Japan , and Ethiopia about this Time 316 TOM . III. PART IV. CHAP. I. The Second Government of the Viceroy D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra , from the Year 1622 till 1627 Page 321 CHAP. II. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra 331 CHAP. III. The Government of D. F. Luis de Brito , Bishop of Cochim , from the Year 1628 , till 1629 343 CHAP. IV. Of the Viceroy D. Francis Mascarennas , in the Year 1628 ; with sundry Occurrences at Pegu , Martavam , Prom , Siam , and other Places . 347 CHAP. V. Continues the Affairs of the Kings of Siam and Peg●… 357 CHAP. VI. Of the Governor Nunno Alvarez Botello , in the Year 1629 364 CHAP. VII . Continues the Exploits of the Governor and General Nunno Alvarez Botello 370 CHAP. VIII . The Government of the Viceroy D. Michael de Noronna Count de Linnares , from the Year 1629 till 1635 374 CHAP. IX . Of the Affairs of Ethiopia , during the Government of the Viceroy D. Michael de Noronna Count de Linnares 383 CHAP. X. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Michael de Noronna , Count De Linnares . 387 CHAP. XI . Of the Recovery of Ceylon , during the Government of the Viceroy the Count de Linnares . 396 CHAP. XII . Of several Occurrences till the end of the Government of the Viceroy the Count De Linnares . 402 CHAP. XIII . The Government of the Viceroy Peter de Silva , from the Year 163●… , till 1638 408 CHAP. XIV . The Government of Antony Tellez de Silva , from the Year 1639 , till 1640. 412 CHAP. XV. Of the Viceroy John de Silva Tello , who went for India in the Year 1640 414 A short Account of what the Portugueses are possest of between the Cape of Good Hope and China ; of the several Dignities , Commands and Revenues in the said Possessions , and of the Religious Houses in those Parts 415 An Account of all the SHIPS that sailed from Lisbon to the Discovery of the Coasts of Africk and Asia , and the Annual Trading Ships , from the time Prince Henry first attempted the Discovery , till the Year 1640. 421 The Viceroy and Governors of India , from the first Discovery till the Year 1640 433 Books in Print and Manuscripts out of which the Portugues Asia was Collected 436 THE PORTUGUES ASIA . TOM . III. PART I. CHAP. I. The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Francis Mascarennas Count de St. Cruz , from the Year 1581 till the Year 1584. 1. DON Francis Mascarennas Count of Santa Cruz , was the First Vice-Roy of India sent after the Revolution of the Kingdom of Portugal by the King of ●…ain . The Honours and Advantages conferred on him , together with this Command , exceeded all that till that time had been heard of upon the like Occasion . D. Francis very well deserved all Rewards of Honour and ●…ofit , having served well in India , and bravely defended the City Chaul with a few Men and no Wall , against the Power of Nizamaluco , who ●…sieged it with 150000 Men. Yet this his Advancement may be attributed , rather than 〈◊〉 his Merit , to the Policy of Princes , who when they gain a Crown , to which there are other Competitors , endeavour to gain Hearts by Bounty , and heap on one what at another time would serve many . The Vice Roy had five Ships . 2. Being come to Goa , he found all India had already proclaim'd King Philip , according to the Orders not long before s●…nt to the Governor Ferdinand Telles de Meneses . It is credible the great Favours bestowed on the Count were only to animate him to procure the peaceable submission of India to the new King , and that being already performed by Ferdinand Telles , the Count fortunately reaped the Benefit of his Care and Industry . 3. The new Vice-Roy being eased of that Care , applied himself to the usual Affairs of the Government , sending out Squadrons as customary in the beginning of Summer . Mathias de Albuquerque with two Gallies and Twenty other Vessels and Seven hundred Men , were ordered for the Coast of Malabar . 4. He being on that Coast , sent Francis Fernandez with Eighteen Sail to burn Coulete the lesser , which was a Nest of Pyrats , it was executed by him without losing one Man ; the same at Capocate , where ●…ty Almadies , being fishing Vessels , were taken , and the Country made desolate for a long ti●… A hundred Moor●… of Capocate seeing their Houses bu●…●…un in a Rage to the Shore where Alo●…●…yra with Eighteen Men withstood ●…em till he was relieved from the Ships , and got off without Loss , some of the Enem●… being killed by our Cannon . D. Giles Yanez burnt some Vessels , and killed several ●…en up that River , then they all returned to their Admiral , who was become t●… T●…ror of all that Coast. 5. This Destruction fell chiefly on the Queens of the Mountains between Calicut and Car●… , and her of Olala , their Towns and W●…ods being burnt and cut down . The neighbouring People terrified herewith , submitted and paid the Tribute they owed for some Years ; and the Balala of Panabur was again brought under subjection . Franci●… Fernandez , Alvaro de Avelar , and Andrew F●…rtado took each of them a considerable Ship. Alfonso Ferreyra over against Coul●… razed a Fort of the Moors , having killed s●… of One hundred and fifty , he attacked with few Men. 6. Iames Lopez Coutinno de Santarem , cruzing on the Northern Coast with Eight Sail , near Suratte burnt a Village of the Mogols , because they had killed Six of Twenty four Men , who without Orders went ashore ; but as he drew off , the Enemy came down very numerous with some Elephants , and one piece of Cannon , and wounded many of his Men and himself , so that he was forced to be sent to Damans to be cured . Afterwards burning another Village he came off with Loss . 7. The Vice-Roy being informed that the Turkish Gallies , which the Year before plundred Mascate , were again at Sea , ●…ared they would make some attempt upon Moçambique , and therefore sent thither two Ships to relieve that Place . Mean while an Army of Mogols with Elephants and other Necessaries for a Siege entred the Country of Damam , burnt Villages , and encamped not far from the City . Our Commander there , Martin Alfonso de Melo , having but few Men , and being ill fortified , sent Advice to the neighbouring Commanders and to the Vice-Roy ; and in few Days so many Gentlemen resorted to him , that they valued not the Enemy . 8. The Mogol thinking nothing was to be got by Men who so freely offered themselves to Danger , forbore the Siege , and with fresh Fury over-ran the whole Country . He took a view of the Fort where Ferdinand de Miranda had Commanded , and was well known to him ; he called Miranda loud , and rid out from the Front of his Army . Ferdinand knowing he that called was Calichan , General of those Troops , went out , and pointed his Lance so well , that hitting on his Breast it pierced the Armour , wounded him , and flew in pieces , but he fell not , being tied to the Saddle . Calichan retired to his Men , decamped and marched away , but left a Garrison to keep Possession of one Village . But the Portugueses had like to have done themselves the Damage they might have feared from the Mogol , being drawn up in order to fight among themselves , on account of some Disputes about Superiority , and about opposing Alfonso de Melo , for imprisoning a Soldier . A fortunate alarm prevented this Mischief . 10. ●…mana da Rama , King of Sarceta , five Le●…ues Northward of Damam , a Friend to the Portugueses , being upon this occasion entru●…ed to secure the Women and Children , covetous of the Riches they carried with them , refused to restore them . Martin Alfonso de Melo and Ferdinand de Miranda marched towards him with Eight hundred Portugueses , whereof 140 Horse , and 400 Musqueteers , and 1000 of the Natives . Being come in sight of the City Raumalaje , the King sent to offer he would restore all , provided they would proceed ●…o farther . They , thinking it was only to amuse them , marched on . The King with his Wife and Jewels getting on Elephants , and being followed by the Inhabitants , fled to a Mountain , whence he could see the City plundered and burnt , and all the Country about destroyed . 11. The Enemy made some attempts upon our Quarters , and at last the King ●…me in Person with a good number of Men , for some time put our Men very hard to it , but in the end was forced to fly , and from his retreat sent to make entire restitution of all that had been demanded . 12. In Ceylon , Raju was preparing to fall upon Columbo . The Vice-Roy sent five Sail to its Relief , and Raju understanding it , stirred not . Iohn Correa de ●…to , Commander of Columbo , eased of that care , sent back three of the Ships , retaining only two . 13. D. Hierome de Mascarennas , who was with a Squadron in the Red Sea , met with no Enemy , but one Night the Sky being serene and clear , they all saw a great opening in the Region of the Air with such brightness as enlightned all the Sea , then there fell abundance of Flames like flashes of Powder . This lasted not long ; the Night after it continued clear as before , and they sailed to Ormuz . 14. The Kings of Lara always aspired to raise themselves above those of Ormuz , as formerly they had been . He that now reigned resolving to possess himself of all Mogostan , and leading a powerful Army , had taken several Towns , and kept the Fort of Ormuz in a manner besieged , by hindring the resort of the neighbouring Country People , who supply it with Provisions . The King of Ormuz who was equally apprehensive of this danger , had a Conference with D. Gonzalo de Meneses , Commander of the Fort , and having adjusted Matters , they both set out in August , when the heat of the Sun is intollerable , to meet the Enemy . The King led 3000 Men , D. Gonzalo 800 choice Portugueses , with a train equal to the greatest Princes . These 800 were divided into three Bodies . They marched to the Fort of Xamel , which they judged impregnable , not so much 〈◊〉 Art as its , natural Situation , in it were Fire hundred L●…ines , the flower of that 〈◊〉 . 15. In ●…ing our Cannon we lost one Man , and had many Wounded . The Fort was batt●…d Twenty Days without any Effect . The Battery was removed against a Bastion ●…ar the Gate , where it soon made a cons●…able impression . The Bastion was assaul●…d and gained with the loss of six Men. 16. The Battery was removed thither , and continued playing till the King of Lara dying , and his two Sons falling at variance about the Succession , instead of relieving the Besieged , they were forced to surrender upon Condition to march out with their Baggage . As they marched the Amadises of the Army of Ormuz , who had feigned themselves 〈◊〉 Friends , only to get the opportunity of revenging the Affronts received from them in the Persons of their Wives and Daughters , now suddenly fell upon them , killed 150 , and had destroyed the rest , had not the King and D. Gonzalo interposed . Milascar , one of their Officers was killed by our Men whom he assaulted , believing them the Breakers of the Articles . 17. Xascambar , another of their Officers more discreet , put himself into the Protection of D. Gonzalo who found much difficulty to save him . The Amadises begged of him , since he would not suffer them to kill him , he would at least permit them to lay their Mouths to his Wounds to suck his Blood in revenge of their Affronts , with great trouble he appealed them . The King put Coiecenadam with Five hundred Men into the Fort , and returned to ●…z . Immediately after , Provisions , ●…w grown scarce in the City , were plentifully brought to it . 18. At the same time the King of Achem came to Malaca with 150 Sail , and finding two Ships in that River , batter'd them the space of fifteen days . D. Iohn de Ga●… who commanded there , and whose time was now expiring , was most vigilant till Rocque de Melo succeeded him . The Enemy weary with battering the Ships resolved to burn them , and had compassed it , had not Bartholomew Fernandez a Mulato , with two Souldiers turned off from them a flaming Vessel designed to set them on Fire . 19. Nunno Monteyro coming from the Sreight of Singapura in a Galliot with sixty Portugueses most of them born at Malaca , had the boldness to attack all that Fleet. Though it seem fabulous , at the first onset he made all those 150 Sail give way , then the greatest of them boarded him , and he had visibly the better of them , when some spark of Fire falling into his Powder blew up him , his Vessel and all the Men : Yet this Accident was but a just Punishment of Monteyro's Disobedience to the Commander of the City , and the Enemy content with this success weighed Anchor and made away . 20. The Enemy sailed thence to the City Ior , and began furiously to batter it . Regale the King se●… to Malaca to desire Succour , it was sent him in twelve Ships , which entred that Port so unexpectedly , that before any resistance could be made , they fired some of the greatest Gallies , killing all that were in t●… , and presented the King with the Head●… of one of those Commanders , which being set up on the Shore so terrified the whole Fleet , they all fled . 21. ●…et us return to Damam . Ferdi●… de Mir●…da put to Sea again with his Squadron , consisting of twenty Sail. After most violent Storms they were forced to come to an Anchor at Suratte . Setting out thence they attacked a mighty Ship of Balala , which surrendred , having articled for the Mens Lives . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. Francis Mascarennas . 1. MIranda's Men in a Rage that they were deprived of the Booty of that Ship which had submitted it self , beset him to the number of Fourteen Sail , and after much reproachful Language , left him and sailed away to Damam , putting that Town into a great fright , because they had set up black Colours . They landed and marched in warlike manner into the City , committing extravagant Enormities . Every one was astonished not knowing the cause ▪ nor daring to ask it , and their Resolution was to kill Miranda as soon as he landed . As soon as he entred the Por●… they ran to the Shore rashly , wounded several instead 〈◊〉 him , no Authority being su●…t to 〈◊〉 them . Miranda privately with●… to the Convent of St. Francis , and sent 〈◊〉 to offer them as much as could com●… to every Man's share of that booty , where●…th they were appeased . It was not above 〈◊〉 Crowns a Man , which they valued above their Honour and Duty . 2. Miranda sailed hence with some small Vessels , and took another Ship at Goga , and then stood for Castele●…e , a Nest of Robbers long since threatned by the Portugueses . He now coming furiously upon it demolished the Fort , burnt the Town , and put the Inhabitants to the Sword. 3. Zamori seeing so many Villages on the Coast destroyed by Mathias de Albuquerque , offered a Peace , Albuquerque was Commissioned to treat of it , he finding himself still amuzed with Delays , fell again to acts of Hostility , destroying all the Coast with Fire and Sword. The City of Calicut felt this Fury , being strongly cannonaded , as were Paracale , Capocaate and Chatua . This done Mathias went away to Ormuz , of which Place he was appointed Captain , leaving his Squadron under the Command of D. Giles Yanes Mascarennas , who came to succeed him with eight Ships . 4. This Year Five Ships set out from Lisbon , two 〈◊〉 them 〈◊〉 forced in again , one was 〈◊〉 away a●… 〈◊〉 ▪ two ●…ed in India , 〈◊〉 o●… 〈◊〉 upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fought th●… or fo●… 〈◊〉 Vessels , and 〈◊〉 off with Honour . 5. D. H●…ome de 〈◊〉 and Ferdi●… de Mira●…a being 〈◊〉 with their Sq●…drons , took each of them two M●…ar S●…ps . Both t●…se Commanders were go●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Emanu●… de Saldanna , Captain of 〈◊〉 , against the King of the 〈◊〉 , who 〈◊〉 over ●…he Camponeses of that Neigh●… ▪ These Commanders being joined with 200 Horse , 800 Musketeers , almost 1000 ●…laves and Natives , and the King of Sarceta at the request of the Vice-Roy with 150 Horse and 500 Foot , they marched with great difficulty for the great heat and badness of the ways by Agaçaim , Manora , Assarim , and at the end of Fifteen days discovered the City Tavar they sought for . The City had beautiful Buildings and Gardens , seated on a Hill that overlooks a very large Plain . The King and Inhabitants being fled , it was easily burnt with the neighbouring Villages , and the Country People and Cattel carried away . 6. Our Men advancing into narrow Defiles where two could not go abreast , the King of the Coles with 6000 Men fell upon their Rear , whilst some Parties annoyed them from the tops of the Hills . Here they were brought into great danger , and forced to make their utmost Efforts . Many Gentlemen signalized themselves , and the King of Sarceta appeared always in the greatest danger , encouraging ●…e Men w●…h his Sword in hand . At length our Men made their way through the Defiles , and the K. ●…f the Coles defeated , was forced to sue for Peace , and accept of such a one as we were pleased to grant him . 7. This year began with two grea●… Losses . D. Iohn de Gama sailing from Malaca towards Goa with his Wife , Children , much Riches , and many Men , lost his Ship at midnight at Nicobar ▪ Above 50 Persons were lost , and among them , his eldest Son. Another Son , his Wife , and almost 300 Persons , were saved in an Island not inhabited . He framed a Barque which held 90 , and with great Hardships , after being made Slaves , they got to Co●…him , the rest being left behind till they could return to fetch them . Simon Ferreyra coming in a Ship richly laden from China , was cast away in sight of the Coast of Ior. He desired that King to assist him with some Vessels to save part of the Goods , and the King took them to himself . 8. D. Giles Yanes Mascarennas , who commanded the Squadron on the Coast of Malabar , would not seem inferior to his Predecessor . He made such havock along that Shore , that nothing was heard but the Cries of the Inhabitants . He twice set fire to Calicut , Panane , Calegate , Marate , Conche , and the Island Daruti , not without opposition with great slaughter of the Heathens . 9. They came to the River Cunnale , upon which is a Fort of the same Name , the Refuge of Pirats subject to the Commander of the Fort. Two Malabar Ships were standing in , and being attacked by two of ours , the one was taken ; in the other , 50 Men killed by one Ball that swept from Stem to Stern ; being boarded , and almost taken , she ungra●●●ed , and made to the Shore that was covered with Mores , and defended with Cannon . Tavora , who commanded our Ship , pursued to save 6 Portugueses who were carried away by the Enemy , till a Cannon Ball carried away his Leg , of which he died . Of the 6 , only one was carried to Cunnale , who at one stroke cut him in two . The King of Chale , to prevent his own Ruin , agreed to pay Tribute , assign a place , and furnish Workmen and Materials to raise a Fort. Mascarennas on his way to Goa , in the River Sal , burnt the Villages of Aselonor , and those of Cuenti in Salsete . 10. Bracalor , a City seated on the Coast of Canara in almost 14 Degrees of Latitude , was once one of the most noted places of Trade in India in the form of a Common-wealth , but much decayed since the Portugueses built a Fort there . The People of this place observing , that our Commander Francis de Mello & Sampayo was wholly taken up in heaping Riches , and pleasing his Wife , resolved to rid themselves of that Clog . They agreed to fall upon , and kill all the Portugueses taken up with the Procession on Maundy-Thursday , and had effected it but that Giles Yancz put in there with his Squadron in his way to Goa . 〈◊〉 departing on Friday , they prevailed with some Christians to let them into the Fort on E●…er Night . The Design was discovered , and the Conspirators quartered . Now they resolve to attack it by open force , and joyning with their Neighbour King of Tolar and 5000 Men , burn the outward Town , and bring all into great danger . The Viceroy having notice , sent Andrew Fur●…ado , w●… routed those Mutiniers , and going up the River made great Havock along the Shore . Thus the Fort was secured , but the Officers not justified . 11. The Religious of the Society of Iesus , who have so much laboured for the Conversion of Infidels , had sent some of their Number into the Island Salsete , which contains 66 Villages of Pagans . These Fathers took great pains , and the Viceroy D. Antony de Noronha finding the People incorrigible , destroyed all their Pagods , yet they in the year 1559. taking up Arms , ruined our Churches . 12. This done , they refused to pay the Tribute they owed us , and fell to destroying the Preachers of the Gospel . At this time F. Rodulphus de Aquaviva desiring to spread the Faith in the five Villages of Cocolii , went thither with F. Francis Pacheca and F. Francis Aranna , three Portuguese Soldiers , and some Natives . The Heathens fell upon them , cut off F. Rodulphus his Legs , and then his Head. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was struck through with a Sp●…●…d then stuck full of Arrows . The rest were all slain after several 〈◊〉 . The same ●…y 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 d●… Azevedo that went to B●…ll with 40 Companions , all suffered Mar●… . 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fig●…yredo Commander of 〈◊〉 , by the Viceroy's Order 〈◊〉 a great ●…laughter of the People of S●… , destroyed the●… Habitations ▪ and leftt them not 〈◊〉 Tem●… standing ▪ 〈◊〉 by a wi●…●…tting those into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Father●… ▪ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of them ; which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that 〈◊〉 of them ●…d , new Chr●… C●…es w●…e erected , and Crosses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Hills . 14. This was the posturr of Affairs in India , when ●…ve Ships arri●… from P●…gal , and in them F. Vi●… de Fouseca a Dominic●… ▪ who went to succeed F. Henry de T●… in the Arch-Bishoprick of Goa . 15. Sultan Amodifar the lawful King of ●…aya , kept Prisoner by the Mogo●… after he had ●…surped his Kingdom , at this time f●…ed by the means of some Women . In disguise he came to a Baneane at Cambay●… , by whom he was conveyed to Iambo , one who in the late Revolution had secured to himself a Limb of that Empire . He dutifully owned , and caused him to be owned by others , so that in few days they gathered an Army , in which there were above 30000 Horse . Behold , how attractive is the Person of a Prince found after having been lost ▪ In a very short time ▪ either 〈◊〉 force or consen●… ▪ they recovered most 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kingdom of ●…aya . 16. Our Viceroy , the better ●…o take the advantage of these Confusions ▪ and hoping thereby to gain Suratte ▪ went ●…th 40 Sail to Chaul , and thence sent some ●…standing Men to Baroche ▪ then besieged by Am●…difar , the Wife and Children of Xotubidichan , whom he had fraudulently taken and slain being in the Town . T●…se Age●…s had Orders to Treat both with the Kin●… and that Woman , without letting either of ●…hem know any Correspondence was field with the other , that so our Interest might be ●…cured with 〈◊〉 prevailing Party . But the Mogol coming down with a great Power , and recovering all he had lost , put a stop to the Viceroy's Proceedings ▪ who returned to Goa much afflicted for the Death of D. Iohn de Castro . This young Gentleman commanded a Ship of Ferdinand de Miranda's Squadron , and being parted from him by a Storm , was attacked by two Malabar Paraos between Tarapor and Maii , and his Powder taking fire , the Ship blew up , only three of the Men escaping Death to be led into Slavery . 17. Whilst the Viceroy was absent from Goa , many of the principal Subjects of Hidalcan , provoked by the Insolencies of Larvacan his Favourite , resolved to set up Cu●…ocan Son to that Meale , who being Prisoner at Goa , so long kept this powerful Neighbour in awe . Cufo was at Goa , and the Conspirators contrived how to get him out , and Larvachan pr●…ending to act for them , corrupted the Guards , and procured his Liberty . This Treachery was managed by an infamous Portuguese , called Iames Lope●… Bayam , much in the King's Favour for such-like Services . Cufo thinking he went to them that designed to Crown him , found himself in the hands of Larvacan , who caused his Eyes to be put out . 18. Then came to Goa a Woman of great fame , formerly banished by Hidalcan . She was about 65 years of Age , little of Stature , of Complexion fair , still shewing the Ruins of Beauty , esteemed a Virgin , and much valued for her Prudence , Wit , and Courage , for in a Man's Habit ( except her Head which was dressed in white ) on Horseback with a Bow and Arrow she followed the Army like an Amazon , and gained Reputation . Her Name Abchi . She pretended to Treat with the Viceroy about important Affairs , which were never known . She was taken by the Inquisition , banished to Ormuz , and thence fled to the Mogol . 19. Zamori now tired with so much Destruction , and the Clamours of his Subjects , his own Palace in Calicut being burnt by D. Giles Yanez , and all that lay without the Town , at last sued for Peace , and concluded it on such Terms as we thought fit . 20. At Cochim , that King having assigned over all the Customs to the Portugueses , the People rose to the number of 20000 , swearing on a Mass-Book to die in defence of their Liberties hereby infringed . D. George de Meneses Baroche , who commanded there , finding the Tumult too high to be opposed , suspended the Execution of the Viceroy's Orders relating to this Affair . 21. D. Giles Yanez Mascarennas being appointed to go to Cochim to endeavour to suppress that Tumult , was ordered by the Viceroy by the way to destroy the Nayque of Sanguicer , who having raised a Fort on the River of that Name , protected Pirats to our great loss . He had 14 Sail with 300 of the choice Men of Goa . 22. D. Giles run up the River , and the better to come where he desired , went out of his Galeon into a small Vessel , and run so far between the Rocks that he could not get out , and his Stem lay almost on the Shore . Those of Sanguicer poured in their Shot , so that all his Men left him where he was killed , the other Vessels being no way able to relieve him . 23. Iames de Azambuja , Commander of Tidore , was driven to great streights , because no Relief came from Malaca , Ferdinand Ortis de Tavora designed thither , having been stopped by the coming of the King of Achem upon that City . He understood by Santiago de Vera Governour of the Philippine Islands , that King Philip was Proclaimed in Portugal , and therefore asked Succour of him , who sent ten Sail commanded by D. Iohn Ronquillo This was not only a Supply of Ammunition , for the Spaniards were assisting to him with their Persons , especially by taking some Vessels of Iava , that to our loss used that Port. Babu King of Ternate dying , left his Bastard Son Bozai possessed of the Crown , though he had a lawful Heir , who wanting Power lost his Right : For seldom does Right prevail where Force is wanting . 24. About this time the Great Turk sent Mahomet Bassa with 12000 Horse , many Pioniers , much Artillery and Money , to secure his late Conquests in Persia. Xa Codabanda joyning with Semecombel , the Georgian met him with a moderate Army , and as he was fording a River cut off many of his Horse , and caused 40000 Foot to be drowned . The Persians and Georgians got not only the Victory , but much Riches . 25. Persia was now in a great confusion , for the Georgian Mirsa Salmas , Son-in-Law and Favourite to Xa , perswaded him , that his Son Abax Mirsa King of Ceorazone stiled himself Emperour of Persia , and caused him to Arm against him . The Emperour marched against his Son , cutting off the Heads of many principal Men , till he came to the City Hers built by Tamerlan the Great , and now the Court of the innocent Abax , whō not knowing the cause of this his Father's motion , had fortified himself . But now coming before his Father and clearing himself , the wicked Salmas his Head was cut off in his presence . The Turk taking this advantage , sent the Bassa Ferabat with 100000 Horse , and much Money , to conquer the Province of Raviam . He did much harm there , and had done much more , but that the Emperor reconciled to his Son , put a stop to his Current . 27. Now arrives in India D. Duarte de Meneses , who went to succeed the Viceroy D. Francis , who delivered up the Sword , after having held it three Years , being the 16th Vice-Roy , and 31th in the number of Governors , and Third of the Name and Sirname . CHAP. III. The Government of the Vice-Roy D. Duarte de Meneses , from the Year 1584 till 1588. 1. D. Duarte de Meneses , though of great Quality , yet was better known by his Valour , which moved the King to make choice of him without any Recommendations or Pretensions of his , not doubting he would be as successful in India as he had been in Tangier . He had six Ships and a prosperous Voyage . 2. The first thing he applied himself to was the appeasing the Tumults at Cochin . The Vice-Roy D. Francis had sent Commissioners to treat with the Heads of that People , and they had reduced them to hearken to an Accommodation . D. Duarte now arriving admits their Proposals , so that the Affair of the Custom-House was settled . He dispatched the Ships for Lisbon , one whereof was never heard of . The Vice-Roy D. Francis returned in one of them . 3. The Vice-Roy being at Goa treated with the Ambassador of Hidalcan , about the manner of chastising the Nayque of Sanguicer , for the Death of D. Giles Yanez , and to prevent Piracy . The Ambassador agreed that Rostican , Governor of Ponda should assist with Forty Thousand Men by Land , whilst D. Hierome de Mascarenuas , sent by the Vice-Roy , attacked the Nayque by Sea. 4. Hierome entring the River , sent up 13 Vessels that rowed , and at break of Day couragiously landed , attacked some Works , killed many of their Defendants , and took their Cannon . Then they marched to the Town , and the Inhabitants flying up the Inland , fell into the Hands of Rostican , who , according to agreement , was upon his March destroying all before him . Next day D. Hierome landed , and he marching on the one side , and Rostican on the other , they laid all the Country in Ashes . The Nayque from the Woods sent to implore Mercy , promising to perform Conditions , if the ruined Country were restored to him , which was granted . 5. Iames de Azambuja , Cammander of Tidore , was in great want of Ammunition , the Governor of Manila sent four Barques to his Relief , commanded by Peter Sarmiento , who by the way took Possession of the Island Mousel . The King of Ternate , whose the Island was , resolving to be revenged on three of the Barques that went for Provisions to Baçham , sent his Brother Cachil Tulo with 24 Galliots to take them . They being abroad on this Design , met two Vessels belonging to the Philipine Islands that had also brought Relief to Tidore , commanded by N. de Duenas . He not able to avoid them , attacked the Admiral Galliot and sunk her , but all the others falling upon the 2 Vessels , in which were but 12 Spaniards , they were all slain , having fought to admiration , and killed and wounded many of the Enemy . Tulo proud of this Success , met those he before looked for , after a desperate fight night parted them , 200 of the Ternatenses and 8 Spaniards being killed . 6. Then arrived at Tidore Duarte Pereyra with one Galleon , he went to succeed Azambuja , who instead of resigning the Command , assaulted Pereyra in a House where he was with his Wife and Family , and all was in great danger , had not the King interposed . At the same time arrived 400 Spaniards from Manila to assist Azambuja to recover the Fort of Ternate , but he searing Pereyra in his absence would take Possession of the Command , resolved to let slip this opportunity . Pereyra understanding it , and being of another mind , said , Such important Affairs ought not to be lost upon such Motives ; that if the other would go , he would bear him Company . At length Azembuja set out , accompanied by the Kings of Tidore , Bacham and Celebes . They landed , though opposed by the Natives , battered the Fort without effect , lost some Men , and retired to Tidore . 7. The City Tauris , on the Borders of the greater Armenia , at the Foot of the Mountain Orote , was once the Court of the Kings of Persia , and is now one of the most famous Places of Trade in the East , rich and plentiful . The Great Turk desiring to raise a Fort there , sent Osman Bassa with a powerful Army , who encamped before it on the Banks of a River . The Persian Emperor was ready to receive him with 70000 Horse , and sent out a Party to engage him , while his Son Mirazen Mirsa lay in Ambush with 10000 to break out in the heat of the Fight . The Youth was brave , and performed his Part so well , that at one onset he killed 7000 Turks , and retired with Honour and Booty . 7000 pursue him , and he facing them cut off one half of them . Next day the Turks assault the City , but the Persians sallying , killed 3000 at that time , and again at Night 4000 more . But the Governor after this abandons the City , yet the Inhabitants stood upon their defence , and at first made a great slaughter , till over-powered by the multitude many of them were put to the Sword , their Wives and Daughters abused , and all plundered . 8. Osman being now in Possession , in a Months time raised a wonderful Fort for greatness and strength in the Royal Gardens as the most convenient place . Some of the Turks frequenting the Baths in the City , fell out with some of the Inhabitants , and being worsted by them , stirred up the whole Army to revenge . They left no sort of Villany unessayed , but Murdered , Ravished , Robbed , and marched out with an unspeakble Treasure . The Prince of Persia in a Rage obtained of his Father 20000 Horse , and falling upon the Turks , at one time killed 8000 , and soon after 20000. They decamped and began to march , and the Prince desiring to recover the Treasure they had taken at Tauris , was so successful , that killing 20000 more he retired with 18000 Camels loaded with Riches , and an infinite quantity of Arms and Ammunition . He pursues them again , but Fortune changing , he did less harm than he received , and was forced to retire with loss of 3000 Persians . 9. Fifteen Years before this time there came upon the Country of Moçambique , such an Inundation of Cafres , that they could not be numbred . They came from that Part of Monomotapa where is the great Lake , out of which spring those great Rivers whose source was formerly unknown , to these were joined the Cafres , Macabires and Ambei , and other Borderers upon Abissinia . With them came their Wives and Families as those that sought new Countries to inhabit , their own not being able to contain them . Their choice Food human Flesh , and for want of it that of Beasts . They left no other signs of the Towns they passed by , but the heaps of Ruins and Bones of the Inhabitants . For want of them they eat their own , beginning by the Sick and Aged , so that doubtless Fathers became Food to their Children . The Women deformed and hardy , carry their Goods on their Backs , and in fight use the Bow as dexterously as the Men , these march in Armour , and where-ever they halt fortifie themselves . 10. Hierome de Andrade , from the Castle of Tete , sent out a Party of Musqueteers , who firing among that Multitude killed some to their great astonishment , having never before seen that sort of Arms , that they fled without looking back ; in two Rancounters above 5000 were slain . They stopped not till they came to the Country of Moçambique , having destroyed all in their way like a fiery Inundation . This Place was approved of by Mambea , Commander of about 6000 , and he began to build a Fort and Towns two Leagues from Moçambique . The Fort of Cuama where Nunno Vello Pereyra commanded , was much incommoded by them , he therefore sent out Antony Rodrigues Pimentel , or Pinto , with 400 Men , four of them Portugueses , who unexpectedly falling on the Barbarians , slew a vast number and burnt the Fort , but retiring in disorder , they fell upon and killed him and all his Men , except three Portugueses and very few Blacks . All the dead were eaten by the victorious Cafres , except their Heads , Hands and Feet . 11. Since this Relation has brought us to Moçambique , it will not be amiss to give some Account of that Country . It is full of Orchards and Fruit-trees , especially Citron , Limon and Orange-trees , has all sorts of tame and wild Beasts , as in Europe , an infinite number of Elephants . The People feed on Indian-Wheat , the Woods are of Ebony , a high Tree , bearing a Leaf like that of our Apple-trees , the Fruit like Medlars but not eatable ; from the Ground upward it is so covered with Thorns , it is difficult to come to it ; where one is cut down , another never grows ; the Bark of it is as susceptible of Fire as tinder . There is another sort of a yellowish Colour that is of value . The best Manna is produced here . Among the Fish of that River , there is one as devouring as Crododils ; no Man in reach escapes them , but they touch not Women , so great is the Privilege of that Sex. One of these of a prodigious bigness was taken that had Gold Rings in the Ears . It was supposed to be some piece of Witchcraft of the Cafres , to clear the River of those dangerous Monsters . To confirm this Opinion , Metude a learned Arabian relates in an account of Modern Prodigies , That about the Year 863 , in the Foundation of an Aegyptian Temple there was found a brazen Crocodile with certain Characters , which being broke to pieces the Crocodils of Nile began to devour Men ; whence it was inferred , that was a Charm upon the Crocodiles . 12. Hatred conceived against the Favourites of Nizamaluco in Canara , brought the Mogols upon the Kingdom of Verara , who after much Plunder and Desolation possessed themselves of many Towns and Cities . The occasion was , that the King being ill of a contagious Distemper , his Favourite Acedecan first , and after him Calabatecan , kept him up without suffering any Body to see him . The Prince and People ●…ad recourse to Arms to oblige these Tyrants to give them a sight of the King ; and they perswading it was to depose him , so far prevailed , that he meeting them in hostile manner , made a great slaughter of them , and hereupon the Mogols were called in to their aid . 13. Five Ships sailed this Year from Lisbon for India , one of them was lost beyond the Cape of Good-Hope , at the Place called Bajos de la India , a Promontory that rises with many Points , which at a distance look like Trees ; it is oval and three Leagues in length , and abounds in Coral , which being naturally soft and white , grows hard and turns green , grey , black and red , but being pounded to Dust , resumes its whiteness . 14. The Captain with a few Men got into a Boat , and after six Days landed at Quilimane . About sixty got into another Boat , others put to Sea on Planks , above two hundred were upon the Rocks expecting to be swallowed by the Sea , or else scorched by the Sun , or starved to Death . 15. Those in the second Vessel chose Duarte de Melo de Baçaim to command them , and being over-loaded , were forced the first time to throw Seventeen into the Sea to save the rest , and , not being light enough , afterwards some others , among which the Lot fell upon one of two Brothers , the youngest whereof freely leaped overboard , but having swam three Leagues after the Boat , was again taken up . 16. A Boat built by the Pilot Roderick Migueys contained 40 Men , as they were under Sail a great Storm arose at Night , and is said to have ceased , by casting into the Water a piece of the Holy Cross one of them carried . Of 400 Men that were in the Ship , only these mentioned are known to have escaped . CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses . 1. THE Vice-Roy governed India , and his Unkle Ruy Gonçalez de Camara him , who desiring to engross all that was honourable , endangered what was necessary . It was requisite at the same time to send a Squadron into the Red Sea , and another to build a Fort at Panane in Malabar , and he would command the one and build the other . The Work ought to be solid and of Stone , yet the Vice-Roy agreed it should be slight and of Wood , that being soon finished Camara might be free to take the other Command . 2. Camara being come to Panane , advertized Zamori of his Design , and he consenting , desired him to wait his coming , for he would be present at the chusing the Ground . He delayed coming , because his Bramenes could not find a lucky day for him to set out ; and Camara being in haste , sent Presents to those Fortune-tellers , who thereupon presently found a fortunate hour . 4. Zamori being come , the Fort was made of Wood , and the Command of it given to Ruy Gomez de Gram , who pulled it all down , and built it after another manner , and of considerable strength . So that Gram built the Fort , and Camara had the Credit of it . 4. As soon as Camara had , as he thought , finished what Gram believed not begun , he went aboard his Squadron , which having been ill undertaken came to a worse end . Too much haste in going to Panane , made him too slow in going to the Red Sea ; and now this slowness in going to Sea was as prejudicial as the haste in building the Fort. His Squadron consisted of four Galleys , two Galleons , and twenty other Vessels . 5. Cosme Faya went before to discover , and being deceived by a Xeque in the Island Camaran , was slain with all his Men. Camara sailing with the Wind at East , entred the Mouth of the Red Sea , and came to an Anchor in a Bay on the Coast of Arabia , Eleven Leagues from the City Moca . Some of his Ships were dispersed , and he designing●…o take fresh . Water while he waited for them , sent some Officers and 60 Soldiers with those that were to take Water . Thirty Turkish Horse and 500 Foot falling upon them out of an Ambush , killed 5 or 6 ; but our Men taking courage stood them eight hours , killing many , till Relief coming , the Enemy fled . Camara sailed thence to find his scattered Fleet , he found and lost them again , and after suffering much , chiefly through want of Water , he put into Ormu●… , without having done any thing . 6. But before his going in , he sent Peter Homem Pereyra with 15 Sail against the Niquilus , now dangerous Neighbours , who hindred the carrying of Provisions to Ormuz , from whence 5 Vessels more were sent him , with which he made up 600 Men , many of them Men of Note . Scarce were they landed , when the Enemy rising from an Ambush fell on them with such fury , that breaking those who were drawn up , and hindering the others from forming themselves , they slew 250 , forcing the rest to swim to their Vessels , many whereof were drowned . This was one of the greatest and most shameful Losses we sustained in India . 7. The pretence for sending this Squadron to the Red Sea , was to fight the Turkish Galleys that were to set out from Moca , whereas in truth there were no such Galleys , and the real design was only to employ Camara , and strengthen his Pretensions ; and whereas he ought to have entred Goa in mourning after such a Loss , he entred that place with all demonstrations of Joy as if Triumphant , and had great favour shewn him . So fortunate is undeserving Impudence . 8. Nevertheless the pretence of sending out this Squadron was made good by two rotten Galleys that afterwards put to Sea from Moca . One of them so rotten , she sunk as soon as out of the Port ; the other did as much as might have been expected from a sound Squadron . Of such efficacy is the Valour or Fortune of one single Man. Such was the More Mir Alibet , who now confirmed the great Opinion before conceived of his Abilities , for coming before the City Magadano , he brought it under the subjection of the Great Turk only by telling the Inhabitants , he was but the Forerunner of a great Fleet that came to conquer all the Coast of Melinde . At the City Lufiva he took from Rocque de Brito a rich little Ship that had there put itself under the Protection of the King of Lamo , who basely betrayed it to the More upon Promise from him of being spared himself , which Promise the More after broke . The Portugues defended himself bravely , but was at last put to the Oar , and died at Constantinople . 9. The same happened to another Portugues Ship at Pate . Alibet had thus framed a Fleet of 20 Pangayo's or small Vessels , and daring much , brought under the Turkish Subjection the Kings of Ampaza , Pate , Lamo , Mombaca , Calife , Brava , Iugo , and other Cities . All submitted to the force he gave out followed him , whereas he might have been destroyed by any Portugues Vessel , for in his Galley there were but 80 Men , and she was in such a condition , that she sunk in the Port of Maça before she could be carried home , without any stress of Weather . 10. Iohn Cayado de Gamboa being abroad with some Ships against the Pirats of the North , found that Caliche Mahomet had a Ship at Surat which he designed to put out without the Portugueses Leave . Gambo lay to keep him in , and Mahomet sent him 3000 Ducats underhand to remove , which he took , and therewith in the Town bought Provisions , whereof he stood in need to continue there . This done , he returned the Money , letting the More know , He was not a Man that would sell his Honour , but returned Thanks for supplying him with Provisions whereof he stood in need , to lay wait for his Ship. The More was amazed , and ashamed to be so slighted , and lost his Voyage . 11. Some time since , Raju Son of the Tyrant Madune of Ceylon had besieged our Fort of Columbo , commanded by Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno , who defended it with Valour . He now again sits down before it , Iohn Correa de Brito being Commander . But perceiving that his Father , Brothers , and some principal Subjects , were a hindrance to his wicked Designs , he murdered them all . This was a just Judgment of God , for his Father Madune had done the same with his own Father and Brothers ; but this was no Excuse for Raju's Cruelty . Having nothing now to stand in awe of but his Mother-in-Law , a venerable Matron , who had tenderly bred him as her own , he caused her to be stripped before him , and sent into Banishment , where she died with grief . 12. The Tyrant began to turn his Fury upon the Portugueses , and they , though but few , engaged a Body of 4000 of his Men , killed 800 of them , and their Commander Pali●…da , on the day of the Invention of the Holy Cross in May , which therefore was established an annual Feast in that Place . Raju had yet a Nephew that gave him some jealousie , he sent for him to a Village where he th●… resided . The Message was full of Kindness , but the young Man well understood the smiles of Tyrants are fatal , and that the hour he went to him would be the last of his Life . He therefore with a pleasing Countenance entertained the Messengers ( who had orders to carry him by force if he refused ) and preparing a Dose of most strong Poison , went with it where his Wives , Children and Family were . After exhorting them to die couragiously , he drank first , and then offered it to each of them , whereof not one refused to bear him Company in Death . The Messengers weary of staying , went in and found them all dead . 13. The Great Turk understanding his Fort lately built at Tabris in Perfia wanted to be supplied , and desiring to raise another in the City Gonsar ; to effect both , sent the Bassa Ferat with 160000 Horse . The Persian having notice hereof , ordered Ho●…alican , Governor of Gousar , to go and treat with the Georgians his Neighbours to bring them to his assistance . He sent the Prince with 20000 Hor●… to secure Gansar , and ●…e with the rest of his Army sat down before Tabris , and reduced the Turks in Garrison there to the last Extremities . 14. The Prince ( not long before the Terror of the Turks ) was overcome by the Beauty of the absent Governor's Daughter , and enjoyed her . Advice being given the Father , he concluded hastily , but to content the Affair he was sent to ; and dissembling with the Prince , bribed his Barber with 20000 Crowns to cut his Throat as he shaved him . He did it , and was torn in pieces by the Servants . 15. The Death of the Prince , who was the Terror of the Turks , endangered the whole Persian Empire , and so Ferat , without any Opposition , relieved Tabris and raised the Fort at Gansar , giving the Command thereof to Chedar Bassa , by Birth a Portugues . Gansar is one of the most populous and beautiful Cities of Media , divided from the Province of Xeinam by the River Lirus , which the Turks call Cur. The Persian Emperor was shut up in the City Casby , and the offended Governor conspiring with others , resolved to set up Tamas Mirsa , the King 's Third Son , who was blind . But Abas Mirsa , who was the Second , and then govern'd Coerazone , being the lawful Successor , took Arms to oppose them . The Rebels thought to take him by Treachery , but he dexterously apprehending the Heads , put them to Death , and prepared to March and Depose his Father . 16. The old Man fearing he would kill him , hauging a Sword about his Neck , and leading his third and fourth Sons , presented himself to Abas Mirsa , saying , He would save him the trouble of looking for his Father or Brothers , if he desired to Murther them , for there he had brought both them and the Sword The Youth vanquished with that miserable Spectacle , cast himself at his Father's Feet , and said , He was his Father , his Lord and his ●…ing ; but since his Age and Infirmities would not permit him to do it , he begged he might be allowed to put a stop to the Ruine tha●… threatned their Affairs , not as a King ( for only his Father should be so whilst he lived ) but as General of his Army . The old Man took comfort hereat , and the Son marched to curb the Fury of the Usbeques , who , led by their King , in great numbers had broke into Corazone . 17. In the Moluco Islands the Kings of Tidore and Ternate were at War , for that the latter refused the former his Sister that he had promised to give him to Wife . At that time arrived there N. de Brito with one Galeon from Malaca , and Orders to treat with the King of Ternate about restoring the Port. He carried a Letter for him from King Philip , and another from the Vice-Roy , and a Present that rather offended than obliged him , for though but of small value , it was not to be given him unless he performed what was proposed . Whilst he knew not this Condition , he agreed with the Portugueses and King of Tidore ; but as soon as it was made known to him , broke off in such a Passion , that he ordered no Portugueses should enter the City unless they came bare-footed . 18. Iames de Azambuja now gave up that Command to Duarte Pereyra , who came from Manilla , where he had stayed for that Post. He agreed with the King of Ternate , who fearing his Unkle Mandraxa , the rightful Heir of that Crown , would deprive him of it , perfidiously killed him . That Prince was in love with his Niece , the King's Sister , who had promised her to him of Tidore , and seeing that Promise , hindred him from giving her to his Unkle , agreed with him he should steal her , that so there might be a plausible excuse made to the other . Mandraxa had scarce possessed himself of the Bride , when the King accused him of this Violence , whereupon he was condemned to perpetual Imprisonment , but the Nephew caused him to be stabbed , and married his Sister to the King of Gilolo . The King of Tidore resolv'd to be reveng'd of this Affront , and consulting with Duarte Pereyra , they agreed to contrive the Death of the King of Ternate , by the means of his Unkle Cachil Tulo , offering him the Kingdom . He approved of the Proposal , and they concluded on the manner of doing of it . 19. Rajale , King of the City Ior , offended that a Vessel of his had been sunk at Malaca , though they made him satisfaction , studied Revenge , hindring the resort of Provisions to that place . D. Hierom de Azevedo , who came to be Admiral of those Seas , sent Peter Vello to burn a Town near Ior with 8 Ships . He executed it , but the Enemies Fleet meeting him on his return , he was beaten , lost 4 Vessels , and had lost all but that Peter da Cuma Carneyro coming up with his Galeon , bravely brought him off . Rajale thinking himself Victorious , appeared in the River Malaca with 100 Sail , but this Bravade cost him dear , much harm being done him as he drew off by our Fleet. 20. Paul Diaz at Angola prosecuted the War against that King with his usual success ; the King was in the Field with 600000 fighting Men , whom he put to flight with little more than 100 Portuguses ; and a number of Blacks . 21. The beginning of this Year sailed from Lisbon for India 6 Ships , one of them by the way had a sharp Engagement with two English Vessels in one Degree and an half of North Latitude . In these Ships went Orders for erecting the Court of Chancery at Goa . The Portugueses of India had sued for it , being pestered with Law-Suits , and they begged Locusts , for now they beg for Mercy being devoured by Lawyers . Two of the Ships that went from India this Year were lost , the Men and Goods saved . By the way died the Archbishop F. Vincent , who left his Archbishoprick , being no longer able to bear with the Viceroy , Ministers , and even with the Church-men . He said , He came to inform the King and the Pope ; the Accusation ended with his Death . One of the Ships about the Islands Azores was taken by Sir Francis Drake , who using honourably of his Victory , gave the Captain and his Men a Galeon , in which they came to Lisbon . 22. About this time many Pirats put to Sea from the Fort of Cunnale , who scouring all that Coast , killed and took many Portugueses . These in the Dungeon were kept several days from starving by a Mouse , for that Creature having made a hole through the Wall into a place where there was much Rice , every Night caused as much to fall through that hole as kept them alive . Emanuel de Oliveyra , one of these Slaves , being asked by Cunnale , Whether any of them would fight one of his Men ? Answered , He would challenge any two . Cunnale replied , If he would turn Mahometan , he should have great Favours bestowed upon him ; and several times endeavoured to prevail by kindnesses , and then again by Threats , but all to no effect ; for Oliveyra declared , He would rather Die , than forsake the Faith ; and accordingly had his Head cut off upon the Shore , and gained a Crown of Martyrdom . 23. The King of Melinde , always most faithful to us since our first Discoveries in Afia , advertised the Viceroy how prejudicial to our Affairs , what Mir Alibet had done with the Gall●… of M●…ca ; would prove . And 〈◊〉 , this was a great ●…ep towards the 〈◊〉 ●…sign of possessing himself of the Mines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Cuo●… , the King of 〈◊〉 having given 〈◊〉 leave to raise a Fort ●…re . The Viceroy hereupon cons●…ted the Men of most Experience in those A●…ts , the Resolution was , That a confiderable Fleet must be sent to stop their further Progress . Eighteen Sai●… were fitted out , and the Command of them given to Martin Alfonso de Melo Pombeyro . 24. They came to an Anchor in the Port of 〈◊〉 , beca●…e that being the first place that offended , it was thought ●…it to punish it first , as also because that King relying on his Fortifications , and 4000 Armed Men , had executed Iohn Rabelo for not renouncing the Christian Faith. Our Men assaulted the Town in two Bodies , the first met great opposition , and slew the King , then making their way , both Parties entred the Town , sparing neither Women nor Children . The Town and Vessels in the Port were burnt , whilst the Woods were cut down . Ten days were spent in destroying all , with the loss of only four Men on our part . 25. The King of Pate seeing this Ruin , submitted , he of Lusiva fled to the Mountains , and our Admiral gave this Kingdom to a Matron , who had been deposed by him , that fled and came now to plead her Right . The King of Mombaca at first made shew as if he would oppose us , having got together 7000 Men , but afterwards fled out of the Island , and from the top of a Mountain beheld the Flames that consumed his City . Our Admiral set sail for Orm●…z , according to his Orders , and sent to advertise the King of what he had done , and by the way saved a Ship of the former Fleet that was just sinking . The Admiral died at Ormuz , and another went to raise the Fort at Ma●…eate , who finished it . 26. The Commander of Moçambique , D. George de Meneses , was not idle , but still imployed against the Mores , who endeavoured to settle themselves in the Trade of those parts of the Island Madagascar , that lay opposite to him . Many of ours were slain , and among them F. Iohn of St. Thomas , a Dominican , who preached the Faith to those Infidels . CHAP. V. Continues the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses . 1. THE King of Ujantana took many of our Ships , and hindred the carrying of Provisions to Malaca , insomuch that Famine raged there to such a degree , that 100 died in one day , and Mothers cast away their Children for want of Food . The Mana●…cabo's , a Neighbouring People , contributed much to this Misery , destroying what grew about the Town , and hindred the Country People from bringing in any Supplies . 2. Iames de Azambuj●… lately come from the Molucos , marched against them with 100 Portugu●… and 600 Mal●…yes , whereof 400 were Musqueteers . With great labour they came to the Town of Nam , where they met 2000 of the Enemy . D. Emanuel de Almada charged them with half our Men , and driving them out of the Field , pursued them into their Works , which he cleared with gr●…t slaughter . Thence our Men proceeded to Bombo , where the King of Ior had a Fort , which the Commander forsook , and the Inhabitants submitted ▪ pleading they had no hand in what was done to our prejudice . 3. The King of Ac●… seeing Mala●… distressed had provided a Fleet of 300 Sail to fall upon it , and was ready to set out , when his General Moratiza , who had long since designed to usurp that Crown , murdered him , the Queen and Chief of the Nobility , and stayed at home to secure his usurped Kingdom , which was the saving of Malaca . But Rajale setting Sail from his Port of Ior , entred the River of Malaca with 120 Vessels , in which were 6000 Men. Iohn de Silva , who commanded in the Town , and D. Antony de Noronna at Sea , both applied themselves with all diligence to the Preservation of that place . 4. The Enemy attempting to Land in two Places , were drove back to their Ships with great loss , and many of them drowned , our Ships with their Cannon sunk two of theirs , and did good Execution : In the Church of the Cap●… is said to have been seen a Friar driving out the Enemies , who not appearing afterwards , was suppos'd to be St. Francis. The Commander stood at the Gate buying the Heads of the Enemies at 20 Crowns each . 5. D. Hierome de Azevedo cruising about Romania , took and sunk some Ships which proved some ease to Malaca . The City of Cochim sent thither plentiful and speedy relief . Iohn de Silva the Commander , whether through any other Accident or Grief of the Miseries he saw there , is not known , ran mad . The Bishop took upon him the Government . Baçaim , Chaul and Goa , sent the Vice-Roy Money to relieve this City , the latter desiring that D. Paul de Lima might command the Squadron to be sent thither , and Malaca having desired the same , the Vice-Roy consented to it . 6. D. Paul de Lima set Sail with 500 Men in two Galleys , three Galleons , four Galliots , and seven other Vessels . In their way to Malaca they suffered much for want of Water , and got some , though with danger , on the Shores of Achem , where they took some Ships , killed many Men , and made several Prisoners , but particularly Rajale's Ambassador , who was there to incite that our professed Enemy to join with him against us . 7. Before D. Paul could come up , some of his Ships joined those commanded by D. Antony de Noronna before I●…r . The Enemies Fleet attacked them , and at the first Charge of our Cannon fled again , two of them were tak●… . D. Antony seeking to-gather his Squadron , found his Men battering the Fort of Curi●… , ●…ed above the Water , with Thirty Pieces of C●… , and Two hundred , many of the Defendants were slain , the rest fled . Antony de Andria landing , brought off the Cannon , leaving the Fort in a Flame . Then they fir●… some Shipping and the Suburbs , and r●…tired to their Ships with much Booty and many Prisoners . 8. This Success made D. Antony de Noronna believe it was easie to take the City , if he assaulted it in the Morning . Ambitious of gaining this Honour , and contrary to the Opinion of the Captains , he Assaults the City with only 200 Men , knowing there were 12000 within , and the Walls at every step planted with Cannon . Nevertheless he entred it , but had lost his Life , had not D. Paul de Lima's Captains snatched him out of the Enemies Hands , being penned up between Palisades with only Seventeen Souldiers , and gained him time to retire to his Ships . 9. The City I●…r is seated on the heighth of a Point of Land in the Country of Malaca , in one degree and half of North Latitude , not far distant from the Shore , girt with thick Walls , though of Wood , yet strong , being composed of vast Beams well knit together ; at small distances are Bastions all well stored with Artillery , and defended by great numbers of Malays , Manancabo's , and Islanders of Iava and other Warlike Places , some of them commanded by their Kings , as those of Tringale , Dragut , Campar , and others . The River adds much to this strength , embracing the City with two Arms. 11. D. Paul being come , consulted the manner of attempting the place , and began a Battery with good success . The Enemies Fleet endeavoured a Diversion , but in vain . The Battery was continued till the day of the Assumption of our B. Lady , to which D. Paul had a peculiar Devotion . 11. The morning of that day he landed 600 Portugueses in three Bodies . D. Antony de Noronna , who led one , had a hot Dispute about landing with a Number of the Enemies Musketiers , who being repulsed , still rallied ; but at length our Men made their way to attempt the Town , where some of them were killed , endeavouring to force a passage where there was none . 12. In the mean while D. Paul cutting through 2000 of the Enemy in a Wood , joyned D. Antony , and both together broke into the City . The Enemy no longer able to sustain our Fury , gave way , and was pursued by those two Bodies into the City . The third of our Battalions had the same success in getting in , and with equal danger , being charged by one of the Kings upon an Elephant with a strong and resolute Party . But the Beast being shot by D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra so disordered them , that our Men had the opportunity to advance . 13. The Fight was very desperate in the Streets , many Arrows and Darts flying from the Windows ; yet our Men advanced till they came to the place where the King was with his Allies , and there the Battle was renewed . D. Paul encouraged his Men , not only with Words , but with his Example , leading them on with Sword in hand . 14. After 6 hours Combat , the fortune of the Day still seemed dubious , till Matias Pereyra , who had only 15 Men left with him of 150 , attacked and entred the Fort Botabato , which gave new Life to our Men almost spent with continual Labour . 15. Luis Martines Pereyra , who was left to command the Fleet , ceased not battering the Town , hearing only the noise of the Fight , and seeing the Enemies Colours upon the Walls , but seeing the Christian set up on the Fort Cotabato , he desisted . The Kings also discovering them , and other signs of their Ruin , mounted on Elephants with their Wives , and fled up the Inland . 16. After the Victory the City was fired , which being great , and of combustible matter , raised a terrible Flame . Many People were burnt , chiefly Women and Children , who in the Confusion could not escape . The Booty was very great , the Prisoners many , and the number of Slain by the Portugueses amounted to 4000 , besides near 3000 killed by those that came to assist Rajale when they saw he was defeated ; on our side 80 were lost . Almost 1000 Pieces of Cannon were found , some very large , 1500 Muskets , and 2200 Vessels . D. Paul of all the Booty took to himself only an Image of our B. Lady , found by a Soldier in the Wood where he was first ingaged . 17. The City Malaca resolved to receive D. Paul in Triumph ; D. Antony de Noronna , for the share he had in this Victory , desired he would let him go by his Side , and he replied , Gloriam mea●… alteri non dabo . D. Antony offended hereat , acquainted his Soldiers , and they resolved to anticipate the Triumph . They landed with found of Drums , Trumpets , and noise of Cannon , and covering the way with their Cloaths , led him to the Church . D. Paul landed in the same manner he had done at Ior , was received by the Religious Orders with their Crosses , and singing , placed under a Canopy , and crown'd by the Bishop with a Garland of Roses and Flowers . CHAP. VI. The End of the Government of D. Duarte de Meneses . 1. THE Tyrant Raju resolving to possess himself of our Fort of Colombo in C●… , to this effect gathered ●…0000 fighting Men , 60000 Pioniers , and near as many Artificers and other Labourers ; 2200 Elephants , 40000 Oxen , 150 Pieces of C●…on , 50000 Axes , Shovels , Pick●…s , and Spades ; an innumerable quantity of spare Arms and Tools ; two Castles , carried each upon a great Cart with 9 Wheels , and almost 500 Sail. He thought fit first to consult the Idols about the Success , and having placed Men behind them , who should say as he had directed them , the Answer was , That if he would enter Columbo , he m●…st shed innocent Blood. 2. The People was astonished at this familiarity between their Prince and Idols , and he pretending Obedience to the Divine Commands , caused 500 Children to be snatched from their Mothers Arms , which were all slaughtered , and the Idols sprinkled with their Blood. 3. Thus prepared , he marched and sate down before the Town , choosing the Ground he best liked , there being no body to hinder him . Our Commander Iohn de Brito knowing this Storm was like to fall upon him , had made the best provision he could . He had but 300 Portugueses , the third part of them useless , being old Men or Children , and 700 Natives and Slaves , which he posted to the best advantage about that Wall , the Circumference whereof is very great , reserving 50 to be ready with himself wherever the greatest Danger called . Raju spent a month in dreining a Lake that on one side secured the Town , about this Work , and securing some Boats , we had upon that Water , there were many Skirmishes , in which the Enemy came off with great loss . 4. The Fort was much weakened by the want of that Water , which was the chief Defence on that side . Our Commander gave Advice of the Danger he was in to the Neighbouring Places . The first that sent Relief was Iohn de Melo Commander of Manar , it consisted of 40 Men under the Command of his Nephew Ferdinand , and Ammunition . Ferdinand was posted on the side of the Lake . Whilst Raju prepared for the Attack , there was a Skirmish between the Besiegers and Besieged , in which the former lost many Men , and had some of their Works levelled . 5. On the 4th of August , before day , Raju advanced to give the first Assault , with such silence he could not be heard , and the Darkness was such he could not have been seen , but the Musketiers lighted Matches discovered them . They laid their Ladders , and mounted the Bastions St. Michael , St. Goncalo , and St. Francis , 2000 Pioniers at the same time working below to undermine the Wall , many of the former were cast down upon these last , and abundance of them in the Field torn in pieces by our Cannon . 6. All within and without was full of confusion with the Cries of Women and Children , Groans of Wounded Men , and Noise of Cannon and Elephants . These , forced to the Walls by their Governors , were again put back with many Wounds , and did great execution among their own Men. The multitude of the Enemy was such , no Slaughter seemed to lessen them , fresh Men still succeeding in the place of the Dead . 7. Our Commander was in all places where the greatest Danger called , and after a most tedious Dispute , that vast number of Enemies gave way , leaving 400 Men dead or dying under the Walls . Some few Chingala's , who were retired to the Fort for fear of the Tyrant , fought as if they had been Portugueses . 8. Twice after this was the Assault renewed , and the Enemy as often repulsed . The King enraged fortifies himself anew , and provides for another Attack . Iames Fernandez Pessoa coming from Negapatan with a Ship of his own was stopped by a Storm , but came afterwards . Antony de Aguiar & Vasconcelos arrived with a Ship , and comforted the Besieged . The Modeliar of Candea D. Iohn de Austria , and the Arache D. Alfonso , did great execution among the Barbarians ; and a Soldier called Ioseph Fernandez of great strength , threw several of them behind him for those that followed to kill them , he having before broke his Spear . 9. The City Cochim understanding the danger of Columbo , fitted out 6 Ships with Men and Ammunition , under the Command of Nuno Alvarez de Atouguia , to relieve that place . But Raju resolving to prevent all Relief , on the 20th of August , at night , gave another general Assault both by Sea and Land , so that Religious Men were forced to play the parts of Officers and Soldiers ; and the Enemy after a great Slaughter was again repulsed in both places . 10. Then came Atouguia with the Relief sent from Cochim ; and from St. Thomas and other places , arrived of their own free will Ferdinand de Lima , Emanuel de Amaral , and Roderick de Alvarez . Emanuel M●…xia rising out of an Ambush fell upon one Arache , ( who the former Siege had killed 29 of our Men ) and running him through with a Spear , brought him to the Fort , where one of our Men cutting him open at the Heart , drank his Blood. Such was the Hatred they had towards him , as obliged them to commit this brutal Action . In September arrived a Galley and 6 Ships , under the Command of Bernardin de Carvallo , sent to their Assistance by the City of Goa . 11. Before these Ships departed thence , four were come in from Lisbon ; five set out , but one was forced back . These Ships carried new Instructions about Trade , the King having agreed with Merchants about setting out the India Squadron . These Instructions were so prejudicial to the Inhabitants of Goa , that the Viceroy had need of all his Authority , and that of Religious Men to appease them . All this was the Project of insatiable Ministers of State , who , for their own interest , will hazard the Ruin of an Empire , on pretence of Zeal to the Prince . 12. The Relief being come to Columbo , Raju despairing of carrying the Place by Assault , resolved to undermine it , and had effected it , but that Thomas de Sousa found out a way to destroy the Miners in the Work. The Tyrant next applied himself to Treachery , and agreed with some of his Wizards , that counterfeiting Discontent they should desert to the Town , poison their Water , and bewitch our Men. These were suspected , put to the Rack , confessed the Design , and were drowned . While one of these was on the Rack , he uttered some Words which deprived the Executioners of their Senses , and left them struggling with Convulsions for 24 hours . Raju afterwards sent others , and they were punished as the former . 13. Treachery failing , he turns again to Force , and causes his Fleet to attack ours commanded by Thomas de Sousa , who sunk two of his Ships , and took two , killing most of the Men , and hanging the rest at the Yard . Arms. Of the Enemy 300 were slain , of ours only two private Men. Raju in a rage beheaded the Captains of his Fleet , because they had not overcome ours . Now arrived Philip Carneyro with a Ship laden with Ammunition sent by the Viceroy , and Antony de Brito , and Emanuel de Macedo , Voluntiers . The Enemy gave another Assault by Night with the same Success as the former . 14. At the same time came Iohn Cayado de Gamboa , sent by the Viceroy with a Galleon and 150 Men , many of them of Note . Our Commander finding himself strong , sent out Peter Alfonso with a Squadron to destroy all he could along the Coast. He did so in the Towns of Belicote , Berberii , and Beligao , where , for haste to take off the Women's Bracelets and Pendants , they cut off their Hands and Ears , and having made great Havock in many other places , they returned with much Booty and Prisoners . 15. But now Sickness threatned to do what Raju with all his Power could not effect . This Disease began to rage in the Neighbouring Towns , and being brought into the City , the Physitians found no Cure for it . This Year was drier than any had been known that Age , and that was thought to cause this Malady . The Doctors opening some that died of it , found their Entrails impostumated , which they said proceeded from Heat occasioned by that Drought . They then applied cold and dry Medicines , and the Disease decreased . 16. The Year ended , but not the Siege . In the beginning of Ianuary Raju gave two Assaults , in the last of which the Bastions of St. Sebastian , St. Conçalo , and Santiago , were in great danger ; but by the bravery of the Defendants the Enemy was at length repulsed , having lost many Men , and three Elephants . 17. Mean while our Fleet , again sent out under the Command of Thomas de Sousa , ruined all along the Coast of Ceylon . He destroyed the Villages of Coscore , Madania , Guindurem , Galé , Beligao , Maturé , and Tanavar , where the Idolaters were now undeceived , who believed , our Arms could never reach that place by reason of a Pagod that is there . The Pagod is seated on a Hill not far from the Town , and at Sea locks like a City . The circumference of it was above a League ; it is richly Vaulted , and the Arches covered with gilded Copper Plates ; the Idols in it were above 1000 on the side Chapels , and large Cloisters . All round were Streets full of Shops , because People from all Parts resorted to the Pagod . Sousa entring this Temple , cast down all the Idols , demolished the curious Workmanship , carried away all that could be removed on Men's backs , and killed Cows within , which is the greatest Affront can be offered to those Idolaters . 18. Let us in a few words here perpetuate the Memory of two illustrious Actions ; the one the effect of a sincere Love , the other of true Generosity . Among the Prisoners taken at Coscore , one was a Bride . As the Ships were ready to weigh Anchor , there ran suddenly into that where the young Woman was a lusty Man , and embracing her , and she him , they said many words not understood . By the help of an Interpreter it was known , that that Man was the Bridegroom , who being abroad when the Bride was taken , came to be a Slave with her rather than live without her . And , she said , That since he by that demonstration of Love had made her happier than all the Chingala Women , ( for they were of those People ) she esteemed her Slavery rather a Blessing , than a Misfortune . Sousa hearing hereof , resolved not to part such real Lovers , and taking hold of both their hands , said , God forbid two such Lovers for my private Interest should be made unhappy , Love has sufficiently captivated you , I freely give you your Liberties . Then he ordered them to be set ashore ; but they two seeing his unexpected Bounty , requited it by despising their Liberties , and replied , They only desired to be his , and die in his Service . They lived afterwards in Columbo , where the Man on sundry occasions faithfully served the Portugueses . 19. The Viceroy careful of the security of Columbo , sent to the Relief of it Emanuel de Sousa Continno , and D. Paul de Lima. Scarce did Raju see Sousa enter that Port , after he had ruined all the Coast and the great City Chilao ; and was informed , that D. Paul was coming , some of his Ships being already in the Port , but despairing of Success when the B●…d least expected it , he decamped , and b●…gan to march away . 20. Yet our Men , not to suffer him to go quietly away , fell upon his Rear , and in several Skirmishes cut off many of his Men. During this Siege , some say he lost 10000 Men , others not above half the Number . Many Towns , Cities , Villages , and Ships , were burnt and destroyed . The Cannon , Prisoners , and other Booty taken , were considerable . This rendred Raju very contemptible in the Eyes of those Princes who waited the Success of his Undertakings . On our side were killed 140 Men , 30 of them Portuguese●… . Of the Sickness before mentioned died 500. 21. D. Paul came the day after the Siege was raised . Eight days were spent in levelling Raju's Works . They repaired the Damage done to the Fort , and furnished it with 600 Men and Ammunition . 22. The Viceroy , after receiving the joyful News of this Victory , and honouring Emanuel de Sousa and D. Paul , died of a violent Sickness in the beginning of May. He was little of Stature , but Graceful , Couragious , Prudent in Counsel , and of great Authority , a good Latinist , and Italian , and so addicted to Poetry , that he writ good Verses , a lover of Justice , and free from Avarice . The Fault laid to his Charge is , that he suffered himself to be governed by one less capable of Government than himself . He was the 15th Viceroy , and 32d Governour , for the space of almost four Years , the 2d of the Name , and 5th of the S●…name . CHAP. VII . The Government of Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno , from the Year 1588 , till 1590. 1. THE Viceroy being dead , and Patents of Succession opened , they first appointed Matthias de Albuquerque , who was gone for Portugal ; the second , Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno , then present , who took upon him the Government , and was well qualified for it , as being very brave , and well experienced in the Affairs of India . 2. Soon after arrived 5 Ships from Portugal . D. Paul de Lima , weary of the Toils of War , and much more troubled that he was so ill rewarded , resolved to return to Portugal . 3. The Ships that were homeward bound ▪ being dispatched , D. Paul imbarked in that called The St. Thomas , whereof Stephen de Vega was Captain . On the Coast of Natal she sprung aleak in the Stern , and a Storm raging she could not be kept above Water , though they threw over board all the Riches that was in her . 4. The Boat being lanched , all strove to perish in it , because they would have it hold all that the Ship contained . Several were killed upon this occasion , and D. Paul standing on the side with his Sword drawn , could no way prevent it . At length , those that the Boat could not contain returned to the Ship. The Women were let down , and almost drowned before they were taken in , because it could not come to the Ship 's side . Da. Ioanna de Mendoca going in to it , left behind a Daughter but two Years old , and calling for her afterwards , could not get her , because the Nurse would not let the Child go unless they would take her with it . 5. The Boat was not far from the Ship when they saw it swallowed up by the Sea. It was yet worse , that being over-loaded with 120 Persons , and there being no other Remedy left , they were forced to throw some into the Sea , who immediately sunk . The Boat came to the Shore . 6. Ninety eight Persons , Men and Women , landed , several of them Gentlemen of Note , their Wives , and some Friers , one of which after having confessed , the People in the Ship would have stayed to die with them , that he might be aiding to them in that last hour . They marched in good order , a Frier going before with a Crucifix on high . The Women put themselves into Men's Habit after the Indian manner , that their Coats might not be a hinderance to them in going . 7. The Place where they landed , by the Portugueses is called , The Country of the Fumos , by the Natives of the Macomates , being inhabited by Cafres of this Name . It is in the Latitude of 27 deg . 20 min. beyond the River of Simon Dote , 50 Leagues South of the Bay of Lorenzo Marquez . All the Land of the Fumos belongs to the King of Vira●…gune , and runs 30 Leagues up the Inland , bordering on the South with the Country of Moca●…apata , the King whereof extends his Domi●…on to the upper part of the River St. Lucia , in the Latitude of ●…8 deg . 15 min. and to the Kingdom of Vambe , that contains a great part of Terra del Natal . From hence to the Cape of Good Hope there are no King , but Ancozes , or Lords of Villages . Next the Kingdom of Vira●…gune , is that of Innaca , towards the N. E. to the Point of the Bay S. Laurence , in 25 deg . 45 min. of South Latitude , and has two Islands opposite to it called Choambone and S●…timuro , the last not inhabited is the receptacle of the Portugueses that resort thither to buy Ivory . About the Bay many great Rivers fall into the Sea , as Beligane , Mannica , Spiritu Santo , Vumo , Anzate , and Angomane . At Vumo died D a Leonor and her Children , and Emanuel de Sousa was lost . Anzate runs along the edge of vast inaccessible Mountains covered with Herds of Elephants , the People of a Gigantick Stature . In the Latitude of 25 degrees the River De l●…s Reyes , or Del Oro , falls into the Sea , West of which are the Kingdoms of 〈◊〉 and Mannuca . From this place to Cape Corrientes the Sea makes a great Bay , along which inhabit the Moeranges , notable Thieves . Opposite to the Point St. Sebastian are the Islands of Bazaruta , and not far from it the Kingdom of In●…abuze , that reaches to the River I●…narigue ; then that of Pande , bordering on the other Mo●…nibe , which extends to that of Zavara in the Inland . Near these are the Kingdoms of Gamba and Mocuraba , next to it is Cape Corrientes . 8. After suffering much Hunger , Thirst , Weariness , and being persecuted by Thieves , they came to the Town of the King of M●…nica , by whom they were courteously received , and entertained ; he offer'd them to live in his Town , or in the Island ( where we said before the Portugueses used to reside , during the time of their stay ) till such time as Portugues Merchants came thither . They accepted of the Island , where some died . Being ill accommodated there , they passed over in Boats to the other side of the Continent , and in the Passage were parted . Some few got to the Fort of Zofala , others to the King of Innaca's Town , where were some Portugues Traders , who had also suffered Shipwrack , here after enduring great Hardships , many died . 9. D. Paul de Lima ended his Days , and was there buried on the Shore . Such as escaped Death a long time after went over to Goa . Among these were three Women , Donna Mariana , Donna Ioanna Mendoça , who after led a solitary Life , and Donna Beatrix , Wife to D. Paul , who carried his Bones to Goa , then went to Portugal , and Married again at Oporto . 10. Let us return to India . Mir Alibet encouraged by his Success in the Year 1587 , set out the beginning of this Summer from Moca with four Gallies , and the Vessel he had taken from Rocque de Brito at Lamo. He anchor'd off of Melinde , and was obliged to remove the first Night by Matthew Mendez de Vasconcelos , who commanded on that Coast. Our Governor , Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno , understanding this Pyrate was abroad , sent against him his own Brother Thomas de Sousa Coutinno with 900 Men in 20 Vessels of several sorts . 11. After a troublesom Voyage he arrived at Mombaça in February , where Mir Alibet had already fortified himself . Our Fleet passed through the Enemies Fire up the River , took the four Gallies , killed above 70 Turks , released many Christians , and took many Prisoners , and 30 Pieces of Cannon . 12. The Muzimba's at this time were on the other side ( in such Numbers as shall be related in the Year 1593 ) intending to kill and plunder the Moors of Mombaça . Having from thence with admiration beheld what the Portugueses had done , their Commander sent to Thomas de Sousa to desire him , That since the Portugueses were Gods of the Sea , and he of the Land , and they had done their Work , they would give him leave to begin his . Sousa consented , and they entring the Island , killed the Moors and Turks , who from the City fled to the Woods . Many fled to the Ships and were taken in , the rest were cut in pieces to be eaten by the Muzimbas . Among those that preferr'd Captivity before Death , was Mir Alibet , and a Son and Brother of the King of Qualife . 13. Sousa went over to the Island , the King whereof had been a Principal Actor in this Revolt , and being now in Arms refused to come to him ; but D. Bernardin Coutinno with only one Souldier ran up to the King at the Head of his Men , and threatning to stab him if any one stirred , brought him away . He , the King of Qualife's Brother , and two Governors of Pate were beheaded . The King of Sio was put to the Oar , the rest were all fined . Then our Commander passed over to the Island Mandra , the People of which Place had told some Portugueses , that only the Sun Beams could enter there . Yet the Island and Town were entred , the one wasted , the other levelled with the Ground . 14. Thus Sousa brought all that Coast under Subjection , and was received at Goa with great applause . Mir Alibet was brought to Portugal where he died a Christian. 15. About the end of the Year arrived in India five Ships from Portugal . 16. It is not my Intention to relate only what is honourable of the Portugues , I will here set down four ridiculous and destructive Actions of theirs . The first was thus : The King of Banguel our Friend , desiring to destroy a Wood belonging to an Enemy of his , desired our Admiral of the Coast of Calicut to assist him with 300 Men , to guard those that cut down the Wood. They were sent , and instead of securing him , so dispersed themselves in the Wood , that the Enemy taking the advantage cut them all off . The second ; A Portugues Galley meeting some Pirats of Cangane pursued them with Scoffs , scorning to take up Arms against them , and they turning upon the Galley entred it , and put all the Men to the Sword. 17. The third ; The Admiral that was so unfortunate in the Red Sea in the Year 1586 , having now taken a rich Ship of Meca and killed the Captain , order'd the Moors in her ( as if it had been one of his Galleons ) to follow the Admiral 's Light. They as soon as it was night fled , and he being ashamed to be so deceived , endeavoured to excuse himself by saying , The Jesuits had advised him so to do , as if that were any Justification of his Folly. The fourth ; Seven hundred Portugueses from Chatigam , took a Town , and being in it , a Cannon that was hid accidentally took fire , and they without examining further , fled to their Ships in such a Consternation , that one single Moor durst follow them throwing of Stones . 18. Two of our Gallies going to Chaul , to bring an Ambassador sent by the Mogol , were set upon at the River of Carapatan , Eighteen Leagues from Goa , by a great Squadron of Malabars , commanded by the famous Moor Castamuza . After a tedious fight , the Enemy left them in such a Condition , that only their departure could have saved our Men , who may be said to have had the Victory , because they kept the Field . 19. In May 1591 , Matthias de Albuquerque arrived in India alone , having set out of ●…bon with five Ships , four whereof were driven back to Portugal . He went to succeed Emanuel de Sousa with the Title of Viceroy . Sousa having given up the Sword , Embarqued for Portugal on the greatest Ship that had ever been seen on the Ocean , and vastly Rich , and was cast away on the Sands of Garaj●…o , nothing that was in the Ship being saved . This Ship made up the number of 22 lost in this Voyage between the Years 1579 , and 1591 , a great loss for so short a time , and may be attributed to two Causes , the over-loading , and making them too big , both faults proceeding from Covetousness . 20. In fine , Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno was born in the Village de los Arneyros , in the Diocess of Lamego , and was a Gentleman , might make the Place of his Birth honourable . He was the 33th Governor , first of the Name , and second of both Sirnames . CHAP. VIII . The Government of the Vice-Roy Mathias de Albuquerque , from the Year 1591 till 1597. 1. MAthias de Albuquerque , a Gentleman well deserving this Command , was before named for this Govermnent by the Patents of Succession , but being come for Portugal when they were opened was again here appointed with the Title of Vice-Roy . The Season was so far advanced , it was generally believed he could not go through , but he caused himself to be Painted on his Colours standing upon Fortune , and setting them up in his Ship , said , He would perform the Voyage in spight of her , and did it . About the time he entred upon the Government , there sailed from Lisbon Iames Pereyra Tibao in a small Ship , and in December Ruy Gomez de Gram in a Galleon , and Gaspar Fagundez in a Caravel , who were to be in India about the middle of this Year we now enter upon , and about the end of it arrived there four Ships , that set out about the beginning . 2. The Vice-Roy understanding that the King of Iafanapatan assisted him of Candea against , and delighted in Persecuting such as imbraced the Christian Religion , calling himself King of Kings , sent against him Andrew Furtado , that great Commander , with 20 Sail. 3. Off of Calicut he met three Ships of Meca , after a hot Engagement he sunk two and took one . Then he sailed in search of the Pirat Cotimuza , Nephew and Admiral to Cunnale , who with 14 ( some say 22 ) Galleys , was become absolute on the Coast of Coromandel , had taken several of our Ships , and designed to take from us the Forts of Columbo and Manar . At the Mouth of the River Cardiva , Furtado met and fought him , and he having behaved himself well escaped by swimming , leaving us possessed of his whole Fleet. It is pity we want the Particulars of this fine Action . 4. Our Admiral after this Victory entring the Port of Manar , found there a great Fleet , and made himself Master of it , many of the Men swimming a-shore to join the King's Army . Furtado Lands and marches toward the Town , which was well fortified , manned and provided . He assaults the Works , and drives the Defendants into the Town , whence the King with severe Language made his Commander return to Charge the Portugueses , without hearkning to the Advice he gave him to shift for himself , because they would soon be in his Palace . The General returned , and was killed with all his Men. The Portugueses advancing , slew the King and his eldest Son , his younger Brother casting himself at Furtado's Feet begged his Life , which was granted him , and the Government of that Kingdom , till the Vice-Roy should order it otherwise . He was afterwards made King upon reasonable Terms . 5. At this time Cunnale Marcar , a Subject of the King of Calicut , successfully scoured that Coast with a good Squadron . Against him the Vice-Roy sent D. Alvaro de Abranchez with a considerable Fleet. F. Francis da Co●…a was then Prisoner at the Court of Zamori , who inclined that Prince to treat of Peace with the Portugueses , and to that effect sent the same Father to D. Alvaro , who was then in that Sea. D. Alvaro sent him to the Vice-Roy , the Peace was concluded to the content of both Parties , and Zamori not only released all the Slaves in his Kingdom , but encouraged the Jesuits to build a Church , himself laying the first Stone . 6. The beginning of this Year sailed from Lisbon four Ships , two whereof we shall see miserably perish , at the latter end of the Year following . 7. Let us go to Moçambique , where there happened a great loss . Our Commander of Tete had some Skirmishes with the Cafres our Enemies . Tete is a Fort of that Authority , that all the Neighbours for three Leagues about , divided under eleven Captains , obey the Commander of it , as each does their own , and upon the least signal given resort thither , to the number of 2000 armed Men. With these Cafres , and some Portugueses , he marched against Quisura , Captain of the Munbo Cafres , who was at Chicarongo . Six hundred of these gave him Battle , and were cut off every Man of them , whereby many Prisoners were released , who were to have been slaughtered like Cattle for the Shambles , theirs being of human Flesh. The Tyrant Quisura was also killed , who used to pave the way to his Habitation with the Sculls of those he had overcome . 8. Andrew de Santiago , Commander of the Fort of Sena , designing as much against the Muzimba's , found them so well fortified , he was obliged to send to Peter Fernandes de Chaves , Commander of Tete , for aid . Chaves marched with some Portugues Musqueteers and the Cafres under his Command ; but the Muzimba's being informed of it , and fearing the Conjunction of those Forces , fell upon him so unexpectedly , that they slew him and all his Portugueses , being advanced before their Cafres , who thereby had time to retire . The Victors quarter'd the dead for Food , and returned with them to their Works . F. Nicholas of the Rosary , a Dominican , was reserved from this general slaughter , and after shot to death with Arrows . 9. Next day the Muzimba's marched out of their Works after their Leader , who had put on the Casula , or Vestment taken from the martyr'd Priest , and holding a Dart in his Right hand , and the Chalice in the Left. The Men carried the Commander of Tete's Head on a Spear , and the Quarters of the Portugueses on their Backs . Andrew de Santiago astonished at that Sight thought to retire by Night , but the Enemy falling upon him he was killed with most of his Men ; so that in both Actions above 130 of them were cut in pieces , to be buried in those Barbarians Bellies . 10. D. Peter de Sousa , Commander of Moçambique , under whose Jurisdiction Tete is , set out with 200 Portugueses and 1500 Cafres , to take Revenge on these Munzimba's . He batter'd their Works , but with no success , and endeavouring to Scale them was repulsed . Being likely to succeed , by raising Gabions as high as their Trenches , he was prevented by some cowardly Portugueses , who , to hide their fear , pretended the Fort of Sena was in danger . Our Commander drawing off to relieve it , was attacked by the Muzimba's , lost many of his Men , the Cannon and other Booty . Yet the Enemy offered a Peace , which was concluded . 11. Soon after one of these Muzimba's marching Eastward , gather'd 15000 Men , and killing all in his way that had Life , set down before Quiloa , which he entred by the Treachery of one of the Inhabitants , and put them all to the Sword. 12. This done , he caused the Traytor and all his Family in his presence to be cast into the River , saying , It was not fit such base People , who betrayed their Country , should be spared , nor yet eaten , because they were venomous , therefore he cast them to be Food for the Fish. So odious is Treason even among Barbarians . He designed to have done the same at Melinde , but that King , assisted by 30 Portugueses , withstood him till 3000 of the Mosseguejo Cafres coming to the Relief of Melinde , the Muzimba's were so slaughtered , that of all that Army only 100 escaped with the general , after they had ravaged 300 Leagues . Behold the Chalice of this Muzimba . 13. Ma●…hew Mendez de Vasconcelos by force of Arms re-established the King of the Island Pemba , expelled by his Subjects ; and they soon after , provoked by the Villanies of the Portugueses , forced him and them to fly to Mombaça , after having killed many , and deprived the rest of the hope of ever returning to that Island . 14. Let us return to India . Melique had a City opposite to Chaul , and of the same Name , full of Moors , and of great Trade as being a good Port , and famous for weaving of Silks . The Commander of it was an Eunuch , once a Slave to the Portugueses , now to Melique . This Man posted himself on that noted Height , called Morro , with 4000 Horse and 7000 Foot. Morro is a Promontory over the Sea , and this runs down to the Shore of Chaul which lies to the Northward of it , the River running between them . 15. They terrified the Portugueses of Chaul , and destroyed them with 65 large Cannon they played from that Elevation . This motion was made by Nizamaluco contrary to the Peace establi●…d when Francis Barreto governed , and he justified it with Complaints against Matthias de Albuquerque . 16. This Siege was commenced in April , when Winter begins , at a time the Moors infested the Lands of Bacaim , and some Horse , those of Chaul . Small Vessels did great harm along the Coast , but much more was sustained in the City from the Cannon . Then came 14 Mogols to be present at the taking of the Portugueses , which they held as a thing certain , but being assaulted by some of our Men , 9 were killed , 2 taken , and the other 3 fled . The Eunuch Taladar escaped being taken , and died of his Wounds , as did a Turk that succeeded him in the Command . After him , that Post fell to Faratecan . 17. He with continual Batteries gave our Men no respite . About 1000 withstood his Power , till D. Alvaro de Abranches brought 300 from Baçaim , and another 200 from Salsete . They now made up 1500 Portugueses , and a like number of such faithful Slaves , that they received the Wounds themselves to protect their Masters . Having appointed a day to attack the Enemy , they all confessed themselves , and then went up the River in several Vessels . 18 , The Portugueses , beyond all expectation , made their way to the Plain on the top of the Promontory , and there the Fight was renewed . Ten Elephants being turned loose , a Soldier of ours gave one such a cut as made him run back , trampling his own Men till he fell into the Ditch , making us a Bridge to pass over . Another Elephant made way to a Wicket , the Portugueses entred , and found so many dead , as were a stop to them from killing others . 19. Some Accounts say , 10000 were slain , others make them no less than 60000. Faratecan , his Wife , and Daughter , were taken ; he became a Christian before he died , as did his Daughter , and came to Portugal ; his Wife was Ransomed . Only 21 Portugueses were lost . There were taken a great quantity of Ammunition , many Horses , 5 Elephants , and 75 extraordinary Pieces of Cannon . CHAP. IX . Continues and concludes the Government of Matthias de Albuquerque . 1. THE Portugueses , in hopes the Death of Raju might contribute towards recovering what they had lost in Ceylon , gave Advice thereof to the Viceroy , who sent thither Peter Lopez de Sousa with a good number of Men and Ammunition . This Commander made a halt at Palnagure , and ordered Francis de Silva to bring the Queen of Candea , whom he would put into Possession of that Kingdom . But Iohn Chingala , who had usurped it , taking the advantage of Peter his ill Conduct , took him and almost 500 Men Prisoners , and cut off their Noses . The Queen was put in Prison , and above 150 Portugueses suffered several sorts of Death . 2. D. Hierome de Azevedo succeeded Peter Lopez in this Command , and with 400 Portugueses fought 12000 Chingala's , but came off with great loss . These Mutiniers were commanded by Dominick Correa a Chingala , who was afterwards taken , carried to Columbo , and there quartered . 3. Five Ships arrived now from Portugal , and then was first carried into India the Bull of the Croisade , whereof F. Francis de Faria a Dominican was Commissary . 4. The Ship St. Albertus sailing for Portugal , was cast away on the Coast Del Natal , some of the Men lost , the rest marched in a Body under the command of Nunno Vello Pereyra , suffering great Hardships to the River of Lorenço Marquez , where finding Emanuel Malleyro with a Ship , Nunno and most of the Men imbarked and came to Moçambique . Those who were left behind travelled by Land , and forgetting their miserable condition , so provoked the Cafres with their Insolence , that they killed most of them . 5. Nunno Vello Pereyra imbarked again on the Ship Chagas , commanded by Francis de Melo , and had no better fortune the second Voyage than the first . Near the Islands Azores three English Ships met , and after a bloody Fight , burnt them . Only 12 escaped , burning or drowning on Planks , among which were Nunno Vello , and Blas Correa ; they were taken up by the English , carried into England , and ransomed . 6. The Annual Ship coming in April from China vastly rich , and being on the Malabar Coast almost in sight of Goa , was set upon by 14 Galliots of the Enemy . There were but 14 Portugueses in the Ship , who fought 3 days and 3 nights till they were all killed ; then an Islander of Iava going into the round Top from thence , with a Barrel of Powder set her a fire , so that the Enemy got little by her . A poor Comfort . 7. The Viceroy fitted out a Squadron of 18 Sail with 700 Men , and gave the Command of it to Andrew Furtado . On the first of August he met 3 Ships belonging to Zamori full of Riches , and People of both Sexes and all Ages , above 2000 of them were killed in Fight , the Ships taken , and the Booty was such , that a Servant happen'd upon 5 Bags of Pagods , a Gold Coin of the bigness of half a Royal Plate , but thicker , and worth a Crown . Furtado went on , and found the Malabar Fleet he went in search of in the River of Cardiga , which shunned not the Ingagement , but was totally defeated , and a great Booty taken . 8. Then he sailed for Ceylon , arrived at Columbo , and secured that place , in great danger of utter Ruin by means of the Portugueses , who were at Variance among themselves , and mutinied against their Captain . This done , he returned with fresh Honour to Goa . 9. Now arrived 3 Ships from Portugal , and found another beautiful one built , called The Mother of God , to return with them , which was lost on the Coast called Desierto de la Ethiopia Oriental , between Magadaxo and the Island Zocotora . Many of the Men were drowned , and more perished with Hunger and Thirst ashore : Only 16 escaped , enduring such Miseries , they often envied the Happiness of the Dead . 10. I find not any account of the Occurrences of this Year , only that about the end end of it came 5 Ships from Lisbon , and in one of them F. Alexius de Meneses , of the Order of St. Augustin , who went to succeed F. Matthew in the Archbishoprick of Goa . 11. About this time the Religious of St. Dominick , to secure the Preaching of the Gospel in their District , raised a Fort at Solor , which grew so considerable , it was afterwards found convenient to send a Commander thither . The first , or among the first , were Antony de Vellegas , and Antony de Andria , who put to the Sword many of the Natives that had killed some Religious Men. This Punishment , in stead of Amendment , made them worse , for two years after conspiring together , they agreed to kill the Commander and Friers . They fell furiously upon the Town and Fort , in the Town they did much harm , the Commander withdrew himself out of the Fort , and could not be found . They imagining he had forsaken it , entred , and Andria with a few Portugueses coming upon them through a private Door they knew not of , killed most of them . 12. A Galley and five other Vessels of ours cruizing off Cape Comori to secure our Traders from Coromandel , were so surprised by the Malabars , that they entred and burnt the Galley . The 5 Sail that were at some distance coming up time enough to have taken the Enemies Vessels , suffered them to go away without molestation . 13. On the 5th of February happened the Death of the 7 Franciscan Martyrs of Iapan . They suffered at Nangataqui under the cruel Cambaco , in revenge for the Numbers they had converted . Their Names were , F. Peter Baptista the Commissary , F. Martin of the Assumption , F. Francis Blanco , and the Brothers , Philip of Iesus , and Francis de Barrilla , and Gonzalo Garzia , with 20 Iaponneses , among which were 3 Brothers Jesuits , and 3 Children , Thomas , Antony , and Lewis . They were Crucified , and then shot with Arrows . 14. On the Coast of Malabar , between the Cities of Goa and Cochim , 77 Leagues from the one , and 33 from the other , is the little Port of Pudepatam , within which the Creeks form a Peninsula , joyning to the Land on the South side . On the North of it are the Ariores or Lords of Baragare and Motonge . They are all divided by a Rivulet , and towards the East a River falls there from the Mountain Gate , and another called Capocape on the South . The Moor Pate Marca perceiving how convenient a place this was to shelter Pirats that might scour all that Coast , obtained Leave of Zamori , whose Subject he was , and the Peninsula his , to build a Fort there . 15. He went over thither with his Kindred and Followers , and began to raise a square Fort on the East Point of it . From hence he began to make War upon us , taking many of our Ships richly laden . He assaulted the Village of Tana in the Island Salsete near Baçaim , and carried away a rich Booty , taking the opportunity of doing it , when those who should defend it were at the Devotions of the Holy Week . 16. Mahomet Cunnale Marca succeeded him in the Sovereignty of that Fort , finished and increased it ; and foreseeing the Portugueses would seek Revenge , he fortified the Town ( called also Cunnale ) by Sea and Land. On the Land side he made a deep Ditch with double Trenches 2 Yards and a half thick from Sea to Sea. At distances he raised Towers that flanked the Work , and on the Towers ( by them called Zarames ) planted small Cannon Between the two Creeks he built a strong Wall which secured the Town , with two Towers , one at each end , and along the Sea-shore stuck Palisadoes , where were also two Bastions , one greater than the other , planted with gross Cannon to secure the entrance of the Harbour , which besides was made very difficult even to small Vessels by Masts strongly chained together . 17. Being thus secure , he took upon him the Style and Title of King , and carried on his Uncle's Design against the Portugueses with greater success . He took one of our Galleys , a Ship coming from China , and many lesser Vessels , assisted the Queen of Olaba when she revolted , and Melique at the last Siege of Chaul , and now robbed not only the Portugueses , but the Malabars also , filling his Peninsula with Riches . 18. Our Viceroy concerned at the increase of his Power , resolved towards the end of his Government to weaken it , and by D. Alvaro de Abranches , Admiral of that Sea , advertised Zamori , how that Pirat was equally prejudicial to him as to the Portugueses , and therefore it would be convenient they should both joyn to extirpate him . That Prince being made sensible of this Truth , a new Peace was concluded , and they agreed , That he by Land , and the Portugueses by Sea , should joyntly undertake the expulsion of Cunnale , and razing the Fort. Both Parties provided for this Expedition , when a new Viceroy coming , the prosecution of it was carried on , as shall be seen in his Government . 19. Matthias de Albuquerque was one of the most deserving Men that arrived to this Command , as well for his Fortune and Valour , as his Prudence and Justice . In the Treasury he left 80000 Ducars in Money , and Jewels of Ceyl●…n of great value . He thought no body could cheat him , and a Soldier to undeceive him received his Pay three times in three several Shapes , and by as many Names . Matthias afterwards hearing of it sent for him , and was kind to the Man , advising him to use that Art no more . 20. He was of a middle Stature , lame of one Foot , but not lame in Manners , being as much a Christian as a Gentleman , of Viceroys the 16th , of Governours the 34th , first of the Name , and second of the Sirname . CHAP. X. Of the Propagation of the Gospel in the Empire of China during these later Years . 1. THE manner of the introducing and propagating the Gospel in China from the Year 1580 , till 1600 , was so remarkable and worthy of memory , that thô I descend not to the Particulars , I cannot but give ●…ome general Account of it . 2. Some Religious Orders had with Courage and Profit laboured therein before the Holy Society of Iesus appeared in India . The first that set foot there was the Order of the most Holy Trinity , in the Person of D. Vasco de Gama his Confessor , who ( as is before said ) was of that Congregation . The second was that of St. Francis , and the third of St. Dominick's , who trampling all Difficulties , sowed the Doctrine of Life there , watering i●… with their Blood. Afterwards some Secular Priests , and even Lay-men , made themselves famous by this Spiritual Work. 3. This was the Estate of Christianity in Asia , till its new Apostle St. Francis Xaverius came thither , who from the Year 1541 , till 1552 , never ceased Preaching to those People , and died in the Island Sancham , with an ardent desire of entring China . By his Death , the design of instructing the Chineses was laid aside till the Year 1580 , when F. Alexandrinus de Valiniano an Italian , and Visitor of the Society in Asia , undertook it , notwithstanding all the Difficulties that obstructed . 4. None of the smallest was the hardness of the Chinese Language , more uncouth to us than all the others of Asia . Yet at length a few attained some knowledge of it ; and the first that set foot in Quantung , was F. Michael Rogerius a Neapoli●…an , on pretence of Administring the Sacraments to the Portugueses who Traded there , and by this means converted some of the Natives , who went over to Macao , where for their better Instruction was erected a sort of Seminary near to the House of the Iesuits : 5. Valiniano considering the greatness of the Difficulties , was resolved to desist , but God prevented the execution of this Resolution . This Language , at first so difficult , was afterwards the best spoke and writ by these Fathers , and other Obstacles , though not removed yet , began to appear less terrible . By order of the Visitor Valiniano , who resided at Iapan , there came from India to Macao F. Matthew Rivius an Italian , to assist F. Michael Rogerius . They founded a Confraternity in that City for such Iaponeses and Chineses as were converted , calling it , The Sanctuary of Iesus . Other Fathers resorted thither , and among them F. Francis Pasius . 6. This was the posture of Affairs , when the Viceroy of Xanking , for his private Interest , sent for the Bishop and Governor of Macao . The one sent F. Rogerius , the other Mattheus Penela , with a Present which satisfied him . F. Rogorius returned thither again with F. Plasius , and presenting the Viceroy a Striking Watch , and Triangular Glass which shews Things of several Colours ; the Novelty of these Things so pleased him , that he gave them leave to build a Church and House in the Suburb , where he entertained them kindly . But after 4 Months , a new Viceroy succeeding , they were forced to return to Macao , where Plasius died . 7. The new Viceroy sends for the Fathers , the same Rogerius and Matthew Rivius go to him , and return without any Success , but with much Trouble . In May they are again sent for to Xanking , whither they came in November , 1583. are kindly received , and have a pleasant Place assigned them without the City to build . 8. It is remarkable , that when these Religious Men were banished this City , they left an Altar-Stone in the custody of Nicho Chus , a Youth well inclined to Christianity ; at their return they found it decently placed in a Room with Perfumes burning before it , and over it a Board with these Words , TIEN CHU , that is , To the Lord of Heaven . Here the Religious , for this strange Accident , said Mass , till their Church was made ready . 9. The Fathers , to be the more acceptable , put on the Chinese Habit , and named God in their Prayers by that Title they had seen on the Board , which much pleased the Natives . Many of the Gentry and Learned Men began to Reverence the Images of Christ , and the blessed Virgin ; they began to give ear to Matters of Faith , printed and dispersed among the People the Ten Commandments , highly approving of them , supplied the Church with Lights and Perfumes , and gave Alms to the Fathers . 10. The first baptized was a sick Man of mean condition . The Christian Doctrine was printed after their manner , and dispersed through the whole Province with no small Reputation for the great Titles the Viceroy bestowed on the Authors of it . 11. F. Rogerius now went to Macao , to seek some Relief to the great Poverty that place was in . Mean while the Chineses changing their humours , began to slander the Fathers , and often threw Stones at their House . F. Matthew Rivius was carried before the Supream Court , he carried his Sleeves full of the Stones had been thrown at him , and letting them fall at the Judges Feet , so mollified him , that he caused the Accuser to be whipped , and ordered on severe Penalties no Wrong should be offered the Fathers . Rivius was skilled in the Mathematicks , and made Maps and Dials , all pleasing and new there , particularly seeing so many Countries in the World to them unknown , as believing there was nothing beyond Asia . This Novelty attracted People from very remote Parts to behold it , and proved a great Motive to incline them to receive the Faith. 12. F. Rector Francis Cabrall , Superintendent of this Mission , came from Macao to visit this new Colony of the Church . He found more Fruit than was expected , and baptized the first Converts , among which a learned Man of the Province of Fokien , whom he called Paul , and another Iohn , which was he that with such Reverence kept the Altar-stone aforemention . 13. The Visitor Valiniano , for joy of this Success , made this Mission Independent of Macao , subjecting it immediately to himself , and the Provincial of Iapan . D. Duarte de Meneses , then Viceroy , settled an Allowance out of the Custom-House of Malaca upon the Fathers . 14. F. Almeyda and Rogerius , having obtained leave , went to erect another House in the Province of Chekiang , where they immediately baptized an ancient Gentleman , Father to the Governor of Xanquim , and soon after others . This was in the City Xanchin . 15. But this lasted not long , for the Fathers were soon expelled . Those of Xanking were in danger , but got off , and their Accusers were punished . These religious Men considering , this Prosperity could not be lasting without the King's Authority , sent F. Rogerius to Rome to obtain a Letter and Present from the Pope for the King ; but the Pope dying the Business was delayed , and F. Rogerius ended his days at Salerno , in the Kingdom of Naples . Mean while the Fathers at Xanking were not without Troubles , but still protected by the Viceroy ; converted many People , till a new Viceroy coming they were banished , and all they had taken from them . 16. On their way to Macao they were overtaken by fresh Orders from the Viceroy ; whereupon they returned to Xanking , and had a Place assigned them to settle at Hancheu . Not far from that City is a most delightful Plain along the side of a River , and in it a vast Temple and Monastery of 1000 Bonzos , called Manhoa , and yet the number of Idols exceeds that of the Bonzos , for only in one of 12 Apartments , into which it is divided , there were seen 500. These , as they call them , religious Men live there with their Wives and Children , and when they think fit , go out to rob . To this place were the Fathers led , that if they liked they might settle there , and were well received by the Bonzos , but the design of the Religious was to live in the City . 17. The Fathers were admitted into the City with the general good liking of all People . They soon suffered by the Contagion of the Air , which infects the very Natives with a Disease like an Ague , yet escaped the danger . From Macao two young Chinese Converts were sent to be their Companions , who were afterwards the first of that Nation admitted into the Society . 18. They laboured with no small Fruit , some Persons of Note being converted . Among the rest , Cuytaiso , the Son of a great Man , having lost or spent his Fortune , came to F. Rivius , thinking he was a Chimist , and might teach him the way to make Gold , and being by him instructed , found the true Treasure of the Faith. The same happened to an ancient Gentlemen of almost eighty Years of Age. 19. A Persecution was now raised at Hancheu , and the Governor examining into it , decreed to punish the Causers of it , but pardoned them at the Intercession of F. Rivius . In the Year 1591 was converted a Rich Merchant , who long had consulted the Idols and their Ministers about the way to Salvation , and at length found it among the Jesuits . F. Rivius went with his Disciple Cuytaiso , and by his Perswasion to Nanking where he had innumerable Auditors , baptized six , left many many more in good Disposition . He had done much more here , but that he was sent for to Hancheu , whither he returned , and converting many , suffered another Persecution , but weather'd it . 20. Till the end of the Year 1594 , our Fathers wore their own Habit , and shaved as in Europe ; and then changed it for that used by the Lawyers , for three Reasons ; first , to avoid being called Bonzos , for that those cloathed like them and shaved ; secondly , to gain the better admittance to Magistrates , who familiarly receive none without that Habit ; and thirdly , to please the People . CHAP. XI . Continues the Subject of the Propagation of the Gospel . 1. ABout the middle of the Year 1595 , F. Matthew Rivius set out for the City Nanking in Company of a Great Man. The Way was up great Rivers , in one of which the Vessels were sunk , and F. Rivius forced to swim for his Life , having lost his Companion Iohn Barradas . His Design was to settle a Residence in that Court , where he found many Opposers , and among them a powerful Man who had pretended much Friendship . 2. He went to Nancham , the Metropolis of the Province Kiangsi , between Nanking and Quantung . Being there in despair of any Success , he obtained a Lodging , where he said Mass on the Day of St. Peter and Paul , and afterwards leave to fix a Residence , whither resorted F. Iohn Soeyro from Macao , and the Brothers Francis Martinez and Sebastian Rodriguez from Hancheu ; with much trouble they founded a Church . 3. The Visitor Valiniano seeing how inconvenient it was the Affairs of China should have any dependance abroad , granted F. Matthew Rivius the full superintendence of them . He resolved again to attempt settling a Residence at Nanking . From hence he proposed to send advice of his coming to that King , with a Present of Things very common in Europe , though there much esteemed for their Rarity . These were Clocks much admired of the Chineses , for that they move of themselves . Triangular Glasses , that represent variety of Colours . A Harpsical . But what was more surprizing than all the rest , was the Learning of F. Rivius , his Art of Memory , his Maps of the World , his Understanding , Wit and Judgment . 4. There being no way to send the Present , it was agreed the Fathers should carry it themselves , going in Company of a Nobleman that Travelled thither . In the way to Peking they saw many Cities and innumetable Villages along the Banks of the Rivers up which they went. Being come to Peking , they spent a Month soliciting an Audience of the King , but without success . 5. Rivius with great trouble returned to Sucheu , being sent for by his Disciple Cuitayso . This is doubtless the most glorious City in those Parts . It is built in a River , as Venice in the Sea , and is of great strength to prevent all Accidents . The occasion of sending for F. Rivius , was to fix a Residence there . The Viceroy of Nanking's leave was requisite for this undertaking : Both Master and Disciple take a Journey thither , and and the Viceroy grants leave to settle in both Places . Here F. Rivius disputed with a famous Bonzo , and overcame him even in the Judgment of his Adversaries . 6. The Court of Publick Works proposed to the Fathers to buy a House that had long stood empty because haunted by Devils , they did , and all the People was astonished to see that after their entrance the Fiends had forsaken it . They could not undertake any thing than at Sucheu for want of more Fathers . 7. Still F. Rivius his Thoughts were bent upon Peking , to obtain the King's consent to proceed . Whilst he prepared for this Journey , the Faith considerably spread at Nanking . The first Baptized was a discreet old Man 70 Years of Age , of a Noble Family , who had an hereditary Military Command , his Sirname was Chin , and he was Christened by the Name of Paul. His Son , a Learned Man , followed the good Example , and was named Iohn , then all their Family , and some Kindred . 8. On the 16th of May 1600 , F. Rivius Embarqued the second time upon the River for Peking , with him went F. Iames Pantoja a Spaniard , called by a learned Man Golden Hands , for the delicate Works he wrought , and the two Brothers Sebastian and Emanuel . At Nanking remained F. Lazarus de Catania and B. Iohn . 9. Whilst they went up the River , the Viceroy of the Province of Xangsi's Wife dream'd she saw a Sovereign Deity with two Children . She concluded her Dream was expounded , when her Husband relating the Things contained in the Present , for the King mentioned a Picture of our Blessed Lady , with our Saviour and St. Iohn Baptist. The Lady desiring such a Picture , and there being no Painter to Copy it , F. Rivius gave her a Copy he had . The Viceroy receiving it with respect , assured him he and his Family would always Reverence the Mother and Son. 10. At the City Linchin a covetous Eunuch , who was Receiver-General of the Revenue , called Mathan , imprisoned them in the Fort of Tiensim , seizing upon the Present they carried for the King , and all they had . After six Months confinement , an Order came from the King ( without knowing who had procured it ) that the Fathers should be sent to him . All things were restored them , and they arrived at Peking about the end of the Year 1601. The Present was publickly carried to Court , and the King as soon as he saw the Picture of Christ admiring it , said ; This is the living God. Yet afterwards caused it to be removed out of his sight . The same happened with his Mother ; nevertheless it was set in a decent place , and honoured with Perfumes , and is said to be preserved in that Palace to this Day . A striking Clock was much admired ; so several other things . 11. Afterwards they were sent for ; a favourite Eunuch spoke to them in the King's Name ; they gave him an account who they were , whence they came , and what they desired . He acquainted the King with it , and they were lodged in the Palace , in the Apartment of the Mathematicians , and nobly entertained . There they instructed some Men appointed by the King in the Motion of the Clocks , and how to keep them , and then removed to a hired House . The King saw them not , because he scarce used to see his own People , but to have some sort of sight of them , sent Painters to draw their Pictures . Having seen the Pictures he took them for Moors . Pantoja was again introduced into the Palace , to teach some Musicians to play upon the Harpsical . 12. Thus far were our hopes advanced , when the Fathers were imprisoned by the Court of Ceremonies , for presuming to reside there , without presenting themselves before their Tribunal . This confinement lasted but three days , because the King sent for them . Though he sent for them they saw him not , yet performed all the usual impertinent Ceremonies to his Throne as if he had been there . The Supream President of that Court more particularly examined F. Rivius who he was , whence he came , and what he and his Companions pretended at Court ; and he being the most expert in the Chinese Language , in most lofty terms answer'd to all those Particulars , to the great admiration of the President and all the Auditory . 13. The King being informed hereof , granted the Fathers leave to live at that Court , and all the Courtiers favoured them , especially the Ministers of State and Mandarins . F. Rivius so far gained the favour of a Calao , the Supream Dignity in that Empire , that he treated him as his equal ( a thing never used in that great Place ) seated him at his Table , and gave singular attention to all he said , particularly in Matters relating to Religion . One of the things that most pleased him was , that Christianity allowed not of more Wives than one . Thus Rivius contracted Friendship with the President of the Supream Council , and soon after most of the Principal Men. 14. Thus with Divine and Royal Assistance the Faith was propagated at Peking , Hancheu , Nanking and Nancham . There were converted Mandarins , Lawyers and other Persons of Note ; some with their whole Families ; and the Society of Jesus , after 20 Years labour , in the Year 1601 was possessed of four Residences in China , one whereof at Court , which was to support all the rest . 15. F. Nicholas Longobardo , a Sicilian , who was Rector at Hancheu , suffered very much , but some Men of Note , especially one Tauli , pleading for the Fathers , the Storm was somewhat appeased . But it broke out more furious at the Instigation of a Witch , who , there being a great Dearth , said , the Goddess Quonhin would not give Rain whilst the Fathers were there , and F. Nicholas was threatned with Death , who desirous to suffer Martyrdom , ran to the Place where they were threatning him . He finding those People disputing about the Rain , told them how vain it was to expect it from any but the God he preached ; and immediately there fell such abundance as refreshed the Fields , and quenched their Thirst after his Blood ; so that House for that time was restored to its former quiet . Let this for the present suffice touching the Conversion of China , till we have occasion to speak of it again . The End of the First Part. THE PORTUGUES ASIA . TOM . III. PART II. CHAP. I. The Government of the Viceroy D. Francis de Gama , Count de Vidigueyra , from the Year 1597 till 1600. DON Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra arrived at Goa in May , having set out from Lisbon the Year before with five Sail , whereof only his Ship Winter'd at Mombaçá . He carried himself from the beginning with such State , that he gained the general ill Will of all Men , notwithstanding in other things he endeavoured to oblige . 2. He disposed of all Places in the gift of the Viceroys to his own Creatures , who sold them to underserving Persons , whereby those who had merited them by their Service were put by their Right . Yet afterwards hearing the just Complaints made against this unjust Proceeding , he caused the Buyers to be refunded , and gave those Places to Men of more worth . 3. Manasinza , the great Mogol's Favourite , marched to subdue the Patanes who were in Rebellion , because Catula King of Orixa having plunder'd and profaned a famous Pagod , they unexpectedly fell upon him , and killed his Son with 2000 Men. Manafinza had with him 35000 Horse , 80000 Foot , many Elephants with Castles and great quantity of all other warlike Engines . At the City Iassalor all the Inhabitants , to the number 6000 fell furiously upon the Enemy , resolving to die , and ordering as soon as they were cut off , their Goods , Wives and Children should be burnt , that the Enemy might not possess their Riches or dishonour their Families . They did great Execution at the first onset , but were all cut to pieces , and there being no time to put in execution their design , Manasinza entred Iassalor plundering the Riches , and ravishing Women ; which struck such a Terror into the rest of the Patanes they all submitted themselves . Then marching towards the King of Orixa , and he not daring to stand a Battel freely offered Subjection . 4. In Ceylon , the Tyrant D. Iohn King of Candea , taking the advantage of time when our General D. Hierome de Azevedo had dispersed his Men to refresh them , caus'd the King of Uva and the Princes of Dinavaca to join , and take the Field with 4000 Men , many Musketeers , and armed Elephants . With this force they marched towards our Fort of Corvite ( six Leagues from Ceitavaca ) where Salvador Pereyra de Silva commanded with 100 Men. Silva by the General 's order chose some of his Men , and marched one Night with such a secrecy four Leagues to the Place where the Enemy was Encamped , that they sooner felt than heard him , killing many of their Men before they could handle their Arms. The Confusion was such they ▪ presently fled , he pursued them , slew above 1000 , and carried away some Prisoners , Elephants and other Booty . 5. In the Summer D. Iohn , takes the Field again with the King of Uva and Simon Correa , who being in Rebellion called himself King of Ceitavaca . He thought to draw our General D. Hierome out of his Works , by attacking our Quarters at Mature , where D. Ferdinand the Modeliar commanded . D. Ferdinand understanding the Enemy was near , thought to have performed such another fortunate piece of Service as Salvador Pereyra had done , but his Companion Simon Pincham prevented him , and after a desperate Fight , in which he was almost lost , obtained a Victory equal to that of Pereyra , and falling upon the Rebels in their Works killed most of them , so that the Flower of Candea fell this Day . 6. At the end of May died at Columbo the lawful King of the whole Island of Ceylon , D. Iohn Parea Pandar , a Catholick and without Heirs . King Philip was with the usual Solemnity immediately Proclaimed King of the whole Island , and the Oath of Fidelity to him taken by all the Principal Men , as being appointed Heir by the last Will of the Deceased . 7. About this time came first into India the Scourge of the Portugues Pride and Covetousness ; for in the Month of September News was brought to Goa , that the two first Holland Ships which durst cut those Seas , had been in the Port of Titangone , and were bound for the Island Sunda . The Viceroy having held a Council about this Affair , it was resolved to fit out a Squadron of two Galleons , three Gallies , and nine other Vessels , and the Command of it was given to Laurence de Brito , an ancient and experienced Captain deserving of greater Commands . 8. Three Ships arrived now from Portugal . That which had brought the Viceroy was ready at Cochim to return thither with them , and accidentally taking fire was burnt with all the Riches in her , amounting to a Million and half . 9. Not only Custom but Necessity now required the sending out the two usual Squadrons for the Coast of Malabar and the North ; the design of the Northern Squadron shall follow ; that of Malabar was to give a Check to Zamori , who not only winked at but went shares with the Pyrates of the Fort Cunnale . Among other Losses that of Captain 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉 and Melo was greatest , he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cape 〈◊〉 with 〈◊〉 S●…ps , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eight 〈◊〉 of Malabars , 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 slain , after having ●…ed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Squadron the Vi●… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Coast , consisted of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 36 other Vessels , with almost 2000 〈◊〉 Men , under the Comm●… of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D. Luis de Gama . They did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same nature as has been related on the like Occasions , which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to incline to make W●… on C●…le , rather to avoid the harm we did him , th●…n in observance of the Agr●…nt before made . The Squadron for the North con●…ed of 10 Ships commanded by Luis de Silva . He 〈◊〉 ●…nding the Pyrats he was in search of in the Island of the Sang●…es , landed and ravaged it for harbouring of them . In the River C●… he found four Paraos of these Pirats , took two and 〈◊〉 one , killing many of the M●… . Of those who got ashore above 200 were taken , and being Beheaded , their He●…●…re set up at the Mouths of those Riv●… to 〈◊〉 their Companions . Near Chaul he took a Galliot , and further on another , more properly a Galley , in which was the Nephew of Cunnale with 200 Men , whereof 100 were killed , without the loss of one Man on our side . 11. The War continued at Ceylon . The Tyrant of Candea endeavoured to better his Fortune , by distr●…ing us with several ●…odies , of 3 or 4000 Men ●…ch , Our General D. Hierome de Azevedo ordered Salvador Pereyra de Silva , and Simon Pi●…am , with a few , but choice , Men to oppose him . They with singular success destroyed Towns , took Forts , slaughtered many People , ( not without Cruelty to strike a Terror ) and reduced all the Corlas or Precincts that were in Rebellion to our Obedience . 12. The two Holland Ships , before mentioned , did some small Damage along the Coast of Malabar , and other places , till on that of Malaca they met 6 Ships coming out o●… the Port bound for India , and commanded by Francis de Silva . They ingaged and fought all that afternoon , and part of the night . Next morning they fell to it again , and held it for 8 days continually , till the Hollanders finding themselves too weak , made for the Port of Queda , many of their Men being killed , and most wounded . There for want of Men they quitted the weakest Ship , and going all into the other , were cast away on the Coast of Pegu. 13. D. Luis de Cerqueyra Bishop of China , went this year to succeed D. Peter Martinez , who died at Iapan , that nothing might be there wanting towards the Spiritual Conquest for the lack of a Prelate . 14. With the Bishop D. Luis went F. Alexander de Valiniano . They were present at the Death of Taicozana , Emperor of those Islands . Some time before his Death he had designed to cause himself to be adored as a God , and to this purpose to have his Images set upon Altars in the chief Parts of certain beautiful Gardens in the Fort of Tuxi●… . But scarce had he fixed the place of his Adoration , when on the 20th of Iuly , 1596. there appeared over the City Meaco a wonderful Blazing Star , then it rained Ashes and Sand , and there followed an Earthquake which threw down the Fort and Palace of Tuxi●… , and in other places many Temples of Idols , with great slaughter of People . The Sea breaking out , and overflowing for 20 Leagues towards Miaco , Zi●…o , and Bungo , drowned whole Cities and Towns , over-running the Tops of some Mountains like the general Deluge . Nevertheless after his Death he was adored , and Statues raised to him with the Title of The God of War. CHAP. II. Continues the Government of D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra . 1. ZAmori was now sufficiently incensed against Cunnale , who called himself King of the M●…labar Moors , and Lord of the Indian Sea. It was not these Titles , or his Pride , or the Complaints of the Portugueses , that provoked Zamori , but that Cunnale had caused the Tail of one of his Elephants to be cut off , as also the Privy Parts of a Nayre , which were also fastened to his Mouth . 2. The Portugueses laying hold of this opportunity , offered their Assistance against that common Enemy , and blew the Coals of Zamori's Anger they saw already lighted . The Viceroy instantly fitted out some light Vessels , ordering D. Ferdinand de Noronna to lie with them before the Mouth of the Port o●… Cunnale , till a greater force could be sent to joyn , in order to assist Zamori , who was marching to besiege that place with 20000 Men , and some Cannon . 3. That which is properly called the Coast of Malabar , runs from Cananor to Cochim the space of 42 Leagues . Two to the little Island Tremapatan , opposite to which is the mouth of a good River , thence half a League to the River Sal , thence one and a half to that of Maim , one to the Town of Comenna , at a small distance those of Motangue , Curiare , and Baregare ; then the River Pudepatan ; two Leagues farther , the Town of Tiracole , two Leagues from Cotulete , a League from this the River Capocate , one farther Pudiangare , one thence to Calecut , two to the River Cale , two to the City Pananor , two thence to Tanor , and two more to Paranora , one more to the famous River Panane , thence nine to Paliporto , four to the River of Granganor , and five more to Cochim . At the mouth of the River Pudepatan is the Fort of Cunnale , seated in a square Peninsula , the length of the Sides about a Cannon Shot . Just within the Bar a Creek turns towards the South , good Vessels can go about half way up it , beyond that only Almadies or Boats ; the great River runs first towards the North-East , then turning to the South forms that Peninsula . Upon that turn of the River the Fort is built . The I●…mus is secured by a strong Wall about a Musket-Shot in length from the Creek to the River , which there opens and forms the little Island Pinale . We have already spoke particularly of the Fort , in general it was large , strong , well Manned , and stored with Cannon . 4. Cunnale was well provided , and had distributed the Posts to 1500 choice Moors well armed . Our small Vessels at the mouth of the River battered the Fort to keep the Defendants in action , that they might not be any hindrance to Zamori who was on the other side , taking up the Ground for his Army . 5. D. Ferdinand scoured the Coast , and taking some of the Pirats , hindred the resort of Provisions to the Fort. Now comes our Squadron commanded by D. Luis de Gama , Brother to the Viceroy , both unfortunate , the one in choosing , the other in being chose . 6. D. Luis his Squadron consisted of 4 Galleys , and 35 smaller Vessels , 10 more brought by private Gentlemen at their own charge , three full of Men and Ammunition sent by the City of Cochim . Besides , there were two large Barques with heavy Cannon to batter the Fort. 7. The King of Cochim fearing that great Power that was falling upon Cunnale might be his Ruin , by entirely uniting Zamori and the Portugueses , gave out , That Zamori had agreed with Cunnale to cut off all our Men at one stroke when they should be deepest ingaged in the Assault . D. F. Alexius de Meneses Archbishop of Goa , who was there on his way to the Mountains of St. Thomas , at first was fearful , imagining this might be a faithful Discovery ; but considering better , perceived it was the Politick Product of the King's Jealousie , answered the King modestly , diverting him from any other designs seeing this fail . He assured the City their Ships might safely set sail , yet sent Advice to proceed with Caution . All our Fleet now joyned , they found Cunnale had added to the former Works a Line of Galiots on the edge of the Water under the Fort , imagining he might be attacked that way . 8. It was resolved in Council to enter the River , and draw up the Ships in a Line , with their Stems to the Shore , that they might cover the Men who attacked the Fort. This Resolution was sent to Goa , and approved of by the Viceroy , who ordered his Brother to put it in execution ! He over-perswaded by some Gentlemen that sought his Disgrace , disobeyed , and carried the 〈◊〉 by th●… side of Ariole , believing the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might be fatal , and his 〈◊〉 lay 〈◊〉 not ●…g it . 9. Zamori , who was battering the Town , desired some Portugueses might be sent him ; D. Luis being suspicious of him de●…ed Hostag●…s , which were presently sent , being 6 principal Men , and among them the Princes of 〈◊〉 , Chale , 〈◊〉 , and the chief Judge of his Kingdom . The 〈◊〉 taken , 300 Portugueses were sent to him under the command of Belchior Ferreyra . On the 3d of May , at night , our Men began to land , Luis de Silva led the van with 600 Men , and among them the Major D. Antony de Leyv●… . The Sign for both Armies to fall on , was a burning Lance. Before this was lighted , there appeared one in the Air , which running along swiftly , at last va●…ed in Sparks . 10. The Besieged took this for a good Omen , as the Besiegers for a bad . Belchior Ca●…aca , who was to give the Sign with the Lance , mistaking the hour gave it too soon , and all began to be in confusion . For Ferreyra , who was in Zamori's Army waiting the Signal , as soon as he saw the Flame , fell on with his Portugueses and 5000 Nayres , and assaulting the Works , lost at the first onset 28 Men. 11. But Luis de Silva , though he was ready , seeing it was not past midnight stirred not then , which proved of ill consequence to the others , the Enemy not being diverted on this side . Towards morning he passed the Creek of Balyçupe in 60 Almadies or Boats with 500 Men. Benedict Correa was the first that Landed , and was killed . Luis de Silva , as soon as ashore , was slain by a Musket Shot . The Ensign Antony Dias concealed his Death , by stripping the Colours off the Staff , and covering him therewith . 12. Thus they landed without Colours or Commander . D. Francis Pereyra , who succeeded D. Luis in the Command , followed him also in Death . The next was the famous Major Leyva , and he seeing all lost , chose rather to die , than stain his Honour by flight ; and having performed incredible Feats , was slain with many other Gentlemen that stuck by him . 13. F. Francis Baptista a Capuchin , who encouraged the Men , holding up a Crucifix till it was shot to pieces ; after moistening it with Tears , bathed it with his Blood , being killed with it in his Arms. So Luis Cardoso , who getting from under a Vessel that overset , upon the Keel defended his Companions that were swimming from the Moors . 14. Whilst those mentioned and many other Gentlemen died honourably , performing Actions beyond all belief , about 150 shamefully fled , many of them meeting Death , where they sought an Inglorious Life , no Perswasions being of force to bring them back . Doubtless these were some condemned Malefactors who were pardon'd on account to serve in this Expedition , for none are greater Cowards than infamous wicked Men. Our Commander in chief , who had left the Fleet to D. Vasco , and had posted himself on the other side the River , opposite to the Fort , running into the Water up to the Waste spent himself , calling upon and incouraging the Men , but could send no Relief for want of Boats. So this proved the greatest Disgrace the Portugueses received in Asia , ( next to that of Ruy Gonzales de Camera at Ormuz . ) Three hundred Men were lost , the greatest part drowned , the others piercing up to the Fort , had burnt the Mosque , and part of the Town , and killed 500 Moors and Malabars , well revenging their Deaths . Among the Enemies Dead there was above 40 of Note . 15. The Commander in chief , D. Luis , resolved to retire to Cochim , and leave somebody to guard the entrance of the River , but no body would accept of that Post except D. Francis de Sousa , who perceiving some of his Men intended to forsake him and swim away , ordered a Boat to be brought to the side of the Galley for them , and said , He would keep none by force , nor have them go away with danger . This made them ashamed , and they all stayed , and he more by Policy than Force hindred the Vessels resorting with Provision to the Fort. D. Francis perswaded Zamori to assault the Town , believing the late Slaughter had so weakened the Defendants , it might be easily carried ; and he , desiring to have all the Booty he supposed was within to himself , gave the assault with 20000 Men , but was repulsed . 16. This bad News being carried to Goa , Orders were sent to D. Luis for him to ●…eturn to Cunnale , and there settle a Peace with Zamori to his content , that he might not raise the Siege that Winter , but lie till our Fleet could return the beginning of Summer and take the Town . He returned , and D. Ferdinand de Noronna went to swear the Peace to the liking of Zamori . The first Article was , That he should permit the Faith to be preached in his Kingdom and Churches erected . The Peace concluded , the same D. Ferdinand was left there with 12 Ships . 17. D. Luis de Gama returning to Goa , refreshed the ill-will all Men bore him and his Brother , because he was going to be Commander of Ormuz , which they looked upon as a Reward of his ill Success , whereas it was the King's Grant before he came from Portugal , whereof he could not be deprived without being found guilty of some Misdemeanour . To fix some Crime upon him , he was brought to a Trial , but acquitted . 18. About this time came to the City Meaco a Spanish Vessel , commanded by D. Iohn de Samudio , from Manila , he raised a Fort in the Port of Pinal , notwithstanding D. Paul de Portugal , who commanded there , opposed him . He protested against this Proceeding , and made use of Threats , but all to no effect . CHAP. III. Contiuues the Government of D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra . 1. THE Hollanders , in hatred to our new Prince , and desirous to purchase the Spices of Asia at a cheaper rate , resolved not to beg them any longer in Portugal , and to this effect set out , in the Year 1595 , some Ships which were unsuccessful ; yet this did not deter them , for in the Year 1597 , they fitted out the first Squadron for this Voyage , and reaped the benefit of it in 1599. This Squadron consisted of 8 Ships , in which were 800 Men , and Provisions for 3 Years . Their Admiral was Iacob Cornelius Neque of Amsterdam , they set sail from that Port on the 13th of May , 1598. arrived at Madera on the 15th ; on the 17th at the Canaries , where they took Wine ; on the 23d at the Islands of Cabo Verde ; on the 29th they were in the Latitude of 6 degrees , and passed the Line on the 8th of Iune ; a wonderful swiftness , and to me incredible . 2. On the 24th of Iuly they saw the Cape of Good Hope , where a violent Storm parted three of the Ships which arrived at the Island Banda the latter end of April . The others on the 24th of August discovered the Island Madagascar , and on the 30th Cape St. Iulian. On the 20th of September they came to the Island Cerne , or Cisne , in 21 degrees of Latitude , and called it Mauricia . Here they found Tortoises of such a magnitude , that they carried two Men on their Backs , and Birds they killed with Sticks , which made them conclude it was not inhabited . At Banda they joyned the other three Ships . They loaded four which returned for Holland , the others steered for the Moluces . 3. On the 21st of Ianuary they discovered the great Iava , and touched at the City Tuban , and on the 27th at the Port of Madura , an Island in 2 deg . 30 min. of South Latitude . There they endeavoured to Ransome some of their Country-men , part cast away in their former Ships , and part secured for offering false Money ; because the Natives demanded too great a Rate for them , they attempted to rescue them by force . In the fray , two Boats full of Men they would rescue were sunk , and at last they were forced to Ransome them . At Amboina they settled Trade . Two Ships returned to Banda erected a Factory , and loading Spice , arrived in Holland on the 20th of April , 1600. Those that were left at Amboina went to Ternate , were well received by the King , and loading Clove , returned home . 4. D. Hierome de Azevedo in Ceylon raising a strong Fort at Manicravare to be the nearer to the Kingdom of Candea , the Conquest whereof was his chief aim , so perplexed the Usurper , that he setting out several Bodies with the King of Uva to distract our General , was in all places by him overthrown . More had been done , but that the Men mutinied for want , and dispersed themselves throughout the Villages for sustenance . Being refreshed , they returned to their Duty , and reduced all the Corlas to our Obedience , D. Hierome cutting off many Heads as a Punishment to them , and Terror to others . The Year following he obtained another Victory on the Borders of Candea . 5. D. Alexius de Meneses Archbishop of Goa was gone to visit the Christians , called of St. Thomas , who live dispersed about the Mountains of Malabar in Malia , Turubuli , Maota , Batimena , Diamper , Pimienta , Tetemute , Porca , Paru , and Cartuti . 6. Those Christians continued firm in the Faith till about the Year 750 , though with some mixture of Errors . About the Year 810 , came thither the second Thomas , ( mentioned at the end of the second Tome , ) repaired the Temples erected by the first , and restored the Doctrine . Thus it continued almost 100 Years , till about the Year 900 it was over-run with the Nestorian Heresie . In the Year 890 came thither from Babylon two Caldeans , called Mar Xarsio , and Mar Prod , who divided that District into two Bishopricks , and were ever after prayed to as Saints , till our Archbishop , suspitious of them , forbid it . After them came Mar Ioanne , ( sent by the Greek Patriarch , ) who living at Cranganor , introduced the Caldean Brevlary . His Successor was Mar Iacob , who died the Year 1500 , and after him Mar Ioannat●… . 7. Thus the Bishops and Heresies continued till the Year 1556 , when Pope Paul the Fourth confirmed D. Iohn Berm●…z Patriarch of Ethiopia , and Simon S●…ca Bishop of Ca●…emit , the Metropolis of Mesop●…ia ; and Mar Elias , and Mar Ioseph , confirmed by the Pope , the first as Patriarch of Mussal , and the others in their Suffragan Bishopricks , and ordered Ioseph , who was Bishop of Ninice to go govern the Christians of Malabar , and the Bishop D. Ambrose Mouteceli for his Coadjutor . Thus the Patriarchal Seat was divided into two , the one Orthodox at Mussal , the Heretical at Antioch . Ioseph and Ambrose passed over to the Mountains of Malabar , where the latter would not follow the other , and after reading Divinity at Goa , died at Cochim in the Year 1557. D. George Temudo , Bishop of that place , perceiving Ioseph spread the Poison of Nestor , caused him to be secured , and brought in Chains to Portugal , whence he returned to his Bishoprick upon promise of Amendment . He found Mar Abraham in his Place , being chosen in his absence by the Thomites . Abraham being Persecuted , went to Rome , and promising to reduce that People to Truth , got Pope Pius the Fourth his Breves as Prelate . Neither of them performed what they had promised , but continued in their Heresies . 8. Then came Mar Simon , saying , He was sent by the Patriarch of Babylon to succeed in that Bishoprick . The Queen of Pimienta received and placed him at C●…use , where he exercised the Episcopal Power ; till being carried to Lisbon , he went thence to Rome , and was condemned by Pope Sixtus Quintus , as not being so much as a Priest , and a meer Nestorian . Abraham died , and his Archdeacon governed the Diocess , no Babylonian Bishop daring to come there , D. F. Alexius endeavouring to keep out such Heretical Prelates , and that was the occasion of this his Visitation . 9. This Prelate found , that amidst their other Errors they denied the Virginity of our Blessed Lady , rejected the Use of Images , believed the Souls of the Just enjoyed not God till the General Judgment ; allowed but three Sacraments , Baptism , Order , and the Eucharist ; used , in stead of Confession , a Perfuming in the Churches ; that their Consecration Wine was of Cocos ; that their Host was a Cake with Oyl and Salt ; that Priests were Ordained at 17 Years of Age , and Married after Ordination ; that Fathers , Sons , and Grandsons , administred Sacraments in the same Church ; that their Wives ( called Catotiaras , or Cassaueras , that is , Priests Wives , ) wore a particular Mark to be known by ; that in Matrimony they used no other Formalities but the consent of Parties , and the uniting the Couple by getting a Child ; that Women observed the time of the Old Law to be Churched ; that no Sacraments were administred gratis ; that Holy Water was made with Dust of Frankincense , and some of the Earth where they believed St. Thomas had trod ; that they used Sorcery and Witchcraft ; and in fine , that all was Error and Confusion . 10. D. F. Alexius with great Labour and Toil convinced them of their Errors , and reduced them to receive the true Doctrine . Whole Towns were baptized , and submited to the Roman See. 11. He held a Provincial Synod at Diamper , and all its Decrees were confirmed by the Pope , and Francis Rodrigues a Jesuit , who had assisted the Archbishop , was made Bishop of that Diocess . The Synod breaking up , D. F. Alexius visited all those Churches . 12. The Archbishop being in the Queen of Changanate's Country visiting the Church of Talavecare , one of the ancientest in those Parts , ( where they shewed him three Plates , on which were ingraven the Priviledges and Revenues granted by the King of Ceylon when the Babylonians Xabro and Pro●… built there ) met Topamuta Pandara King of Gundara , Neighbouring on that place , and presented him a Letter of King Philip , in which he granted him the Title of Brother , in regard he had allowed liberty for the Christian Religion in his Dominions . 13. Towards the End of this Year arriv'd in India eight Ships from Portugal , which brought the News of the Death of King Philip ; five of them being ready to Sail the Year before , were detained because the Earl of Cumberland lay before the Mouth of Lisbon River with an English Squadron , till the Season was spent . One was lost on the Parcell de Zofala ; another at her return fought two Holland Ships near the Island St. Helena and worsted them . 14. The Viceroy having dispatched the Homeward bound Ships and usual Squadrons , began to think of carrying on the War against Cunnale . There were Men enough , but they wanted a Commander ; neither was such a one wanting , but that the Envy of the Portugueses endeavoured to rob Andrew Furtado of that Glory , or rather their Country of that Advantage . 15. At length they were forced to comply and employ him to recover our lost Reputation , for Cunnale Marcar proud of his late Success , had added to his former as vain Titles , calling himself , Defender of Mahometanism , and Expeller of the Portugueses . Many Princes began to have an Eye upon his Success ; nevertheless D. Antony de Noronna , who lay before the Port all Winter , had perplexed him , taking several Vessels laden with Provisions , and killing above 100 of his Men that opposed him taking fresh Water . 16. The Fleet Andrew Furtado was to Command , consisted of 3 Gallies and 54 other Vessels . By the way he diswaded the King of Banguel and Queen of Olala , who designed to assist our Enemy , from their Purpose , and cut off the Relief five Ships of Meca were bringing to him . 17. Our Commander being come to an Anchor in the Port of Cunnale , set forward to treat with Zamori , and he advanced to meet him on the Shore . The King was naked from the Wast upwards ; about his middle a piece of Cloath of Gold that reached several times about him , and hung down to his Knees , fastned with a Girdle of the breadth of a Hand , of an inestimable value ; his Arms cover'd to the Wrists with Gold Bracelets set with rich Stones , the weight of this Treasure was so great that two Men supported his Arms ; about his Neck was an extraordinary rich Chain ; in his Ears hung so many Diamonds and Rubies , as stretched them down with the weight ; his Age was about 30 Years , his Presence very Majestick . A little from his side came the Prince with his Sword naked held up , behind him the Nobility , and somewhat nearer F. Francis Rodriguez . The King and Furtado embraced kindly , and all the Cannon of the Fleet was fired . Being come to the King's Tent , they were seated , and discoursed about the Affair in hand . Furtado at taking his leave , put a rich Collar about the King's Neck over the other , and they parted very amicably . 18. Zamori sent the Prince of Tanor and other great Men aboard the Admiral with full power to treat and conclude all things that were for the common Interest of both Parties . This done there arrived from Goa and other Places one Galleon , one Galley , eleven Ships and twenty-one other Vessels , with Ammunition , and 790 Men. Furtado went himself to view the Enemies Works , raised others , Planted his Cannon , and became absolute Master of the River . He caused some Outworks to be attacked , the Moors fled , but Cunnale coming in Person to second them , they made our Men give ground till Furtado landing came up with Sword in hand and renewed the Fight , here he was in great danger , but at length remained Victorious , killing 600 Moors . On our side were slain two Captains and nine Soldiers . 19. Fort Blanco , or the White Fort , was next assaulted with greater Bravery than Success . Here Captain Andrew Rodriguez Pallota loosing nine Teeth by a Musket Shot , jesting said , Doubtless the Moor knew I had no need of them : Which he said in respect he was always so poor he wanted sustenance . Cunnale being in distress , bribed Zamori with great Presents to accept the Surrender upon Security of the Mens Lives . Zamori was yielding , and Furtado understanding it furiously assaults the Works ; the King perceiving it , falls on on the other side with 6000 Nayres . The Works were entred , and the lower Town plundred and burnt . Batteries were raised against the upper Town and Fort , and doing great Execution reduced the Defendants to despair . 20 In fine , Cunnale Surrendred upon no Condition but Life , and marched out with a black Veil on his Head , carrying his Sword with the point down , which he delivered to Zamori , and he to our General . Cunnale was about 50 Years of Age , of a low Stature , but well shaped and strong . He and his Nephew Cinale and 40 Moors of Note , were sent Prisoners aboard the Fleet and well treated . Furtado dealt generously with Zamori , for it being one of the Articles of Agreement , that the spoil should be equally divided , he said it was to be understood only in relation to Artillery , and appeased the Soldiers , who expected that Reward of their Labour . The Fort and all other Works being levelled with the Ground , Furtado returned to Goa . 21. As soon as some of the Prisoners were set ashore , they were torn to pieces by the Rabble . How can they who are guilty of such Inhumanities call the much more honourable Indians Barbarians . Cunnale and his Nephew Cinale were both publickly beheaded , without any regard that they had articled for Life . So did that Government and Rabble go hand in hand in Murder and breach of Faith. CHAP. IV. The remarkable Revolutions of Pegu , during the Government of D. Francis de Gama , Count de Vidigueyra . 1. THE Kingdom of Pegu , before not very considerable , was raised to be one of the greatest Empires in Asia , by the King of Uva and Brama , assisted by 1000 Portugueses under the Command of Antony Ferreyra de Braganca , who served him as his natural Prince . The Kingdom of Pegu , properly so called , borders on that of Arracam , the Countries of the Brama's and Iungoma's ; on the West is bounded by they Sea of Bengala , from the City Rei to that of Sidoa , distant 90 Leagues from each other ; the breadth of the Kingdom is about the same , and its true Name is Bagou . 2. It is about 1000 Years since this Kingdom was first erected by a Seaman , who was the first King ; then his Son , who lived 80 Years ; next the Grandson , called Tam ; these and all their Successors added to their Name the Title of Banna , Caél Uca , Talanna , Inda , Darar , Mampla . Ximindo , the last , who died the Year 1640 ( as was before related ) when Branginoco so far inlarged it by his Conquests , that it extended to China and Tartary , and was Sovereign of Twenty-four great Kingdoms , beside Eighty Princes not inferior to Kings . Thus it became the powerfullest Monarchy in Asia , except that of China . 3. This King for the Conquest of Martavam , thirty Leagues distant from Pegu , gathered 700000 , Men and 1700 Ships . The Siege lasted six Months , in which died 160000 Men. The City being taken and the King killed , 140000 Houses were burnt , besides 1600 Temples , in which were taken 60000 Idols , most of Gold and precious Stones ; there were also taken 3000 Elephants , 6000 Cannon , and innumerable Prisoners . The King's share of the Spoil was above 100 Millions of Gold. 4. For the Conquest of Siam he led a greater Force , possessed himself of the Kingdom , and took the King and his two Sons , called , by reason of their different colour , one the Black , the other the White . He was content to leave that King in Possession of the Crown as his Vassal , having himself been till then his Subject , carrying away his two Sons as Hostages . 5. Branginoco returning Victorious to Pegu , entred the City in Triumph , many Waggons going before loaded with Idols and inestimable Booty . He came at last in a Chariot with the conquered Queens loaden with Jewels at his Feet , and drawn by the Captive Princes and Lords ; before him marched Two thousand Elephants richly adorned , and after him his victorious Troops . He built a Palace as big as an ordinary City . The least part of its Beauty was rich Painting and Gilding ; for the Roofs of some Apartments were covered with Plates of solid Gold. Some Rooms were set with Statues of Kings and Queens of massy Gold , set with rich Stones as big as the Life . He was carried on a Litter of Gold upon many Mens Shoulders , the Reverence paid him was more like a God than a Prince . 6. After some time the two Brothers asked leave of the King to go visit their Father , which he granted , and afterwards sending to demand the usual Tribute , the black Prince refused to pay it . The King in a Rage sends his great Favourite Banna with a powerful Army against him . Banna ravaged the Country of Siam , and Besieges the Prince in Hudixa , who defended it so bravely , that Banna being forced to draw off , he fell upon and totally defeated him . The King sends his Brother-in-Law with a greater Power , and he receives a greater overthrow , 200000 of his Men were cut in pieces , with a great number of Elephants and Horses , many more of both taken . The black Prince remained Victorious , his Men were enriched , and all encouraged to follow their good Fortune . 7. The King of Pegu raises another Army of 1700000 Men , 1500 Elephants , 80000 Horse and all Necessaries proportionable ; the Command of it he gave to Mapa Raja his Son , with the Title of King of Siam , not doubting of the Victory . At the News of this Power all Siam trembled , except the valiant Black , now King , who met his Enemy , and gave him Battel . The two Kings encountring on their Elephants fought , and he of Pegu was cast dead off his Elephant , at which sight his Men fled , and the Siamites pursued them a Month , destroying the greatest part of that vast Army . 8. The King of Pegu in a Rage for the Death of his Son , turned his Fury against the People , and some days burnt above Ten Thousand , throwing so many into thè River Ganga , as stopped the Passage even of Boats. He forbid them sowing , which caused such a a Famine , that they not only eat one another , to which purpose there was a publick Butchery of Man's Flesh , but devoured part of their own Bodies . For want of Fuel they made fire of human Bones , having first taken off the Flesh to eat . It is wonderful all this Tyranny never obliged that People to rebel . A good Example given by Heathens , to those more barbarous Christians , who dare fly in the Face of just Princes , without the least shadow of Oppression . 9. This was followed by a Pestilence that depopulated all the Kingdom . The neighbouring Princes taking this advantage , fell upon the King of Pegu , covetous of his Treasures . Among them was the Black of Siam , who retired with the loss 100000 Men. The King of Tangu was he that possessed himself of all , he promised Life , Liberty and Estates to all that would come over to him . The first that deserted were the Portugueses and Moors ; for some Portugueses are like Moors in Matters of Interest . After them followed a Bastard Son of the King , whose Head was cut off by Order of the King of Pegu's Sister , Wife to him of Tangu , saying , That he who was false to his Father could not be true to her . She said and did well , but who will punish her for treating her Brother barbarously when taken . 10. He in despair delivers himself up to the King of Tangu , who being possessed of the City and Palace found such Treasure , that he made no account of Silver , and other Metals and Riches . It is avouched for truth , that he could not remove all the Jewels and Gold in twelve Caravans , each consisting of Seven hundred Elephants and Horses . The News of this Treasure drew thither the King of Arracam , who contenting himself with what he of Tangu undervalued , gathered above Three Millions , and a great Train of large Cannon . The King of Tangu presented him of Pegu to his Sister ; and she who ( having killed his Son for betraying him ) it was thought would comfort , used him Reproachfully , and afterwards seeing the King her Husband inclined to Mercy , caused him to be beaten to Death . 11. The King of Tangu , in whose House he of Pegu was Murdered by his own Sister , was his Creature , and Son to a Carter . So that Kingdom had its beginning in a Seaman or Waterman , and ended in a Carter , both Employs of the same Nature , one by Land and the other by Water . 12. This Year came into India from the remote Mountains of Scythia or Tartary , the Prince Baxan , Fourth Grandson of Tamerlain the Great , was by the Augustin Friars converted to the Faith , lived some time , and marryed a Woman of Quality at Goa , and thence came over to live in Portugal . 13. Four Ships arrived safe at Goa from Lisbon , commanded by Ayres de Saldana , who went Viceroy of India . One of these Ships was taken coming home at the mouth of Lisbon River . In another returned the late Viceroy , D. Francis de Gama , better beloved by the Elements than by the Portugueses , as will appear by what follows . 14. Matthias de Albuquerque one of the great Men of India , who afterwards fell at variance with the Count ; before that happened , sent him a Present of two Horses worth Two Thousand Crowns . He accepted , but upon the falling out returned them . Albuquerque would not take them , and the Count's Messenger left them by his Order tied at the Door of one of Mathias his Servants . Albuquerque commanded his Servant to turn them loose , and they run about the City , till no Body receiving them , they were by his Order tied at the Hospital Door with a Bill , signifying they were given to the Poor . 15. The Statue of the Great D. Vasco de Gama , Grandfather to the Count , of a large Proportion cut in Marble , stood over the principal Gate of the City , fastned to the Wall by a strong Iron Bar. The French Ingenier Sebastian Tibao , at the Instigation of those Gentlemen , the Count's Enemies , in the Night applied to the Iron that Herb that has the quality of eating it , by which means the next Night it was pulled down , broke , and the Quarters hung up in publick Places . 16. The Day the Count was to Embarque , Forty Men well armed got aboard before him , and hanged up at the Yard Arm his Effigies made exactly like him in Face and Habit. He was going aboard as they returned , and seeing that sight asked what it was ; they answered , It is your Lordship , and those are the Men that did it . He only replied , No more , no more India . He caused the Statute to be dropt into the Sea , set sail , and within two Days came again into the Port , to take in Fowl for the Voyage , because all he had before were poisoned . This is a common Practice in India , especially among the great Ones . 17. But as was said , the Elements loved the Count better than the Men , for he was the first that ever came from India to Lisbon without furling Sail. The continual biting of the Yards upon the Masts had so fastned them , that they were forced to out them down when they came 〈◊〉 . Lisbon to lower them , because they would not run . 18. He set sail on the 25th of December , and arrived at Lisbon the 27th of May , so that he spent but 5 Months in the Voyage , which equals the swiftness of the Winds themselves , and could not have been performed but by running continually with them . The Count was tall , and well shaped , of a grave Aspect , his Complexion fair , capable of the greatest Command , and not Covetous . He was the 17th Viceroy , and 35th Governour , 5th of the Name , 3d of the Sirname , and the 5th Count. CHAP. V. The Government of the Vice-Roy Ayres de Saldanna , from the Year 1600 , till 1604. 1. AS soon as Ayres de Saldanna had taken upon him the Government , he dispatched the homeward bound Ships , which were six , under the command of D. Hierome Continno . That called the St. Simon , commanded by Iames de Sousa of Viana , came first to the Island St. Helena , where there were two great Holland Ships , with each two tire of Guns . They presently sent aboard our Ship to tell the Captain , He must instantly yield , and go aboard them , unless he would soon be sent to the other World. Sousa considering that Message required a loud Answer , sent it from the mouth of a Cannon , and they understanding it , replied with 8 ; the Terror whereof made our Men drop from the Yards who were furling the Sails , but they soon recovered themselves . 2. The Enemies Cannon playing , killed at first two of our Men , and tore the Rigging and Masts ; at which our People were so frighted , they sought to abandon the Ship. Sousa with much Valour encouraged them , and began to play his Guns with good success . The Fight lasted without ceasing that afternoon , all night , and the next morning , wherein the Hollanders receiving great Damage , made away , leaving ashore the Cask they had sent for Water . Our 5 Ships came up afterwards , and continued their Voyage together . 3. The Viceroy found at Cochim great Complaints against the King of Iafanapatan , for that , contrary to the Treaty of Peace , he gave Passage to the King of Candea through his Country . The Commander of Manar , Manuel●… Barreto de Silva , was sent against him with 1000 Men. The King expected him with 12000. Being upon the point of ingaging , the Difference was amicably made up by F. Emanuel of St. Matthias . Religious Men are good to promote Peace between Lay-Governors , but when they take upon them Secular Governments , they confound all . 4. This Year 4 Ships set out of Lisbon for India , and were all drove back . Five Galleons also sailed , and two of them were forced in again , one lost on the Coast of Zocotora . Another returning next Year from India richly laden , met at the Island St. Helen 3 Holland Ships of 30 Guns each , ours had but 27 small ones , yet could not avoid fighting . 5. The Fight lasted some days , till the Galleon was beaten to pieces , and the Enemy got nothing by the Victory . The Captain and most of the Men were taken , and basely treated by the Hollanders , who put them ashore in the Island of Ferdinand de Noronna , whence they passed to Pernambuco , and were there nobly entertained by Iames Botello , provided with all Necessaries , and sent home . 6. The Ships that were forced back the last Year , and two more , arrived in India , and brought the News , That on the 24th of November , 1602. there appeared over Italaca a Blue Cross , seeming to the Eye about four Fathoms in length , and two in breadth , of a curious form , with Green Boughs over it . It continued two hours about day-break , during which time it was seen by above forty Christians of Suneputat , who were going to Mass to their Parish of St. Lazarus . The following Year 5 Ships went from Portugal . We have no farther account of the Occurrences of these Years , and therefore must be content with what follows , which happened about that time . 7. Andrew Furtado went over to the Moluco Islands , in hope to recover them . He drove the Hollanders out of Amboina and Sunda , restored the Rosatelos to our subjection , gained many strong Places from those of Ito , Nao , and Veranula , and then appeared before Ternate ; from which by bad Weather , and other Accidents , he was drove , after having spent 5 Years in continual labour . Let us leave him at Amboina while we treat of the Conquest of Pegu , which happened about the same time . 8. Xilimixa King of Arracam , who had possessed himself of the Crown of Pegu , to express his Gratitude to the Portugueses that served him , gave them the Port of Siriam , at the mouth of the River of the same Name , that runs within a League of Bagou , the Court of the Kings of Pegu. This Grant was obtained of the King for the Portugueses by Philip de Brito & Nicote , who most ingratefully proved false to that Prince , that had raised him from a vile Collier to his Favour and Esteem . The manner was thus : 9. Xilimixa confiding in Nicote , was by him perswaded to erect a Custom-house at the mouth of that River for the encrease of his Revenue , and his design was to seize upon it , and build a Fort there to give footing to the Portugueses for the Conquest of that Kingdom . The King , who suspected not the Design , having finished the Work , put it into the Hands of one Bannadala , who fortified himself , and suffered no Portugues to enter there , except F. Belchior de la Luz a Dominican . Nicote seeing that Design fail , resolved to carry it on by other means before the Works were too far advanced . 10. He had with him three Portugues Officers , viz. Iohn de Oliva , Paul del Rego , and Salvador Ribeyro , with 50 Men ; these he order'd to surprise the Fort , and turn out Bannadala , not doubting but his great Credit with Xilimixa would bear him out in it . 11. The three Captains so well performed Nicote's Orders , that they gained the Name of Founders of the Portugues Dominion in that Kingdom ; and Ribeyro was like to carry the whole Fame of this Action , some affirming , he was the real Author of it . 12. Bannadala , who foresaw the Designs of the Portugueses , contrived to expel them thence at the same time that Riberio thought to surprise him . Banadala provided many flaming Carts guarded by 600 Men , which advancing by night took such effect , that the Portugueses were obliged to quit their Factory ; but flying thence , attacked Bannadala's ●…ort with such fury , that having left many Men , he was glad to retire to an Island not far distant , where he fortified himself , gathering 1000 Men , and securing the Treasure of the Pagod of Digan to maintain them . The King being informed hereof was much offended , and resolved to relieve Banadala , but was dissuaded by the false Nicote , who put him in mind he favoured a Sacrilegious Robber , and offered to compose Matters with the Portugueses . He went thither , and ordered Things to his own mind , so that the Work still advanced under the Portugueses . 13. Nicote seeing the Fort in a good posture , went to Coa in order to deliver it up to the Viceroy , and thence facilitate the Conquest of his Master's Kingdom ; perswading him at the same time , his Journey was to bring Succours wherewith he might become Emperour of all Bengala . He perswaded every one of the Neighbouring Princes . If he would joyn with the Viceroy , he might easily be King of Pegu. Some of them sent Embassadors to this effect along with him . Scarce was Nicote gone when the King , being sensible of his oversight , sent down the River a Fleet with 6000 Men under the command of Banadala . 14. Coming down towards the Fort , they were met by 3 Vessels with only 30 Portugueses , commanded by Salvador Ribeyro , who in a little time , without losing one Man , killed many , took 40 Ships , and put the rest to flight . The King joyning him of Pram , beset the place with 1200 Sail by Water , and 40000 Men by Land. Ribeyro understanding they observed no Order , boldly fell upon them with his handful of Men , and killing the General , put that whole Army to the rout . 15. Bannadala gathering 8000 Foot of this scattered Army , sate down the third time before the Fort , lodging his Men in good order , and furiously battering the Place , till in the dead of night he ventured to give a fierce Assault . Our Men bravely opposing , killed above 1000 , which were seen the next morning to fill up the Ditch . 16. The Enemy continued the Siege eight months . Some of our Men deserted , yet Ribeyro was no way dismayed , but encouraged those that had stayed with him , and to take from them all hope of Escape , burnt the Vessels that were in the Port. The Viceroy Ayres de Saldanna hearing of these Proceedings , sent considerable Succours , and many , covetous of Honour or Profit , voluntarily resorted thither ; so that the Commander finding himself 800 strong , resolved to attack the Enemy in his Works . He put this Design in execution with much Conduct and Bravery , and was received with no less , till at length Banadala was forced to fly 3 Leagues without looking back , and then stood to see all the Works he had raised in a Year burnt . The Portugueses thinking this Success had secured their Affairs in Pegu , dispersed every Man to make his own advantage , so that there remained with the Captains only 200 that had been sent by the Viceroy . 17. The Enemy returns the fourth time with many moving Castles , and several sorts of Fireworks . The Fort was reduced to a dangerous condition , when a fiery Meteor so frighted the Besiegers , that they fled , leaving their Castles behind , which were soon fired by our Men. Lastly , the Victory we obtained over King Massinga in the Province of Camelan , killing him , and doing great harm both by Sea and Land , produced the Security we so much sought after . For those People finding us not only Victorious , but Courteous , followed us so , that in few days we had above 20000 of them . These Men considering the Success of Philip de Brito & Nicote , and his natural good Temper , ( which occasioned their calling him Changa , that is , Good Man , ) proclaimed him King of Pegu. Salvador Ribeyro accepted of the Crown in his Name , he being then absent , and this , perhaps , might be the cause it was thought in Spain , it was he that was proclaimed . 18. Nicote afterwards received the Kingdom in the Name of his Prince as a Loyal Subject , and was the first of our Men that rose to that pitch of Fortune in Asia . Roderick Alvarez de Sequeyra succeeded him in the Command of the Fort , who bravely defended it till it accidentally took fire , and only the bare Walls of it were left standing . 19. Mean while Nicote sollicited for Succours to carry thither , which were not hard to be obtained ; for the Viceroy seeing his great Riches , and the prospect he had of more , married him to a Niece he had born in Goa of a Iava-Woman , and for her sake could deny him nothing . He gave him the Title of Commander of Siriam , and General of the Conquest of Pegu , and Succours in 6 Ships . Being come to Siriam he repaired the Fort , built a Church , and sent a rich Present to the King of Arracam , who had sent to compliment him upon his arrival . 20. He ordered the Affairs of the Custom-house according to the Viceroy's Instructions , obliging all Vessels that traded on the Coast of Pegu to make their Entries there . Some of the Coast of Coromandel refused to obey ; against them he sent D. Francis de Moura with 6 Sail , who discharged himself well , and took on the Coast of Tanazarim 2 Ships of Achem richly laden . The King of Arracam , to the intent to possess himself of that Custom-house , resolved to joyn with the King of Tangu , and sent an Embassador to him with 20 Ialias , or small Ships . Nicote understanding it , caused Bartholomew Ferreyra , Captain of our small Craft , to fall upon them , who put them to flight , so that they were sorced to make their escape to the King of Iangona's Country . The Enemy thus exasperated , gathered 700 small Vessels with 4000 Men under the command of the Prince his Son , with whom were Ximicolia , and Marquetam , Sons to the then Emperor of Pegu. 21. Paul del ●…ego Pinnero set out to meet them with the Boats and 7 Ships , and having taken 10 Boats that were advanced before the rest , returned to secure them and set out again : but observing the Enemy was too strong for him , went in to gather more Force . Being reinforced he meets the Prince , routs him , and takes several Vessels . The Prince thinking to save himself by running up a River , got into a small Creek , where Pinnero took all the rest of his Vessels , obliging him to escape by Land , having lost One Thousand of his Men. Then he took the Fort of Chinim , and in it many Prisoners , among which was the Wife of B●…unadala . 22. Nicote was now abroad with Fourteen small Vessels , in which were Sixty Portugueses and Two hundred Pegues , he run up a River , and hearing the Prince was on the Shore with Four thousand Men , Nine Hundred of them Musqueteers , he attacks him . Ximitoto , a valiant Pegu , attempted to take the Prince , and being himself hurt wounded the Prince in the Face , which occasioned his being made Prisoner , and gained us the Victory . Two Thousand Men of the King of Pram came to the Prince's assistance as he was taken , and were also defeated . The Pegues seeing their Prince carried away to Captivity , would all have gone with him , striving to get into our Vessels . Such as could not , remained on the Shore , cursing their hard Fortune , that would not permit them to follow him a Prisoner , as they had done in Liberty . Christians may here learn the Duty they owe to their Princes . 23. Nicote may also be a President to all Men ; how to use their Victories ; for he not forgetting he had been a Slave to the Prince now his Prisoner , served him with the same respect now , as he had done then . He watched him sleeping , holding his Buskins in his Hands with Arms across , a Ceremony used by the meanest with their Kings in those Parts , and himself attended him upon all Occasions . This generosity may well equal him with great Men , and purchased him together with other the like Proceedings , the Name of Changa , which , as was before said , signifies Good Man. 24. But now ends the Government of Ayres de Saldanna , by the arrival at Goa of Martin Alfonso de Castro , who came to succeed him with the same Title of Viceroy . He set out from Lisbon with five Ships , whereof one was forced in again . About the end of the same Year there sailed thence two Caravels . 25. Ayres de Saldanna seems to have had more natural Goodness than Inclination to War ; for in his time nothing of this sort was set on Foot. He was one of those few Viceroys and Governors who are believed not to have wronged the King. On his re-return home he died in the Latitude of the Islands , and the Ship that brought him was lost at the mouth of Lisbon River . He was tall and somewhat corpulent , of a tawny Complexion ; of Viceroys the 18th , of Governors the 36th , and First of the Name and Sirname . 26. I have purposely reserved for the end of this Government the Discovery of Grand Cathay , for which we are beholding to F. Nicholas Pimenta , Visitor-General of the Jesuits in Asia . He chose for this employ B. Benedict Goes , a Man well versed in several Languages , and particularly the Persian , which was the most important for that Design . B. Goes cloathed himself in the Habit of an Armenian Christian Merchant , and after their manner took the Name of Abdula Isai , which signifies , Christian Lord. He set out from the Mogol's Court with that Prince's Favour and Merchandize . In his Company went two Greeks well skilled in the manner of Travelling , and were Leo Grimanus a Priest , and Demetrius a Merchant . These had four Mahometan Servants ( who were afterwards Christians ) which they left at Laor ( one of the Mogol's Courts ) as useless , and took in their stead Isaac an Armenian , who had a Wife and Children there , and was there faithful Companion . From Laor they set out on the 6th of Ianuary 1603. 27. With great Labour and Hardships they passed through the Cities Abec , Passaur , Caferstan , Guideli and Cabuo . Here they were forced to stay 8 Months , and meeting a Sister of Hamet Can King of Cascar , that was going a Pilgrimage to Meca , and was taking up Money at Interest . B. Benedict considering it would oblige that Princess and her Brother , through whose Dominions he was to pass , lent her 600 Ducats without Interest , which afterwards stood him in good stead . The Priest Grimanus spent with Labour , turned back from Cabul . The Caravan set forward , and passed the Dominions of the Mogol's , in sight of the Cities Characar and Parvam . 28. They passed the high Mountains of Aingaran , and entring Chalca saw a fair People like the Germans , then went through Gialal●…bat , Thalham , Quenam , Badaxa●… , Carebumar , Serpanil , Sarchunar , Tanguetar , Iaconich , in which Journey almost two years were spent with great Toils and Dangers . Hence they Travelled to Hiarcan , the Court of the King of Cascar , and Place of great Trade . They stayed a Year for another Carravan , and then set out , much favoured by the King , for the Kingdom of Chalis . The Son of the Pilgrim Lady they lent the Money to at Cabul was very serviceable to them , and they were repaid in precious Jaspar-stone , the richest Merchandize in that Country . In their way they passed through these Towns , Iolchi , Hanchalix , Alchegret , Hagabareth Cambaxi , Aconferset , Chiacor and Acfu . Acfu is a Town belonging to the King of Cascar , where a Grandson of his , only ten Years of Age , then governed , who favoured Goes the time he was obliged to stay there . 29. B. Benedict and Isaac setting forward again ( for Demetrius stayed behind at Hiarcam ) and passing the famous Desert Caracatay ( that is , The black Land of Catay ) and these Towns , Oitograck , Gazo , Canani , Delai , Saraguebedal , Ugan and Cucha , they came to the City Chalis , where a Son of the King of Cascar governed , and where they were in great danger , and stayed 3 months . Here came in the Caravan from Cathay , by whom our Discoverer heard of F. Matthew Rivius , then residing at Peking , and found that China and Cathay were the same Country , and only the Names differed . Goes joyful of this Discovery resolved to proceed . On his way he passed through these Towns , Puchan , Turfan , Arumuth , Camul and Quiacio●… , ( whence may be seen that famous Wall that parts China and Tartary ) and came to Sucheu , where hearing much of the Court of Peking , he was throughly satisfied that China and Cathay where the same thing . 30. Then ended the Year 1606. The 4th of these Travels now grown pleasing to B. Benedict , for that he had compassed his end , found his Order where it was least to be expected , and could relieve them with what he had got by his Merchandize , which amounted to 2500 Crowns , and at that time was a considerable Treasure . He gave advice of his arrival to F. Matthew at Peking , and he sent B. Iohn Fernandez , a Novice of the Converts to conduct him forward . He arrived at Suche●… the latter end of March 1607 , and 11 Days after our Discoverer died , not without suspicion of Poison given by the Moors to rob him , as they did , abusing Isaac and B. Fernandez , who having buried the deceased went to Peking . CHAP. VI. The Government of the Viceroy D. Martin Alfonso de Castro , from the Year 1604 till 1607. 1. DON Martin Alfonso de Castro entring upon the Government , gave some signs of being ambitious of Glory , but Fortune was not favourable to him , or , as some say , his own Humour was an impediment . Therefore let us proceed with the Affairs of the Conquest of Pegu. 2. Ximilica King of Arracam considering his Son was Prisoner , thought good to treat with Nicote , and he , to come to an agreement the better to make his advantage of the Profits of the Custom-House , sent Advice of all to Goa , and received Orders thence to return the Prince without any Ransom . But Interest being his greatest aim , neither Obedience to the Viceroy , nor the Respect he owed that King , whose Creature he was , could prevail to hinder him from selling that Prince for 50000 Crowns , pretending it was for the Charge of the Fleet the King had obliged him to fit out . 3. The King of Arracam justly offended hereat , set out a small Fleet against Siriam , which was easily defeated , but gave him occasion to enslave 100000 Christians , and treat them with great rigour ; which nevertheless moved not many of them , though but new Converts . Afterwards he combines with the King of Tangu , who Besieges the Town with a great Army by Land , while he shuts it up by Sea with 800 Sail , in which he had 10000 Men. Paul del Rego , met him with 80 Ships , and failing of the success he had formerly , setting Fire to the Powder , blew up himself and all that were with him , rather than fall into the Hands of the Enemy . The Siege continued so long , till the besieged were ready to surrender , when on a sudden upon some suspicion the King of Tangu quits the Field by night , and he of Arracam found it to no purpose to lie longer upon the Sea. 4. Some of the neighbouring Princes startled at this success of Nicote sought his Friendship , and an Alliance with the King of Portugal . The first that effected it was the King of Tangu . Nicote marries his Son Simon to a Daughter of the King of Martavam , thereby to strengthen himself , and have the opportunity of gathering more Riches . And being now desirous to rob the King of Tangu , tho actually then in Peace with him , to colour his wicked Design he pretends that King was overcome by him of Ova , ( as indeed he was and made Tributary ) since the Treaty , as if that could absolve him for breach of Faith. In fine , with the King of Martavam's assistance , he fell upon , took , and robbed him of Tangu , and returned with him and above a Million of Gold , without hearkning to the Protestations he made of his continuing a faithful Vassal to the Crown of Portugal . 5. Let us keep in mind these his unjust Proceedings , and in its place we shall see them rewarded as they deserve ; for all these Particulars happened not at this time , but it is anticipated , to prevent too much dismembring the Relation of them . Indeed it is to be admired , a Christian Government should support such Unchristian Proceedings . 6. It will be fit to return to the Affairs of the Moluco Islands . The Hollanders were now strong in those Seas , and well backed by the Islanders , who tired out with our insatiable Avarice , joined with those Rebels to expel us . 7. The Hollanders about this time having forced us thence , had possessed themselves of Amboina . Gaspar de Melo commanded there , whom absolute Necessity obliged to quit it , yet being unjustly accused and in danger of suffering with Disgrace , his Wife poisoned him . A strange Government , where notorious Criminals were not punished , and an innocent Person was so Persecuted , that she who loved him took away his Life , least they should take away his Honour , who had none of their own . The Portugueses who were at Tidore since the loosing of Ternate , seeing the King did not deliver them up to the Hollanders who demanded them , and had nine Ships in the Harbour , but that he was resolved to stand by them , took such Courage , that they withstood the continual Batteries of 120 Cannons , which played on them without intermission . 8. The King of Ternate sends a Fleet to assist the Hollanders , and Landing batters the Fort on the other side . All we had to oppose this Power , was 10 or 12 pieces of Cannon , and but a small number of Men able to bear Arms. After four days Battery the Enemy gives the Assault , our Men encouraged by their Captain Peter Alvarez de Abreu , with Sword in Hand bravely repulse them . In the midst of their hopes that this defeat would oblige the Enemy to desist , the Powder by some accident taking fire , blew up the greatest part of the Fort and most of the Men ; so that the Enemy entred it when they least expected , and our Men were forced to accept of some Vessels to go where they thought fit . 9. About Four hundred Persons of all sorts were shipped , and got to the Philippine Islands , where D Peter de Cunna Commanded . Neither was their Voyage without danger , the enraged Sea being ready to swallow them ; but the Mercy of God brought them safe ashore , by virtue of certain Reliques thrown into the Water by a Jesuit , which laid the Storm , and after their landing were brought and laid upon the Sand by a Fish. 10. In February Cunna sailed from the Philippine Islands towards Ternate with One thousand Spaniards and Four hundred of the Natives . He Besieged the Fort , in which was the King himself , and had above One hundred Cannons . The Hollanders and Ternatenses thinking to surprize the Besiegers , made a Sally , and were so received by Iohn Rodriguez Camelo , who commanded a Company of Portugueses , that he not only beat them back , but entred the Fort along with them . So that when the Spanish Commander came up , fearing some mischance might be occasioned by that heat , Camelo met him at the Gate with the Keys of the Fort , and Cunna to honour him for that Action , put about his Neck a Gold Chain he had upon his own . 11. The Ternatenses in the fright abandoned the City as they had done the Fort. The Spanish Commander losing no time , drove the Hollanders out of Tidore , and cut off their hopes of ever settling in those Islands , which from that time forward remained subject to Spain . 12. Though the Hollanders lost Tidore , yet they aspired to greater Conquests . To this purpose they made a League with seven of the Neighbouring Kings about Malaca , thinking to gain that Place . They gathered a Fleet of One hundred and fifty Sail , in which were 16000 Men. There were but few above One hundred Portugueses in a condition to oppose this Power , but they were Commanded by the Great Andrew Furtado de Mendoça . He sent out several Parties to discover the Enemy's Designs . The first was but of four Soldiers with Gaspar de Fonseca ; the Enemy thinking they Deserted , gave them free Passage , but were undeceived , receiving considerable damage from only those five Men. Next Captain Ferdinand de Costa de Andria with Forty Men , some of them Iaponeses , cut off a good Party of them , and retired without any loss . 13. The Enemy having taken their Ground , began to batter the City ; and those within to feel the Miseries of a Siege , being in want of all Necessaries . To this was added , that the Master-Gunner was a Hollander , who designedly burst many pieces of Cannon , having under-hand Intelligence with the Enemy . A Moor who commanded some Men acted no less treacherously , but being discovered , they were both hanged over the Wall. Many of our Men signalized themselves by brave Actions , and particularly Iohn Rodriguez Camelo , who with great danger brought a number of Men and did good Service with them . The Enemy lost so many Men during four Months the Siege lasted , in which time they spent above Fifty thousand Cannon Balls ; that despairing of success they raised the Siege ; the Kings returning home , and the Hollanders to their Ships . 14. The News that D. Martin Alfonso de Castro , our Viceroy , was coming with twelve Galleons , four Galleys , and seventy other Vessels , caused the Siege to be sooner raised . He set out of Goa in May , on St. Antony's Day in Iune came to Anchor at Achem , where he took three of the Enemy's Ships loaden with Provisions , and resolved to take Revenge on that King for receiving the Hollanders into his Ports , contrary to a former Agreement . On the 29th the Men landed , the Enemy's opposed them in great numbers with many Elephants , but after a brave resistance were forced to their Works . Our Men mounted and planted their Colours , and had they followed their Victory , the City had been that day destroyed . Yet the fight lasted all that and next day ; when the Viceroy perceiving no Benefit accrued , shipped his Men , much afflicted that he had slipped such an Opportunity . 15. After suffering much for want of Water , and loosing some Vessels by bad Weather , the Fleet came before Malaca , where Andrew Furtado acquainted the Viceroy the Siege was carried on by Sea and Land , on the Sea were eleven Ships and seven Galliots of the Hollanders , and Three hundred small Vessels of the Natives ; by Land , eleven neighbouring Kings in their Persons with 14000 Men. Both of them , during those four Months the Siege lasted , had destroyed many Buildings , and committed great Outrages against Images and other holy Things . On the 17th of August the 〈◊〉 Ships went out to receive our Fleet , playing their Cannon furiosly , and were answer'd in like manner with equal loss , till Night parted them . 16. Morning appearing the Fight was renewed with great Fury , but the Damage was greater on our side , because the Enemies Ships exceeded us in strength , swiftness , number of Cannons , and goodness of Gunners . Sebastian Suarez boarded one and burnt it , after having killed many Hollanders . Alvaro de Carvallo would have done the like to another , and Duarte de Guerra coming up to second him , they all three were consumed by fire , and none of the Men saved . 17. D. Henry de Noronna boarded the Admiral Cornelius Madclif , and being both in danger of being burnt , they parted by consent , promising if they met again they would not encounter . Whereupon Noronna quitted his Command , telling the Viceroy , He had rather serve as a private Man , than be obliged to perform the Promise he had made to the Enemy . D. Peter Mascarennas succeeded him in the Command , who did Wonders ; for the Dutch Admiral coming up to salute him , supposing it had been Noronna , they engaged furiously ; and after the fight , Four hundred Cannon shot were found in the Galleon , which had done no other harm than the killing one Caf●…e . The Fleets were engaged eight Days , and our Vessels very much disabled . On the 24th of August the Viceroy again offered the Enemy Battel , but they all fled . 18. The Viceroy entred Malaca , which had been ruined during the Siege . Andrew Furtado was of Opinion , the Fleet should be kept together , lest the Enemy might destroy it , being separated : Others advised it should divide ; the worst Advice was followed . D. Alvaro de Meneses had a Squadron of seven Galleons , to go meet the Ships that were expected from Portugal at the Islands of Nicobar . Nunno Alvarez Pereyra ; another of five , to secure the Ships of Iava , that brought Provisions to Malaca , through the Streight of Singapura , but having met the Enemy , he returned into the Port. 19. The Hollanders having refitted , and hearing our Fleet was divided , came again before Malaca , and finding there the five Galleons , they began a desperate fight on the twenty-second of October . Many Men of Note of our side were killed ; one of our Vessels blew up , and only seven Men were saved : In fine , the whole Squadron was destroyed . Of the Hollanders about Five hundred were killed . The Viceroy soon after died at Malaca , it was believed that of Grief for this Loss . 20. The Hollanders met not with the like Success in the Bay of Polobutum , where D. Alvaro de Meneses was with his Squadron of seven Galleons ; for after a bloody Fight , they were forced to give way , having lost three Ships . But since the Viceroy is dead , and we must enter upon a new Government , it will be fit to mention what Ships sailed from Lisbon for India during his Life . In the Year 1605 , 7 Ships . Before them three Galleons , which were with the Fleet at Malaca . After the 7 Ships , set out Belchior Rodriguez in a Caravel with some fresh Advice , who overtaking them under the Line , returned to Lisbon . 21. In the Year 1606 , 3 Ships were to have gone , but were prevented by a Dutch Squadron that lay at the mouth of the River till the Season was past . Thus much of the Government of D. Martin Alfonso de Castro , who was Viceroy two Years and a half , the 19th of that Number , and 37th Governour , the second both of Name and Sirname . Of Stature somewhat tall , of Complexion sallow , a good Christian , a good Gentleman , well beloved in India , and Zealous of the Kings's Service , a Thing now rare in the World. CHAP. VII . The Government of the Archbishop D. F. Alexius de Meneses , who was Governour from the Year 1607 , till 1609. 1. DOn Martin Alfonso de Castra the Viceroy being dead , D. F. Alexius de Meneses Archbishop of Goa succeeded him in the Government , but not in the Title . About the beginning of his Government failed from Lisbon the three Ships , which were to have set out the Year before . After them followed two Galleons , and two small Ships , the two former were to remain in India . 2. The Hollanders now aimed at the Conquest of the Island of Moçambique . Our Fort there was commanded by D. Stephen de Ataide , who not long before had obtained of the Emperor of Monomotapa a Grant of all the Silver Mines in his Dominions , which are much richer than those of Asia , to the Crown of Portugal . The Motive of this Donation was , that we might assist him to subdue his Rebellious Subjects , which D. Stephen performed , securing him in his Throne , and to us that great Gift , if we had known how to make use of it . 3. About the end of May , Paul Vercaden the Dutch Admiral anchored in the great Port of Moçambique with 8 Ships well stored , and carrying 1500 Men. In the Fort there were but 80 Men , a few and but indifferent Pieces of Cannon , and that scarce fit for Service . Nevertheless D. Stephen lost no Courage , but posted his Men , whilst the Enemy invested the Place . 4. The Enemies Cannon-Balls flying very thick , kept the Walls bare of Men , so that a Colonel of theirs boldly rode about viewing our Works , till he was struck down dead with a Bullet . The Enemy carrying on their Approaches under the shelter of their Batteries that continually played , our Men were forced to appear upon the Walls to oppose that Danger , and the Hollanders being tired , offered a Truce , which was accepted . While it lasted , they reproached the Portugu●…ses that they had degenerated from their ancient Valour , who , to convince them of the contrary , offered to fight 50 of them with only 25 ; which they refusing , it gave new Courage to the Besieged . 5. The Truce expiring , the Cannon on both sides began to play . The Enemy thought to take off the use of ours , by bringing up to the Walls great Wooden Towers equal with our Pa●…apets . It was a dark stormy night when they began to advance , but our watchful Centinels perceiving it , so many Fireworks were heaped on them , they were forced to retire with some loss . Next night , notwithstanding all opposition , they were laid close to the Walls . Twenty five Portugueses sallied with a Resolution to burn or break them , but succeeded not . 6. Being disappointed of that Design , they fall upon the Hollanders , who increased to 500 , and killing many , those 25 retired without losing one , only some were wounded . This Action seemed to have astonished the Enemy , for the next day they stirred not ; nor after that for a whole week , thô they saw their Castles burnt . At last the Admiral sent Ataide a Letter , threatning to spoil all the Country about , unless he redeemed it from Ruin with a Sum of Money . 7. Our Commander refused , and the Hollander burnt down all that the Fire could lay hold of , so the Town and other Buildings perished . Next they cut down all the Woods , and then raised the Siege which had lasted two months ; during which time , 13 of our Men were killed , and of theirs above 300. As they went over the Bar , one of their Ships was sunk by our Cannon . Scarce were they gone in the beginning of Iune , when three of our Ships from Portugal , under the command of D. Hierome Coutino , entred the Port. Not long after came in Peter Blens , about the end of Iuly , with 3 Holland Ships , and 2000 Men , which might have been our Ruin had they come sooner . 8. D. Hierome , having the best he could relieved the Place , was under Sail for India , when Blens came in , imagining Vercaden was by that time possess'd of the Fort. The Portugueses undeceived him with some Cannon Shot , to which he answered by landing his Men , and besieging the Fort as the other had done . The first day the Batteries played they spent above 300 great Shot , which laid one side open ; and they might have entred , had they been as resolute to Assaul●… , as furious in making the Breach . The Damage received by Day , was repaired by night . Next morning 25 Men sallying killed 30 , and returned without losing one , bringing in Arms , Drums , and Colours . One of these engaged with three of the Enemy well Armed , killed two , and put the other to flight . 9. A Frenchman and 4 Hollanders came to the Wall , begging to be protected as being Ca●…olicks Blens in a fury demands them of o●… Commander , who refused to deliver them , and he in revenge ties 6 Portugueses taken at his entrance into the Harbour , and shoots them to Death . One hundred and fifty more were in the same danger , who were taken out of a Galleon , which coming from Portugal , and knowing nothing of what had happened there , run into the midst of the Enemies Ships , and was burnt by them . D. Stephen chose rather to expose those Men to danger , than break Faith with those five he had taken into Protection . But Blens his Passion being over , he recalled the Sentence , raised the Siege , and setting Sail , put all the Portugueses he had taken ashore in the Island of St. George . The loss on both sides now , was much the same as had been given and received before by Vercaden . Blens sailed out of the Port about the end of August . 10. While the Archbishop was Governour , two Squadrons sailed from Portugal for India . That of the Year 1608 , shall be spoke of in the next Chapter , because it carried D. Iohn Pereyra Frojas Count de Feyra , who went Viceroy of India , but died by the way . The other of the same Year which arrived there in 1609 , and carried Ruy Lorenço de Tavora to the same Command , shall be spoken of in the Chapter of Andrew Furtado de Mendoca , who succeeded the Archbishop . This Religious Man governed two Years and a half , and was the 38th Governour , the first of the Name , and sixth of the Sirname , and first Church-man that had that Post. He was of a middle Stature , white of Complexion , grey with Years , of a serene Countenance which moved Respect , and took such care of his Servants , that many got Estates . CHAP. VIII . Of the Viceroy D. John Pereyra Frojas Count de Feyra , in the Year 1608. 1. AT the beginning of this Year sailed from the Port of Lisbon for India D. Iohn Pereyra Frojas Count de Feyra with the Title of Viceroy . He raised in all Men great expectation , as well for his Personal Merit , as the greatness of his Quality , and the Preparations for his Voyage were suitable , being the greatest that till then had been . His Squadron consisted of 6 Ships , and 8 Galleons . 2. The Viceroy set out on the 29th of March , died on the 15th of May ; his Body was sent back , and brought to Lisbon the 24th of Iuly . The Admiral Noronna succeeded in the Command of the Fleet. The Count was the second that died by the way going to govern India , and may be accounted 3d of the Name , 20th Viceroy , and 39th Governour ; for the Patent , not the Possession , make a Man so . 3. But since this Viceroy has not afforded Matter for a Chapter , let us make it up with one of the greatest Prodigies of the Portugues Fortune that Asia produced . Three Years she was big with this Monster , from 1605 , till 1608. We shall see another Iames Suarez de Melo , and another Philip de Brito & Nicate , famous for their incredible Rise and Insolence . This was Sebastian Gonzalez Tibao , a Man of obscure Extraction , as born in the Village of St. Antony del Tojal , near Lisbon , a Place never yet produced any worth Note , either for Parentage , or worthy Actions . In the Year 1605 he imbarqued for India , went over to Bengala , listed himself a Soldier , and then fell to dealing in Salt , which is a great Merchandise there . By this Trade he soon gained as much as purchased a Ialia , that is , a sort of small Vessel . In this Vessel he went with Salt to Dianga , a great Port of the King of Arracam , at such time as that King slew 600 Portugueses who resided there , and suspected nothing less , living quietly as good Subjects under his Protection . The Motive of this Cruelty was , That Philip de Brito & Nicote being possessed of Siriam , thought it would be for his Advantage to gain Dianga . He fitted out some Vessels , and sent in them his Son as Embassador to beg that Port of the King. Some Portugueses perswaded the King , Nicote's design in getting that Port , was to deprive him of his Kingdom . He orders the Son with his Officers to come to Court , and there murders them ; the same was done in their Vessels ; and afterwards that Fury fell upon all the Inhabitants of Dianga . This was in the beginning of the Year 1607. Some few escaped into the Woods , and 9 or 10 Vessels got to Sea , whereof one was that of Sebastian Gonzales . 4. Emanuel de Mattos Commander of Bandel of Dianga , who died not long before , had been Lord of Sundiva , an Island 70 Leagues in compass . Fatecan a resolute Moor , whom he had intrusted with the Island in his absence , hearing of his Death , makes himself Master of it , and the more to secure himself , murders all the Portugueses that were in it , with their Wives and Children , and such of the Natives as were Christians . Then he gathered Moors and Patans to his assistance , fitted out a Fleet of 40 Sail , and plentifully maintained this Charge with the Revenue of the Island , which is great . Sebastian Gonzalez and his Companions , with those 9 or 10 Vessels that escaped at Dianga , having no Head to govern them , lived by robbing in the Country of Arracam , carrying their Booty to the King of Bacala's Ports , who was our Friend . Fatecan understanding they plyed thereabouts , went out to seek them with such assurance of Success , that he had this Inscription upon his Colours ; Fatecan , by the Grace of GOD Lord of Sundiva , shedder of Christian Blood , and destroyer of the Portugues Nation . 6. One evening he thought to surprize them , and had effected it , but that they quarrelling about dividing some Spoil they had taken ; this falling out , proved their Preservation : For Sebastian Pinto upon that account leaving them in a River of the Island Xavaspur , met Fatecan's Fleet and gave them notice . They ingaged and fought desperately all night , the morning discovered 80 Portugueses victorious over 600 Moors and Patanes , and 10 Vessels over 40. Not one Sail got off , nor a Man escaped being killed or taken ; among the Dead was Fatecan . Had they been under a Commander that knew how to make use of the Victory , the Island must then have been their own . This obliged them to choose a Head , and they pitched upon Stephen Palmeyro , a Man of Years , Experience , and Discretion . He gave Proof hereof , by refusing ( notwithstanding their repeated Instances ) to Command such wicked People . However they desired him to appoint one , and they would punctually obey him . He named Sebastian Gonzales Tibao . 6. As soon as the Commander was named , they resolved to gain Sundiva . More Portugueses were gathered from Bengala , and other Neighbouring Ports . Tibao articled with the King of Bacala , That he would give him half the Revenue of the Island , if he assisted him to conquer it . The King sent some Ships , and 200 Horse . In March , 1609 , he had above 40 Sail , and 400 Portugueses . The Island having had time to provide for its Defence , was full of Resolute Men. A great number of Moors , commanded by F●…tecan's Brother , received them at Landing , but were forced to retire into a Fort. The Portugueses besiege it , and lying long before it , were in danger of perishing , not being able to come at the Provisions and Ammunition that were aboard their Vessels , Gaspar de Pina , a Spaniard , delivered them from this Danger , for he coming with his Ship to that Port , and resolving to assist them , landed 50 Men he was Captain of , and marching by night with many Lights , and great Noise , made the Enemy believe he brought great Succour . As soon as he came up the Fort was assaulted , entred , and all within that had life put to the Sword. The Natives of the Island , who before had been subject to the Portugueses , presently submitted themselves to Sebastian Gonzales . He received them upon condition they should deliver up to him all the Strangers that were in the Island . They brought him above 1000 Moors , and as they came he cut off their Heads ; about as many more were killed in the Fort. Thus Sebastian Gonzales became absolute Master of the Island , and was obeyed by the Natives and Portugueses as an absolute Lord independent of any Prince , and his Orders had the force of Laws . 7. To recompence the chief Portugueses who had served him , he gave them Lands in the Island , and then repenting , took them away . In stead of giving the King of Bacala half the Revenue of the Island , as had been agreed , he made War upon him . As he grew Great , so he grew Insolent and Ungrateful , and had now at Command 1000 Portugueses , 2000 Natives well Armed , 200 Horse , and above 80 Sail with good Cannon . Many Merchants traded thither , and he erected a Custom-house . The Neighbouring Kings surprized at his prodigious Success , sought his Friendship . From the King of Batecala , to whom he owed so great Favours , he took the Islands of Xavapur and Patelabauga , and other Lands from others , so that on a sudden he was possessed of vast Riches , equal with many Princes , and sovereign of many brave Men. But these Monsters are like Comets that last little , and threaten lasting Ruin. They are like Lightning , that no sooner gives the flash but it is gone . Let us proceed , and we shall see this verified . 8. Such was the fortune of Sebastian Gonzales in Sundiva , when there happened a Difference between the Prince of Arracam and his Brother Anaporam ; the Occasion was , that the latter refused to give the other an Elephant , to which all other Elephants of that Country were said to allow a sort of Superiority , and durst not appear before him . The Prince seeing he could not prevail by Intreaties nor Threats , raises a great Army , and deprives his Brother both of his Kingdom , and that so much coveted Beast . Anaporam fled to Sebastian Gonzales for Succour , who demanded his Sister as a Hostage . Then he sets out to fight the Conqueror , but to no purpose , for he had too great a Power , to wit , 80000 Men , and 700 fighting Elephants . King Anaporam returned with Sebastian Gonzales to Sundiva , bringing over his Wife , Family , Treasure , and Elephants . Thus he remained as a Subject to Sebastian Gonzales , who Baptizing his Sister , married her , and though so vile a Wretch , pretended he did that Prince a great favour . Soon after the Prince dies , not without suspition of Poison , for Sebastian Gonzales seized upon all his Treasure , Elephants , and Goods , without any consideration of his Wife and Son. To stop the mouths of the People , he would have married the Queen to his Brother Antony Tiba●… Admiral of his Fleet , but could not compass it , for she could never be prevailed upon to become a Christian. 9. Sebastian waged War upon the King of Arracam with good success . An Instance hereof may be , that his Brother Antony with only 5 Sail took 100 of that King 's . This moved the King to conclude a Peace with him , and thereby recovered his Sister-in-Law and Brother's Widow , whom he married to the King of Chatigam . At this time the Mogol undertook the Conquest of the Kingdom of Balua , and Sebastian considering it might prove of dangerous consequence , that Kingdom lying opposite to him , he makes a League with the King of Arracam for the defence of that Country . The League concluded , the King takes the Field with 80000 Men , most of them Musketiers , 10000 Pegues that fought with Sword and Buckler , and 700 Elephants loaded with Castles and Armed Men. He put to Sea above 200 Sail , carrying 4000 Men , which were to joyn Sebastian Gonzales his Fleet , and to be under his Command . The agreement was , That Sebastian should hinder the Mogol from passing to the Kingdom of Balua , till the King of Arracam could march thither with his Army ; and that the Mogol being expelled , half the Kingdom of Balua should be given to Sebastian , who gave the King , as Hostages for his Fleet , a Nephew of his own , and the Sons of some Portugueses Inhabitants of Sundiva . 10. The King of Arracam entring the Kingdom of Balua with his Army , expelled the Mogols . It was thought , that Sebastian overcome with Bribes had given them free passage , which , according to the Agreement with the King of Arracam , he was to obstruct . Others say , He did it to revenge the Death of the Portugueses slain by that King in Banguel of Dianga . Be it as it will , he was guilty of an execrable Treachery , for , leaving the mouth of the River Da●…gatiar , he gave them free Passage . He enters a Creek of the Island Desierta with his Fleet , and calling all the King of Arracam's Captains aboard his Ship , murders them , then falling upon the Ships , killed or made Slaves of all the Men. Having committed this infamous Action , and secured that Fleet , he returned to Sundiva . Mean while the Mogols coming down again with a greater Power , entred the Kingdom of Balua , and reduced the King of Arracam to such distress , that with much difficulty he escaped by the help of an Elephant , and came almost alone to the Fort of Chatigam . 11. Sebastian Gonzales understanding the Slaughter the Mogols had made of the Arracam Army , and that they were possess'd of the Kingdom of Balua , he sets out with his Fleet , plundering and destroying with Fire and Sword all the Forts of Arracam that lie along the Coast , and were then unprovided , and confiding in the Peace that was between them . He had the Impudence to go up to Arracam , where as the Matter was more , so was the Destruction , there were burnt many Merchant Ships of several Nations . The King was highly concerned at these Losses , though not so much at those occasioned by the Mogol , as those he sustained by this Portugueses , as being all the effects of Treachery ; but above all , he resented the loss of a Ship which he kept in that Port for to take his Pleasure . It was of a vast Bigness , and wonderful Workmanship , with several Apartments like a Palace , all covered with Gold and Ivory , and yet the curiosity of the Work surpassed all the rest . 12. The King seeing the Insolence and Falshood of Sebastian Gonzales , and that he did not , or would not , remember his Nephew was in his Power as a Hostage , he resolved to put him in mind ; and causing a Stake to be run through him , made him be set up on a high place below the Port of Arracam , that his Uncle as he went out might see him . But he who had no Honour , valued not at whose Cost he advanced his own Interest . Nevertheless the guilt of so many Villanies began to touch his Conscience , and being come to Sundiva , he began to apprehend some heavy Punishment would fall upon him , which he had little means to a●…ert , for all Men looked upon him as a Traytor unworthy of any Favour . The Arracams , because he betrayed them to the Mogol ; and the Mogols , because he was so false to those that trusted him . But what he did not expect from those we call Barbarians , he shall obtain of the Portugues Government in India which shall assist him , and both he and they that Relieve him shall receive their just Reward , as will appear under the Government of D. Hierome de Azevedo . CHAP. IX . Of the Governour Andrew Furtado de Mendoça , in the Year 1609. 1. MOst Men appear fit for publick Employments before they have them , and afterwards wholly incapable of them ; It was not so with Andrew Furtado , for every body esteemed him fitter to Govern when he was placed in that Power , than they had done before , and yet there was none before but wished to see him in that Post. The Arts by which he gained this Esteem , were Valour , Generosity , Liberality , and Affability . And being now advanced to this Command , he confirmed the good Opinion the World had conceived of him , by being courteous to his Inferiors , and not lifting himself above those who had been his Equals . 2. When a private Captain he dressed costly , now being Governor plainer than a private Captain . The Work-houses were his Rooms of State , the Shore his Garden . His thoughts were full of great Undertakings ; but considering how small a Bank there was for such Designs , he gathered the Council of Goa , the Chief Gentry , and richest Men of that City . Being assembled , he made a Speech , representing the great Progress the Hollanders had made in India , and exhorting them with their Persons and Purses to be assisting to expel them . 3. They all assured him there should be nothing he could propose , but they would forward to the utmost of their power . This was soon made good , for within two months and a half he had a great Fleet , well manned and provided . All Men were in expectation of the Effect of those great Preparations , when on the first of September there appeared at a great distance several Sail that seemed to be of bulk . It was concluded they were Hollanders . Our Governor hearing of it , run down to the Shore , and in a few hours made ready some Ships and Galliots , saying , Now shall they see how Andrew Furtado with these light Vessels boards their three Deck Ships . The time is come . 4. Just as he came out to order Affairs , so without returning to Court was he going aboard , without calling any Body ; but this his Resolution being known , there soon flocked to him as many Men as there was occasion for . So it happened to King Emanucl ( whom he now seemed to imitate ) who hearing the danger Arzila was in , set out Post , and without beating Drum by that his speed presently raised a great Army . But as the Governor was spreading Sail , advice was brought that they were no Enemies , but Ships from Portugal , that brought a new viceroy . 5. This was Ruy Lorenço de Tavora , who sailed from Lisbon at the end of October with four Galleons and a Caravel , and had Wintered in the Island of Ibo . Those who came received a double satisfaction , one in their safe arrival , the other in seeing that Port of Goa covered with such a number of Ships , as represented the past more happy times . 6. Many were sorry Furtado was so soon deprived of that Government , for the great hopes they had conceived of his good Fortune , and Heaven seemed to favour his continuance , by the Death of the Count de Feyra , who was going to that Command . 7. Even the Viceroy that went to succeed him was troubled ; for seeing that Bay full of many so Ships and in such Order , he asked ; Who governed India ? and being told that Andrew Furtado , he replied , I thought so , for the greatness of this Work assured me it could have no other Author . I am sorry I came now to India to take this Command ; because it is a hindrance to the great Actions might be expected from such a Governor . 8. Since this untimely arrival of the Viceroy , has cut off what might be expected from Furtado's Government , let us Epitomize what he acted under others . At 16 Years of Age he was in Africk , when the unfortunate King Sebastian went over thither . Then passed over into India , and having performed some Military Exploits , had the Command of ten Ships , with which he relieved the Fort of Braçalor besieged by King Sincarnoboro . He not only raised the Siege , but reduced the King to become Tributary to Portugal ; then falling upon those that had combined with him , destroyed their Countries with Fire and Sword , and took one of the chiefest with all his Vessels , putting all the Men to the Sword. He took several Ships of Meca , defeated the great General Cotimuza , destroyed another Fleet at Manar , taking many Ships , slew the King of Iafanapatan that was in Rebellion , ruined a Fleet of Malabars that did us great harm on those Seas ; raised the Siege Raju had laid to Columbo , levelled the Formidable Fort of Cunnale , bringing him and his Nephew Prisoners to Goa ; drove the Hollanders from Amboyna and Sunda , reduced the Rosatelo's then in Rebellion , gained many strong holds in the Islands of Ito , Nao and Veranula ; and being Commander of Malaca held out a Siege of four Months against the Hollanders and 11 neighbouring Kings . 9. It was great to overcome so many Enemies , but far greater to conquer himself . In the dead of Night a Woman got into his Apartment , offering him her Daughter , moved thereto by extream want . After a severe Reprimand , he charges her to marry the Daughter , and gives her a Purse of Money , with assurance he would make up the Portion . 10. All these great Actions he had performed at the Age of 45 , besides many more which in another had been considerable , but not of Note to him . He was as to his Quality of the best of Portugal . Having governed three Months , he Embarqued for Portugal , died by the way of the Jaundice , and lies in the Church of our Lady of Grace in Lisbon . Of Stature he was somewhat tall , his Complexion tawny , of Body lean , and was the 40th Governor , and 2d of the Sirname . CHAP. X. The Government of the Vice-Roy Ruy Lorenço de Tavora , from the Year 1609 , till 1612. 1. SCarce was Ruy Lorrenço de Tavora setled in the Government , when there came in 5 Ships from Portugal , which with the same number that carried him made 10 , and consequently a great number of Men that went in them . 2. About the beginning of the Year were set out the usual Squadrons , but more numerous and better manned than usual , by reason of the great Preparations before spoke of , and the Men that came newly . At the same time came from Lisbon 3 Ships for India . 3. The greatest Action at this time was in Ceylon , where D. Hierome de Azevedo , who had that Command , went on with the usual Success that always attended him in that Post. He marched with 700 Portugueses and 25000 Lascarines ( that is Chingala Soldiers ) to assault the City Candea , and finding by the way the Fort of Balane abandoned , left Antony de Costa Monteyro in it with two Companies . Then advancing to the River of Candea , and finding it well fortified , nevertheless he attempted to pass it , receiving the Enemy's Fire , which for some time did no Execution . Yet our Men gave way till F. Gaspar de la Madalena , a Franciscan , ran into the River holding up a Crucifix and encouraging them , whereupon they charged and drove the Enemy from their Works , who fled to the Mountains abandoning the City , which was burnt , and such as could be overtaken slain . 4. This Success so thoroughly reconciled the King of Candea to us , that he admitted the Conversation of the Franciscans , and put his two Sons into their Hands to be bred Christians . Thus the Peace was concluded , and he writ to our King Philip to Compliment him upon his accession to the Crown , testifying the great Affection he bore him , and desiring to be esteemed among the Princes of Asia , as one that most desired his Correspondence . 5. The Moor Abdala Carima , Tanadar of Nizamaluco , who , besides his natural hatred to the Portugueses , was malicious on account that he had lost half a hand by them , disturbed the Peace at Chaul . His Pretence was receiving his Prince's Revenue , wherein he proceeded with much Insolence ; and we on our part bore much , rather than break into open War. 6. Our Commander , D. Francis Rolim , complained to Nizamaluco , who answered with Threats , that he would fit out a Fleet , and that the Hollanders were already in that Sea. To be as good as his Word , he set out 30 Paraos , which robbed all that came in their way belonging to the Portugueses . The Tanadar being thus backed , hearing that George Henrique was gone out to a Wood , he killed him , and took his Wife and two Daughters . 7. The People of Chaul pressed the Commander to commence the War , he having no Orders from the Viceroy , and but few Men ; yet sent out 16 Men with two Officers one Night , they found 30 Moors near the Pagod of Ramaçeyra , and killing half of them retired . Peter Cornejo with 30 Men fell upon the Village of Tal , killed the Inhabitants , burnt the Houses , and sunk two Vessels that were in the Port. Tho' this was a sufficient Revenge against the Tanadar , yet knowing some Men value not their Honour , whilst their Persons are untouched , it was thought fit to make him feel some part himself . 8. To this purpose D. Francis Rolim marched to Upper Chaul with 350 Men in three Bodies , one Commanded by him , another by Michael de Abreu , and the third by Calleyros . Abreu entred first into a narrow Street which ended in a broad Place where the Enemy was drawn up , and with their first fire killed our Captain and two Soldiers . Rolim coming up , they made way into the broad Place , and revenged the Death of those three , with the slaughter of many Enemies , the rest saving themselevs by flight . Thus they came to the Tanadar's House , which being forsaken by him was burnt ; the same happened to a whole Street , where the Moors had renewed the Fight , firing out of the Houses . Marching out of the Town victorious , they killed all that had Life in the Fields , so that Town and Country were covered with dead Bodies . 9. At the end of this Year arrived at Goa three Ships from Portugal . In October sailed from Lisbon two Caravels , in November one Galleon , in which went Antony Pinto de Fonseca with the Title of Visitor and Proveditor of the Forts in India , as if no Viceroy had been there ; in December another Galleon , in which went a Patent for D. Hierome de Azevedo , to succeed in that Government . 10. The War being begun at Chaul , both Parties encreased , and several Skirmishes happened , in which the Portugueses always had the best , till D. Francis de Sotomayor came thither with the Northern Fleet , and left there three Vessels . Being thus reinforced , our Men took the Field , and offered Battel to the Moors , who were also increased . Antony Furtado de Mendoça advancing too far with only two Men was killed , and the Portugues Body coming up worsted ; for though they did great Execution , being drawn into an Ambush , Gonzalo de Abreu was killed , his Country-House lost , afterwards the War went on with less vigour . 11. Whilst this happened at Chaul , Nuno de Cunna fought the English at Suratt with more valour and Success . He had four Galleons well manned , but ill provided with Gunners , for they were ignorant and fearful . He found in that Port a great English Ship and a Ketch , which had a short fight between the little Island of Iohn de Nova and the Bank called Baxo de la India , beyond the Cape of Good Hope , with two Ships of ours , of three that this year sailed from Lisbon for India , one whereof commanded by D. Luis de Gama making for Zocotora , was drove by a violent Storm between the Islands called Dos Hermanos , whence he got late to Goa , after losing four hundred Men ; some by the Fatigue of the Sea , and others through the Miseries they endured in defence of the Ship , and the Cruelty of that barbarous People . 12. When the English , whose Ships were excellent Sailers , discovered our heavy Vessels , though they had cause to fear their number , they undervalued them by reason of that fault . They presently ingaged us in the Evening , and fought till dark Night parted them , having killed 30 of our Men. As soon as Day appeared they fell to it again , and two of our Galleons running to Board the two English Vessels , were stuck on the Sands , there being too little Water for the Galleons . The Pink seeing them aground , kept firing its Cannon upon one till the Evening Tide brought it off . The great Ship kept the other two Galleons that were a float in play all that Day . The third day all the Galleons being afloat made up to board the Enemy , but they who relied on their Cannon and swiftness , made away to Castelese , a Bay of the Pyrats of Diu. 13. Luis de Brito who plied upon that Coast with some small Vessels gave advice to Cunna , that the English were in that Port. He sailed thither , and they fought two whole Days , in which time our Ships , by reason of their heaviness , could never board them ; at length the English stood away , having put up black Colours in token their Captain was killed ; they lost many Men , and slew many of ours . They made to Suratt , Cunna followed ; they left the Port , and Cunna returned to Goa , where then D. Hierome de Azevedo had been Governor two Months . 14. Some time before 5 Galiots set our for China and two Merchant Ships for Iapan , they all Wintered at Malaca , the Season being unfit to Sail. Provisions were very scarce there , and the more now by the addition of those Men. Michael de Sousa sent out some Ships to get Provisions in the Neighbourhood . These met several Sail bound for Pam and Ior , laden with Spice and other Goods , which they took and brought to Malaca . Then sailed to Pam where the King of Ior was with a Fleet , and tho' at Peace with the Portugueses he went out of their way . Not far from Patane they took 8 Vessels richly laden , and returning with them to Malaca , that City was not only relieved , but enriched . 15. The Viceroy receiving Advice from Portugal , that a considerable Fleet was fitting out in Holland , with a Design against Malaca , he sent Iames de Mendoça Furtado , with 8 Galliots to relieve it . Being under Sail for Pulobutum they were dispersed by a Storm in the Golph of Ceylon , but met again in that Port. Four of them sailed out before the Admiral and the others , and meeting a Ship of Iava with seventy Men who traded in the Kingdom of Quedar , with which we were at War , attacked it , and were well received , having four Men killed and ten much wounded ; but being provoked by this loss , they boarded the Vessel and killed all in her . 16. The Admiral Iames de Mendoça continued his Voyage to Malaca , whence he passed not without danger of the Sea to Pam , to bring thence some Princes of Borneo who were travelling . 16. Leaving those Princes at Malaca , Mendoça with Emannel Mascarennas , Commander of that City , went over to the Kingdom of Pera , understanding that three great Ships of Guzarat's richly laden were in that Port , which lessened our Customs . Mendoça had Fifteen Ships , he entred the River , which is so narrow , only two Ships can sail abreast . He boardest the first of the three Ships , and tho' the Enemy fought well , entred her , and they set fire to her , so she perished ; the second Ship was easily taken ; the third escaped thro' our own fault , for being too busie about the Plunder of the other ; the Day was spent , and the Enemy stole away by Night . The Ship taken was brought to Malaca , it had 32 Guns and rich Lading . Iames de Mendoça Furtado returned to Goa , where he found D. Hierome de Azevedo was then Viceroy . Ruy Lorenço de Tavora was Viceroy three Years , the 21th of that number , 41th Governor , and second of the Name and Sirname . He had more Inclination to Peace than War , which produced Concord with all the Kings of India , of Stature tall , his Complexion fair , aged , and a good Christian , a rare thing among Men of Quality . CHAP. XI . Of the Propagation of the Christian Faith in China . 1. THough these Affairs properly appertain to the Ecclesiastical History , of which I design a particular Volume ; yet for the satisfaction of those who desire some Information herein , and having at the end of the First Part said somewhat touching the first entrance of Christianity in China , I will here briefly relate its Progress till the Year 1640 , though it be anticipating the Time , that the Relation may not be too much dismembred , and because that Order is chiefly observed by me in Martial Affairs . 2. The four Houses or Residences of Xancheu , Nancham , Nanking , and Peking , being setled , F. Emanuel Diaz was sent as Visitor of the three first , because F. Matthew Rivius could not be spared from the other , which was the Soul of them all . The Visitor-General Valiniano setled 30 Crowns a Year upon each Residence , finding it sufficient to cloath and maintain the Religious who were to live there , that they might not obstruct the advancement of the Faith by the necessity of asking any thing . 3. The Visitor sent new Fathers to all the Residences . In the Year 1604 , Cuitayso was Baptized , till then he only gave ear to it , but was the cause that many were converted , and procured the Foundation at Nanking . He was called Ignatius . In the Year 1606 , died the Visitor Valiniano at Macao ; Nicholas Pimenta succeeded him . 4. F. Matthew Rivius died at Peking in the Year 1610 ; the King appointed his place of Burial , and allotted his Companions a House and Church . The Mandarins and others celebrated his Funeral with great demonstrations of esteem . He was the first buried in that country , for all that died before were carried to Macao . 5. The Year 1613 , the Religious were expelled Hancheu , and coming to the City Nanhiun built a Church there , and afterwards others . In the Year 1616 , there were 7 Residences , two at Peking , one of them without the Walls , one at Nanking , one at Hancheu , one at Nancham , one at Caiyeu , and one at Nanhiun . In them all were 22 Fathers , the Converts amounted to 6000 , among them many Nobles , Lawyers and Mandarines , and some Bonzo's . 6. The Year 1617 , the Religious were expelled from all their Residences , the Persecution began at Nanking . Some escaped to Quantung and Macao , 14 remained hid in China , who were afterwards called by other Cities to erect new Foundations . One was at Kiencham , in the Province of Kiangsi , through the means of a Lawyer who was converted , and christned Stephen . Another at Xambay , in the Country of Paul the Doctor . Another at Quartim , in the Province of Nanking , which City it could serve without a Residence there ; but the Fathers were restored to it by the assistance of Doctor Michael , a great Admirer of them and of Christianity , and afterwards one of the most famous Preachers of the Gospel . By degrees the Persecution ceased , and the Fathers were every where restored . Two new Residencies were erected in the Cities of Xansi and Xensi , and some of those that had been banished returned from Macao . 7. The Year 1622 , two other Residences were setled in the Province of Fokien , another at Xansi , another at Xensi , another at Honan . All things went on successfully , and the Year 1630 the Converts came in by hundreds , afterwards by thousands . 8. In the Year 1634 , there were in China 22 European Fathers and 4 Brothers , greatly esteemed by the Mandarins and other Persons of Note . A Prince of the Province of Xantung sent for some Fathers to hear their Doctrine , so did other Provinces afterwards . 9. At Peking there were 288 Converts , among them Mandarines , Lawyers , and Soldiers , one Eunuch , and one Bonzo , which is considerable , they being a sort of Priests ; he converted his Father , and some Relations . 10. At Nanking , 70 Converts , and a Noble Eunuch of 75 Years of Age. The Christians here were so zealous , that when the Fathers removed , a Lawyer and his Nephew carrying the Vestments and other Church-stuff on their backs , and being told by the Father , The Servants might do it : They replied , It was not fit any body should carry the Things of the Church , but they who were proud to be Porters to Iesus Christ. 11. At Kiamcheu and Pucheu almost 2000 Converts , at a time when the three greatest Calamities of this World succeeded each other . The first was Famine , which raged to that degree they eat one another ; two Women were shot to Death , being convicted of eating 40 Children . A Father and Mother , rather than see their Child perish in their Arms , cast it into a River , and themselves after it . Others buried a Child alive ; a Christian , call'd Peter , saved both the Children , and brought them up . The next Calamity was War ; and the third the Plague . 12. At Hancheu , in the Province of Chekiang , the Converts amounted not to 150. At Xamhay 400. At Narcham only 26. At Quiencham 80. In the City Fokien 257 , and many in the Country . At Singam not 100 , by reason of the Famine that raged ; as at Quiamcheu they eat the Dead , ground Stones , and used the Dust in stead of Meal . Some at Hoacheu and the Neighbourhood . At Honan but 30. In the Kingdom of Hannam , which the Portugueses call Tonking , almost 100000. 13. Thomas , a Native of Thinhoa , laboured in the Kingdom of the Lao'●… . That People is white , good conditioned , and have no Thieves among them . Those of Hannam undervalue them for eating of Vermin . They wear narrow Gowns , their Feet bare , the Head commonly uncovered , their Hair round and short like a Lay-Brother , only one Lock on the Temples , which is run through holes made to that purpose in the Ears , they adore an Idol called Theica , with the same Ceremonies those of Hannam worship their Tham. They Trade into this Kingdom their Merchandize , Elephants , Buda's Skins , Benjamin , and Amber . 14. At Dangthan 2441 Converts , and many at Thinhoa . At Nighihan 4200 , the Residence is at Rumo ; there are 26 Churches , and the Divine Offices are celebrated with much magnificence . In Bochinh , a half Province next Cochinchina , 130 were Baptized . In an Orchard here was found a Tree brought from the Laos , the Leaves whereof gain him that carries them the Affection of all he meets , and Reconcile them if Enemies . Being examined whether it was not Superstition , it was judged to be a Natural Virtue . 15. In the Year 1635 , there were not above 3300 Converted among all the Residences . The House at Chincheo was then first founded . A Church was erected in the Town of Yunchum , and another in the City Chancheu . Now there will be a greater Fruit reaped , because the King protects and countenances the Religious , and their Doctrine ; and in the Year 1638 , gave them 2000 Taes or Crowns to buy a House and Land. He also granted them ( what was more than they could have wished ) to put over their Door this Inscription , I the King Approve of and Protect the Science of Heaven . 16. In fine , there are now in China this Year 1640. above 100000 Catholicks , and among them many Nobles , Mandarines , some Bonzos and Eunuchs . Of Mandarines and Colao's , the most admirable were 3 or 4 Pauls , one Michael , one Ignatius , one Leo , and one Stephen , who were not only Converted , but Preached the Faith with great Elegancy , and much Profit . The great Colao Paul herein surpassed all others . 17. The Jesuits at this time in China have twelve principal Residences in the chief Provinces and capital Cities ; under these above 500 private Oratories , with hundreds of Christians belonging to each . They have also gained good footing about the Neighbouring Countries , as in Tomking , Cochinchina , Cambodia , Laos , and other Kingdoms . In these last Countries , between 10 and 15000 Souls are converted every Year . 18. The King of China himself casts down Idols , and orders the Prince his Son to fall down before the Images of Iesus and Mary . The Queen in her Apartment gives ear to what the converted Eunuchs say concerning our Religion . Mass is often celebrated in the Palace , and there is great hope of the King , whose Piety and Zeal have inclined him to respect the Divine Law , insomuch that our Religious have been joyed upon his Conversion . 19. What wonderful Accidents have happened , and Miracles been wrought in the Conversion of those Christians , are set down in sundry particular Relations , and in the History of China , and are not so proper for this , which is only a profane History . Besides , that being miraculous to some Readers , they will appear as Fictions ; those who are curious , may see them in the aforesaid History and Relations . Having given the substance of what was writ on a Stone found in China at the end of the Second Volume , it will be needless to repeat the whole , which is long , and is no more than the same thing in many more Words . What has been said relating to China in these two Volumes , may deserve the Credit of all Men , as being the Observations of the Curious , as well as Learned and Pious F. Alvaro Semmedo , who spent 22 years , Preaching and Teaching , in that Country . The End of the Second Part. THE PORTUGUES ASIA . TOM . III. PART III. CHAP. I. The Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , from the Year 1612 , till 1617. 1. AT the end of last Year came to India the King's Orders for D. Hierome de Azevedo to succeed Ruy Lorenço de Tavora as Viceroy . This Gentleman had purchased a great Name by many Years service , and chiefly by 18 spent in Ceylon , a Thing rare for one who had also gathered great Riches . Not that Riches make a Man incapable of a good Name , but because commonly the means of acquiring them contribute much to stain it . The Fame of his Substance contributed as much as that of his Valour t●… his Promotion to this Employment , it being thought , that he who had so much , would be less guilty of those Crimes that proceed from Avarice ; whereas Experience teaches , that those who have most covet most . But D. Hierome had offered to accept of that Post without the usual Salary , yet afterwards he received it , making that a Crime by breaking his Promise , which had been none if not offered . 2. On Christmas Eve Ruy Lorenço de Tavora delivered him the Sword ; and the first thing he did , was to forbid the payment of Debts contracted by his Predecessor , who resolved not to depart India till the payment of them was secured , as well for his own Reputation , as in respect no Viceroy for the future would be able to get any Money advanced upon the urgent Necessities of the State , if that ill Precedent was given , and his Debts were all on the account of the Publick . At length it was concluded , they should be paid as Tavora had ordered . The next Action of the Viceroy was to dispatch Danisbeque Sedesable Embassador from Abas the Xa or King of Persia , who falsly courted the Friendship of all those Princes he designed to spoil , promising each great Advantages , and stirring them up one against the other . Thus he Treated with King Philip in Spain , and King Iames in England , which he found most suitable to his Designs . Thus he had taken the Island Baharem , and strove to possess himself of Ormuz . 3. Danisbeque was returned from Spain with the Answer of his Embassy ; and besides , what the King had given him in return for a Present of Silks he carried , the Viceroy had Orders to add something at his discretion . He added the value of 12000 Crowns in Spice , which in Persia was worth much more ; and having nobly entertained him , sent away with him D. F. Antony de Gouvea Bishop of Sirene , who also came from Spain , and went to propogate Christianity , which had but a slender beginning there . The Bishop went no farther than Ormuz , for the Persians being already ill-affected towards him , he feared it would be worse when the Embassador had delivered his Answer . So it happened , for the King finding the Embassador brought not the Return he expected , caused him to be killed , and obliged 6000 Armenians to renounce the Faith. 4. The Viceroy as well versed in the Affairs of Ceylon , gave the necessary Orders for its preservation , recommending the putting them in execution to Antony Vaz Feyre , Surveyor of the Revenue in that Island . Antony Pinto de Fonseca , who had served well in Flanders , and was now Visitor of the Forts in India , with the Viceroy's Leave went to perform the Duties of his Employ , D. Henry de Noronna being confirmed in the Command of the Coast of Malabar given him by Ruy Lorenço , united the Kings of Vanguel , Sierra , and Carnate , against Ventapanaique , on pretence of their safety ; whereas indeed it was to secure our selves against him , in whose Dominions we held Braçalor and Onor . 5. This done , D. Henry steered for the Coast of Malabar with 28 Sail. Andrew Coello was sent by the late Governour with 3 Ships to relieve Palicate and Siriam , and being now driven by stress of Weather to Columbo , they were beaten to pieces on that Coast , but the Men saved . 6. When D. Hierome came from Ceylon to be Viceroy , he gave the supream Command there to Fran. Rojo , a Man of unknown Birth , but noted Valour , and by his Courage had attained to the greatest Preferments . It was since found , that he was of the Family of Meneses , as being Son to D. Iames Count de Ericeyra , and Grandson to D. Henry de Meneses , who was Governour of India . 7. This D. Francis de Meneses Rojo being General in that Island , and understanding the King of Candea lay before the Fort of Balane , and the Commander Emanuel Falcam was in some ●…anger , he instantly set out with a very small number , spreading his Orders for all Men to follow , and marched ●…o Leagues afoot that day . In three he reached Balane , and the King at the sight of him raised the Siege . D. Francis relieved the Fort , and returned with Glory to his Quarters , destroying all the Enemy's Country . 8. The Tanadar of Chaul meditating Revenge for the Losses he had sustained by us the last Year , hired some Moors Naytia's that lived in Caranja , and were free with the Portugueses to kill Baltasar Rabello de Almeyda Commander of that Fort. They guided by Melique Balane , entred suddenly when he was at Supper , and killed him and a Sister-in-Law of his . This done , they shut themselves in , but the Portugueses forcing the Gates , put them all to the Sword. Ferdinand de Sampaio & Cunna succeeded in the Widow and Command . About the middle of April , Abascan General of the Enemy led a great Body of them to revenge the Death of the others on Caranja . He could not be prevented entring the Town , but being in disorder killing and plundering , Simon Rangel with 17 Portugueses doing great Execution , began to put the Moors to flight , whilst Cunna coming on another way with few Men , they made a great slaughter . This was a warning to the Naytia's not to return to Caranja . Afterwards Cunna , not satisfied with what he had done , ravaged their Country , and brought away above 3000 Prisoners . He shewed much Generosity , when two Moors being brought to him for entring a Place forbid them upon pain of Death , he set them at liberty ; because being asked , How they durst come thither without a safe Conduct ; one of them answered , That they had done it , relying on the Fame of his Courtesie , to ransom certain Kindred of theirs . 9. Ruy Freyre de Andrade , who cruized on that Coast with a Squadron of small Ships , understanding that Nizamaluco , since the War broke out at Chaul , spread it as far as Salsete and Agacaim , he repaired thither . In a Village between Caranja and Tana , he cut off some Moors that opposed him , and put the rest to flight . Higher they discovered 500 Moors , and an Elephant with a Castle on his Back , in which were two Cannons . Twelve Soldiers landed , a Captain with 80 Horse attacking them was shot dead , our Men seeing the Enemy halt , stood some time , and then George Marino sent to challenge their Leader , but he not accepting of it they returned aboard . 10. From Tana Freyre sent some Ships to relieve the Town of Agaçaim , which being indanger'd by the Moors , run a greater hazard through the discord of the Inhabitants . They were but 50 Families , yet all full of Division , and Ruy Freyre could no way reconcile them . Every one said he was able to defend all their Houses , and all together could not defend one ; for 2000 Moors soon forced them thence into the Monastery of St. Francis , shewing them how great difference there is betwixt saying and doing , between Animosity and Discretion . Freyre carried the Women and Children to Baçaim , and then relieved Manora , passing through multitudes of Enemies who expected him ashore , and sought resolutely , insomuch that one laid hold of the Colours , on which was the Picture of the Blessed Virgin , carryed by Emanuel Ambrosio , the Moor was shot dead . He got into the Fort without losing one Man , having killed and wounded many , and after securing all things there , returned to the Mouths of the Rivers of Tana , where he behaved himself well . 11. The Affairs of Agaçaim grew worse , for fresh Troops of Melique resorting thither , Ruy Freyre was obliged to return to their assistance . At his coming he saw the Enemy was firing Iohn de Caldas his House , where he had fortified himself , and Iames Rodriguez Caldera , a Soldier well known for his Valour , was let down by a Rope to quench it , as he did . Freyre with much difficulty brought off those that were left , and carried them to Baçaim . There he landed , and joining the Commander of the Fort , and Men of the Northern and Diu Fleets , they pursued a Body of Moors , till it was thought fit to retire , for fear of an Ambush . A few Days after , Freyre and the Northern Squadron being gone to convoy a Fleet that lay at Damam for fear of Pirats , Andrew Pereyra de Sousa with three Companies was drawn into an Ambush , and not a Man of them escaped . 12. The Moors at the upper Chaul were drawn into the like snare by D. Emanuel de Azevedo , Commander of that Place , a Man well skilled in Military Affairs , having gained Experience by several Years Service in Ceylon . 13. The Necessities of Damam , represented by the People and their Commander Nunno Alvarez Pereyra , obliged Ruy Freyre to make some stay there . The Case was , that among other Enemies the King of the Sarcetas , who lives in intricate Woods which serve him for defence , had sent out Parties of Horse and Foot which destroyed and carried away all they found in the neighbouring Villages . Freyre gathering about 200 Men from Damam , Maim and Trapor , fell upon 600 of the Enemy in their Woods and Works before Day when they were all asleep , slew a great number of them , and retired with a considerable Booty , burning all that could not be carried away . Above 700 of the Enemy pursued him , but not daring come too near , he retired in good Order and got into Damam with Honour . 14. D. Henry de Noronna had detached George de Castilo with some small Vessels towards Cape Comori to convoy the Fleet of Turocori . There he discovered a Galliot that carried 170 Moors . Francis de Soufa Pereyra with his little Ship in which were but 16 Souldiers bore down upon her , Castillo sends two more to second him , and they discovering some Ships of Bengala , leave him to follow them . Those of the Galliot seeing our small Vessel forsaken , fire their Cannon upon her , which killed three of the Men that rowed , and the rest leaped into the Sea. The Moors board her , and all our Men were either killed or taken . 15. In May , Nunno de Cunna sailed from Goa for Baçaim to succeed Ruy Dias de Sampayo as Admiral of the North Sea ; his Squadron consisted of 13 Ships , in which were 400 chosen Souldiers , designed to carry on the War against Melique , who was grown strong . By the way he had some Encounters not considerable enough to be related , and at the City Galiana after entring the Enemies Works , taking some Cannon , and killing many with the loss of one Man , was forced by a Storm to desist from his Design of burning some small Vessels . 16. Being at Baçaim he kept the Enemy in great awe , notwithstanding they had 400 Horse and as many Foot , whereas we had but 30 Horse and 160 Foot. Several were killed in Skirmishes this Winter , the number of theirs not known , on our side 40. On All Saints Day the Enemy came on through a Plain , having to distract us made a feint of coming through the Water . Their Horse having made Antony Pinto de Fonseca give way , were bogged , and our Men rallying upon them , killed , and took some , putting the rest to flight . Francis Tavares who carried Lope Sarmiento's Colours , stripped and wrapped them about his Arm , charging the Enemies with the Spear , till being thrown down he lay upon the Colours , so that they could not be taken from him , but the Portugueses coming into his assistance he rose , and tho' the Blood run from him , fell in again among the Moors . 17. During all this time the Moors shewed such respect to the Christian Churches , as may well confound Christians themselves . The Portugueses made use of two Churches dedicated to our B. Lady , putting 50 Men into each , and tho' thence they annoyed the Enemy , yet the Moors never made one shot at them , because some of them had there recovered their Health , making Vows which they punctually paid . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1613. 1. IT was the fate of the Fort of Mombaça to have insolent Commanders . Emanuel de Melo Pereyra herein exceeded many of his Predecessors treating the King Sultan Hazen with unexpressible disrespect . The chief Promoter of the Disagreement betwixt Melo and the King was his Unkle Munganaje , an old Man , who , pretending much Zeal for our Affairs , aimed at the Crown . He vented his Malice one day by giving out in the Fort , the King designed to kill them all . 2. Melo resolved to attack the King's House , but he being sensible how fruitless any excuses would be , fled with the Christian Colours to the Town Quolifi of the Cafres seven Leagues distant . That People pressed him to reinthrone himself by force , but he several times withstood their Importunities . 3. At length not able to prevail upon him they marched without him , and entred the Town of the Moors , but they were all retir'd into our Fort. The Cafres not thinking good to assault the Fort , were upon their return , when Emanuel de Melo , who observed them , pursuing and falling suddenly on them , cut off the best Part. A few days after the King returned to his House , and having excused himself to our Commander thought he was satisfied , but he only dissembled his Malice , as shall appear hereafter . 4. Our Fortune in Pegn now declined with the same swiftness it had rise , and it was just a wicked encrease should have a sudden detriment . The violence committed by Philip de Brito Nicote on the King of Tangn , provoked the Anger of the King of Ova , under whose Protection he was . Scarce had he heard the News , when casting on the Ground his Gown and Veil , he vowed to the Idol Biay of Degu , he would not enter within his Gates till this Quarrel was revenged . He marched with 120000 Men , having put to Sea 400 Vessels of considerable strength , in which were above 6000 of those Moors of noted Valour ( called de Caperuça , or that wear Caps . All that was without the Walls of Siriam he burnt , but met with vigorous opposition at that Place , notwithstanding Nicote was quite unprovided , having suffered most of his Men to go for India , and being scarce of Powder , as who had fired the vast quantity of it found at Tangu . In this distress he sent a Soldier to buy Powder at Bengala , and he run away with the Money ; and having sent for some to the Town of St. Thomas , they sent him none . Besides , those few Portugueses that were with him committed such Outrages , Robberies and Murders as seemed to hasten his Ruine . 5. For want of Powder there was no firing of Cannon , they poured boiling Pitch and Oil upon the Enemy . His number of Men might suffice , having 100 Portugueses and 3000 Pegues . Nicote sends out three Ships against the Fleet , in one of them all the Men were slain , the two retired with all theirs wounded . The Enemy began to undermine the Works , and the Besieged laboured much , but to small purpose . After the Siege had lasted 34 Days , Nicote sent to beg Mercy , but was not heard . He thought to prevail by the means of the King of Tangu whom he had robbed of his Crown , Riches and Liberty , but the King of Ova understood , and was resolved to punish him . 6. The King of Arraçam whom he had so grievously offended , sent 50 Sail to his Assistance , which were all taken by the Besiegers . The King of Ova gives an assault , and they fought three days without intermission ; the end of it was , that 700 of the Besieged were slain , one Banna whom Nicote had always honoured having betrayed him . Nicote was taken , carried to the King , and by him ordered to be impaled , and set up in an Eminence above the Fort , that he might the better look to it , as the King said . He lived two Days in that misery . His Wife De Luisa de Saldanna was kept 3 Days in the River to be cleansed , because the King designed her for himself , but being brought before , and exclaiming against him , he ordered her Leg to be bored , and that she should be sent to Ova among the other Slaves . 7. Francis-Mendez and a Nephew of his were treated as Nicote . Banna demanding a Reward was soon torn to pieces , the King saying , He could never be true to him that betrayed the Man who so much had honoured him . Sebastian Rodriguez was cooped up with a Yoke about his Neck . At first the King designed not to spare any of the Inhabitants of that Place , but growing calm , he sent many Slaves to Ova . Then passing by Martavam he obliged that King to kill his own Daughter's Husband , because he was Nicote's Son , that none of the Race might remain . This was the end of that Man's Avarice , who being naked a few years before , was raised to be worth 3 Millions ; he had one when he went to Goa , brought another from Tangu , and had got at least another since by Prizes and Trade . The Enemy confessed they lost at that Siege 30000 Men. 8. But that it may appear that seldom any great Calamity happens without the help of a Woman , it is necessary to show how Nicote's Wife was one of the Principal Causes of his Ruin. She entertained one of his Captains as her Gallant , and perceiving the Portugueses censured their familiarity , they perswaded Nicote he had no need of them , which was the reason they were dismissed , and that the cause of his Ruine . 9. Our Viceroy understanding the danger of Siriam , and thinking to relieve it in time , sent thither Iames de Mendoça Furtado with 5 Galliots . He had orders to act something by the way , and endeavour to strengthen himself by the addition of some other Ships and Men , which he effected not till he came to Martavam , where in the River he found a Fleet of 20 Sail , which after a sharp Engagement fled , except 4 that were taken with some Men , from whom he heard what had happened at Siriam , so that there was no need to go farther . 10. Nor long before this set out from Goa for China Iohn Cayado de Gamboa with 3 Galleons , and was to join Michael de Sousa Pimentel , who was there with 4 others to secure our China Trade against the Hollanders , who were this Year very strong in those Seas . One of the 3 Galleons was cast away near Sancham 60 Leagues from Macao , the Sea then running so high that it drowned several Towns. There were above 200 Men in that Vessel , whereof about 60 Portugueses and 80 others escaped . They chose Gonzalo Machado a noted Souldier to command them , and having the good Fortune to be well treated , cloathed and fed by the Chineses , came to a City where they were so nobly entertained , they had almost forgot the end of their Voyage . Their common Food was three Pullets a day each , they were feasted on the River in stately Boats like Palaces with several Apartments , and garnished with Gold. In fine , on their way thence to Macao they were attended as if they had been Chinese Colaos , or Mandarines . At the Inns they were treated with a sort of Food most pleasant and delicious , which afterwards they were informed was made of Toads and Worms . What chiefly they admired after this Journey was the Chastity of the Chinese Women ; for tho' they are beautiful , and Beauty be inclined to Wantonness , and though our Men were long among them and familiarly entertained , yet they could never by any means prevail with any of them to yield to their Desires . At Macao they found the other two Galleons , which had escaped the Storm , having more Sea room . 11. Near the end of this Year Luis de Brito & Melo entred the Port of Goa from Cruizing in the Sea of Diu , and brought with him a rich Ship of the Mogol's that came from Meca . He took her off of Suratt , after a vigorous resistance , in which he lost some Men , and was forced to send to Ruy Freyre for aid . This provoked the Mogol to Besiege Damam , and destroy the Country about it . The King of Decan did the same about Chaul and Bacaim , at the Instigation of the Mogol , who thought to drive us out of Asia . 12. A Letter writ by D. Luis de Gama from Ormuz with more Passion than Discretion , moved the Persians on the other side to gather 300 Barques , in order to take the Port of Bandel , and stop the Course of the Water that goes to Ormuz . Ferdinand de Silva Admiral of that Sea went to quell them , and as he ingaged , his Powder taking fire was blown up . D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded him , who drove them away with such slaughter , that the Xa of Persia excused himself to the viceroy , saying , that attempt was made only by the Sultan of Lara . 13. Francis Lopez Calleyros brought into Malaca a Dutch Pink , that had taken a rich Portugues Ship. The News of the Hollanders taking that Prize , was the occasion of his setting out in a Ship of his own with 28 Soldiers . 14. This Year expired with great dissatisfaction in India ( tho' the like had happened other times ) for the Ships from Portugal , which were expected with impatience , the better to oppose the English and Hollanders , were forced back to Lisbon , after having been five Months abroad ; they were four . 15. D. Hierome de Almeyda returning to Portugal with the Ships of the last Year , in the Bay of St. Helena met four mighty Holland Ships . They sought with much equal Courage and Loss . The Dutch Admiral was sunk , and ours beginning to take fire Emanuel de Prado & Magallanes rowled himself upon it till he quenched it . For this Action the Command of the Fort of Mascate was given him , with the Privilege of leaving it to whom he pleased in his Will. We shall see him hereafter serve well , and die valiantly in fight . CHAP. III. Continues the Government of D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1614. 1. THE King of Ova grown Proud with his success against the Portugueses at Siriam , resolved to conquer all the neighbouring Princes . He caused himself to be Crowned at Bagou , and by the Conduct of his Brother with 50000 Men was soon Master of the Kingdom of Tavay . This General moves to Tenasarim , and Besieges it by Sea and Land. Christopher Rabelo , who had fled from his House at Cochim for some Crimes , durst attack his Fleet of 500 Sail with only 40 Portugueses and 70 Slaves in 4 Galliots , and put it to flight , after burning many Vessels , and killing 2000 Men. 2. The King of Siam , to whom that Town belonged , for joy of this Action highly honoured the Victorious Portugueses , and offered them leave to build a Fort in any part of his Kingdom they would chuse ; to this intent sending for Iames de Mendoça Furtado , who was in that Sea with a Squadron , and offering him the Title of an Earl with a suitable Revenue ; but there being too much then on our hands these offers could not be accepted of . Furtado in his way to Ma●… destroyed the Towns of Queda and Pa●… with Fire and Sword. 3. D. Iames de Vasconcelos sailed from Gao with the Squadron for the North consisting of 17 Sail , he had orders to take in D. Emanuel de Azevedo at Chaul and carry him to Diu , being appointed Commander of that Place . By the way landing at the River Sifardam in Melique's Lands , he destroyed a Town abandoned by the Inhabitants . 4. Azevedo being come to Diu. seized on the Goods of his Predecessor Sebastian de Macedo , for the Money he was indebted to the King. Next he resolved to fall upon the People of Por , for the Damage the Trade of Diu sustained by their means ; Gaspar de Melo & Sampayo was sent with a Squadron to this Expedition , who came before that City ( 40 Leagues distant ) with much difficulty , because our Vessels could go but one at a time up a narrow Creek that leads to it , and the Enemy pour'd in showers of Bullets and Arrows from the Shore , and from the Bastions , killing 18 of our Men. The Walls were scaled on the one side , whilst our Men entred at a Breach on the other , notwithstanding the vigorous opposition of 4000 resolute Enemies , whereof many were slain , the rest fled , some into the Fields , and others to a Fort standing in the middle of the Town . 5. Those in the Fort offered Forty thousand Crowns , if we would not batter the Place . It was denied ; they attacked to no purpose , and our Men forced to depart with double dissatisfaction , for refusing the offer and suffering the repulse . The City was plundered , 1000 killed , and 300 taken ; the Houses then fired being full of Perfumes cast a delightful smell . 6. Iames de Vasconcelos from Diu sailed with 9 Ships to the mouth of the River of Agaçaim , where 16 Paraos of Malabars set upon him . Without the Loss of one Man he slew many , took several Prisoners , and all the Paraos . Vasconcelos himself took one of them , thinking their Commander Porcasse had been in it , but that Honour fell to Michael Ferran de Castellobranco . 7. Ruy Freyre de Andrade went from Damam to Chaul , to succeed in that Command to D. Emanuel de Azevedo , who was gone to that of Diu. He was ordered by the Viceroy only to secure himself within the Walls , and not attempt any thing abroad , because the Country swarmed with Enemies , and there were but few Men in the Fort. But he training many Camponeses ; raised new Works , and forced the Enemy to withdraw with great loss . 8. Gaspar de Melo now commanded the Northern Squadron consisting of 16 Sail , he went to Bacaim understanding there was most need of his Assistance . The posture of our Affairs was much mended by this Relief , the Enemy being kept more in awe , till one day fighting from Sun to Sun , our Men without losing one Man overcame a great multitude . 9. The Fort of Manora , four Leagues from the mouth of the River of Agaçaim , being besieged by the Decariis , and Bacaim in a good Posture , Gaspar de Melo resolved to relieve it , and Antony Pinto to bear him Company ; the chief of their Strength was 700 Portugueses . Gaspar one night went himself to view the Enemies Camp , and finding it stronger than he had imagined ; when he returned perswaded his Men it was much weaker . He prepared them to fall on before day , which was done so successfully , that some fled at first with the surprize , and many being killed , the rest followed . Thus that Siege was raised without the Loss of one Man. 10. Hence Gaspar de Melo went to Damam again infested by the King of the Sarceta's , and in sight of the Enemy cut down their Woods and Orchards , they not daring to oppose him . The heat of the Sun was then so violent , that it caused a Soldier immediately to run mad , and died soon after ; this was all the Loss sustained by us in that Action . 11. Then Melo returned to Chaul , where he found Ruy Freyre de Andrade successful over his Enemies . They marched to destroy a Wood near Upper Chaul , in defence whereof a great multitude of the Enemy met them , and there ensued an obstinate fight . Here Melo forgetting the Duty of a Captain , acted more like a private Soldier , which heat of his Ruy Freyre did endeavour to moderate , he now gave the advice he would not afterwards take . They returned victorious , but not without losing some Men. 12. Freyre being left alone , gave Orders to fall upon the Enemy , Captain Peter Gomes Villano answered , They had no Men. Advancing still , he again orders them to fall on , and at the same time received a Musket Shot in his Belly . His Men seeing it , began to give way , but he running forward , cryed out , There is no cause to retire , I am very well ; yet for some time his Life was in danger . Here it was he wanted the Advice he gave to Melo , yet that Resolution produced an honourable Victory . 13. Melo again joins Pinto de Fonseca at Bacaim in order to relieve the Fort of Assarim , that high Mountain that overtops the flight of Birds , and is counted impregnable . Tho' the Country swarm'd with Enemies , they conducted 200 Waggons to that Mountain , and having relieved it returned in safety . 14. We had not the like success at Diu , for Francis Sodre being sent against the Resbutos at Coche with 300 Men in 13 Ships , behaved himself so indiscreetly , that they slew many of his Men , and forced him to retire to his Ships in haste , but not cowardly , for he still faced them , and did all that could be expected at such a time . 15. Our Affairs at Mombaça were in a very bad posture , for King Sultan Hazen being persecuted by his Unkle Munganaje , who armed at the Crown , and by the Commander Emanuel de Melo , who thirsted after his Riches , was accused of Treason , those being really the Traytors who accused him . His feigned Crimes being laid before the Viceroy , he rashly orders him . to be brought to Goa , directing Simon de Melo Pereyra , who went to succeed Emanuel de Melo to seize him . The King understanding the Design , endeavoured to avoid being taken , and the new Commander attacking his House obliged him again to fly to Arabaya of the Cafres . Our Commander with Money prevailed to have him killed , and cutting off his Head sent it to Goa , as it had been a Trophy of some great Conquest . Then he puts the Government into the Hands of the Traytor Munganaje , joining with him Melinde , Brother to the deceased . But he who desired no Colleague , laid Crimes to his Charge , as was done to his Brother , and caused him to be beheaded . We shall hereafter see the Benefit reaped by this Tyranny and Treachery . 16. Cojenitamo , Commander of Suratte for the Mogol , with 800 Horse and some Elephants , on a sudden over-ran the Country of Damam , burning the Villages ; and some of our Men endeavouring to put a stop to him , were drawn into an Ambush , and all slain . The Enemy comes on again with a greater Power , and was now absolute Master of the Field , when Luis de I●…ito & Melo Admiral of the North-Sea came into that Port with his Squadron , which consisted of 14 Sail , and in them 350 Souldiers . These joined 200 of Damam , and 70 Horse , and above 1●…0 other Foot. They attacked the Enemy who far exceeded them in numbers , yet drove him out of those Lands , killing above 400 of them , 2 Elephants , and their Commander in Chief Dalapute Rao ; on our side only Antony Godinno was slain . 17. Luis de Brito pursued them to the Fort of Baroche , and entring the Port , burnt the Town , and all the Vessels that lay there . As he returned Victorious , discovering the City of the Resbuto's , called Barbute , he resolved to attack it . A great number of them met him , and after a Fight which was long dubious , were defeated with the loss of 450. On our side died one Captain , and four others . The City was burnt , and the Heads of most of the Dead cut off , which were cast ashore near Surat , to be seen by the Moors of that place . 18. At Bacaim and Chaul there were many Skirmishes , which for brevity are omitted ; but many Towns were burnt , much Plunder taken , and the Enemy on all sides kept under . 19. Emanuel Mascarennas Homem succeeded D. Francis de Meneses Rojo as General of Ceylon ; he had Orders to curb the Insolence of the Portugueses , well known to the Viceroy since he Commanded there , and which did us more hurt than the Enemies Sword. We had not grown odious to the Chingala's , had we not provoked them by o●… infamous Proceedings . Not only the poor Soldiers went out to rob , but those who were Lords of Villages adding Rapes and Adulteries , which obliged that People to seek the company of Beasts on Mountains , rather than be subject to the more beastly Villanies of Men. 20. The viceroy perceiving that India was not in a condition to withstand so great Enemies as was the Mogol , and Xarife Melique Commander of Ponda , and suspecting that Ibrahim Idalxa underhand supported him , sent Antony Monteyro Corte Real , Embassador to the latter , with a Present for the King , and another for his Favourite . Being come to Visapor , he had the desired Success , which was to obtain , that Melique should be Imprisoned at Ponda ; that the Hollanders , who laboured to settle a Factory there , should be expelled . This was done by the assistance of Vincent Ribeyro a Portugues , who lived at Visapor , and had much interest with the Favourite . 21. At Baçaim , Luis de Brito & Melo , and D. Iohn de Almada Admiral of the Diu Squadron , joyned Antony Pinto de Fonseca Commander of that place , resolving to force the Enemies Camp. They made up 1500 Men , and marched toward the Enemy , who had 1000 Horse and 1500 Foot well intrenched . Our design was to surprize them , but they had intelligence from some Portugueses in the City ; nevertheless their Trenches were forced with the loss of 6 or 7 of our Men , and not above 500 of the Enemy escaped . This Victory secured the Inhabitants of that Country , and the Island of Salsete , who had suffered much during the two last Years . 22. Zamori possessed himself of the Kingdom of Upper Granganer , which was of dangerous consequence to our Town of the same Name , which he always coveted , having an Eye upon a Pagod where the ancient Emperors of Malabar used to be Crowned . This Neighbourhood became the more dangerous , for that the little King of Paru , a small Island , relying on his Friendshop with Zamori , had began the War in the Rivers between Cochim and Paliporto . The King of Cochim ( not without cause offended at the Portugueses ) underhand kindled this Fire . The Viceroy sent D. Lope de Almeyda with one Galley and ten Ships to relieve Cananor . He came upon the King of Paru , who terrified thereat , concluded a Peace . Only the King of Cochim and Zamori now remained : an Embassy , and Presents were sent to the latter ; both which he admitted , but nothing was concluded . 23. At this time arrived at Goa 4 Ships from Portugal , five came thence , but one was lost within two Leagues of Melinde . Of 3000 Soldiers that were shipped aboard these Vessels , not half the number came to India , the rest dying by the way , which was a great loss , by reason of the want of Men there was there , having so many Enemies upon them , and because these same Ships should have come the Year before , and were forced back to Lisbon . Three Ships homeward bound had yet worse fortune , for one was cast away at the Maldivy Islands ; another , in which were all the Men of the former at the Island Fayal , where above 200 Men perished ; the third arrived at Lisbon . 24. The Viceroy with that small Recruit resolved to go in Person to the North to meet our European Enemies the English and Hollanders , who were strong in these Seas , he sent before D. Emanuel de Azevedo with 22 Sail , who at Suratte joyned the two Squadrons under Luis de Brito , and D. Iohn de Almada . They landed , and destroyed the Lands of Cifandam and Diva ; the Towns of Baroche and Goga were plundered and burnt , as were six great Ships in that Bay. Hence they sailed to the City Patane , the Inhabitants whereof , terrified by the Flames of Goga , fled to the Woods ; so the Town was fired without any opposition . 25. Mean while the Viceroy set out with 7 Galleons , that in which he was so large , it carried with ease 230 Men at Arms , the 30 all Gentlemen . There were besides two Pinks , one Galley , one Caravel , and five other Vessels . In all which were 1400 Portugueses , and much Artillery , but unskilful Gunners . CHAP. IV. Continues the Government of D. Hierome de Azevedo . 1. THE chief Design of this Squadron , which at Suratte joyned those three under Azevedo , Brito , and Almeyda , was to destroy four English Ships that lay in that Port. These Preparations seemed too great for such an Enterprize , but the Event proved the contrary . Being come in sight of the English , the Viceroy ordered the two Pinks , the Caravel , and other smaller Vessels , to lay aboard one of the Ships which was separated from the others . Having all grappled , and almost entred her , the other three coming up beat them off . The first three of our Vessels having taken fire , endeavouring to burn that of the Enemy , perished , and the English escaped . All this day was spent without any Success on our side ; and the next nothing was done , because the Ships lay in a hole , where only one of our Galleons could come at them at once , and so might be one by one disabled by the Enemies Cannon . Some said , this was only a pretence of those who had no mind to come at them . It was attempted to burn them with Fireships , but without success . 2. The Viceroy perceiving he only lost his Time there , sailed to Diu to send thence Relief to Ormuz , having received Advice from D. Luis de Gama Commander of that Place , that the Fort of Comoran was besieged by a Persian Captain of Xirav with 14000 Men by Sea and Land. This Siege was laid by order of Abas Xa of Persia , on account that Gama did not pay him certain Duties due to the King of Lara , and the Persian was now possessed of that Kingdom . He was glad of this pretence of taking Arms , as desiring to possess himself of Ormuz , towards which he thought the Fort of Comoron was a good step . Nor did he miss his aim , for no sooner did the ancient Men of Ormuz hear that Fort was delivered , but they concluded this lost . D. Luis sent some Succour which hastened the Surrender , because one half of it was cut off , and the rest returned . Andrew de Quadros commanded at Comoran , he had but few Men , and less Cannon , ( for always our Aim was at trade , ) and was forced to surrender upon Conditions , which the Enemy never observed . This was done when the Relief of 9 Sail , sent by the Viceroy , arrived under the command of Michael de Sousa Pimentel , who having nothing to do there , and to shun the Distasts that happened between him and D. Luis de Gama , went away to Mascate . 3. The Viceroy returning with his Fleet from Diu , discovered the 4 English Ships a great way from Surat making all the sail they could , and standing to the Southward . He made the best of his way , and in the afternoon came up alone within Cannon-shot of one of them , because his Galleon was a better Sailer than the rest of the Fleet. His Gunner offered to sink her with two 40 Pounders ; many opposed it , representing the other 3 Ships would come upon him , and the Fleet being out of sight , the Galleon would be lost , which would be a great discredit , besides the Damage at such a time when the Government was so poor . The Viceroy submitted to their Opinions , without obliging them to give it under their hands , thinking they would never deny it , which they did when he was accused for not doing what the Gunner proposed . The English returned Thanks for this kindness , firing their Cannon without Ball. 4. The Ships that this Year went from Portugal , carried Orders to the Viceroy , to sell all Commands and Employments that would yield Money , there being no other means than to supply the Wants of that Government . This was put in execution , and much resented , for three Reasons ; one , That it had never been done before ; another , Because many were debarred thereby the Right to those Places they had purchased by long Service ; and the third , Because by this means those who had Money , though never so undeserving , would get those Posts . 5. The Ships that this Year sailed from Lisbon for India , in which the abovesaid Order went , were four ▪ D. Antony Tello Captain of one of them being ashore when they set sail , and not able to get aboard , though he followed in another Vessel as far as the Island Madera , returned to Lisbon , and taking with him Captain Emanuel de Prado de Magallanes , travelled to India by Land , found his Ship there , and returned in her to Portugal . Francis Lopez Carrasco , Captain of another of those Ships , was left behind through neglect at Goa when the Ships came away , and Francis de Magallanes came in his Place . Iohn Pereyra Cortereal , a third Captain of the same Ships , returned not without Trouble , which he overcame like a good Commander , for some of his Men mutinying , he with his own hand slew one of them , and caused two to be hanged ; for which good Service he was rewarded . 6. This Year also set out from Goa another Ship commanded by Francis de Brito , which was lost off of the Islands of Querimba , where and at Moçambique the Men were saved with the Fatigues usual in those Shipwrecks . D. Hierome Manuel , who commanded the 4 Ships that came from Lisbon , returned next Year , when we shall speak of him . 7. Abas Xa , King of Persia , desiring to settle some Trade with us to vend his Silks , writ to our King , telling him , He was weary of receiving Friers as Ambassadors , and desiring him to send some Gentleman of Note , for he should better know how to treat with such a one , and God and his Majesty would be better served , because a Religious Man out of his Cell was like a Fish out of the Water . D. Garcia de Silva & Figuero●… a Spanish Gentleman , well qualified for that Employment , was sent to him . He carried a rich and beautiful Present , and of rare Workmanship in Silver and Gold , set with precious Stones . He went from Madrid to Lisbon , thence to India , where he was to receive further Instructions , and 20000 Crowns consigned on the Custom-house of Ormuz for his expence , besides what he had before received , because his Equipage was very great . Thus far we had an account of this Embassy ; hereafter we shall see that Ormuz was lost , which was what the Persian coveted ; so that it seems the Embassy did not divert him from that Thought . 8. The Blacks besieged the City of St. Thomas , and raising a Fort , they put in Ammunition and 600 Men , spreading 20000 about the Town , which they battered from the Pagod near St. Francis. Captain Emanuel de Frias besieges the Fort , which was surrendred to him for want of Water . Among the Cannon found in it , there was one Piece of 25 Spans , that is , 6 Yards and a quarter in length , that carried a Ball of 50 Pounds weight . 9. A Peace was concluded between the Mogul and us through the sollicitation of Hierome Xaverius of the Society of Iesus . CHAP. V. Continues the Government of the Vice-Roy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1615. 1. DON Iohn de Silva commanded for the Spaniards at Manila , who demanded Succors of the Portugueses to defend the Moluco Islands against the Rebellious Hollanders . The Viceroy sitted out 4 Galleons for this Expedition under the Command of Francis de Miranda Enriquez . It was easie to foresee they would be unfortunate , because most of the Souldiers were Outlaws , Men who have Courage to commit Villanies , but in dangers of Honour are meer Cowards , as has always been found by Experience , and was at this time , for many deserted as soon as they had received their Pay at Goa , and many at Malaca , the Admiral contrary to his Orders , having touched there . 2. Between the Islands of Nicobar they were some time becalm●…d . Not far from those of Diu they met two Holland Ships coming from Paliacate , our Admiral prepared to fight , and they having made show of standing to it , after some Cannon-shot exchang'd , stood away . Being pursued very close they threw many Goods overboard to be the lighter ; among other things they cast over some Pigeons , the weight whereof could not much hinder them , but in the Confusion they knew not what they did . Our Galleons could not make up with them , and in the morning they were not to be seen . It was afterwards known they skulked behind the Island of Pulopinam . 3. The Galleons being in the Road of Malaca , the Admiral landed D. Gonçalo de Silva , Bishop of that City , whom he carryed to this intent , and thought to hold on his Voyage , having already been out above 2 Months , and it being about the middle of Iuly . Going out of the streight there arose a storm , and the Vice-Admiral springing a Leak , they were forced to put into Malaca ; where they all stayed , resolving to prosecute their Voyage the next Year , not knowing the ill Fortune that attended them there . 3. When they came in , Iames de Mendoça Furtado , Commander in Chief by Sea and Land , was ready to set out with 6 Galleons and 12 Jalia's , or small Vessels . They were manned by the Garrison of Malaca , and went to meet the Ships that were expected from China , and at the same time to discover whether any Fleet of Achem appear'd as was reported . They discovered it about 〈◊〉 Leagues from the streight ; it consisted of above 500 Sail , whereof above 100 Galleys greater than ours , and above 150 less , yet considerable . The King came himself in this Fleet with his Wives , the best of his Treasure , and 60000 Men. He carried no Colours , but Globes of massy Gold , as was the Throne whereon he sate . He was four Years in fitting out this Fleet. 5. Iames de Mendoça Furtado having well viewed that fleet , designed to fight , and in order thereto called all his Captains to Council ; it was resolved he should not fight but return to Malaca , which was weak for want of those Men they had drawn out . He stood thither , sending Advice to the Galleons to prepare to fight . The Admiral Fr. de Miranda Enriquez received the Advice , and with Furtado's Squadron on the 4th day met that vast Fleet , which was standing for Malaca . Both Parties drew themselves into order of Battel , and after Noon Miranda began to play his Cannon without losing a Shot , the Enemy stood so thick , and they received all his Fire without making any return , as it were in contempt of him . 6. Furtado and Ferdinand de Costa with their two Galliots attack 7 Galleys ; one they boarded and burnt , another was blown up by a Ball that fell into their Powder Room . Several of the Enemymade up to the Galliots , our Galleons move to succour them , and then the whole Enemies Fleet comes on . This was towards Evening when a Storm rising so separated our small Vessels , that they could not join the Galleons till next day at Noon . Being joined they made towards the Enemy , who not regarding them stood in for Malaca . Our Galleons being ill manned , because many of the Men were fled to the Woods , it was found expedient to take those out of the Galliots who were of try'd Valour . Thus they prepared for Battel , which the Enemy accepted , drawn up in the form of a half Moon . This happened on a Sunday in the Afternoon about the middle of November . 7. The Admiral , and D. Iohn de Silveyra's Galleons were boarded , Ant. Rodrigues de Gamboa with his Galliot came to assist Silveyra his Brother-in-Law , but the Galliot taking fire fired the Galleon , and both perished . There were 50 Men in them , 20 of them died , and the other 30 were taken . The Admiral Miranda was three times boarded , and , tho' he had but few Men , still cleared the Decks , killing numbers of the Enemy , and sinking some of their Galleys . Ships were fired on both sides , and the labour to quench them was great especially on our side . The fight lasted till midnight , the flaming Ships and other fires lighted of purpose by the King affording them light . 8. In fine , the Admiral 's Galleon during this time was attacked by the whole Fleet 14 times , fired 18 , and as often quenched , Men wrapped in wet Blankets rowling themselves in the fire . Miranda being struck down by a great Splinter , a Soldier cried out he was killed , but he instantly arose , saying , I am not dead , here I am alive , fight couragiously my brave Lions , for Heaven promises us a glorious Victory . The 3 Galleons were in a Line at about a Musket shot distance from each other , and for want of Wind the 2 could not come up to succour the Admiral , against whom the Enemy bent all his Force . Could they have come up , the Enemy had been utterly ruined , for they were so disabled , that they retired towards Bancales . 9. Day appearing , and the Enemy gone , our Galleons thought to pursue them but could not . Their Loss was computed to 20000 Men , and 50 Sail of all Sorts . Iames de Mendoça & Silva being upon discovery with his small Vessels , found the King had sent out his Boats for Water , he fell in among them and took them all , and 200 Prisoners . The King after this loss asked the Prisoners he had taken , whether an Embassy to treat of their Liberty would be acceptable at Malaca , and being by them assured it would , he writ to the Admiral and Commander of the Town , affirming our Ships had attacked him without cause , when he was going only to subdue his rebellious Subjects , expressing concern for the loss of our Galleon and Galliot , offering to restore the Prisoners without Ransom , if they sent for them . This King being very subtle and false , it was not fit to give two much Credit to him ; yet his Ambassadors were well received , and it was answered , that the King's Designs not being known , it could not but he believed he designed against Malaca . They sent him all his Subjects taken by Iames de Mendoça and a good Present , thanking him for the offer of restoring the Portugueses , and desiring he would deliver them to him that carried the others . The King being under sail when our Messenger came to him , said he would answer after he had treated him as became a Portugues Ambassador . He had rather have taken his answer there , being suspicious of the King , but was forced to follow . The King being come home , received the Embassy friendly , and a Month after dispatched him well satisfied with the Prisoners . 10. The reason why , as was before hinted , the 3 Galleons could not pursue the Achem Fleet , was because they had advice that 8 Holland Ships were sailing towards Malaca . Mendoça was of opinion to repair to the City for the security thereof , but Miranda was for pursuing the Enemy , and having destroyed them they might retire to Polubutum or Gale ; which would have ruined the Achem Fleet , and saved our Galleons which were destroyed afterwards by the Hollanders . These drawing near , Ferdinand de Costa was for securing the Galleons at Gale ; Miranda for fighting ; and Furtado advised to draw the Galleons close to the little Island , so that the Hollanders might not pass between them and the Land , so they might do the more Execution , bringing all their Cannon over to one side . This Opinion being approved of , was scarce put in Execution , when the 8 Ships appeared and made at them . Every Ship exceeded each of our Galleons in number of Men and Cannon , able Seamen and Gunners . The order of drawing under the Island was so ill executed , that the Hollanders took the Post ours aimed at . 11. The Battel began and continued all that day with equal Loss . Next day one of Galleons , after losing 3 Captains , and being torn to pieces even with the superficies of the Water , was quitted by those Men that were left . The 3d day only 10 Men being left in another Galleon , they fired it and got ashore . The Admiral Miranda would defend himself , tho' wounded in the Leg , with only 6 , but they and a Jesuit by force carried him into the Island , leaving the Galleon on fire . About 200 Men were lost in them all . The loss of the Hollanders was considerable , but being Masters of the Sea they sailed to the Mouth of the Streight , to intercept the Ships that were expected from China , till understanding that D. Iohn de Silva , Governor of Malina , was coming that way with his Fleet , they quitted that Sea , which was no small comfort after so great a Loss . 12. Francis de Miranda Enriquez went to Goa , where he walked upon Crutches , by reason of the hurt received in his Legs when he fought the Hollanders . However he was brought to a Tryal , for not sailing directly for Manila , according to his Instructions , or not retiring where they might have been secured . In the Conclusion he was cleared , and having behaved himself so bravely , it was but reason he should . 13. D. Iohn de Silva being informed that the four Galleons could not go to Manila , did all that could be expected of a good Commander to join us in order to suppress the Hollanders . He sent Ammunition to our Fleet a●… Malaca , and advice for our Ships to avoid falling into the Enemies hands . But all failed , the advice by the ill Conduct of him that carried it ; and the Ammunition , because our Galleons were lost when it came . Without knowing hereof he put to Sea with 10 strong Galleons , the product of his great Care and Industry . Eight days after his departure 6 Holland Ships came to the Bay of Maribeles and were the first of that Nation that passed the Streights of Magellan . Had D. Iohn set out 10 days sooner , he had taken the 8 Ships that defeated Francis de Miranda , and 10 Days later those other 6. Ships On the Sea of Pulatinam he found the Galleon commanded by Captain Antony Homen de Azevedo and the Plate Ship coming from China . Having passed the Streight of Singapura , he left the Galleons with his Vice-Admiral and with two Galleys , he had went himself and convoyed those two Vessels to Malaca . There he was received under a Canopy with great State , and demonstrations of Love and Gratitude ; there also he soon fell sick in such manner , that the seventh Day were buried with him the great hopes conceived of destroying the Hollanders by his Zeal , Valour and Conduct . The Galleys carrying the Body returned to his Nephew , and the Vice-Admiral and he with them to Manila . CHAP. VI. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1615. 1. ABout this same time a Peace was concluded at Damam between the Portugueses and King Choutia . Gonzalo Pinto de Fonseca was appointed to go to exchange the Ratifications . The King would not come into our Dominions to swear it , nor would we go into his ; those of the King of Sarceta , tho' our Enemy , and his Father-in-Law , were agreed upon . Pinto came to a Village appointed for this Ceremony with 400 Foot and 50 Horse , and found the King there with 40 of the latter , and 900 of the former . Our Commissioner offer'd his Tent , and the King his , urging his Character . It was accepted to avoid displeasing him . The Quarrel had been about certain Lands the King pretended to , and now quitting his Claim the Peace was solemnly sworn with satisfaction of both Parties . He offered to serve our King with 1000 Foot and 200 Horse , and that his Son should live at Damam to Command a Fleet at Sea. He added pleasantly , that he envied those who could be in Damam at the publick Feasts , and caused Pinto with some of the chief Portugueses to go to his House , saying , the Queen was desirous of seeing him . She saw him , but not he her , being behind a close Lettice . The King made fresh offers , and gave good Proofs of real Friendship . 2. The same Gonçalo Pinto concluded a Peace with the Mogol . The Articles were , That Iahanguier , King of the Mogols , and the Viceroy should hold no Correspondence with English or Hollanders . That they should harbour neither of those Nations in their Ports , that they should be obliged to expel them the Sea of Guzarate in 3 Months after any of them came thither . That if the English entred the Lock of Suratte , the Portugueses should have leave to plant Guns ashore to drive them out . That all Animosities laid aside , the Mogols and Portugueses should Trade freely in each others Ports . That Prisoners be restored on both sides . That the King should restore all the Portugues Effects in his Kingdom , after repaying himself 70000 Xerafines , he had received Damage in a Ship that came from Meca . That the Hulk of a Ship should be given to the Queen-Mother for one of hers burnt at Goa . That the Viceroy should give leave for two Ships of his once , and one every Year to Trade from Suratte to Meca , without paying any Duties . That the Malabars should be excluded the Ports of both Parties as pernicious Pirats . That by this Peace the King of Portugal's Right to the Duties paid at Diu , by the Ships that Trade in the Bay of Cambaya , should be no way infri●…ged . 3. About the middle of February , Gonzalo Rodriguez de Sonsa came to the Moluco Islands with 6 Galliots of War , and two of Merchants . He was sent by the Viceroy with Succours . D. Iohn de Silva , Governor of Manila , with his Spaniards were then besieged at Ternate by 11 Dutch Ships , Sousa in sight of them relieved the Place , and the Besiegers stood away to the Southward . D. Iohn ordered two Galleys and a Pink with the Galliots to follow the Enemy , who steered for Macassa . These put the Towns of Arsula Best , and the greater and lesser Manciolas to Fire and Sword. They burnt Ships belonging to the Kings of Ternate , Maquien , Bacham and Cacoa , who favoured the Holland Rebels . Landing in the Kingdom of Corane , they easily took the chief Fort , the King who was in it flying for shelter to the Woods . Returning aboard , they discovered three great Ships in which came the King's Son-in-Law and Grandson to his aid , the latter was taken , the other killed . On the 2d of April they arrived at Macassa , a●… such time as the Admiral of the 11 Hollanders seen at Ternate , was coming into that Port. After half a Day 's fight being upon the point of taking her , a sudden Storm parted them . Our Men returned to Ternate with Booty , Provisions , and more Ships than they carried out . 4. In Ceylon our Gen. Em ▪ Mascarennas Homem marched against Candea with 14 Companies of Portugueses of 30 Men each , and the Dissava's , or Chiefs of the Natives ▪ Near the River of Candea fell so great a Rain , there was no dry place to lie down , and in the Morning they were all running Blood , being bit by Leeches . It appeared difficult to pass the River being then swelled , but there being 11000 Men there they cut Trees , and laying a Bridge over passed . The Chingalas began to Skirmish , chiefly at Night , taking the advantage of the Woods . We lost some Men. The like happened at the Entrance into the Kingdom of Uva . 5. They marched to the City Babule , Metropolis of that Kingdom , burning all that lay in their way . Three thousand of the Enemy , who lay in Ambush near the City , fell upon Simon Correa who led our Van , but 600 Musqueteers charging them , they fled to the Woods , about 40 being killed on both sides . The same happened in the Rear . There being no Plunder in the City it was burnt , and all Fruit-Trees cut down . Our General spent 3 Months in this Expedition , in March returned to Sofragan , and thence to Malvane , having done the Enemy great harm . 6. In August he sent Peter Peixoto de Silva , with 8 Companies to Tumpane , another Inlet into the Kingdom of Candea towards the North a League from Balane . He spared neither Sex nor Age , for that the Tumpanenses had endeavoured to betray us to the Enemy . The Lands of Archiapato of Candea were burnt ; but in a Village they cut off 20 of our Blacks in an Ambush ; 25 of them were slain in the same manner on their way to Matale . Near Matale 70 more fell of 1500 that came to oppose us , which caused them to quit the Field , and Peixoto returned to Manicravare with 500 Prisoners , and 2000 Head of Cattle , some of them Elephants . 7. After this the Dissava Philip de Oliveyra had much the same success , making a Road into Candea with 10 Companies . The success , continued as long as Emanuel Mascarennas Homem commanded in that Island , which was little above a Year , every one wishing it had been much longer as much in respect of his Valour , as Fortune and Affability . CHAP. VII . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1615. 1. IN the Year 1608 we gave an account of the prodigious rise of Sebastian Gonzales Tibao , who of a poor seller of Salt in a small Barque the Year 1605 , in that of 1608 was become an absolute Sovereign without dependance on any Prince whatsoever . It is now time to show the end of such Monsters . This base Man being lifted to that height , the steps by which he ascended being Treachery and Ingratitude , he now found it was no longer possible to support his Power without some considerable Succour . 2. This Man , who in his Prosperity forgot to submit himself to the Viceroy , now seeing the probability of falling , acquaints him with the Danger he is in . He proposes like an absolute Prince , That if the Viceroy will effectually support him , he will become Tributary to Portugal , with the acknowledgment of a Galleon loaden with Rice , to be delivered Yearly at Goa or Malaca . He urged , all had been done by him was to revenge the Murder of the Portugueses slaughtered by the King of Arracam in Banguel of Dianga ; and ( to gain the Viceroy by the hope of Profit ) hinted , that the vast Treasure of that King might be taken . This last so blinded the Viceroy , that in stead of abhorring the Villanies of that Wretch , he resolved to assist him , contrary to all Human and Divine Laws . 3. For this Expedition , the Viceroy fitted out 14 of the largest Galliots , one Flyboat , and a Pink , and gave the Command of them to D. Francis de Meneses Roxo , who had governed Ceylon . He sailed from Goa about the middle of September well manned and equipped , but not without much foreboding of an unfortunate Event ; for as the Viceroy only weighed the prospect of Gain , the People considered the injustice of the Enterprize . 4. On the 3d of October D. Franc●… arrived at Arracam , the chief Port and Residence of that King , he had before sent a Galliot with Advice of his coming to Sebastian Gonzales at Sundi●…a . His Instructions being opened before all the Captains , they contained , that he should enter that Kingdom without expecting Sebastian Gonzalez . It was more reasonable that man should have been expected , as who knew the Country , and their manner of Fight , besides the Forces he was to bring ; but God had decreed the Ruin of that vile Wretch , and of that unjust Succour . On the 15th of October , they discovered coming down the River a Fleet so numerous , they could not see the end of it . The foremost was a Dutch Pink , and many Hollanders commanded other Vessels . All that could be discoverd appeared full of Men , and well equipped , an ill sight for 15 little Ships that expected them ; neither were they now 15 , for one was gone to Sundiva ; the Pink was in pursuit of a Ship that fled , and another was gone to fetch the Pink. 5. The Dutch Pink fired the first Gun , and then the Fight began furiously , our Galliots advancing without any dread of that vast Fleet. Four Galliots got before the others , and in an instant their Captains and many Soldiers were killed , yet the rest were no way dismayed , and the other eight came up , darkening the day with Smoak , notwithstanding the repeated flashes of Fire . Many of the Enemy were drowned , oversetting their Vessels through haste to fly from us . The Fight lasted from morning till evening , when the Enemy drew off , thinking some Relief was coming to us , having discovered the Galliot that went to seek the Pink , which they could not find . We lost 25 Men of Note , besides others . 6. Next morning the Pink came up , aboard him the wounded Men were carried , and such as he had fit for Service taken out . D. Francis resolved to lie at the mouth of the River till Sebastian Gonzalez came to joyn him , and then again attack the Enemy . At length Gonzalez came with 50 Sail well manned and equipped , and hearing what was done , railed against the Viceroy for giving such Orders , and against D. Francis for obeying them . About the middle of November they sailed up the River , discovered the Enemies vast Fleet riding in a safe Place , and resolved to attack it . D. Francis took half Gonzalez his Ships , and gave him half those he brought , so they made two equal Squadrons . They divided themselves and fell on on both sides , firing upon those Vessels they could reach , but none of them advanced . The King from the Shore encouraged his Men , causing the Heads of some that fled to be set upon Spears for a Terror to the rest . 7. Scarce had our Men time to breath , when a great part of that vast Fleet came down upon them divided into 3 Squadrons . This was at Noon , when the heat of the Sun scorched . Sebastian Gonzalez put to flight those that attacked him ; our Pink did as much with the Hollander . D. Francis received and did much harm . The Advantage was visible on our side , till about Sun-setting our Admiral D. Francis was killed by two Musket-Balls , one in the Forehead , the other in the left Eye . A Signal given on Board his Galliot , caused Sebastian Gonzalez to cease ●…ollowing his good Fortune , and the Tide ebbing , the Fleets parted ; but Gaspar de Abren's Galeot being left among the Enemy , all her Men were slain , and the Vessel torn in pieces ; yet Abreu was brought off by Antony Carvallo mortally wounded , and lived some days after . 8. Our Fleet being come back to the mouth of the River , care was taken of the Wounded , and above 200 Dead were buried in the Sea. The Body of D. Francis was embalmed . D. Luis de Azevedo the Vice-Admiral succeeded in the Command . They all sailed over to Sundiva , and D. Luis with his Squadron thence to Goa , notwithstanding Sebastian Gonzales for his own security laboured all he could to keep him there . Not long after the King of Arracam falling upon him in his Island , took it , and reduced him to his former miserable condition ; so his Sovereignty passed like a Shadow , his Pride was humbled , and his Villanies punished . Our Fleet on their return burnt some Ships of the Moors , laden with Provisions , upon the Coast of Paliacate and St. Thomas . But Iohn Gomez Paez fighting with others , had his Galliot blown up , and few Men were saved . CHAP. VIII . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo this same Year 1615 , and that of 1616. 1. THE Viceroy fitted out the Squadron for the North , which consisted of 12 Ships , and as many small Vessels , in which were at least 20 Gentlemen of Quality , whom the Portugueses call Fidalgos , that served as Voluntiers . The Admiral was Ruy Freyre de Andrade . 2. This Fleet set out about the end of October . Ruy Freyre by the way visited the Northern Forts . At Balcar , beyond Surat , he sent out the Fleet for Cambaya under the Convoy of two Ships , giving Advice to the Commander to send away that which was there . As soon as Ruy Freyre came to Suratte , Nababo , who commanded there for the Mogol , sent him two Vessels loaded ( as he said ) with fresh Provisions , but they were costly Curiosities and Silks . Ruy Freyre to receive this Message , called all the Captains aboard his Galliot , and before them viewed and commended the Present . That done , he took only one Piece , assuring the Messenger , All must be returned , but that he should be as ready to serve his Master , as if he had received the whole Present . Nababo much admired this Proceeding , understanding it was Freyre's custom rather to Give than Receive . 3. The Piece Freyre kept was Cambolim , worth about 20 Pardao's . The value of a Pardao is 12 Royals and a half . Cambolim is a piece of Stuff the Women wear on their Shoulders like a Veil . The Captain 's extolling this Action , he said , The Cambolim was due to some Lady ; that they should agree whose Mistress was handsomest , and it should be given to her . The Price without any dispute was allowed to ●…ippolito Furtado his Mistress . 4. Whilst the Merchant Fleet stayed at Cambaya , Freyre went to visit the Fort of Diu , and landed by the way at Goga , once a proud City of the Moors , but humbled by our Arms the last Year . At the end of December , the Fleet sailed from Cambaya , and was the greatest that had been seen in many Years , Freyre with his Squadron convoyed it : Near Damam there arose such a Storm , that it was a wonder they did not all perish . Two Ships were lost , with all the Men ; of another , only one Man was saved ; of a fourth , all the Men. What caused most admiration was , that 10 small Boats escaped , which in a calm Sea carried but a span above Water . At length they got into Bacaim ; 8 Merchant Ships being drove to Chaul , met there 4 Parao's of Pirats , who took two of them . Freyre caused the Beards of the Soldiers of the other six to be cut off for not following his light . At last he came safe to Goa with the Fleet. 5. D. Bernard de Noronna commanded the Fleet on the Coast of Malabar . Zamori had again broke the Peace , and distressed Granganor . Noronna hasted thither , and cut off all Correspondence between Zamori and 3 Holland Ships that came into that Sea ; and in despight of all the Nayres relieved Granganor . Mean while D. Henry de Sousa sent by him with 11 Sail to Calicut , burnt there a great Ship belonging to that Emperor , loaded and ready to sail for Meca . This done , D. Bernard having visited the Forts of Malabar and Canara , returned to Goa . 6. D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra succeeded Emanuel Mascarennas Homem , as General of Ceylon , and made several successful Roads into the Kingdom of Candea , bringing thence many Prisoners , and much Cattel . But let us relate a dangerous Commotion that happened in that Island , the Occasion whereof , though it be not new in the World , is one of those that , though often repeated , is still admired , and was thus : 7. Some Years before this died Nicapeti King of Ceylon , who being converted , and having no Issue , made the King of Portugal his Heir . At this time there lived in Ceylon a poor Fellow called also Nicapeti : He served the Portugueses , and gaining admittance to one of the Queens of Valgameme , heard somewhat of that Prince called Nicapeti . This Fellow being of the same Name , resolved to represent his Person , and perswade the People , that he was their Natural Prince come to Life again . He feigns himself a Iogue , ( that is , the same as an Hermit among us , ) and beginning to appear about Mareguepore , gave out , That taking compassion on the Calamities of his Country , he came to free them from the Portugues Bondage . He found Credit , and Men flocking to him entred the seven Corla's , when the Dis●…ava Philip de Oliverae was absent . At Matiagama he slew two Fathers of the Society , in 6 or 7 days was succoured by the King of Candea with 2000 Men , and declared King by most of the Country . 8. As soon as our General had notice hereof , he sent Emanuel Cesar with some Men to quench this Fire before it grew Masterless . Cesar meeting him with 6000 Men at Gandola , a Village on the River Laoa , they ingaged , and Ferdinand Caldeyra , who led our Van , going on rashly , was killed , with 10 or 12 Soldiers , and Captain Gaspar de Antas : 9. In the heat of the Battle 1000 Chingala's , who served under Luis Gomez Pinto , deserted to the Enemy . At this sight our Men gave themselves for lost , but much more when D. Constantine a Chingala , but Subject of Portugal , and of the Royal Blood , stepping forward , cried aloud , Whither do you fly , my Friends ? If you look for your Natural King , here am I , who by seven several Branches am descended from them . In a moment they all turned to , and proclaimed him King , and he made use of this opportunity to reduce them that had revolted from us . After a long Dispute , the Enemy fled over the River . Next morning our Men passed over , and meeting no Enemy , stayed there for further Intelligence . 10. In the mean while Philip de Oliveyra returned from Candea , having heard of Nicapeti's Attempt , but not of our Victory . There was then a considerable number of Chingala's who served under him ; to incite these to rebel one came , and from the top of a Mountain admonished them to forsake the Portugueses , and follow their Natural Prince . This caused much disorder among the Men , and next day Oliveyra marching on , came to the Field of the late Battle , and finding above 1000 slain , could not discover who had gained that Victory . On a Tree was seen an Inscription , signifying that all Portugueses were slain , no body of them left in Ceylon , and that Columbo was surrendred . This startled the Portugueses , and not a little rejoyced the Lascarines , ( the Chingala's that serve among us are so called , ) who were 800 in number . 11. As Philip de Oliveyra continued his march , 300 Men attacked his Rear , but as soon as he faced them , fled . Nyhe came upon him near the River Laoa , he sent to Emanuel Cesar and they joyned , which made the Revolters fly to the Woods . They two agreed to take all the Women and Children of some Villages , hoping by that means to reduce the Chingala's that were in Arms. Oliveyra took above 400 ; the same night the 800 Lascarines deserted with their Arms , leaving the Portugueses alone , who were not above 200. These marched 5 Leagues to the Pagod called Atanagale , near Maluana , where the General resided , who sent them 500 Men , 200 whereof were Portugueses . He ordered D. Emanuel de Castro to take care of Provisions and Ammunition , having made D. Constantine Dissava of the Corlas , ( this was the Chingala , who , as was abovesaid , brought back those who fled from us , ) in stead of D. Philip de Oliveyra , wrongfully punishing him for the desertion of the 800 Lascarines . CHAP. IX . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo the same Year 1616. 1. NIcapeti , like an absolute King , bestowed Imployments and Lands , having gathered an Army of 24000 Men , with which he marched towards Columbo ; so vain , that half a League from that Town on the Banks of the River Nacolega , he would be proclaimed Emperor of Ceylon . He sent to the King of Candea to send him one of his two Wives , who answered , It should be done when the Portugueses were subdued . Nicapeti , in a Rage at this Answer , threatned to use that King like the Portugueses . Those 2000 Men , sent by him to Nicapeti's assistance , hearing these Threats , deserted him , and returned home . This set those two Enemies of ours at variance , and was no small help to our Affairs . 2. The two Commanders , Emanuel Cesar and D. Constantine , being joyned , they marched towards Nicapeti , and found the way he was to come very clean , and strewed with Flowers . A Chingala carried Nicapeti the News of our approach , who caused him to be impaled , saying , There were no Portugueses left in Ceylon . He was soon undeceived , the two Vanguards coming in sight of each other . Nicapeti instantly possesses himself of a Hill , and intrenches with 7000 Men. Our Van attacks and enters his Works , kill 1000 of his Men , and force him , laying aside the Regal Ornaments , to fly to the Woods . We lost only an Ensign . The other part of the Enemies Army seeing this defeated , fled over the River Laoa . Night coming on , our Men rested there , and in the morning found themselves strengthen'd by 500 Chingala's , who had deserted from the Enemy . 3. At this time a Chingala , who had been a Christian , and Follower of the Portugueses by the Name of Antony Barreto , served the King of Candea . Though of base Birth , his Valour advanced him to be General of that King's Forces , with the Title of , Prince and Governour of the Kingdom of Uva . This Man laying hold of the opportunity of Nicapeti's Revolt , came with a considerable Power to seize our Fort of Sofragan . Barreto counterfeiting Friendship , drew our Men , which were but 60 , under two Captains , Faria and Matoso , to a Conference , and treacherously slew most of them . Those that escaped retired to a Church , where want of Ammunition obliged them to surrender , and they were carried to the King of Candea . 4. This misfortune was justly due to those Portugueses for murdering an Embassadour sent by that King to Treat of an Accommodation , that they might joyntly carry on the War against Nicapeti . The King , who might justly have put to death Faria and his Men in Revenge for his Ambassadour , Treated them courteously . He sent two of them to Balane , to advise our Garison there to deliver that Place to him , being distressed by Nicapeti ; they went , and having advised the contrary , returned into Slavery . 5. The King being informed by these Messengers , that those of Balane would not s●…rrender , fell upon them with 10000 Men , and many Elephants . Our Commander Emanuel Falcam held out some days , but seeing 6 Portugueses had deserted , and there was no hope of Relief , was forced to Capitulate . The King treated him and his better than they deserved He was so desirous of Peace , that he presently sent an Ambassadour to Treat thereof with our General D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra , but the Success of that Negotiation belongs to the next Year . 6. An Embassy came to Goa from the King of Siam , acknowledging the Favours received of the Portugueses . The Heads of the Message were , that he had received a Letter from Iames de Mendoça , who stayed not for the Answer , that he offered the King of Portugal the Port of Martavam to build a Fort there ; that he would maintain the Garrison and a small Fleet to Cruize on that Sea against the King of Dua. The Ambassadors were splendidly entertained , and F. Francis of the Annunciation , a Dominican , sent along with them with the same Character . He set out the beginning of May , with a costly Present for the King. The King received the Ambassador with great Satisfaction , who proposed to him how ambitious the Portugueses were of his Friendship , that they should both join their Forces to subdue the King of Ava , that there should be a free Trade between Siam and Malaca ; that he should not admit the Hollanders into his Country . 7. The King answer'd , That the Portugues Merchants might freely resort to his Ports and be exempt from all Duties , and his Subjects should Trade to Malaca ; that the reason they had not done it of late was the ill usage they found there , whereof he gave good Instances ; that he had admitted the English , Dutch and Malayes into his Ports for the great respect they showed him , and the need he had of them ; that he had assisted the Portugueses against the Hollanders ; that he was no way concerned for the harm those of Malaca had done the Queen of Patane , because she was a Madwoman , but she being now dead he had placed one of more Sense there , and desired there might be free Trade with her as well as with Siam ; that the Goods of such Portugueses as died in his Dominions should go to their Heirs ; that he had ordered all Portugueses who committed any Crimes , should be tried at his Court , to prevent any wrong being done them by the prejudice of Magistrates . Thus our Ambassador was answered and dispatched , and the King sent with him two Siam Gentlemen , to go his Ambassadors into Spain . 8. There were great Complaints against the Commander of Moçambique Ruy de Melo & Sampayo , for that he robbed the Natives , and did not pay the Soldiers , having privately strangled some of them , which caused a Mutiny . Francis de Fonseca Pinto was sent from Goa to regulate these Disorders . With him went Salvador Vaz de Gama to succeed Melo , in case he were found Guilty . Melo's Conscience accusing him , he refused to admit the Judge , who resolved to return to Goa , but hearing that Melo had left open a Wicket of the Fort , he rush'd in , and deposing him , gave the Command to Guerra , contrary to what the Viceroy had ordered . He was also to Victual the Fort at Tete , and furnish it with Cloth , that Fort being maintained to continue the discovery of the Mines of Monomatapa , which gave great hopes of Profit . But before we relate what happened at this time , let us refresh the Memory of what was before . 9. In the 10th Chap. of the 3d Part of the 2d Vol. we gave some account of what was acted by some of our Commanders in these Parts . Chunzo a powerful King rebelled against the Emperor of Monomotapa , and was subdued by the assistance of the Portugueses ; so other Rebels . To gratifie these Favours he for ever gave all his Mines to the King of Portugal , making a resignation of them to Iames Simoens Madera , Commander of Tete , who was then in his Service . The substance of the Instrument was , That he gave all his Mines of Gold , Silver , Copper , Tin , Iron , Lead , to the King of Portugal , upon Condition he should support him in his Throne ; That the King should admit of him as his Brother ; That the next Year he would send his Son with an Ambassador to Goa ; That he had put two Sons , and would soon two Daughters , into the Custody of Iames Simoens to be bred Christians . The Emperor ordered Simoens to have an Instrument made hereof ; and he asking how he would Sign it , since in his Empire none could write , the Emperor made three Crosses on the Ground , one under the other , and said , he would sign it that way , which accordingly he did . 10. This done , Simoens with his Men accompanied the Emperor who was marching towards Ancone that was in Rebellion . Gaspar Pereyra Cabral being left behind wounded was carried by Cafres , who run away from him . Simoens understanding it , went back with one Slave , and helped to carry him on his own back . An Act worthy of memory ▪ from a Captain to a Souldier . The Rebel being subdued , Simoens returned to Tete with the Emporor's two Sons . They were baptized by the Names of Philip and Iames. The latter remained there , the other went back to his Father . 11. The Emperor thinking he could now overcome his Enemies without the assistance of Portugueses , marched to the Kingdom of Baroe , and was there defeated ; at Mongas he had a Son killed , and Matuzianne usurped the whole Empire . Iames Simoens restored him , and possessed himself of Chicova . Matuzianne raising new Forces was defeated and killed by the Portugueses . D. Stephen de Ataide raised a Fort at Massapa , and gave that Command to Iames Carvallo , whom he sent to Monomotapa with a present to obtain the Delivery of the Mines . 12. Carvallo went and told the Emperor he had a great Present , but gave him none ; and he seeing the Portugueses entred his Lands for Gold without his consent , caused all they had to be taken from them , and many to be killed . Carvallo had with him some Forces belonging to the Emperor , with whose assistance he curbed the Robbers of Quizinga , and supported himself . He resolved to revenge the spoiling of the Portugueses by a horrid Treachery against those that served him , for joining with the Quizinga's , he one Night fell upon the Cafres , and killing many put the rest to flight , who justly cursed the falseness of the Portugueses . 13. Carvallo fearful of his own Wickedness , abandoned the Fort of Massapa and went to Tete , leaving all the Country in Arms against the Portugueses . All he acted was by order of D. Stephen de Ataide , who , in stead of appeasing the Emperor , threatned him with War. He sent out from Sena , and by his order Carvallo raised another Fort on the Banks of Zambeze , two days Journey from Tete . Iames Simoens Madera was left to Command at Tete , because Ataide returned to Moçambique , hearing the Hollanders were coming thither . D. Stephen perceiving no Dutch appeared in 6 months , returned to Tete . The Emperor sent to offer him Chicova if he would send the ordinary Present , which was a Debt , and no Gift . D. Stephen would not so much as hear the Embassadors , refusing to give a Present of 5000 Crowns , which might have saved much greater Charges , for above 30000 were already lost at Massapa to no purpose . 14. D. Stephen set forward with 150 Men , but being better advised , expected News from Portugal and India . In Iuly he received the King's Orders to go to Goa , and give the Command of Tete to Iames Simoens , and that of Moçambique to D. Iohn de Ataide the Viceroy's Brother . D. Stephen obeyed against his Will , leaving Simoens 140 Soldiers without any thing to maintain them in that dangerous Conquest . However Simoens made the best on 't , and resolved to proceed , beginning with Chombe a powerful Cafre , demanding of him what he owed as our Tributary , and the Restitution of the Portugueses he had . Some infamous Portugueses advised Chombe to take no notice of Simoens , because he could do him no harm . This caused that King first to slight , and then to molest him in the Vessels wherein he sailed for Tete . Simoens landing drove the Cafres so , that they troubled him no more . CHAP. X. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1616. 1. JAmes Simoens Madera raising 6000 Cafres , marched with them and his Portugueses against Chombe at the beginning of September . One night they heard a Voice that said , Chombe rejoyces at your coming , and desires you will make haste , for he is hungry , and expects to feast upon your Bodies . Simoens marched on , and fortified himself close under the Enemies Works , which were half a League in length , and in breadth proportionable , furnished with 8000 Men. Simoens attacks them twice , but to no effect . Next night a Cafre fled to the Enemy , and from them a Christian Black Woman to us with Advice , That Chombe would fall upon our Men before day . Simoens expected them with silence , and killing 1000 , put the rest to flight . 2. The Enemy proposes a Peace , but nothing is concluded . Simoens attempts their Works , but without success ; he sends to the Commander of Senna for Succour , who sends him 40 Portugueses , and 3000 Cafres . The Works were again assaulted in vain ; soon after some Deserters informed , the Intrenchment was weakest on the side of a Lake . Here the Assault was renewed , the Works entred , Chombe put to flight , and the Place given to Quitamho a Cafre , who faithfully served us , on condition to pay what Chombe had denied . 3. Iames Simoens was now bent upon the Conquest of the Silver Mines in Chicova . The Emperor sent to acquaint him , He again resigned those Mines to him , upon condition he should not go thither with an Armed Power . Simoens desired , he would send one to put him in Possession thereof , and to receive Cloth to the value of 4000 Ducats he had to present him . The Emperor was satisfied , and Simoens , with Applause of all the Cafres , took possession of Chicova on the 8th of May , 1614. being put into it by Onanxangue a great Man , Nephew to the Emperor . The first thing he did was to raise a Fort there ; the next , to joyn Friendship with a powerful Cafre called Sapoe , and his Country Borore . 4. The Lord of Chicova , now subject to the Portugueses by virtue of the Emperor's Resignation , withdrew himself from them ; so that Complaint was made thereof to the Emperor , who gave leave to Depose him , and put another in his Place , sending a Cafre called Cherema to shew the Mines . This Man twice deceived Simoens , causing him to dig in Places where he had hid some Ore , for which reason he was confined ; and then shewed another place , of which some hope was conceived , he excusing himself what was done had been by the Emperor's Order . Nevertheless Simoens sent him a Present ; he detained the Messengers , and sent word , He would have Needles , Pins , Knives , Looking-Glasses , Candles , Soap , Zafran , Pepper , and some rich Silks . He repented the giving of Chicova , and sought occasion of Disagreement , thinking that Simoens could not send what he damanded . But he sending all things , the Emperor seemed satisfied . 5. That D. Philip the Emperor's Son , whom Iames Simoens caused to be Baptized , attempted several times to make his escape to the Portugueses , and was taken ; at length he got to the Fort of Chicova , and was joyfully received . Hearing there that Chirema was fled to avoid discovering the Mines , he sent for him , pretending to be sent Embassador by his Father , and having rebuked and secured him , went himself to Tete . The Emperor hearing hereof , proffered great Rewards to any would kill his Son. At the same time it fell out , that a Soldier gathering some Fruit , the Son of the Owner , who was a powerful Man , forbid him ; the Soldier complains to his Captain Iames Teyxera Barroso , who without farther examination shot the young Man. The Father , in Revenge of his Son's Death , did the Portugueses much harm ; and the Emperor declared War , because they entertained his Son against his will. 6. In March , 1615. 10000 Cafres assault the Fort , but were forced thence with great loss , Iames Simoens coming in time with Succour . The Country being clear , Simoens sent some Men with Cherema to discover the Mines ; after some days digging they discovered Ore , whereof one half was pure Metal , and some scarce wanted casting . It appeared to be no cheat , some being grown into the Roots of a Tree . 7. Our Commander being assured there were rich Silver Mines , resolved to send three great clods of Ore for a Proof to Spain . The Messengers and Ore were received with great joy at Madrid . Gaspar Bocarro was so ambitious of carrying this News , that after the others were gone , he gave 2000 Ducats to purchase the Employ , and offered to go by Land at his own Expence ; but he ended his days at Moçambique . 8. The excessive Heat caused a Sickness in the Fort of Chicova , whereof the Soldiers died in 3 or 4 days . Next followed a Famine , which gave occasion to the Cafres , who served the Fort and dug in the Mines , to run away , so that there was no Silver to buy Cloth , and consequently no Cloth to purchase Provisions with at Sape , it being the only Coin that passed there . Iames Simoens had acquainted the Viceroy , That Conquest could not be maintained without Relief . The chief Sustenance of that Garison for some days was a small Fruit , so harsh they could not swallow it , unless rowled in Ashes . 9. The Supplies were sent by the Viceroy to Moçambique , but never reached Chicova , which thereupon was abandoned . The hatred the Lawyer Francis de Fonseca Pinto , to whom the Viceroy had given the whole Charge of the Affair , bore to Iames Simoens , was the cause he was not Relieved , and that important Place lost . 10. This is that Francis de Fonseca Pinto , who ( as was said before ) took the Command of Moçambique from Ruy de Melo & Sampayo , and had all Necessaries for Chicova , as well of Provisions as Tools to work in the Mines . But his hatred to Simoens diverted him from sending those Succors ; besides , he sold all that was to relieve that Place , and converted it to his own use , and seized upon Ruy de Melo's Effects . Iames Simoens pressed him by Letters for Relief , in his last protesting with all his Men , If the Place were lost , the fault would lie upon him . 11. All the Answer that insolent Fellow returned , was putting Simoens his Nephew , sent to conduct him , in Irons . Then he entred his Lands , and destroyed all that was there , selling his Slaves ; he forbid the Inhabitants on pain of Death corresponding with , or relieving those of Chicova , and sent word to the Emperor , that he might freely kill Simoens , for entring his Dominions without Orders from the Viceroy . Not satisfied to procure his Ruin by those means , he marched towards Chicova with intention to murder him . Simoens understanding it withdrew thence , and Pinto hearing of it , though so near , would not relieve the Fort , not examine the Mines as he had in Orders , but returned hastily to Tete , fearing Iames Simoens should meet him . But going back to the Fort , caused the Notary to draw an Instrument , containing the Causes why that Fort was abandoned , to which they all signed . This done , they marched with their Women and Children towards Tete . 12. Weakness caused them to march very slow , and two Soldiers fell dead for want . At Marenga , Simoens received a Summons from Pinto , to appear before him at Tete in 9 Days to answer for himself . But knowing now he had quitted the Fort , sent 2000 Cafres commanded by a Portugues to murder him ; they , tho' the opportunity was presented , would not do it . Simoens stayed in the Country of Inambanzo which was his own , and all the Company went to Tete . There Pinto inquired of them , whether there were any Mines at Chicova , they all unanimousl●… answered there were . But he in hatred to Simoens desiring to conceal them , with Threats and Rewards prevailed with each of them single to swear there were none . Then he gave Sentence against Simoens for abandoning the Fort , not considering if there were no Mines there ( as he endeavoured to made out ) it was no Crime , and that if any fault were it was his own , since the other held it longer than could be required . 13. This done Pinto Promises the Emperor a considerable Present , if he would fall upon Simoens at Inambanzo . The Emperor not only expelled Simoens those Lands , but so distressed Tete , that they were forced to make up the Present promised by Pinto , to buy his absence , the Emperor positively requiring it at their hands . Iames Simoens afterwards returned to Tete , being utterly ruined by his good Service , and Pinto who had ruined all was enriched by his Villanies and Rapine . This is what happened about the Mines of Monomotapa . I will only add that the first Commander there , Francis Barreto , was undone by a Divine , and now Iames Simoens the last by a Lawyer ; and the King , by employing such Gownmen in things they understand not , lost the great Advantages might be expected from those Mines . CHAP. XI . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo the same Year 1616. 1. THE Inhabitants of the City Meliapor , commonly called St. Thomas , were all divided , killing one another without any regard of Human or Divine Laws , or any Shame , that even the Moors and Gentiles abominated their Wickedness . The occasion was what they call Points of Honour . To appease these Disorders , the Viceroy sent Ruy Diaz de Sampayo with 7 Sail , and 250 Soldiers . 2. Ruy Diaz performed all that was given in Charge to him , and having reconciled the Citizens of S. Thomas , sent 6 of his Ships to scour the Coast of Carriero under the Command of Peter Gomez de Sousa , a Man more couragious than discreet . At Montepoli he made cruel havock , surprizing the Inhabitants . As he returned with great Booty , and many Women and Children , an ancient Moor appeared upon the Shore , who coming to our Men told them , he was much wronged by Cotamuza King of Goloconda , and therefore would not only turn Christian , but show them a Fort ( meaning that of Carriero ) they might easily surprize . This was all a Fiction devised by a Moor , who seeing what was done by our Men , had gathered 600 Moors , and lay in Ambush to see whether Peter Gomez would suffer himself to be deceived by this Messenger . 3. Peter Gomez , though warned that all this was Treachery , gave Credit to the Moor , followed him a League , and there fell into the Ambush , where he and all his Captains , save one that was left at St. Thomas , with 130 Portugueses were all slain , 25 taken , and only 30 escaped by flight : 186 Indians were killed in the Action . 4. Ioseph Pereyra de Sampayo , who was left Prisoner by Peter Gomez , carried the remainder of the Men and Ships to S. Thomas . The Moors sent the Portugueses they had taken to the King of Goloconda , who complained to F. Bartholomew Dias , sent to him by the Bishop of Meliapor , that the Portugues should enter his Country in hostil manner , at the same time they treated amicably with him . The King admitted the weak excuse , that it was not done by order of the Government , and delivered the Prisoners upon condition those of Montepoli should be restored . 5. D Emanuel de Meneses sailed from Lisbon with 3 Ships for India , one of them springing a Leake was forced to put into the Port again ; another arrived safe at Goa , after being parted from D Emanuel by a Storm on the Coast of Guinea . D. Emanuel near the Island of Madagascar met 4 English Ships , the Commander of them sent to order our Captain aboard , who refused , but sent an Understanding Man to view their Strength , and he returning said publickly , that the Enemy's Admiral alone was too strong for our Ship. D. Emanuel taking him aside , blamed his Indiscretion for disheartning the Men ; then he sent word to the English , that since their Kings were at Peace , there was no reason the Subjects should break it ; that they should bear off , and not come a head of him . Nevertheless the least of the 4 did , he fired at her , and then all the 4 at him . 6. Night came on , our Ship held her Course , and in the Morning found her self among some Islands near the Head of that called Mannoto . The Enemy coming on , and the Wind calming , we were forced to engage , our Vessel was soon unmasted , and made the best it could for the Island Angagiza . The English sent to tell D. Emanuel he was running to his Ruine ; that if he would surrender himself , all the Men should be landed at Suratte , whence they might travel by Land to Goa ; he answered , if any more such Message were sent him , he would hang him that carried it . The Ship driving towards the Shore with the Tide , stuck between two Rocks , which proved the saving of all the Men , who got ashore leaping a narrow Gut , into which many fell for haste . 7. As soon as landed , the Cafres received them with showers of Stones . They were appeased with some Gifts , and the help of some Musket Balls let fly among them by Ioseph Alvarez Torres , who ( though it was plain their Safety consisted in their Arms ) advised they should be cast into the Sea , because the Cafres would not furnish them with Provisions as long as they were armed . D. Emanuel consented , and scarce were they seen next day unarmed , when the Cafres stripped them even of their Shirts . Some travelled up the Country , and others along the Shore ; the latter in two Days found no Water to drink , were consumed with the heat of the Sun , and some died for want . 8. The 3d Day they met other Cafres , who seeing nothing to take from them , gave them Milk and Water with Signs of Compassion . Sebastian Prestes , the Pilot of the Ship , attempted to save himself with a few Men in the Boat , and coasting along the Island , met Chande a Noble Moor of Pate , who was sailing for the Island Madagascar with two Pangayos . He told the Pilot that King was his Friend , and for his sake would use them all well . The Pilot sent to acquaint D. Emanuel , and it appeared those Cafres with whom he was , were that King's Subjects . They all came to the Port , and the Moor gave each of them a Cloath to cover his Nakedness . Here it appeared how little the Cafres esteem what we most value , they gave many Pieces of Eight for a Rag scarce worth a Farthing , and fetching Bags full of Money out of the Ship , scattered it about the Rocks , and putting their Heads into the Bags were very well pleased . 9. It may well be doubted whether a Portugues would have done with 600 Moors , as this Moor did with 600 Portugueses in that miserable Condition . He maintained them , gave them Cloaths , which sold to the Cafres had been worth much Money ; justly restored them Jewels of great value wherewith they entrusted him , and gave them his two Pangayos to go over to Mombaça . They arrived thither on the 4th of September , and were maintained and clothed by the Charity of that little Town . On the 10th of that Month they Embarqued , and arrived safe at Goa . The Viceroy sent Presents to D. Emanuel de Meneses , and comforted him for his Loss . D. Hierome Manuel , who commanded the homeward bound Ships about the Islands of Flores fought with 4 Pirats , and put into the Island Tercera , whence he came to Portugal with the Ship that was put back the Year before . 10. The Trade of the Port of Soar in Arabia much lessened the Customs of Ormuz and Mascate . To remedy this the Viceroy sent D. Francis Rolim with a Galley and five other Vessels , who joined D. Vasco de Gama Admiral of that Sea with five Sail more at Mascate . Amer , Head of a Hord of Arabs , to revenge himself upon Mahomet King of Soar , took part with us , and marched by Land with 1200 Men. Our Men landed , and possessed themselves of some Mosques to secure themselves till the Cannon was set ashore . 11. A Fort on a Hill was first attacked , but so well defended it could not be entred that Day , tho' Mahomet who commanded it was killed with a Musket-Ball . We lost a Captain and 6 Men. In the Morning the Trenches were entred , then a Mosque , and lastly a Town , where many Women and Children were made Prisoners , and much Booty found . In this Action we lost 6 Men more . The Fort not able to hold out for want of Men surrendred ; and the King's Brother being taken , was put to Death Our Men violated the Articles they had made , killing and plundering many of them that marched out . And having agreed with Amer , that there should ●…e no Prisoners made , yet they took several Girls on pretence of Breeding them Christians , as if that were an excuse for Breach for Faith. Iohn de Sousa was left to Command that Fort , and Antony Pimenta joined with him , as skilled in the Affairs of that Country . 12. At Cananor happened an accident sad enough , and yet ridiculous . The Nayres show no Mercy to a Thief , tho' the thing stolen be of no value . They impale the Criminal , and leave him to be eaten by the Birds . An Indian that was turned Christian stole a Knife , the Nayres apprehended him , and sent to acquaint the Judge of the Portugueses at Cananor . He returned answer , they should kill him . They instantly cut off his Head , thinking it was a piece of Civility , being he was a Christian , to kill him our way . Our Commander , Nicholas Soveral , sent some Soldiers to fetch the Body , and revenge his Death on the Nayres , as if they had not obtained leave for what they did . The Soldiers killed a Nayre , which provoked them in great numbers to besiege the Fort with great Threats , if Satisfaction was not given them . Our Cammanders made show of hanging one of Soveral's Servants to appease the Nayres ; and being cut down put him into a Coffin , as if he were really dead . The Nayres were satisfied , and our Men as well pleased that this Fiction had passed upon them , as if the Condescention had not been equal , whether the Act was faigned or real . 13. The King of Ova , or Avaa ( for both Names are given him ) fearing the Kings of Siam and Arracam , his Enemies should come to an accommodation with the Portugueses , sent Ambassadors to settle a Peace with us , excusing the killing of Philip de Brito Nicote , offering to restore the Prisoners he had taken , and to assist us against the King of Arracam , of whose great Treasure he desired nothing for himself , but the white Elephant . The Viceroy accepted of the Ambassadors Proposals , and sent back with them Martin de Costa Falcam to ratifie the Agreement . He spent many Days in solliciting an hour's Audience , at length it was appointed at Midnight , and he was led in the dark to a Place where they ordered him to speak , for the King heared ; he spoke and saw no King , nor heard no answer . He signified the desire he had of seeing the King , and was ordered to wait his going abroad . He went out one Day upon an Elephant , and knowing Falcam waited in the Street to see him , never so much as turned his Eyes that way . Such was the account he made of our Embassy , so the Ambassador returned to Goa without concluding any thing . 14. Let us conclude this Year with an account of a Monster . In September was born at Chaul this Monster , whose Head and Face were as round as a Ball , the Mouth of excessive bigness , the Nose quite flat , the Eyes very little , the Ears vastly big like those of an Elephant , the Neck extream thick , in other respects like a Pig. It died the hour it was born . CHAP. XII . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , in the Year 1617. 1. THE Affairs of Ceylon were in a dangerous Condition , for we had three powerful Enemies , but few Men to oppose them , and lost the Forts of Sofragam and Balane . Our Enemies were the King , the Chingala Antony de Barreto and Nicapeti , who though overcome still was strong . Our General , D. Nunno Alvares Pereyra , divided his Men , who with much hazard put all to the Fire and Sword , sparing neither Sex nor Age ; for neither Mercy obliged the Chingala's , nor did Cruelty terrifie them . The Particulars are not worth relating , let us see what happened with Nicapeti . 2. Our Forces marched after Nicapeti from Pelandu to Catugambala , Devamede and Cornagal , taking some Forts by the way , killing many , and carrying away 600 Prisoners . The Tyrant retired to Talampeti his usual Refuge , our Men advanced to Polpeti in sight of the Enemies Camp , and forcing their Works passed to Balapane of Religiam , whence they sent away the Prisoners and wounded Men. It was debated in Counsel what was best to be done , and the worst advice prevailed , so D. Constantine marched with a Party towards Alicur after Barreto , and heard he was fortified with 6000 Men at Iatipara , having secured all the Women of the Araches and Lascarines , and that Nicapeti was at Moratena . Our Men being divided did little , and had performed much more , if the best advice , which was to keep together , had been followed . The Chingala's when the Portugueses prevailed offer'd submission , but upon any ill success of ours recanted . At last our Forces quite harassed , went into Quarters at Botale . 3. At this time Laurence Perez de Carvallo sailed from Goa for Ceylon with Men and Ammunition in a Pink , all at his own proper Charge . A Counsel being held before our General D. Nunno Alvarez at Columbo , the result was , That he marched in Person with a considerable force to drive Barreto from Sofragam and Mature ; Luis Gomez Pinto was left with his Regiment to secure Alicur , and oppose Nicapeti , and Emanuel Cesar stayed at Botale with 100 Men. It was about the End of March , when those who were for Sofragam set out , carrying Laurence Lopez Carvallo with them . Our Parties were successful on all sides , driving the Enemy from their Works , and slaughtering them in the Woods . 4. In May our Army advanced towards Nicapeti , who was well fortified at Moratena , yet fled towards Candea with such speed , that our Army could not keep with him . Luis Gomez Pinto with his Men and two Companies more was detatched to pursue him , who was so intent upon overtaking Nicapeti , that he passed by several rich Booties that offered by the way . At length he overtook him in the Deserts of Anorojapure , and unexpectly fell in with him . Nicapeti having killed one of our Lascarines with an Arrow , fled to the Woods , his Men made a small stand till 60 were slain , and then took the same shelter of the Woods . Nicapeti's Wives called Queens , and a Grandson of Raju , and Nephew of Madune , who used to be at Uva with Barreto , were taken . The Fame of this Victory brought the Inhabitants of the Corlas loaded with Rice to submit themselves to our General at Malvana , which had been much distressed , but for this unexpected Victory that happened about Iuly . 5. The News hereof also moved Anaras Pandar , King of Pandar , to send his Ambassadors with 32 Portugueses he had Prisoners to treat of Peace . Our General sent his Letters to Goa , and the Viceroy read them in Council . The Contents were , That a perpetual Peace should be settled ; That he would become Tributary to Portugal with the yearly acknowledgment of 4 Elephants , and a quantity of Cinnamon ; That he would repair and restore the Fort of Balane ; That he would consent to the raising another in Candea ; That his Kingdom should be confirmed upon him , and his three Sons . All the Conditions were admitted , only in what related to setling the Kingdom on him and his Heirs , care should be had that nothing of the Claim the Portugueses have to it were diminished . Yet afterwards finding us less formidable , he recanted of part of the Conditions , and the Peace was concluded only with the yearly Tribute of two Elephants . 6. The King of Portugal had a Title to the Kingdom of Iafanapatan , that King dying and leaving his Son a Child under the Tuition of his Brother Chingali , a fair opportunity was offered of seizing that Crown , but other Affairs diverting our Forces , the Viceroy ordered Chingalij should continue his Possession with the Title of Governor . 7. The Cities of Baçaim and Chaul , and Lands of Trapor and Tana , were consumed by Discord among the Portugueses , and some of them were daily killed . Bacaim chiefly was full of Broils , occasioned by Ferdinand de Miranda and Andrew de Abreu . To suppress these Disorders , the Council sent thither Dominick Cardoso de Melo Judge of the Criminal Court , and with him D. Peter de Azevedo Commander of the North. We shall hereafter see God's Judgments on that City and the other Places , to convince those Men they could not escape his Justice , tho' they did that of Men. 8. Ruy de Melo , who was deprived of his Command of Moçambique by the Judge Fr. de Fonseca Pinto , went to Goa , and being tryed was cleared of all the Crimes laid to his Charge , and ordered to be restored to his Post ; Iames de Cunna & Castellobranco Judge of the Criminal Court , was sent to restore him . The Viceroy charged Melo to forget past Grudges , to take care of the Peace and Preservation of that Place , and not to offend Guerra or Pinto ; and the more to secure the latter , continued his former Commission during his stay in those Parts . The same Charge he gave to the Judge Cunna . 9. Melo and Cunna sailed from Goa in two Vessels , and Cunna arrived first at Moçambique in May. As soon as he came he promised to reconcile him to Melo , and in return desired him to secure Pinto , contrary to the Viceroy's Orders , which made their Power equal . Pinto coming with above 100000 Crowns he had gathered by Extortion , was put into Irons . Being a Prisoner in the Fort he made use of his Rhetorick , telling Guerra how much he was beholden to him , and offering , if he would release him and secure Cunna , to give him sufficient Certificates to save his Reputation , and clear him of all Crimes at Goa . This he said , because Guerra's guilt was no less than his own . 10. Guerra overcome with these Promises , releases Pinto , and sending for Cunna on pretence of Business detains him Prisoner . He seeing himself in the Power of his two greatest Enemies , whose design was to stay him at Moçambique , giving 18000 Ducats security , got loose and escaped to Mombaça , where Ruy de Melo was detained . They two with Simon de Melo Pereyra , Commander of that Fort , and Emanuel Freyre de Andrade gave Sentence of Death against Guerra , as a Rebel . Melo and Cunna Embarque for Moçambique ; mean while Pinto to secure his Gold was sailing for Goa . Guerra was advised not to stay the coming of his Enemies , yet he did , and receiving Melo at the Gate deliver'd him the Keys . Melo , or his Son ( for in this particular Relations vary ) embracing Guerra stabbed him , then spurning and reviling , caused him to be apprehended . A few Days after he was condemned to be hanged , and tho' he offered to fit out a compleat Galleon for the King's Service to purchase Life , was executed . 11. The Chineses provoked by the Insolencies of the Portugueses at Macao , were drawing together Forces to expel them . The Mandarines of the Province of Quantung , sent to them first to reproach them of their Crimes , ordering that either they should for the future resolve to live honestly , or immediately withdraw from thence with their Wives and Children . The Portugu●…ses pleaded innocence , excused their Faults , and promised for the time to come to observe their Laws . 12. D. Garcia de Silva ( of whom mention was made before ) was still at Goa , in order to go Ambassador to Persia. The Reason of his stay was because that King continued to commit Hostilities , having taken from us Bandel of Comoram in Arabia . Yet now he resolved to send an Ambassador to Spain , and chose for this Employ Robert Sherley an Englishman . 13. The Persian sending an Ambassador to Spain , it was thought the Spaniard might safely go to him . D. Garcia began to make ready , but his long stay at Goa having been chargeable , he demanded 30000 Ducats of the Viceroy , who was forced to give him the best part of that Sum ; but this being in the dead of Winter , his Voyage was put off till Spring , and I cannot find any farther account what became of him or his Embassy . 14. The Viceroy , to gratifie the King of Macassa for his kind Entertainment of Gonçalo Rodrigues de Sousa , answered his Letter , and sent him a Present by Augustin Labato , who sailed from Goa on the 3d of October with 2 Galliots . On the way he took two Vessels of Achem , and being well received and dispatched by the King of Macassa , he sailed then loaden with Provisions for Ternate . He fought two Dutch Vessels , landed the Provisions , returned again and brought more from Macassa , then going to Manila winter'd there . 15. The Portugueses sailing from Malaca to Manila , found there was a Days difference between those two Places ; that is , they who go from Malaca think they arrive at Manila on a Sunday , and it is Monday ; and the contrary from Manila to Malaca . The reason is , that those who sail to the Eastward at every 15 Degrees have the Sun rising an hour sooner , and they who to the Westward an hour later . From Portugal to India 7 hours are gained , the rest from Goa to Manila , which added to those lost between Manila and Spain , make up the difference of a whole Day . 16. Our Viceroy earnestly desired to hear of the many Portugueses were said to be cast away on the Island of Madagascar since the Discovery of India , as also to plant the Christian Faith there , and settle a friendly Correspondence with the Kings thereof , to the Exclusion of the Hollanders out of those Ports . To this effect he sent thither several Vessels during his Government . I have thought fit not to divide the Relation of those Expeditions , and therefore place them together in the following Chapters . CHAP. XIII . Particular Discoveries made in the Island of Madagascar , or St. Lawrence , by order of the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo . 1. THE Viceroy , in pursuance of the King's Orders for discovery of the Affairs of the Island Madagascar , or St. Lawrence , fitted out a Caravel for that Expedition under the Command of Paul Rodriguez de Costa , with Soldiers , two Jesuits , and Interpreters . 2. They set sail from Goa at the end of Ianuary , and reached that Island about the middle of April . The circumference of it is about 600 leagues , the length 260 , and lies North-North-East , and South-South-West ; the breadth , where most , is not above 80 leagues on the South part , and less Northward , for there it ends in a Point which bears the Name of St. Ignatius , and is about ●…5 leagues in length from East to West . It is therefore divided into 3 parts ; the first made by an imaginary Line drawn from East to West at Cape St. Andrew , forms the North part : The other two are divided by a ridge o●… Mountains running from the said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the middle of the Island to Cape 〈◊〉 ●…omanus . 3. I will not name the Kingdoms it contains , because they are too many , and confused . It is very Populous , the Inhabitants living in Cities and Town of different extent and grandeur , well watered , and diversified with Mountains , Valleys , Bays , and Ports . The Names of Madagascar and St. Lawrence are given it by Strangers , the Natives having no general Name thereof . There is no certainty of the first Planting of it . The generality of the Natives , called Buques , have no Religion , and consequently no Priests , or Churches . Any body circumcises the Children between 5 and 7 Years of Age. 4. They are not all of a Colour , some quite Black , with curled Hair ; some not so dark , with lank Hair ; some like Mulato's ; and some up the Inlands whiter , yet of both sorts of Hair. Of Stature large , well made and strong , of a clear judgment , and apt to learn. Every Man has as many Wives as he can or will , and turns them off at pleasure , and they find other Husbands . The Husband gives the Portion , saying , It is a Recompence for their Fathers by whom they were bred for them . Their Funeral Obsequies consist in Feasting the Guests . The Mourning , in laying aside all marks of Joy , cutting the Hair , or covering the Face and Body with Clay . 5. Their Government is Monarchical , the Kings are called Andias , Anrias , and Dias , without any dependance on another . They are continually in War , the end whereof is rather Plunder than Slaughter . No Arms were found among them , but some Guns given by the Moors and Hollanders , which they do not use , and are fearful of them in their own hands . Their Merchandize is excellent Amber , white Sandal , Tortoises , Ebony , other sweet Woods , and abundance of Slaves . There is plenty of all sorts of Cattle . Their Goat is as sweet as our Mutton , They have abundance of Sea-Cows , Sea-Horses , Monkeys , some say Tigers , and Snakes not very very venomous . No Elephants , Horses , Asses , Lions , Bears , Deer , Foxes , nor Hares . 6. This is the Island of Madagascar , where our Discoverers now were in a large Bay near Masialage , in which is an Island half a league round , which contains a City of 8000 Inhabitants , most of them Weavers of excellent Stuffs made of the Palm-Tree , in the Latitude of 16 degrees . Here the Moors used to buy Boys , whom they carried to Arabia to serve their Lust. The King of this Place was called Samamo , with whom Friendship was established , and he granted Leave to Preach the Gospel . They coasted almost 40 leagues Westward , discovering the mouth of the great River Balue in the Latitude of somewhat more than 16 degrees . Turning Cape St. Andrew , they saw the River and Kingdom of Casame in 17 degrees of Latitude , where they found little Water , and had much Trouble . Here also Amity was established with the King , called Sampilla , a discreet old Man , but in all this way heard no News of the Portugueses sought after . About the middle of May ; on Whi●…sunday , Mass was said on Shore , and two Crosses set up , which that King seemed to be pleased at , promising to restore them if at any time they fell . 7. In the Holy-days they discovered a small Island in 18 degrees of Latitude , which they call Espiritu Santo ; half a degree farther Banks of Sand 9 leagues in length , where they were in some danger . On Trinity-Sunday they landed further on , were again in danger of Sands , anchored at the 7 Islands of Cuerpo de Dios in 19 degrees of Latitude , near the River and Kingdom Sadia , to which they came on the 19th of Iune , and found scarce Water enough for Caravels . The Kingdom is large , the City on the Banks of the River has about 10000 Inhabitants , great plenty of Flesh , Indian Wheat , Tar , Tortoises , Sandal , Ebony , and sweet Woods , the People black , simple , but good natured , and have no Trade . The King's Name was Capitape , an ancient Man , much respected , and very sincere . He established Peace , and gave his Son to guide our Men , and assist them along that Coast. All along this Coast from Massalaje to Sadia , which are 130 leagues , is used the Language of the Cafres . All the rest of the Island uses the Language called Buqua , which is the Native . 8. Turning towards the South they discovered the Country of the Buques , a very wicked and poor People , feeding upon the Spawn of Fish. The Inland Kings , who are more powerful , oppress them . They passed by the River Mane ; that of Saume in 20 degrees 15 minutes of South Latitude ; Manoputa in 20 degrees 30 minutes , ( here they heard of Portugueses ; ) Isango in 21 degrees ; Terrir 21 degrees 30 minutes ; the 7 Islands of St. Elizabeth in 22 degrees . On the 11th of Iuly they came into the Port of St. Felix in 22 degrees , and heard somewhat of Portugueses from Dissamuto the King. 9. Our Men offering a Silver Chain here for some Provisions , the Natives gave it to an old Woman to try whether it was right , she said , That 3 days Journey down a River there was an Island inhabited long since by a white Warlike People , habited like our Men , that wore Crosses about their Necks , and lived upon Rapine , that they easily took what they would , being Armed with Spears and Guns . Our Men were pleased at this Information , and here whilst they were at Mass , the Prince of Loquexa with a Black ran away . Three Portugueses catched him , and he begged they would kill him ; being brought back and better treated , he wholly submitted to their will. 10. Passing by the Bay of St. Bonaventure , and the mouth of the River Massimanga , they entred the Port Santa Clara , whither Diamassuto came to them , concluded a Peace , and on his knees worshipped the Crucifix . They were told , that white People resorted to the Neighbouring Port , which were supposed to be Hollanders . Going on they found Banks of Sand not set down in the Charts , and entred the Port in 24 degrees of Latitude . The People were affable , their King's Name Diacomena ; they said , That on the opposite Coast there were Portugueses who had been cast away , and fed Cattle ; that the Hollanders had been there three times , and left them four Musketiers , with whose help they made War on their Enemies . Friendship was established here , upon condition they should not again admit the Hollanders . Some Inscriptions were found carved on Trees , one of them had these words , Christophorus Neoportus Anglus Cap. And another , Dominus Robertus Schurleius Comes , Legatus Regis Persarum . 11. In the Latitude of 25 degrees , entring a Port they called it of St. Augustin , the Name of the Kingdom is Vavalinta , the King 's Diamacrinali a Buque , who no sooner saw the Portugueses but he said , Are these some of the Men of the other Coast ? This confirmed what had been heard of the Portugueses before ; and the King , being asked , said , They were 6 days sail thence . In September our Men saw Cape St. Mary , where they spent 40 days in stormy weather , and on St. Luke's day entred the Port of the same Name in the Kingdom of Enseroe . The Natives said , That half a day's Journey off there were white People with Crosses , who had a great Town . Randumana the King came to the Caravel , and sent one of his Subjects with a Portugues to shew him where he said those White Men were , but the Black left our Man half way . 12. Among others , there came thither to Trade with our Men a King with above 500 fighting Men , his Sons almost white , their Hair long , wearing Gowns and Breeches of Cotton of several colours , with Silver Buttons , Bracelets , and other Jewels of Gold , Pearl , and Coral . This King's Name was Bruto Chembanga ; his Kingdom , called Matacassi , borders upon Enseroe on the West . He shewed Arabick Books . He said , The Portugueses were all dead , who not far from thence had built a Town of Stone , and worshipped a Cross , on the foot whereof were unknown Characters . He drew all on the Sand , repeated Portugues Sirnames , and demanded much Gold for telling his knowledge herein . Some of his Men wore Crosses , and informed our People , there were two Holland Ships in Port St. Lucy or Mangascafe . 13. In a small Island here was found a square Stone Fort , and at the foot of it carved on a piece of Marble the Arms of Portugal , with this Inscription , REX PORTUGALENSIS ☉ S. Many Judgments were made of that Circle between the two last S's , but nothing of certainty can be concluded . 14. The King Chambanga desired a Portugues might be sent to his Court to treat about important Affairs , leaving a Nephew Hostage for his safe return . The Master Antony Gonçalez , and F. Peter Freyre , were sent , who at 12 leagues distance found his Court , called Fansaria , very populous and magnificent . He Treated them well at first , then coldly ; but they making him a considerable Present , they were good Friends , and he delivered them his eldest Son to be carried to Goa , desiring as Hostages for him the two Jesuits , and four other Portugueses , to whom he gave the Island of St. Cruz to live in . 15. These People are descended from the Moors , and call themselves Zelima's ; they use the Alcoran in Arabick , and have Faquies who teach them to write and read ; they eat no Bacon , are Circumcised , and some marry several Wives . CHAP. XIV . Continues the Discoveries in the Island Madagascar under the Vice-Roy D. Hierome de Azevedo . 1. THE same King told the Portugueses ▪ That in his Father's time a Ship of theirs was cast away on that Coast ; that about 100 of the Men came ashore , some brought their Wives , others married there , and left a numerous Offspring . He repeated several of their Names , and shewed a Book writ in Portugues and Latin , and some Maps , and concluded , saying , There were more Portugueses on that Coast 7 days Journey Northward . 2. Inquiring further , our Men found an old Man 90 Years of Age , who had known the Portugueses that were cast away there , and could remember still some odd Words of our Language . The Ships that were lost , and never known where since the discovery of India , were as follows . In the Year 1504 , three Ships ; one in the Year 1505 ; in 1527 , two were cast away on the Island Madagascar , and the Men remained there for want of Vessels to transport them ; four were lost the Year 1534 , not known where ; one more in the Year 1538. The Portugueses , those People spoke of , must belong to some of these Ships . 3. Our Men all set their hands to work , and built a small Chapel and House for the four Portugueses and two Religious Men , who were to remain there . The Work done , Mass was said , and many of the Natives came to learn to make the sign of the Cross. The King seeing some Men labour under a Cross that was to be set upon a Rock run half naked and bare footed , and carried it alone to the Place appointed . The Portugueses might say , they had found another Emperor Heraclius , for after this pious Action he became wicked , in this manner . 4. Our Captain being ready to sail , demanded that Son the King had promised to send with him ; and he not only refused to perform , but denied he had made any such Promise , and offered a Slave . The Captain seeing this change , sent the Master and Pilot with some Men to demand Hostages , that a Portugues might go to Port St. Lucy to sound it , and see an Inscription the Natives said was in that place . If the King granted this , they were to require no more ; if not ▪ to endeavour to bring away by force one of his Sons . 5. The Peace thus broke , and some Attempts of getting one of the King's Sons failing , some Portugueses marched with their Muskets . The King dreaded them , but kept his Men in readiness ▪ a Fray ensuing , they catched one of his Sons 11 Years of Age , who was his Darling . The King endeavoured to rescue him , but was repulsed by our Shot . The Subjects of another King came to offer any thing for the Boy 's Ransom ; but being told , it was the Viceroy's Command , the King's Promise , and that they should lose their Heads if they did not carry him , they went away satisfied . Thus ended the Year 1613. The Child came to Goa about the middle of the Year 1614 , the Viceroy caused him to be well instructed in the Faith by the Jesuits , and was his Godfather in Baptism , giving him the Name of Andrew because it was on that Apostle's day , and the Sirname of Azevedo as his God-child . 6. The Viceroy treated him with all Honour and Magnificence , hoping to gain him , that when he succeeded his Father , he might forward the Propagation of the Gospel ▪ and believing he was sufficiently grounded , sent him away with four J●…s . The Vessels were a Pink and a Caravel , commanded by Peter de Almeyda Cabral , and Iohn Cardoso de Pin●… , who set out on the 17th of September 1616 , and on the 20th of March they discovered the Island Del Cisue , or The Sw●…n , a most delightful Place , watered with pure Springs , and bearing several unknown Plants and Herbs , besides many known both Sweet and Medicinal . The Religious on the Barks of the Trees carved the time of their arrival there , and planted some Crosses . 7. In this Island there are two Mountains that overtop the Clouds . The Wreck of two Holland Ships was found there . Our Ships entred Port St. Lucas , in the Island of Madagascar . The King and Queen came 〈◊〉 receive their Son with great joy , and delivered Hostages at taking him away . 8. With the Prince went the Fathers and six Soldiers . He was every where till he came to the Court , received with demonstrations of Joy , which to us seem ridiculous , as those used by us would appear to them . This done , the King made the same Agreement with our Captain that had been with the former , which was , that the Religious should inhabit the Island of Santa Cruz , and thence have the liberty to go out and Preach the Gospel ; that there should be a League Offensive and Defensive between the King and Portugueses . So the Fathers , Almeyda and Costa , went to the Fort of Santa Cruz , and D. Andrew the King's Son sent them Workmen and Provisions . 9. The Captain Peter de Almeyda had Orders to carry the King to Goa ; or if he refused , another Son , which , if not consented to , should be taken by force . A Son being demanded , he answered , He had but one , who was too young for that Voyage . Almeyda thinking this was but an Excuse , began to commit Hostilities , but being informed it was true , desisted . Yet he carried away Anria Sambo the King's Nephew , who was Baptized at Goa by the Name of Hierome . 10. Being now a Christian , he was sent to his Country in a Pink , commanded by Emanuel Freyre de Andrade , with 100 Soldiers , 2 Jesuits , and a Present worth 4000 Ducats for the King and Prince . They set out in the beginning of February , and being forced to water at the Island Del Cisne , or The Swan , they saw three Ships sunk at the mouth of a River . Our Men landing , found 2 leagues from the Shore 20 Hollanders guarding the Goods they had saved . They made some opposition , but being overcome , Freyre carried them to his Pink , with a great quantity of Clove , Pepper , Arms , Ammunition , and Provision , then fired all that was left . The Hollanders said , They came from the Molucco Islands with a Pass from their Admiral Lawrence Ales. 11. Freyre coming into Port St. Lucas , the two Jesuits came to him , both sick , affirming it was impossible to live there , and that those who had been left with them were dead . The Captain sent the King the Letters he had for him , and a Present , by his Nephew D Hierome's Servants . The King in return sent 100 fat Oxen , much Fowl , Honey , and 6 Slaves , but would not come himself ; and it was found , that his Son D. Andrew fell off from the Faith into Mahometanism . The Sadio's and Fansayr●…'s are Mahometan Cafres , and love the liberty of having many Wives . The King was a Fansayr●… , and now designed to destroy Freyre by Treachery . The cause of this Change was a Chingala , Slave to the Jesuits , who running away from them , perswaded the King the Portugueses would deprive him of his Kingdom , and undertook to destroy them . Many Cafres coming to the Shore , to this purpose began a Fray , giving F. Almeyda a cuff , then Stones and Darts began to fly , but our Bullets also flying , some were killed , and their Quarters hung upon the Trees for an Example , and one of their Towns was burnt . 12. Emanuel Freyre carried away with him the King's Nephew D. Hierome , and a Brother of his taken in the Skirmish with the Cafres , who was converted , and died at Goa . All the Jesuits agreed to desist from that Mission , and depart with the Captain , though he opposed them , and came to Goa , where the Viceroy not allowing their weak Excuses , much condemned their remisness in that Affair . 13. Towards the end of this Year arrived in India D. Iohn Coutinno Count de Redondo , who was to succeed the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo , and of whom we shall next treat . D. Hierome returned to Portugal in the same Ship that had carried the Count , and no sooner anchored at Lisbon but he was made Prisoner , and put into the Dungeon of the Castle . He was disrespectfully treated , after a long Imprisonment , had a Hearing , and then again was worse used . The chief Crime laid to his Charge , was not fighting the Hollanders . 14. He was so rich at his entring upon the Government , that Nunno de Cunna telling him after all his Misfortunes , he was still worth 4 or 500000 Ducats ; he answered , I am worth that in Cattle . Notwithstanding all this Riches , he died poor in Prison , and the King got nothing by it . His Liberality was so great , he gave the value of several thousand Ducats in one Present of Curiosities at Ceylon . He was of the Ancient and Noble Family of Azevedo , a Soldier of Valour , and wise Commander , and zealous Viceroy . 15. But it is not amiss to observe , that though this Gentleman could not justly Suffer for the Crimes laid to his Charge , yet these his Misfortunes were a Judgment from the Hand of GOD for his extraordinary Cruelty . In the height of his Success in C●…ylon , he forced Mothers to cast their Children between Mill-stones , and having seen them ground to Mash , they were afterwards Be●…eaded . 16. He caused the Soldiers to take up Children on the Points of their Pikes , and hearing them cry , bid them hark how those Cocks crowed . Playing upon the likeness of the Names , those People being called Gala's , and Cocks in Portugues Galo's . He caused many Men to be cast off the Bridge of M●…vana , for the Souldiers to see the Crocodils devour them . And those Creatures were so used to this Food , that at a Whistle they would lift their Heads above Water . 17. D. Hierome was of a middle Stature , thick and swarthy , his under Lip hanging , and always moist , a certain Token of Cruelty . He was reduced to such Extremity in Prison , that the Society of Iesus maintained , and after his Death decently buried him . He held the Government almost five Years , and was one of them who best deserved it . Of Viceroys he is the 22th , of Governors the 42th , the 1st of the Name and Sirname . CHAP. XV. The Government of the Viceroy D. John Coutinno Count de Rodendo , from the Year 1617 till 1619. 1. THis Year sailed from Lisbon D. Iohn Coutinno Count de Rodondo with sour Ships , one whereof was forced back from the Line . During his Government , which lasted not two Years compleat , there happened wonderful Prodigies , Storms , Dearths , and other Judgments . I will give an account of the most remarkable , dividing that from what relates to his Government , which shall be first spoke of . 2. The War continued at Mangalor , where Salvador Ribeyro Marinno commanded , who being assisted by D. Iames Coutinno , Commander in Chief of Malabar , took the Field against 11000 Natives , and destroyed many with the loss of 6 Men. The little King of that Banguel , or District , who was our Friend , not able to maintain it against his Enemy Bentacanayque , made it over to us to defend it . Antony de Saldanna was left to command there afterwards . D. Francis de Meneses de Bacaim was sent to his assistance with an allowance of 4000 Crowns ; for now the Wages were grown greater than the Employments . The Men landing in disorder , the Moors , who lost no advantage , slew some ; but the others forming themselves put them to flight . For some time they were kept under by 300 Portugueses and 1000 Indians . 3. Soon after another Skirmish happening with the Canara's , the Plain was covered with the dead Bodies . In August the Viceroy sent thither Francis de Miranda Enriquez with 8 sail , and by the end of the same Month 4000 of the Enemy were slain , with the loss of 800 Portugueses . Miranda having taken a rich Ship of the Queen of Olala coming from Meca , gave her occasion to assist our Enemy with a good Body of Men , they besieged our Fort of Banguel , burnt the Town , and hereupon followed so sharp an Engagement , that though many of the Enemy were slaughtered , it was with such loss on our side we had no cause to rejoice . Miranda thought to have taken the Fort of Olala by Storm , but was repulsed . The beginning of the next Year was more unfortunate ; for Bentacanayque with 12000 Canara's falling upon Luis de Brito & Melo , who carried Succors , and D. Francis de Miranda , killed them both with 180 Portugueses , and above 60 Slaves . The day after the News of this Disaster came to Goa , there was found a Lampoon upon the Viceroy , the Secretary , the Surveyor of the Revenue , and the Chancellor , laying that and other Misfortunes to their Charge . 4. It has been related how Ruy de Melo , and Sampayo , and Iames de Cunna executed Salvador Vaz de Guerra at Moçambique . The News of that impudent Action brought to Goa so terrified the Judge Francis de Fonseca Pinto , then a Prisoner , that he made his Escape by Bribes , and died in the Country of the Moors . 5. The Viceroy sent an Ambassador to the Mogol , to desire he would not admit our Enemies the English and Dutch into his Ports ; F. Emanuel Pineyro , a Jesuit , went on this Errand . The result was , that the King took off the Embargo that was upon 200 Sail of ours in his Ports , and forbore making War upon Damam and Diu , for which purpose he had already detatched 30000 Horse from the Army , that was ready to march against the Persians who invaded his Territories . His Army consisted of 300000 Horse , the Foot innumerable , many Thousand Camels , 12000 Elephants , 6000 Yoke of Oxen drawing as many Carts , besides such as carry on their backs like Mules ; 70000 poor People followed this multitude . 6. This multitude being to pass a rapid River that falls from a Mountain , he laid over it a wooden Bridge for the Men , and broke the Fury of its Course with a Dam for the Beasts to swim over safely . A whole Month was spent in passing . The Camp was 8 Leagues in compass so regular , so beautified with rich Tents , and so well supplied with all Necessaries , that it looked like a well govern'd City . 7. This Year sailed from Lisbon for India 3 Ships , and 2 Flyboats , under the Command of D. Christopher de Noronna . Six English Ships lay then about the Cape of Good Hope , which taking one of the Flyboats , understood the others were coming , and lay in wait for them . They meeting , the English Admiral said , He had Orders from his King to seize Effects of the Portugueses to the value of 70000 Crowns for the Damage done by the Viceroy D. Hierome de Azevedo to the 4 English Ships in the Bay of Surat . This Sum was immediately paid him , and 20000 Ducats more to divide among his Men. Our Admiral no sooner arrived at Goa , but he was secured by the Viceroy , and sent Prisoner to Lisbon . 8. The King of Iorcon came into the River of Malaca with 80 Sail in a miserable condition , as who was expelled his Dominions by the King of Achem. Our Officers ●…ing to visit him , he desired Assistance against that Enemy , which was denied him ; and yet afterwards they desired the same of the King , to oppose the Power of Achem which threatned that Place , and was more formidable than it had been till that time . 9. A small Squadron was sent from Malaca , under the Command of Lope de Sousa , to plunder the Hollanders Factory at Ia●…e , where they found only 4 or 5 Dutch Men with a number of the Natives , yet would not attack them for fear of exposing the Son-in-Law , and Son of the Commander of Malaca , who , if not to be exposed , ought not to have gone . They lost the opportunity of taking a great Sum of Money that was kept there , and in stead of plundering that Enemy , gained another , by destroying some Towns along the Coast. 10. The Tartars having ruined part of the famous Wall of China , entred like a Torrent with above a million of Men , bearing down Cities , and whole Provinces , till they drew near the Court of Peking in so terrible a manner , that the King was about withdrawing to Nanking . But the Chineses recovering of the first Fright , fell upon the Tartars , and made such a slaughter as obliged them to quit that Province . The Jesuits here gained much Esteem , having been very serviceable with their Intelligence . For an Example to posterity , I will relate the Particulars of this Invasion of the Tartars till the Year 1640. 11. When Humvu , the first of the Family , now reigning in China , expelled the Tartars , who for 90 Years had been possessed of that Crown , he not only recovered what had been lost , but conquered the Frontiers of Tartary , dividing them into several Governments . These in time grew to such a height , that they raised themselves into 3 Kingdoms , one on the East , the other towards the West , and the third on the North. The two last immediately cast off the Chinese Yoke , the other continued in Obedience till the Chineses seeing it grow powerful , without any other occasion resolved to weaken it . But the Tartars oppressed taking courage , revenged themselves , running to Arms , and securing a strong Hold in the Province of Leaotung , by which and other Actions they became Masters of the Field . The other two Kingdoms moved by the hope of Gain , joyned with the former , and in the Year 1618 , ( which was 300 after Humvn , ) formed a most formidable Army , which coming to Battel with that of China , no less numerous , gave it a total overthrow , rather to be attributed to the ill Conduct of the Chineses , than Valour of the Tartars . The King of China so much neglected his Government , he seemed to be in a perfect Lethargy ; and all the Industry used by his Ministers to awake him , was of no effect . 12. In fine , the Tartars continued the War with such Success , that they conquered the Northern Province of Leaotung , and forced the Kingdom of Corea to pay them Tribute , as they did till then to China . After the Tartars were beaten from Peking , a Chinese Woman headed some Troops against them , and gained great Fame , defeating them in several places . CHAP. XVI . Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. John Coutinno Count De Redondo . 1. AT the time the Tartar Invasion appeared most formidable , Gonçalo Teyzeyra a Portugues was at Peking , having carried thither a Present from the City Macao to the Mandarins , he in the Name of the said City offered to assist them with a number of expert Soldiers . They accepted the Offer , and sent thither him that made it , and F. Iohn Rodriguez a Jesuit . Four hundred Men were raised in the City , most of them Portugueses , the rest Chineses bred among them , and consequently good Musketiers . Every Soldier had a Mulato Servant bought at the King's expence , and their Pay was so great , they all cloathed themselves in costly Apparel , bought the best Arms , and yet thought themselves rich . They embarked under two Captains , Peter Cordero in chief , and Antony Rodriguez del Cabo . At Quantung the Chineses were astonished at their Volleys , and Exercise . They were sent in Boats 〈◊〉 the ▪ River , and well treated . Being come to a Mountain they crossed it on ●…ck , and then 〈◊〉 ●…oats again , crossing almost all the Province of Kiangsi , till they came to the Metropolis thereof . The People admired their Presence , Arms , and Garb ; and because some had their Cloaths slashed , said , They could not imagine why Men of sense should purposely tear a Stuff that was whole . 2. These Men , who might have been so serviceable upon this occasion , were from that City sent back to Macao . The principal Reason is supposed to be , That the Chineses of Quantung ; who are Factors for the Portugueses , fearing this might be a means for them to be admitted into the Kingdom , whereby they should lose the Advantages they made of them in the way of Trade , represented it to the Magistrates as a thing dangerous to introduce those Strangers into the Kingdom , and under-hand bribing the Mandarins , prevailed with those very Men who had advised the King to send for the Portugueses with so great Expence to send them back , saying , It was not convenient to make use of them . 3. The King answered : It is not long since you proposed making use of these Men against the Tartars , now you say , it is not convenient . When you propose any thing again , consider of it better ▪ and if they are not for our service , let them return . It is remarkable , that whereas the Chineses are so jealous , they suffer no Strangers ( even Ambassadors ) to view their Towns , especially the Court , these Soldiers had liberty to see all Things at thier pleasure without any lett . The same liberty 〈◊〉 given to the Ambassadors sent by the City Macao , and to the Jesuits ▪ 4. The Jesuits made at this time good progress in the propagation of the Faith , and were informed of a certain People called of the Cross , as being descended from ancient Christians . Two Fathers had this Intelligence from certain Jews in the City Caifumfir . These Jews had there a Synagogue as big as a large Church , well adorned , and the Bible in Hebrew , Syriack , and Chaldaick 5. They gave some account of those People of the Cross , who were then dispersed , and their Church converted to a Heathen Pagod . The Jesuits inquiring in the Neighbouring Towns , found some footsteps of that People , though they concealed themselves , fearing this search after them was upon some ill design . One of these had the Pictures of St. Peter and St. Paul. 6. Four Galliots sailing from Macao , w●… attacked by a Holland Ship , and being boarded by them , fired herself . One Iaponese was saved , who said , That Ship carried Money to supply their Forts , and that there were aboard some Chineses of Quality taken not long before . Five Portugueses were lost in the Ship. 7. Constantine de Sa & Noronna succeeded D. N●…o Alvarez Pereyra , who was gone to the Conquest of the M●… of C●…ma , in the Post of General of Ceylon . He built the Fort of Sofragam , because the Neigh●… ▪ hood was in Arms , and left there 100 Port●… ▪ gueses and 200 Lascarines . Then he ma●… ▪ ched towards Madune , who was fortified at the two Corla's , the ancient ●…trimony of his Forefathers , a Mountainous Cou●… well watred , bearing much Rice , and abo●… 7 Leagues in compass . Noronna stayed some days at Ceytavaca to get Provisions , and settle 30 Portugueses in a high Tower , the only part standing of that great City . After a month's march through the Enemies Country , where Hunger began to pinch , he underderstood Madune fled . He follows to his City , and finding 〈◊〉 abandoned , burns it . A Budiame was here destroyed , that is , a Tree those People highly esteem , saying , Their God Budum leaned against it ▪ whence it takes its Name . On the foot of this were the Images of several Idols curiously carved . 9. Noronna finding no Enemy , was upon his return , when 500 of Madune's Men appeared in his Rear , commanded by Chacatien Zala . Our General laid a few Portugueses and 1000 Lascarines in ambush , and though some of our Men at first fled , he broke the Enemy , killing ma●… ▪ and taking 35 Men of great Note , whereof one was C●…atien . The Enemy seeking Revenge another day , had 30 principal Men slain , and among them the Prince of Uva , who called himself King. 10. The Hollanders this Year took several good Prizes , the Portugueses endeavouring to gather Wealth , but not providing the means to defend it . The Particulars are too inconsiderable to be related , I will say somewhat of the Malabar Pirats , whom our Carelesness and Presumption made bold . 11. Whilst our Admiral of the Malabar Sea was upon that Coast , D. Pedro ( a Cousin of that Cunnale who was beheaded at Goa ) after becoming a Christian fled from that City , and commanding 5 Parao's , took several of our Ships , hindred the Trade , and took the Island De las Vacas , and that of Tristan Golayo . Our General D. Co●…tine de Sa from Columbo sent 40 Galliots to Manar , to joyn 18 small vessels there , and destroy that Pirat . They set out on the Eve of the Ascension , and being parted by a Storm , the 18th met at the Island of Golay●… . Vitorio de Abreu commanded them , who being informed by two Blacks , left there by the Owner of the Island , that the 5 Parao's were gone to some Place near for Ammunition , and that before they returned he might possess himself of Goods to the value of 30000 Ducats l●…t there by D. Pedro in a House ; he made light of this Intelligence , and staying for the Enemy , lost 12 of the 18 Sail , and about 300 Men besides those that were taken , whereof he was one . 12. Mean while our Squad●… convoyed the Merchant Fleet after such a manner , that the same Pirate took a Vessel without their offering to desend it . The Merchants of N●…an 〈◊〉 the Captains of the Con●…oy to recover that Ship , but they would , or d●… not . A Spanish Flyboat accidentally p●…g by , at the request of that City retook it . 13. Constantine de Sa , ever since he was General of 〈◊〉 , had intelligence , that C●…li C●…are King of I●…tan , and 〈◊〉 ●…ect , assisted Ma●… . He offered 〈◊〉 Money to wave receiving the Price of the Elephants due as Tribute . C●…li privily Armed , and Constantine sent Philip de Olivoyra wit●… ▪ ●…o Portugueses , and 3000 L●…es , 〈◊〉 demanded the value of the Elephants , and 〈◊〉 answered not to the purpose , relying on 8000 Men well Armed , and his strong Walls . Oliveyr●… advanced , and the King understanding it by a treacherous Portugues , sent to him not to proceed , and he would stand by the former Capitulation . This was only a ●…gem to cut off our Van , which was far advanced under L●… Cabral de Faria . 14. Oliveyra credited the Fraud , and sent Orders to Faria to come back , but at such time as the Enemy had attacked him ; he answered , It was then too late , and breaking a Body of 1000 Blacks , advanced . Two thousand that followed him were defeated by Oliveyra , who hearing the noise , marched with all speed . Changali flying over the River , was taken , and with him 8000 Crowns , our Men undecently treating the Princesses that were in his company . The King seeing his Brother in-Law's Ears cut off for the Ear-Rings , took out his own , and gave them to the next Man. Oliveyra ordered him at Iafanapatan to make a List of the Portugueses he held Correspondence with . He made one , and among the many named was Oliveyra himself , with the allowance of 2000 Crowns , and the late General D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra with 9000. The King was carried to Goa , Oliveyra was left to govern the Kingdom . Madune wanting this Friend , submitted himself . 15. Andrew Botello de Costa coming to Iafanapatan with 6 Sail , understood there was a great Danish Ship at Gale that had taken some Prizes , he found out , and after three hours Fight , took her . Of the Enemy , 8 were killed , some burned , others got ashore with the Captain , and 40 were taken . On our side 8 were slain , whereof one was the Commander . 16. The Hollanders took a Portugues Ship bound for Brasil , and cast into the Sea 20 of the Men , their Hands and Feet bound . The rest they carried to Iacatra to serve that Place ; but they run away to the English , who had a Factory 20 leagues off , and sent them to Malaca . They said , one of the English had told them , they had lost a Ship at Sunda that carried the Money given by D. Christopher de Noronna to save fighting , and that they had several times fought the Dutch by Sea and Land , always worsting them ; and lastly , that the Dutch had taken the Governour sent from Portugal for Angola , and carried him to Iavs . 17. Augustin Lobato sailed from Malaca with two Ships and a Galliot . At Ioatume he fought and worsted a Hollander ; then hearing the Dutch had a Factory at Bima , 7 leagues distant , assaulted it with 14 Men , slew 4 , took 3 , whereof one was the Factor ; he distributed 600 Crowns among the Soldiers , having done damage to the value of 20000. Having burnt the Factory he retired , and burnt seven Towns about Ende . 18. At Solor he landed with 40 Men , and fought many thousand Enemies , killing 200. but lost 10 or 12 , to the great admiration of the Adversaries , who thought them to be Sons of the Sun , and consequently Immortal . This encouraged them to press on , and it was much the 30 escaped . Lobato being ready to imbark , was killed by a Iaponese . 19. Malaca feared to be besieged by the King of Achem , but he armed to defend himself against the Viceroy , who , 't was said , would go thither in Person . Fifteen English Ships at Sunda fought 20 Hollanders and defeated them , killing 1500 Men. At Patane the Dutch had better success , taking two of the Victors , and killing a Captain who was a Portugues , and was visiting the Factories of that Nation . At Iava they took a Dutch Ship , another was lost in a Storm . It was reported , the Governour of Manila took five in one Fight . At this time there were in the South 35 Ducth Ships , and above 20 English. The French had Factories at Macassa and Iava . 20. The Viceroy sent Gaspar de Melo with a Squadron to succour Mangalor , and destroy a Fort built by the Canara's . The little King coming on while he battered the Fort , was twice defeated , and many of his Men made Prisoners . This Year sailed from Lisbon for India four Ships , two Galleons , and three Flyboats . CHAP. XVII . Several wonderful Accidents during the two Years Government of the Viceroy the Count De Redondo . 1. IN May 1618 , there was a general , and doubtless Diabolical Storm , whereof it is convenient to give some account . On the 15th of that Month it began at Baçaim ( the Portugues Ninive ) so terrible , that the People hid themselves in Cellars , not doubting the Houses would be torn to pieces ; but an Earthquake beginning at two in the morning , many Houses fell . The Sea , though remote from the Town , was brought into it by the Wind. 2. The noise of the Waves overcame that of the Ruins , notwithstanding the tops of Churches were blown off , and vast Stones flew a great distance . Two thousand were killed in the Town and adjacent Parts . The Fish died in the Ponds , and corrupted the Waters . Most of the Churches were laid even with the ground , as if God had shewed there was no need of them among such wicked People . A Lamp remained burning before the Blessed Sacrament in the Church of St. Dominick when the Wind overthrew Buildings . 3. Many Vessels were lost in the Port. Some Cattle was seen to fly , and the Birds to fall . The Woods were torn up by the Roots . Men fled to the Mountains for shelter , and the wild Beasts to the Town . Nature seemed reversed , the People rent the Skies with Cries for Mercy , which at last obtained , the Storm ceased . 4. There were strange Prodigies before and during this Storm , as Giants seen in the Air throwing great Globes of Fire one at the other . A confusion of Human Voices was heard there , trampling of Horses , and the sound of Warlike Instruments . A Troop of furious Horsemen was seen to attack the City , and a Man cloathed in Skins to oppose them ; those were concluded to be Devils , and he St. Iohn Baptist. 5. At Bombaim the Sea swallowed above 60 Sail , some Men , and much Riches . At Agacaim a Boat flew out of the Sea into a House , where it killed a Woman and her Child . At Tana , a Beast taken up by the Wind fell upon a Tree that was torn up by the Roots , and a Branch struck through the Body of it . A Woman seeing a Giant-like Man carrying a Pan of burning Coals , asked him for one , and he blowing it , burnt her Face . Much of this nature happened at Salsete , and other Places . 6. D. Luis de Gama coming from Ormuz , where he had Commanded for Goa , in a Ship full of Riches , was cast away on the Coast of Bombaim . A new married Couple being upon a Plank , the Bridegroom fell off , and the Bride for grief cast her self after him ; he came up again and was saved , without Wife or Goods . A Maid that went to be a Nun escaping , was ravished by the Moors , and then killed . Thus several Ships belonging to Captains who came from their Commands perished , perhaps a Judgment for their unjust heaping of Wealth . 7. The City Goa seeing this destruction , had recourse to Heaven . All the Religious Orders made Processions , and performed great Acts of Mortification . The Women rent the Clouds with Cries of Mercy . All lay down in the Churches to be trampled upon . This lasted some days and nights ; the Churches were continually open , the Streets full , yet in all the Concourse the least noise was not heard . 8. This Example was followed at Cochim . The Bishop of this City had excommunicated any that should buy Timber of the Queen of Coulam . A Portugues presumed to build a Ship there , when it should be Launched , no Force or Art could move it . The Portugues confesses his Crime with Repentance , and returning to the Ship , it was Launched without the least difficulty . 9. There reigned through all India a new Distemper , which caused great Pains over all the Body , and contraction of Sinews , so that some lost the use of their Limbs . Many with Anguish ran mad ; whole Families sickned at once . The only Remedy was found to be Bleeding . A Chirurgeon being no way able to stanch the Blood of a sick Man , laid upon it a Cross he had , in which was believed to be a piece of that of our Saviour , and it stopped immediately . 10. A Cafre fled from a Widow , whose Slave he was , to a Fidalgo or Nobleman's House , and afterwards returned to his Mistress . The Fidalgo sent to demand the Slave of her , as if he had been his own . She refusing , he sent some Soldiers to take him by force ; but she received them with Granadoes in her hands , and they returned with shame . 11. N. Barreto a Fidalgo , 16 Years of Age , killed his Father , for which his Head was cut off ; so Justice was done where there never was any . The Mercers of Goa , esteemed more Honorable than the Goldsmiths , would not allow them to use a sort of Umbrello , with an Ornament on the top and middle of it . A Goldsmith went abroad with such an Umbrello , the Mercers broke it and beat him . The other Goldsmiths coming to assist their Brother , there ensued a Fray , in which much Blood was spilt , and much Plunder got , though no victory , for the Algna●…es or Officers robbed the Shops of those who were fighting . 12. On the 11th of November appeared a Comet in the East , and another on the 24th . They were seen at four in the morning , both under the Sign Scorpio . The first extended towards the South in the form of a Palm , the other toward the North , and was like a Flower-pot . The latter lasted till the beginning of Ianuary , the other till the 20th of December . 13. The first time the King of Arracam went to the City Chatigam after the Portugueses inhabited there , they presented him a Bough thick set with Figs ; he offered it to his white Elephant ( so coveted by all the Eastern Princes ) to eat , but he would not , though the King prayed him to take it for the King of Ova , the Mogol , and his own sake . But scarce did he desire him to eat it for the King of Portugal , when the Elephant joyfully snatched it in his Trunk . The King in a Passion caused him to be deprived of all his Ornaments , as a Golden Dish on which he fed , Gold Chain by which they led him , and the like . The Beast for Grief would not eat , and the King , for fear it should die , was forced to restore its Furniture . 14. At this time died at Bengala that Moor so famous for his Age , being above 300 Years old when Nunno de Cunna took Diu , which was 60 Years before this time , and he seemed now but 60 Years of Age. It was reported , there were others 200 Years old thereabouts , but upon enquiry none appeared . Only one Woman was found about 100 Years of Age , and had married that same Year , having before buried seven Husbands . Thus much for the Year 1618 , now for that of 1619 , which is no less wonderful . 15. Upon one of the three Hills that overlook Goa stood a large wooden Cross , on which very many of the Inhabitants of that City , the 23th Day of February , saw the perfect Figure of a Man Crucified . The Archbishop having examined the Truth of it , took it down , and of it made a small one two spans in length , with a Crucifix of Ivory upon , and a Glory of Gold round . The remaining Pieces were distributed to the Churches and Persons of Quality . Ten Days after the Cross was taken down , Water gushed from the hole where it had been fixed , in which Cloaths being dipped wrought many miraculous Cures . On the Place where the Cross stood was built a Church . 16. It was debated in an Assembly of the principal Clergy , whether the Threads the Bramenes hang across their Shoulders were a Heathenish Superstition , or only a mark of Nobility ; after some time it was concluded in favour of the latter , as only a distinction of Honour . The reason of examining this Point was , because many of the Bramenes refused to embrace the Faith , only for that they were obliged as soon as Christians to leave off those Threads . 17. D. F. Christopher , the Archbishop , said the first Mass in his Cathedral at Goa , which was finished this Year , and is not inferior in Grandure to many of the European Churches of Fame . It was dedicated to St. Catherine , on whose Day that City was taken . 18. There happened a great Dearth and Famine , which destroyed many People . In only the little Island of Bardes almost 400 died . There was a wonderful Eclipse of the Sun most visible at Moçambique , soon after noon , the day becoming quite dark the space of two hours . This caused great Admiration , as did another of the Moon at Goa . 19. In the Province of Peking in China it rained not for a whole Year . In that of Xantung the Famin was such , Men eat one another . Two Women were executed for eating eleven Children . In that of Nanking was a Plague of Mice . Two Parts in five of the King's Palace were burnt ; and five Towers were blown down in the City . Two Suns were seen together , the one eclipsing the other . A Man entred the Palace to kill the Prince . In the Province of Xangsi appeared a Man cloathed in yellow with a green Cap and Fan of Feathers , who said . Vambie ( that was the King's Name ) does not govern ; he has reigned long ; is always asleep ; the Kingdom going to Ruine , the People starves , the Captains are slain . This said he vanished , and , though all means were used to find him , he could never be heard of . 20. That there might be somewhat extraordinary in the Viceroy , he died on the 10th of November of a swelling upon his Back as big as the Crown of a Hat , so black and monstrous , it frighted not only the ignorant , but the ablest Physicians . 21. The Viceroy was buried in the Church of the King 's , a League down the River , the usual Burial Place of those who die in that Command , as his Father did who is there interred . He was not of a very piercing Judgment , but positive ; of Stature tall , well shaped , neither white nor swarthy . Of Viceroys he was the 23th ; of Governors 43th ; the 4th of the Name , and 3d of the Sirname . CHAP. XVIII . Of the Governour Ferdinand de Albuquerque , from the Year 1619 , till 1622. 1. THE first Patent of Succession being opened , there was found named Ferdinand de Albuquerque , a Gentleman 70 Years of Age , 40 whereof he had been married , and an Inhabitant of Goa , and consequently well versed in the Affairs of India . But having lived long at ease , was become slow in Business , which suited not with the pressing Occasions of that time . 2. The King of Porca always ill affected to the Portugueses , this Year embraced our Friendship with great Demonstrations of Sincerity and Affection . 3. The Arache D. Luis , who became a Christian only to gain the better Opportunity of raising new Troubles , now disturbed the Peace of Iafanapatan . He stirred up the People to Enthrone a Prince at Remancor , and marched with 30000 Men towards our Men , who were fortified in a Pagod . Philip de Oliveyra had but 30 Men , having sent the rest to Ceylon as fearing no Insurrection . With those 30 he withstood all that number of Enemies , who first attacked the Church of our Lady , in which were 30 other Portugueses , and then the Pagod where Oliveyra was , and were at both Places repulsed with Loss . Oliveyra held it out a Month , till Relief came from Ceylon . Andrew Coello brought Succors by Water , and Luis Teyxeyra 1600 Men by Land. The latter entring the Kingdom , did many Actions barbarous and inhuman . He clove Men with Axes like Trees , opened the Wombs of Women and put in their Children snatched from their Arms. These are impieties unworthy a Christian , yet sometimes excused in War. 4. Oliveyra finding himself thus strong took the Field , slew a multitude of the Enemies , and gave them a total overthrow . Scarce had they breathed after this Victory , when the Prince of Remancor appeared with his Army , but Teyxera suddenly falling upon him made such havock , he was glad to cast himself at Teyxeyra's feet , who received him with great Courtesie . They returned to give Thanks for this Victory in Our Lady's Church , where the Religious at the Door , offering Oliveyra a Palm , he said it was due to Teyxeyra , and caused it to be given to him . Both deserved , but he doubly who refused , once for conquering his Enemies , another for overcoming himself in not accepting it . A wonderful Victory in our Age. 5. The Arache D. Luis escaped , his Wife and Children were taken , she in despair slew her self , whilst he perswaded the Nayque of Tanjaor he might make himself King of Iafanapatan . He raised 2000 Badagaes , and gave the Command of them to Chem Nayque , that King of the Carcas who not long before assisted Chingali . Oliveyra was strong in Our Lady's Church , but in November met the Enemy . The fight being desperate with some loss on our side ; he advanced to encourage the Men , the Enemy knowing him , seven of them attack him , and one of them struck a Spear through his Mouth out at his Throat , yet he recovering killed two of them , the others fled . 6. The Enemy retired to their Trenches , Oliveyra being reinforced by 1000 Men from Ceylon assaults them , kills many , and took many more ; yet after all he ransomed 1500 taken by the Chingalaes , and set them at Liberty . The Nayque still coveting that Crown raised more Badagaes , Oliveyra sent three Captains with their Companies to suppress him ; they slew so many without losing one Man , that being weary of killing they returned with 1000 Heads . 7. The Prince , Son to the late King of Iafanapatan , who had escaped the Tyranny of Chingali , being in the Hands of the Franciscans , was baptized together with his Mother and many Nobles and Commoners , and at last making over his Claim to that Kingdom to the King of Portugal , took the Habit of that Order , by the Name of F. Constantine of Christ. 8. Chingali , who was taken some time before , was sent to Goa with his Wife , there condemned to Death ; and being first converted to the Faith made a most happy end . His Wife following the Example given by him was baptized by the Name of Margaret of Austria ; and retiring to the House of the Converts in that City , led a Life that may be an Example to all ancient Christians . 9. I think I have not specified the cause of these Troubles , which was thus . Para Raja Cheygra Pandara , made Governor and King of Iafanapatan when Andrew Furtado slew the former King , wore that Crown 28 Years , and hoping the Viceroy would confirm his Choice , named a Son of the deceased to succeed him , who being but 7 Years of Age , he ordered his Brother Areaquerari Pandara should govern till he was of Age , him Changali Cumara murdered to usurp the Crown . After that he slew many others , whereupon the People mutinying reduced him to great Streights , till being succoured by a number of Badagaes , raised by the Nayque of Tangaor , and commanded by the King of the Carcas ; they came to a Battel , wherein Changali being victorious , secured the Crown for some time . This Tyrant not content that the Portugueses winked at his bad Title , refused to pay them the usual Tribute , which was the Cause why Oliveyra fell upon and took him as has been related . 10. Abas Xa King of Persia being bent upon possessing himself of the Island and Kingdom of Ormus , Camberbeque Cam of Lara began to undertake it , on pretence an ancient Tribute was not paid him , which he never had since Alfonso de Albuquerque entred that Place He hindred the Trade , and secured several Portugues Merchants ; and seeing we did not agree with him about the Trade of his Silks , he settled it with Iames King of England , concluding a League with him for the taking of Ormuz . Ray Freyre de Andrade who came the Year before from Lisbon with 5 Galleons to cruize on that Sea , sent to Goa for Succour but could not obtain it , tho' he only desired 4 small Vessels . 11. Nevertheless Freyre fights the English and worsts them , The Arabs joining with the Persians had taken Iulfar and Dola , which caused great scarcity of Water at Ormuz , where there is none but what is brought from abroad . Freyre went over to forward the building a new Fort at Queixome , and by his Absence the Fleet before weak , was much impaired . Then came two Galleons from Goa commanded by D. Emanuel de Azevedo and D. Iohn de Silveyra , an Enemy to Freyre ; they were ill manned , and scarce of Ammunitions , and brought Instructions that curbed the Power of the Admiral . 12. Being now strong at Quixome he scoured that Coast , where were burnt 400 Sail , and the Towns of Boami , Camir , Cong●… , Astan , and Doçar , at Niquilay he took and destroyed four Ships , and above 80 great Barques . The Persians assisted by the English furiously batter'd the Fort at Queixome , yet Freyre carried on his Work , and assisted the Arabs that continued firm to us . When Freyre was somewhat streightned , the two Captains that came with the Galleons to his assistance from Goa left him . 13. This Year sailed from Lisbon for India 4 Ships under the Command of Nunno Alvarez Botello . There came also two Pinks , one for Malaca , the other for Moçambiqus ; and two Ships more under Iacome de Morales Sarmiento , who was to be General at Moçambique during the War about the Mines of Monomotapa , as if he were like to last as long as the War. 14. The Ships that came from Portugal under the Command of Botello , returned the next Year , and with them two more built at Goa , with the Men and Loadings of two others , one left in India as unfit for the Voyage , the other lost at Mombaça . In one of these two Ships called the Conception , was a Hermit , who whilst they Winter'd at St. Helena stole away , and being asked why he left the Company , said , He had rather stay in that desert Island , than to go see the Misfortune that Ship would soon fall into . Being come to the Island Tercera , they found Orders there to make the Lat. of 39 Deg. where they would find D. Antony de Ataide , Admiral of Portugal . They obeyed , but missing of him , one Morning at the Mouth of Tagus they met 15 or 16 Sail of Turks . Our Ship was ill manned , had but few Guns , and her Steeridge full of Bails . 15. The Turks having powred in their broad-sides boarded the Ship , killing 20 Portugueses of 140 that were in her , most of them sick , yet the Enemy receiving great damage entred with 400 Men , who were all slain save 8 or 9 that got off . This done our Ship cast Anchor in an advantageous Place , but next day received Orders to put to Sea where she would find the Fleet to defend her . She was no sooner out but the Turks attack her , yet after a desperate fight again left her . But the third Day the Enemy coming on again burnt her , few of the Men escaping Death , and those remaining in Captivity . 16. The Ship called St. Iohn , another of the two built in India , had no better Fortune , for springing a leak she was with much labour of Pumping brought as far as the Cape of Good Hope , where three Holland Ships pursued her 20 Days , whereof 8 were spent in fight . Our Ship being totally disabled , offered to surrender upon Conditions , but whilst they treated a Storm parted them , and she was drove aground full of Water two Leagues from the Shore in the Bay of Lagoa , which is in the Lat. of 32 Deg. The Captain was forced with his own hand to kill a troublesom Pilot , who to save himself and 30 more would expose all the rest to perish inevitably . 17. The Captain landed the Ammunition and Provisions with the loss of 9 Men , and marched with 260 towards Zofala , having burnt the Ship , and saved the Diamonds , Pearls , Amber and Musk. They marched in sight of the Sea , carrying the Women on their Shoulders . Having set forward the beginning of September , about the end of November , being weary of carrying those things of value , they cast into a River all the Musk. 18. Those who carried the Women could no longer hold out , tho' many thousand Ducats were promised them . A Maid not able to go a foot was left to the Mercy of Cafres , or Fury of wild Beasts . A young Man her Brother would have stayed with her , but was not permitted , and he soon after died for Grief . 19. Some Men died with Fatigue , and the strongest conspired to take all the Diamonds and march faster . The Captain being informed of it , slew him he thought to be the Ringleader of that Contrivance . About the middle of December , those who carried four Women would do it no longer , 10000 Ducats were offered to any to undertake it , but none accepted the offer . Sixteen were left behind with their Slaves who murdered them , and afterwards overtaking the Company , and being examined were hanged . Hunger forced them to eat these and others that died . The Captain Morales died , and Francis Vaz de Almada succeeded him . There were but 150 Men left , and half of them not able to fight when the King of Mocaranga assails them with 1000 Cafres and robs them , killing some . Those that escaped came to Moçambique , having travelled 500 Leagues with unspeakable Misery . 20. At this time Ruy Freyre de Andrade , who had but Three hundred Portugueses in the Fort of Queixome with some of the Natives and Arabs that came afterwards , was besieged by the Sultan of Xiras with 20000 Men , and the Fort began to be undermined . Freyre defended himself with much valour ; but the News being brought that the English Succours were at hand , the Defendants dismayed . CHAP. XIX . Continues the Government of Ferdinand de Albuquerque . 1. FReyre being besieged by Sea and Land , the English and Persians being joined ; Simon de Melo came from Goa with 13 Sail , rather to affront than relieve them . 2. The Commander of Ormuz , who somewhat comforted Freyre in these Troubles died , and Simon de Melo by the Governor's Order succeeded him ; which was another wrong done to Freyre , because according to the ancient Custom he being Admiral of that Sea ought to have succeeded . This was the Ruin of Ormuz , for had he been there it had not been lost . Freyre nevertheless desisted not from sending advice to Ormuz , which Melo slighted , relying on the Strength of the Place , though it was in no posture of Defence , the Commanders of it for many Years having only taken care to enrich themselves , so that there was but little Cannon , and that lay on the Ground without Carriages , and stopped up with Earth . 3. The English offered Freyre honourable Conditions if he would surrender , but he refused , thinking Ships would have come that Night from Ormuz , to carry him off and dismantle the Fort. D. Gonzalo de Silveyra came with only one Barque carrying some Ammunition , a small Relief in that Distress . Freyre seeing this , sent fresh Advice to Melo how to act in his own defence ; and he taking it in ill part , writ to the Governor , accusing Freyre of Arrogance and Ignorance , for pretending from Queixome to instruct and terrifie him . 4. Freyre no longer able to withstand the English and Persians , resolved to burn the Fort , and die honourably in the Field ; but his Men crying they would not cast away their Lives to no purpose , designed to deliver him up to the English ; and some leaped from the Wall into the Sea to save themselves . Freyre was forced to capitulate to march out on the side of Arabia with his Colours , Arms and Ammunition ; the Capitulation was not observed , for the Portugueses were stripped , the Natives delivered to the Persians , who put them to the Sword , Freyre and four Captains sent Prisoners to Surat . 5. Melo at Ormuz thinking the Enemy would be satisfied with the taking of Queixome , began to treat of Peace with the Persians , but to no effect . Above 12000 Persians came over in their Barques , and the English in 6 Ships , besieging the Town and furiously battering it . 6. Luis de Brito agreeing with others who loved not to expose their Lives , was let down from the Wall by a Rope , concluded Articles of Surrender with the English , and returned to the Town to put them in Execution . Simon de Melo seemed to oppose the Surrender , but the Soldiers feigning to mutiny ( for it was supposed to be done by his Direction ) the Enemy entred the Town , above 2000 Portugueses of both Sexes and all Ages were sent stripped to Mascate , leaving a great Treasure , and the Honour of their Country , in the Enemies Hands . 7. Mean while Freyre , who was Prisoner , with the four Captains made his Escape , and having lost one of them with the other three got to Damam , thence to Baçaim , and at last to Mascate . Constantine de Sa was then there with Succours for Ormuz , and they were upon going thither when the People that were dispossessed of that Place appeared . Freyre insisted to go on , hoping to surprize the Enemy , but could not prevail upon Sa ; so he went away to Goa , and Embarqued for Portugal . 8. At this time the Mogol was highly respected by all the Eastern Princes , and there resided at his Court several Ambassadors , who carried him rich Presents . One sent by the King of Massanapatan was valued at Two Millions , consisting of Elephants with costly Trappings , Camels and precious S●…ones . 9. The Portugueses , who in the Years 1●…42 and 1●…45 had escaped the Destruction of the Cities Liampo and Chincheo , lived in the Island Lampaçau , till the Year 1557 , they then built the City Macao , the greatest we have in Asia next to Goa . The manner was thus : They resorted to the Island Sanchuan on the Coast of China to Trade , where they lived in Huts made of the Boughs of Trees , and covered with Sails during their stay . 10. From this Island to another called Gaoxama , are 18 Leagues closer in upon the Coast of China . The Island being in●…icate and mountainous , was the Refuge of Robbers who infested the Continent . The Chineses , who had twice expelled the Portugueses , thinking them a more tolerable Evil than those Outlaws , offered them the Island if they could root out that Generation of Thieves . The Portugueses undertook and performed it without losing a Man. 11. The Island being cleared , every one began to build where he liked best , there being no Proprietor to sell the Land , which afterwards was sold at a great Rate , the Trade and Fame of this City increasing . This caused the Hollanders to have an Eye always upon it , desiring to make themselves Masters thereof . 12. It contains about 1000 Portugues Inhabitants , all Rich , and of the best in India , because the Portions being there very considerable , many Persons of Quality resort thither for Wives . There is besides a considerable number of Christian Chineses , who are cloathed and live after the manner of Portugal ; and of Heathens , being Artificers , Shopkeepers and Merchants , about 6000. They have a Bishop and a Judge . The Duties of the Ships trading thence to Iapan amount to 300000 Xeraphins , at 10 per Cent. A Xeraphin is almost a piece of Eight . The Yearly Expence of the City to maintain their Fortifications and Garrison is above 40000 Ducats . At the Fair of Quantung is paid the like Sum for Duties , at six and seven per Cent. The Voyage of Iapan , with Embassies and Presents for the King and Tonos , costs 25000. The House called La Misericordia spends 8 or 9000 in Works of Charity . The City maintains two Hospitals , three Parish Churches , five Monasteries , besides the continual Alms it sends to the neighbouring necessitous Christians in China , Aynam , Iapan , Tunquim , Cochinchina , Cambodia and Siam . 13. On the 19th of Iuly , 17 ( some say 23 ) Sail of Hollanders came before this City , hoping to take the Fleet that was there ready to sail for Iapan , having taken several Chineses and Portugues Ship about the Philippine Islands . They had aboard 2000 fighting Men. Their Admiral Cornelius Regers intending to gain the City , battered the Fort of St. Francis the space of five Days . On Midsummer Day in the Morning he landed Eight hundred Men , and without much opposition made himself Master of an Intrenchment . 14. The Enemy marched towards the City , thinking to meet no resistance , but Iohn Suarez Vivas , seeing them advance to gain a considerable Post , prevented them with 160 Men. After a Discharge of their fire-Arms , they fell to the Sword , the Hollanders ●…ed with precipitation to their Ships , leaving 300 dead on the Shore ; seven and their Colours were taken , one piece of Cannon , and all their Arms which they threw away when swiming to their Ships . Mean while the Ships battered the Fort , which answered so effectually some of them were sunk and 60 Men killed . This Victory cost us 6 Portugueses , and some few Slaves . A Cafre Woman a Slave had share in it , who fighting in Man's Cloaths with a Halbard killed 3 Hollanders . 15. The Citizens seeing themselves exposed to such Attempts , built a Wall round the Town , with six Bastions . On that of St. Paul , which overtops the City , they planted six large Cannons ; on that of the Bar fourteen , some 50 Pounders ; eight on that of Our Lady of Good Deliverance ; five on that of St. Peter ; eight on that of St. Francis , that looks towards the Sea ; and three on that of St. Iohn . And because the Mountain of Our Lady of the Guide overtops the Bastion of St. Paul , they fortified it , planting thereon 10 large pieces . 16. This Year were computed to be converted in India 10000 Souls . Some with such pure Zeal , that five being condemned to Death , and desiring first to be Baptized , they were told it should not save their Lives , they answered , They knew it , and only sought the Salvation of their Souls . They were all Baptized under the Gallows , and died with Resolution and Stedfastness in the Faith , though they saw the others hanged before them . 17. The Government of Ferdinand de Albuquerque , in what related to the Civil Administration , was inferior to none ; in the Military , especially what concerned Ormuz , unfortunate . It was observed how little care was had of this Government in Spain , for that during the whole time of his Government he had not one Letter from the King. He was of a middle Stature , a good Christian , the 44th Governor , 2d of the Name , and 3d of the Sirname . CHAP. XX. Of the Viceroy D. Alfonso de Noronna , in the Year 1621. 1. IN the Year 1597 , D. Alfonso de Noronna commanded the Ships that went for India , and was now chose Viceroy , as well in respect of his good Services , ●…s his Birth and Experience . He set out the 29th of April with four Ships and six Galleons , of all which only one reached India , by being a little a head of the others , which were all put back to Lisbon . This makes good that notable Saying of an able Seaman , who being asked when was the best time for the Ships to Sail , answered , The last Day of February is too soon , and the first of March too late . 2. In fine , D. Alfonso was put back with all that Relief whereof India stood in great want ; he , his Ship , and the Captain of her were used to this Misfortune , having been put in the Year before . Some would attribute this to the ill Fate of the Captain or Ship. 3. This was the last Governor of India named by the Pious Philip III. ( but Second of Portugal ) and the first that sailing from Lisbon with that Command was forced in again . D. Alfonso de Noronna was ancient and well qualified for that Post ; affable and courteous , moderating the gravity of his Age. As soon as the News was brought to Lisbon of the shameful Surrender of the City Baya in Brasil to the Hollanders , without regarding his Quality , Age and Commands he had bore , he listed himself a private Centinel for that Service . A bravery well deserving eternal Fame , and an Example that moved many to follow it . 4. As we have hitherto reckoned the Viceroys and Governors who were chosen , tho' they enjoyed not the Command , we will account D. Alfonso de Noronna the 24th of the former , and 45th of the latter ; the 3d of the Name , and 5th of the Sirname . CHAP. XXI . Of the Propagation of the Faith in Japan , and Aethiopia about this Time. 1. SOme small hints have been already given of the Progress of Christianity in Iapan , since their Apostle St. Francis Xaverius began to Preach there . The Proceedings there are much like those in China , save that the latter has not been so much sprinkled with the Blood of Martyrs . I will only touch upon some Martyrdoms that happened in Iapan . 2. At Firando , in the Year 1622 , F. Peter de Zuniga , and F. Luis Flores of Saint Dominick , were burnt alive by the Emperor's Command , together with Captain Ioachim , a Iaponese , who carried them in his Ship from Manila , and twelve Seamen beheaded . 3. At Mamgasaqui 25 were burnt alive , and 25 beheaded . Of the first number was Father Charles Spinola , a Genoese , and Father Sebastian Quimura born at Firando the first Iaponese Priest , and six Iaponese Lay-Brothers all Jesuits . Five Franciscans , and nine Dominicans . Also a Woman and twelve Children were executed , and after that a Dominican and others . 4. At Omura , a Dominican , a Franciscan and twelve more were burnt alive . Ten suffer'd Martyrdom at Iquinosima . Another was burnt at Firando , fourteen at Namgasaqui , and others in other Places , all which made up the number of 118 , whereof 46 burnt alive . 5. In the Year 1624 , another Persecution was raised at the Court by means of a Bonzo , who becoming a Christian in hopes to grow rich , and being disappointed , became an Informer against Christians . The Emperor gave him the Charge of Discovering them . The first apprehended were two Jesuits and a Franciscan , who being committed to Prison where Faramandondono the Emperor's Cousin was , Baptized there forty Persons : Fifty in all were taken out of the Prison and burnt alive . Two Gentlemen who were Christians , but not known , being present , leaped from their Horses and cast themselves into the Fire , crying , They died for the Faith. At Night Three hundred Christians assembled and stole the Relicks of the Martyrs . This gave occasion to a new Search , and almost Five hundred suffered . To prevent the concealing of any Religious Men , all the Spaniards were expelled Nangasaqui ; and some married to Iaponese Women were parted from them . Many Natives who would not renounce the Faith were banished , and many more , especially at Ozaqua , had a Cross burnt deep on their Foreheads , that they might be known to be Christians ; and they joyfully said , Now we shall be known to be Slaves of Iesus . They were turned off with that mark , and almost naked in the dead of Winter , with their Children , and many of them died . 6. In the Year 1637 , Father Marcelas Francis Mastrili of the Society of Jesus , was apprehended with his Companion Lazarus , and carried to Namgasaqui , where he endured many Tortures . On the fourteenth of October he was brought out in sight of all the People , with a Paper on his Back whereon were these Words ; Iogan Sama , Emperor of Iapan , Orders this mad Man to be Executed , for Preaching in these Kingdoms a Law contrary to that of Xaxa , and Amida , and of the F●…toques . Come all to see him , for he is to die hanging in the Cave for an Example . At the Market-place of Ten●… , where the Portugues Merchants resort , he saluted them three times with his head , having a Gag in his mouth . 7. He was hanged up by the Feet in the Cave of the Mountain , where generally Martyrs suffer , and is therefore called Holy. He hung four days uttering wonderful Doctrine , and the Blood never fell into his Head , as is usual in such Cases . Seeing he did not die , they took him out to be beheaded , and he expected the stroke on his Knees , saying twice , My Father Saint Francis Xaverius . It is believed he saw that Saint , and that was the occasion of naming him . The first stroke took no Effect , the second made an impression , and the third his Head fell to the Ground , having called upon Jesus and Mary . There followed an Earthquake all the Country about . Being dead he had many Wounds given him , then was burnt , and the Ashes cast into the Sea. Thus much of Iapan , let us say somewhat of Ethiopia . 8. In the Year 1521 , Sultan Sagued being Emperor , the Society of Jesus had a Residence at Gorgora in the Kingdom of Dambia , and a stately Church . Another Residence at Colela in the Kingdom of Gogan , to which was subordinate the Mission of the Agaos , a large Province . Another at Fremona in the Kingdom of Tigre . 9. The first Patriarch of Ethiopia was D. Iohn Bermudez , chosen by the Emperor and confirmed by the Pope , of whom we spoke in the Sixth Chapter of the Fourth Part of the Second Tome . The second Patriarch was D. Iohn Nunnez Barreto , a Jesuit , of whose Sanctity it is a sufficient Testimony , that he being at Tetuan serving the Slaves , the Bassa of that Place said , The Works of the Holiest Moor were not to compare with his . He died at Goa without reaching Ethiopia . The third was D. Andrew de Oviedo , of a very Religious and Austere Life . He suffered much Persecution , for Preaching and Converting many Ethiopians . The fourth Patriarch was D. Belchior Carnero , a Jesuit , who died at Goa . The fifth , D. Alfonso Mendez , of whom we shall speak hereafter . The sixth , D. Apollinarius de Almeyda , of whose Banishment also a further Account shall be given in its Place . The End of the Third Part. THE PORTUGUES ASIA . TOM . III. PART IV. CHAP. I. The Second Government of the Viceroy D. Francis de Gama Count De Vidigueyra , from the Year 1622 , till 1627. 1. DON Francis de Gama Count De Vidigueyra having lest the Government of India much hated , and affronted , always endeavoured to obtain that Command again ; not to be revenged , as some said , but to satisfie the World he had not deserved that ill Usage . Twenty Years passed before he could obtain his Desire , which was upon the Accession to the Crown of Philip the Fourth of Spain , and Third of Portugal . 2. He sailed from Lisbon on the 18th of March with 4 Ships . Not long before him parted thence Sancho de Tovar & Silva with 2 Galleons and 2 Pinks . On the Coast of Tierra de Natal a flash of Lightning falling upon the Count's Ship , burnt the Colours , and did some harm , but killed no body . Under the Line two of his Ships left him , and arrived at Goa at the end of August . The third stayed behind him ; it was thought they shunned his Company designedly . 3. About this time 6 Dutch Ships plied near the Islands of Angoxa , one of them perished in pursuit of a Portugues . The Viceroy standing for Moçambique , met the other five on the 22d of Iune . His other Ships had now joyned him , and there ensued a terrible Fight , which fell heaviest upon the Vice-Admiral , who was entirely disabled . The Viceroy and D. Francis Lobo rescued and brought him off . But the Ship being so much battered sunk , some Men and Money were saved , and some fell into the Enemies hands . Night coming on , the Viceroy and Lobo were drove upon the Sands , and their Ships lost ; they saved what Goods , Rigging , Ammunition and Cannon they could , and fired the rest , that the Enemy might make no Advantage os it . The Viceroy shipped all the Goods , and what Men he could , aboard some Galliots , and arrived at Cochim . Gonzalo de Sequeyra was gone before with his Galleon to relieve Ormuz , but came too late . 4. From Cochim he went to Goa , and arrived there in September . His Enemies seeing him in that Post , were all terrified , fearing he now in Power would revenge the Affronts done to his Person , but he carried himself with more moderation than was expected . The Count thought of punishing Simon de Melo and Luis de Brito , as the most guilty of the shameful loss of Ormuz . Melo was fled over to the Moors , and Brito in Prison ; this was Beheaded , as was the other in Effigies . 5. Gonçalo de Sequeira , who was to have relieved Ormuz , stayed with his Galleon at Mascate , believing his Assistance necessary upon a Report that the Persians designed against that Place . Hearing the Enemy fortified at Soar in Arabia , he fitted out 7 Sail , and coming before it , expelled the Persians with much slaughter , and not without loss , because they defended it with more Valour than the Portuguezes had Ormuz . Goncalo de Sequeyra remained there , and again defeated the Enemy endeavouring to gain Mascate . 8. The Dutch , who had lain before the Bar of Goa , being gone towards Triquilimale , the Viceroy sent Constantine de Sa and Ruy Freyre with a Squadron to assist Sequeyra in the Sea of Ormuz . They chased an English Ship , which got away from them , and returning to the Sea of Ormuz took two Ships of the Moors , putting them all to the Sword. 7. Three Galleots of Cochin defeated some Dutch and Pegu Ships at Paleacate . D. Francis Mascarennas , a Person of known Valour and Prudence , was sent to Command at Macao to oppose the Hollanders , and quiet the Disorders that were among the Citizens . The Divisions among the Laity being made up , there began others among the Clergy about the Government of that Cathedral for want of a Bishop . 8. Three Ships , three Galleons , and two Pinks , sailed from Lisbon for India . One of the Ships returning home , was lost at the mouth of Lisbon River , the Men and some Goods saved ; another perished at Moçambique ; the third on the Island St. Helena , part of her Loading being taken into the other Ships , the rest fetched away from Brasil . Two of the Galleons were also cast away at Moçambique ; and a Pink , through the unskilfulness of the Pilot , on the Coast of Arabia . In these Vessels were 5000 Men , whereof many died of Sickness , besides what perished by Shipwrack . 9. Now begins the Year 1624 , famous for the Sufferings of Gativanda Queen of Dopoli at Xiras in Persia , and Cruelty of the King Xa Abas . But this having relation to the Religious of St. Augustin , who laboured much in the conversion of Asia , I will relate some Particulars of what they did in those Parts . They resided at Ormuz , where , among many others , the Heir of that Crown was converted , and took their Habit by the Name of F. Hierome Iaete , and afterwards Preached with much Zeal . With him was Baptized D. Alfonso Nordim of the Blood Royal , and his Sister Da. Philippa Morada . 10. The Fathers preached also with success along the Skirts of Arabia Petrea . When Ormuz was lost , they went over to Baçora , a City subject to the Turk , below Babylon , on the Borders of Arabia Felix , with Orders from the Archbishop of Goa to endeavour chiefly the Reduction of the Armenian Schismaticks called Christians of St. Iohn , in the Kingdom of Bombareca , where F. Francis of the Presentation , and F. Matthias an Englishman , who died at Ormuz with a general Opinion of Sanctity , had been before , but with no success . After them F. Nicholas de la Vega , with the consent of the Turkish Bassa , erected there a House and Chapel . 11. F. Iohn de los Santos , and F. Ioseph of the Presentation , built a Church and Convent , and many Schismaticks were reconciled to the Church . The Bassa gave them Power over all the Christians , Chaldeans , Nestorians , and Jews , and many Chaldeans were Baptized . Many Infidels , Arabs , Turks and Persians , resorted to the Convent , and some were converted . In the City and the Neighbourhood there are about 70000 Inhabitants , whereof about 5000 Christians of St. Iohn , so called , because they have a Tradition , That their Forefathers were Baptized in the River Iordan by the Baptist. 12. The Portugueses , after the loss of Ormuz , setled their Trade in this City , and founded a Seminary for Learning . The Bassa very much countenanced the Religious , and seeing a Christian Soldier in love with a Moorish Woman , secured and delivered him up to them . They sent him to Mascate , she followed , was baptized , and married him . He consented that a Girl should be taken from her Mother , who seeing her go , followed , and both were reconciled to the Church . 13. The first time Vespers were sung , a Drum going about to gather the Christians , all the Moors flocked thither , in so much that the Cacizes said , This was some particular Act of Divine Providence , and cried , The World must be at an end . 14. These Religious first entred the Court of Ispahan in the time of King Sebastian , afterwards 5 Armenian Bishops , many Priests , and a multitude of People , submitted to the See of Rome . The King offered the Fathers 2000 Ducats a Year , which they refused , lest it should be thought they went to enrich themselves , not to plant Religion . They were afterwards Imprisoned by the Moors , ill Treated , and sent to Xiras , 100 Leagues distant . The Governour of that Place sent them to the Convent with Fetters on their Feet , and Yoaks on their Necks . The Governour pretended the cause of their Imprisonment was , That Ruy Freyre had secured three Moors at Ormuz , and said , They should be set at liberty if those were restored . Brother Peter carried Advice hereof to Goa , and the Moors were released . 15. The Labours of these Fathers have been very succesful in Gorgistan or Georgia . The first that undertook that Mission was F. William of St. Augustin , who was well received by the Georgians , but put to Death by the Sultan of Fabris , and was buried by the Armenian Religious of the Order of St. Dominick . 16. The King of Persia invading one of the Georgian Princes , he sent his Mother called Gativanda to Treat with him , who , after giving an ambiguous Answer , caused her on the way home to be apprehended , and carried Prisoner to Xiras . This Lady was kept in Prison 11 Years , living always a most godly Life in Fasting and Penance ; her greatest Grief was , to hear that some of the Captives of her Country wavered in the Faith. 17. The Religious coming at that time to Xiras , greatly comforted her . The King of Persia being solicited to release Gativanda , sent to advise her to turn Mahometan , otherwise she must expect to endure the cruelest of Tortures . She desiring a little time to recollect herself , spent it in Prayer , and that ended , resolutely told the Officers , They might fulfill their Orders . They taking compassion , endeavoured to perswade , telling her , The Torments would be insupportable , and she replied , The Delay was the most grievous Torture . 18. Her Hands being tied , the Executioners put on her Head a Copper Vessel made red hot , and tore her Cheeks and Breasts with burning Pinchers . Not a Sigh came from her till she was stripped to the Waste to have her Breasts cut off , looking upon it more grievous to be naked , than to endure such unsupportable Pains . Her Feet were torn , and she then fainting , they cast all the Fire upon her . Seeing she neither died nor complained , the Executioners strangled her , after having suffered alone enough to purchase many the Glory of Martyrdom . 19. Tamarascan , the Queen's Son , understanding the Death of his Mother , entred Persia in a rage , and obtained several Victories , in 3 Years slew above 70000 Persians . At length a Peace was concluded , and he restored to all he had lost . 20. Two of the Religious of St. Augustin travelled towards Georgia suffered great Extremities in vast Desarts , in some Places near perishing in Snow . At Emanenga in Armenia they were entertained by the Religious of the Order of St. Dominick , who reside there . 21. At Ervan , the Metropolis of Armenia , they were courteously received by the Patriarch in a Convent of 30 Religious of St. Basil , whose Office is long , being the whole Psalter every day , and Matins at midnight . That Prelate was a Man of a very austere Life , gave great Alms , redeemed Captives , repaired Churches , was a great Reformer of Manners , and suppressed Married Priests . He was almost Adored by the Armenians , and hearkened to the Proposal of submiting to the See of Rome . Our Religious found him Preaching in a Church , but as soon as he saw them , he took leave of the Auditory , and went to receive them , washed and kissed their Feet , telling the People . Those were the true Apostles of Christ. 22. At length our Religious entred Georgia , were honourably received by the King , who refused to let them kiss his Hand , but made them sit ; and knowing they carried the greatest part of his Mother's Body , declared himself pleased above measure . 23. That day they dined with the King , the next with the Queen ; she and her Ladies went to receive the Body , and heard Mass with great attention . The King caused his Mother to be buried among the ancient Kings of Georgia . Speaking of the Pope , he said , He owned him as chief Prelate , and had always declared him such . Being presented with two Images of our Saviour and Blessed Lady , he said , He worshipped them not because they were Idols , and only honoured Pictures . One of the Fathers reprehended him , and was going away , but he held by his Habit , kissed him , and begged Pardon , affirming , He knew not what he said . 24. Next day the King and Queen excused themselves to the Father , praying him not to depart , but to choose any Place in the Kingdom to build a Church and Monastery . He pitched upon the City Gori , which is seated in a Plain watered by two great Rivers well stored with Fish. The Patriarch an ancient and venerable Person , with the Bishops and other Clergy , thought they could never sufficiently encourage the new Foundation . This happened about the end of the Year 1628. 25. To conclude , with these Religious they laboured as much as any in China , India , Persia , and Arabia . On the 17th of May , 1626 , after Noon , at Bassora was seen a Cloud rising in the East in the form of a Half-Moon , the Horns whereof seemed to inclose that City . It appeared like Smoke and Ashes , and moved with a Noise that seemed to threaten Destruction . All the Country about for the space of half an hour was quite dark , then for two hours followed such a storm of Wind and Thunder , as terrified all those People . The Turks and Persians fled to the Christian Church , believing that the only safe place , and crying aloud , the former , Codá , Codá ; the latter , Ala , Ala ; that is , God , God , without remembring Mahomet . 26. In the Year 1627 , the Enemy surprized a Ship of ours there , and killed all the Men but three , who being carried before Hazen Governour of Humo , he offered them their Lives if they would become Mahometans . They answered , They were ready to die rather than do so . He caused them to be Beheaded on the 21st of December , 1628. 27. In Africk these Religious baptized the Prince of Melinde , who afterwards coming to the Crown acknowledged the Pope , writing a Letter to him in the Year 1627 , which he signed by the Name of D. Hierome Chingalia . This was the first King that received the Faith in those Parts , which might have spread more , had not the Portugueses by their Enormities obliged this Prince to fall off from them and the Faith , as shall be seen hereafter . CHAP. II. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Francis de Gama Count De Vidigueyra . 1. THis Year sailed from Lisbon two Ships and six Galleons under the Command of Nunno Alvarez Botello , and arrived all safe at Goa . Mean while Ruy Freyre de Andrade with his Squadron was successful in the Sea of Ormuz , cutting off Provisions from that Town , sinking some Vessels , and chasing others . He had done more if better supported . 5. Some English and Dutch Ships having relieved Ormuz distressed by that Gentleman , the Viceroy strengthened by those Ships come from Portugal , would not suffer them to depart without being visited . He sent Nunno Alvarez Botello Admiral against them with 8 Galleons . They sailed at the beginning of the Year 1625 , and were separated by a Storm ; but six meeting Botello , appeared in the Sea of Ormuz , and was received by twelve of those two Nations . The Fight was very terrible , and the Enemy having the Wind , our Admiral could not come to board as he desired . The Dutch Admiral and Vice-Admiral being disabled , were forced to draw off . At the same time Ruy Freyre having heard the noise of the Cannon came up with three Galliots , and the Enemy drew off to the Bay of Comoram . We had many Men killed and wounded , among the latter our Admiral Botello . 3. About the middle of February they met again . Nunno fearing he should not be able to come to board them , sent a Challenge to their Admiral ; but he not accepting of it , the Fight began , and was continued with great fury till the Enemy again drew into Comoran , having lost many Men , and we 2 Captains and 40 Soldiers . Botello went to Water at the Island Lare●…a opposite to them , and hearing a Cannon fired , answered with another , supposing it had been a Signal of Battel , but the Enemy stirred not then , though our Vessels were almost unmasted since the last Engagement . At last they thinking it time to depart drew out , and being pursued , there ensued another Fight . The Enemy fled , having lost in those three Encounters 1000 Men , and 3 Ships which were sunk ; some of them carried 60 Guns . 4. Our Admiral gave chase , but soon lost sight of them , and went to Winter at Mascate , whence he set out in September with 7 Sail , whereof he lost three in a Storm , the Men saved . He came to an Anchor with the rest at Soveral , where he took a rich Ship of Meca that sailed with a Dutch Pass . Understanding by the Prisoners some of the Enemies Ships were at Surat , he hasted thither , and found they were the same that escaped after the Fights of Ormuz and Comoran . It being impossible to come at them , he provoked them by Signs , and set up a Challenge on the City Gates ; but seeing they did not stir , sailed away . Not far from Damam he discovers three English Ships , and coming up with them found they were strong , and carried two Tire of Guns . They fought three days , at last the Enemy made away . 5. There were great Tumults at Macao , the Inhabitants of that City forcing their Commander D. Francis Mascarennas to shut himself up in the Fort , but being defeated , were pardoned by him . The Chineses growing jealous on account of the Wall built by him , it was found absolutely necessary to throw down part of it . 6. The Patriarch D. Alfonso Mendez now set out from Diu for Ethiopia with 6 Fathers , and other Retinue in 3 Vessels . He landed at Bailur , a Town subject to a little King , and travelled over the Field called of Salt , because that is found there which passes in stead of Money being like small Bars . Next is the Mountain , where is another sort of reddish Salt , good against some Diseases . Travelling by night , by reason of the heat of the day , they saw an Exhalation so bright , it enlightned all the Country about . This was held as a good Omen . At Fremona they understood the same Light had been seen there . They travelled with greater labour to the Court , and were received with great joy by the Emperor , who soon after acknowledged the Pope's Supremacy ; but this Happiness was not lasting , as shall appear hereafter . 7. About this same time was discovered the famous Kingdom of Tibet , extending to the Springs of Ganges . The Natives are well inclined , and docible , zealous of their Salvation , and value Things of Devotion given them by their Priests called Lama's , who profess Poverty and Chastity , and are much given to Prayer . They have strange Customs and Ceremonies , Churches like the most Curious of ours , and some knowledge of the Christian Religion , but mixed with many Errors ; they abhor the Mahometans and Gentiles . It plainly appears , that in former Ages they had the true Light of the Gospel . They are easie to be converted . The Country produces some Fruit like that of Europe , Rice and Wheat , and breeds Cattle , but there is much barren . It is fit to say somewhat of their Religion and Lama's . Their Habit is a Red Cassock without Sleeves , for the Arms are naked ; it is girt with a piece of Cloth of the same colour , the ends whereof hang down to the Feet ; on their Shoulders a striped Cloth , which they say is the Habit of the Son of God ; at their Waste hangs a little Bottle of Water . They keep two Fasts , in the greatest they eat but once a day , and speak not a word ; necessary Affairs are expressed by Signs : In the second it is allowed to eat as often as every one pleases , but Flesh only once . They call to Prayers with Trumpets , some made with dead Men's Bones ; the Skulls serve to drink out of : Of other Bones Beads are made , which they say is to put them in mind of Death . The Churches are opened only twice a Year , those who resort to them walk round three times , then enter and do Reverence to the Images . Among which are some of Angels , called by them Lat. The greatest is he that intercedes before God for the Souls . It being painted Armed , with the Devil under its Feet , make it supposed to be St. Michael . It is not unworthy consideration , that Lamas , the Name of their Priests , begins with La , which signifies an Angel. The young Lama's go about the Towns dancing regular and modestly with Crowns , Bells and other noisy Instruments . They say , it is in imitation of the Angels , as they are painted among us , singing in Choirs . The beginning of every month they make a Procession with black Flags , Figures of Devils , Drums and Musick , and believe this chases the Evil Spirits . Holy Water is made with many Prayers , and putting into it Gold , Coral , and Rice , and is used against Devils that haunt Houses . The Country People bring to the Towns black Horses , Cows , and Sheep , over which the Lama's say many Prayers , saying , the Devils endeavour to get into black Cattle . They cure the Sick by blowing on the Part afflicted . Three sorts of Funerals are used , according to the Star rules the time of Death . One is after our manner ; and there are Tombs adorned with gilded Pyramids . Another is burning the Body , and of the Ashes mixed with Clay they make Images , by which they swear . Another is casting the Bodies to certain white Birds like Cranes , and this is reckoned the happiest Burial . These three Forms are used with such as are esteemed to have lived well , for others being cut in pieces are thrown to Dogs . They believe the Good dying go directly to Heaven , the Bad to Hell ; but such as are indifferent between both , their Souls instantly return into noble or base Creatures , according to their deserts . They advise Fathers to give their Children the Names of filthy Beasts , that the Devil may be loth to meddle with them . They use Divination after a ridiculous manner . In fine , they acknowledge One God in Trinity ; that his Son becoming Man died , and is in Heaven ; that he is God as well as his Father , and Man at the same time ; that his Mother was a Woman , and gone to Heaven ; that from the Death of the Son till that time , were about 1600 Years . They know there is a Hell , in the same manner as we do . They burn Lamps , that God may light them in the way of the other World. 8. F. Anthony de Andrade , and Andrew Marquez , both Jesuits , set out for this Kingdom from Delhi in the Mogol's Country with a Caravan , that conducted Pilgrims to a famous Pagod . They passed the Kingdom of Laor , and came to the vast Mountains , whence the Ganges falls into the deep Valleys . On the way they saw many stately Temples full of Idols . The great Fatigue lessened the pleasure of seeing the variety of beautiful Trees , and smelling those odoriferous Flowers , on the scent whereof the Ancients said those People lived . At the Kingdom of Siranagar they saw the Ganges running over Snow , the whiteness whereof almost blinds such as travel that way . 9. At the end of 50 Days they came to the Pagod on the Borders of the Kingdom of Siranagar , whither Multitudes resort to wash in a Spring so hot it is scarce tolerable , which they imagine cleanses them from Sin. There Food here is raw Flesh , and are very healthy eating much Snow . The Women there do what is the Work of Men among us , and the contrary ; the Women Plow , and the Men Spin. Hence the Fathers came to the Town of Mana , and having rested , continued their Journey , almost blind with the continual travelling among Snow , till they saw the Springs of Ganges , which runs out of a great Lake . Soon after they entred the Kingdom of Tibet , and were honourably received by Officers sent to that purpose from the King's Court at Chaparague . The King and Queen heard them with much Satisfaction , and admitted their Doctrine without any dispute . 10. The time being come they must return to Siranagar , the King would not permit them to depart till they swore they would return , and then he promised they should have liberty to Preach , and he would build them a Church , being much pleased with a Picture they left him of our Lady with our Saviour sleeping in her Arms. The Fathers returned acccording to promise , and the King in pursuance of his built the Church with great joy , and was afterwards Baptized with the Queen , notwithstanding the Lama's for their private Ends did all they could to oppose it . The Fathers understood by Merchants who came from China , that it was 60 Days Journey distant from that Court , travelling through the Kingdom of Usangu●… , 40 Days Journey from the same Court , and thence 20 to China : That there were two great Kingdoms where the Cross was much used . That Cathay is not a Kingdom , but a great City and Metropolis of a Province subject to the Grand Sopo , very near China . Hence perhaps some gave China the name of Cathay . Perhaps this Empire of Tibet is that of Prester Iohn , so much spoken of , and not Ethiopia , as was believed . But let us return to India . 11. In April 4. Malabar Parao's took a Portugues Ship , carrying the Men into slavery under Arcolo , a King of the Country opposite to the Place where the famous Fort of Cunnale once stood . Among the Prisoners were two Franciscans , one whereof proved so acceptable to the King , that he was the cause of settling a firm Peace between him and the Viceroy . 12. Two Ships arrived from Lisbon , which returning home the next Year were lost , with the whole Portugues Fleet upon the Coast of France in a terrible Storm , and was the greatest Loss Portugal sustained since the time of King Sebastian . 13. There being nothing remarkable this Year in India , let us see what the Carmelites did in Persia , where they got footing in the Year 1604. They soon erected several Convents , and confirmed the Armenians who were in danger of falling from the Faith , terrified with the Persecution raised by the King of Persia. F. Basil of St. Francis was very successful among those called of Saint Iohn about Bassora . In the short space of six Months he Preached in the difficult Persian , Arabian and Turkish Languages , as if he had part of the gift of Languages peculiar to the Apostles , and gained such Reputation , that many neighbouring Princes permitted him to Preach and build Churches in their Dominions . 14. F. Iohn Thadeus and F. Peter of Saint Thomas went to the City Xiras , being sent for by the Sultan thereof , where they converted some Mahometans ; others gave them their Doubts in Writing to be sent to Rome , assuring if they were satisfied in those Points , there would be no need of Preaching to convert them . Ve●…taviet Moses an Armenian Bishop , acknowledged his Error in denying the Supremacy of the Church of Rome , and promised to perswade all her Diocess to acknowledge it . In fine , these Fathers have laboured with great Profit and Success . 15. Three Ships sailed this Year from Lisbon to India , one of them at his return , on this side the Cape Good Hope , fought twice with three Dutch Ships , and came off with Honour . 16. Nunno Alvarez Botello sailing with his Galleons for Mascate , there arose such a terrible Storm , that it parted all his Company from him , and he had much difficulty to perswade his Men in despair to work : The Tempest ceasing their Provisions fell snort ; there was but one Pipe of Water for 500 Men , and no Land near where they might be supplied . Some died with Thirst , others running mad leaped over-board . After a Fortnight spent in this miserable Condition , they discovered the Land of Rozalgat●… always fatal to the Portugueses . The Men cried to go ashore , but Nunno with fair words and kindness disswaded them , and coming to Teve they were relieved without danger . 17. Off Surat Nunno discovered six Dutch Ships , he gave them c●…ace , but lost them . He sailed to Bombaim to refit a Galleon , and thence to the Bar of Diu. An English and Dutch Squadron , both consisting of 17 Sail , sailed to Bombaim thinking to find him there . They battered the Fort , and m●…ting no Opposition burnt the poor Towns along the Coast. A Dutch Captain entring the Church of Our Lady of Hope , with his Sword cut to pieces a great Crucifix , and burnt part of it . He had soon after the Reward of this Barbarity , his Ship being burnt by Ruy Freyre , and he with all the Men slain . Nunno hearing of this Action begged the Crucifix of the Rector , vowing to carry it always with him , till he had revenged the Wrong , or died in the Execution of it . So it fell out , as will be seen hereafter . 18. The King of Achem fitted out a Fleet of 35 Galleys against Malaca , D. Francis Coutinno with 16. Sail burnt 34 of them killing or taking 3000 Men , and bringing off 800 pieces of Cannon . 19. On the 17th of Iune 4 Dutch Ships came before the Port of Macao , designing to fall upon the Fleet was ready to sail for Iapan . The King's Revenue being low , our Commander could act nothing against them , some rich Men undertook it in Merchant Ships . They fitted out five , and boarding the Enemy's Admiral burnt her , killing 37 Men , taking 50 , 24 pieces of Cannon , a quantity of Ball , some Money and much Provisions . The other 3 fled . 20. Ferdinand de Sousa commanded at Angola , and after defending it against two Dutch Squadrons , fortified the Coast the space of half a League , raising 4 Works planted with Cannon , and cast up a Trench at the Bar of Corimba , which secured it against any attempt . Zinga Queen of Angola went with a great Power to Besiege the Garrison of Ambaça , but Iohn Carreyro sending a Company of Portugueses to assist that Lord who was our Friend , the Queen was defeated . A Body of Men marching to her aid was met by nine Portugueses with a number of Blacks , who fled at first sight ; the nine Portugueses fought till their Pouder was spent , and two being killed , the other seven were taken , which was no small Satisfaction to the Queen , and many of the Blacks who before were our Friends , hereupon became Neuters . 21. Soon after the Queen was defeated and deposed , and her Brother Airiquibange Crowned King , being become a Christian , as did many Persons of Note by his means . At Congo the City Salvador was taken by the Prince of Sunne , who killing the King , placed in his stead D. Ambrose of the same Blood Royal. He proved a wise and religious Prince . 22. The beginning of this Year went from Portugal for India but one Ship , and a Pink. The latter as it return'd was burnt by the Dutch , and the Men made Prisoners . But in November 3 Ships more set sail . The Viceroy returned to Portugal in the first Ship , having resigned the Government to D. F. Luis de Brito Bishop of Cochim , by reason D. Francis Mascarennas , appointed to succeed him , was gone to Spain . The Count this second time Govern'd above 5 Years . He was the 25 th Viceroy , and 46th Governor ; the 6th of the Name , and 4th of the Sirname . CHAP. III. The Government D. F. Luis de Brito , Bishop of Cochim , from the Year 1628 , till 1629. 1. THE King having ordered the Count de Vidigueyra to resign the Government to D. Francis Mascarennas then gone to Spain , he committed it to D. F. Luis de Brito , Bishop of Cochim . There being no account of any thing memorable in this first Year of his Government , we will go on to next . The first that occurs is what happened at Ceylon . 2. Our General Constantine de Sa having declared War against Candea , F. Francis Negram sent him advice to attack that City immediately , and he might take the King , as being wholly unprovided ; he lost the Opportunity by only a short Delay about other Affairs . Nevertheless the City was destroyed with Fire and Sword. 3. The King of Achem imflamed with the Desire of recovering Malaca , contrary to the Laws of Nations , imprisoned our Ambassador then residing at his Co●…t , and made extraordinary Preparations for a Siege , as designing to undertake it in Person . Laçamane his great General who had conquered many Kings for him , opposed this Resolution , for which he lost his Prince's Favour . 4. Marraja ambitious by Flattery to gain his Prince's Esteem , promised the King to make him soon Master of that so much coveted Town ; and hereupon had the Command of the Sea given him , as Laçamane that of the Land. The King set out with a Fleet of near 250 Sail in which he carried 20000 Men , and a great Train of Artillery . In this number of Vessels were fortyseven Galleys of extraordinary Strength , Beauty and Value , all near One hundred Foot in length , and of a proportionable breadth . The King went aboard with his Treasure , Wife and Children ; but upon some ill Omen the Fleet sailed without him , and came before Malaca at the beginning of Iuly . 5. As they landed they marched towards the Castle that is between the City and Pangor . Antony Pinto de Fonseca with 200 Men , charges them , and kills above 300 without losing a Man. Iohn Suarez Vivas , who commanded 350 Portugueses at Iller , after doing great Execution among the Enemy on several occasions , overpower'd by their numbers was forced to abandon that Post. 6. The Enemy having gained Mount St. Iohn , thence battered the Fort furiously , which answered with no less liberality . The Capuchin Convent of the Mother of God was of importance to the defence of the Fort , Iames Lopez de Fonseca having defended it 50 Days , made a Sally with 200 Men defeating 2000 of the Enemy . Lopez falling sick , Francis Carvallo de Maya took that Post and defended it so well , that the Enemy was provoked to batter it with such Fury , that the Monastery was abandoned , being levelled with the Ground . Out of those Ruins the Enemy raised good Works , where Laçamane held his Quarter with 3000 Men. Maraja had another large Fort upon Mount St. Iohn ; there was another towards Iller ; another at St. Laurence , and so in other Places with Lines of Communication . They provided Boats to run up the River , and straiten the Town on all sides . 7. Our General Fonseca desiring to disturb Laçamane , sent Vivas with 220 Portugueses to attack his Works . He killing 100 and the rest flying , possessed himself of the Work by Night , and retired with some of the Cannon . The King of Pam our Allye understanding the Posture of our Affairs , sent a Fleet with 2000 Men to the assistance of the Town . Next came Michael Pereyra Borallo with five Sail from St. Thomas , but all was too little to remove so powerful an Enemy , though they had lost above 4000 Men , having killed but 60 of ours . This was the Condition of the Town at the end of October when Nunno Alvarez Botello arriv'd there . 8. The Bishop then Governor was informed of this Design upon Malaca in Iune , and of the weakness of the Place , which required a speedy Relief . It was then the dead of Winter , and the Bishop was not very forward ; so the business was put off till September . The Bishop falling sick minded the Recovery of his Health , more than the Town , and was put in mind by the principal Men of Goa ( moved thereto by Nunno Alvarez Botello ) of the great danger that Place would be exposed to , if not speedily relieved . They desired him to appoint some Person who might forward that Business since sickness hindred him . He , after seeming to approve of what they said , could never be prevailed with to name any , fearing perhaps he so named would wrest the Government from him sooner than Death . 9. But Death took him away about the end of Iuly , that those who were Ambitious to relieve Malaca might put their Designs in Execution . That Bishop governed nineteen or twenty Months , was the Forty-seventh Governor , second of the Name , first of the Sirname , and the second Prelate that had that Command . CHAP. IV. Of the Viceroy D. Francis Mascarennas in the Year 1628 , with sundry Occurrences at Pegu , Martavam , Prom , Siam , and other Places . 1. DON Francis Mascarennas had served so well in India , that without solliciting he was appointed Viceroy there , at the same time he was coming for Spain . Being arrived here , he was sent back this Year with the same Title , and sailed from Lisbon with three Ships , only one of them reached India , the other two with the Viceroy were put back to Lisbon . 2. In the Viceroy's Ship a Gentleman was taken actually committing an abominable Crime , whom the Viceroy caused to be shot in pieces at the mouth of a Cannon . He He was accused of this Action , as not having power of Life and Death , being at that time upon his return , yet he was well received at Court , and sworn of the Council of State of Portugal . He may be reckoned the 27th Viceroy , and 48th Governor , the 7th of the Name , and 4th of the Sirname . 3. Since this Gentleman not passing to India has deprived us of the worthy Actions might be expected from him , let that Want be supplied with an account of Exploits of the Black King of Siam , in whom appeared a strange mixture of Virtues and Vices . Much has been said of him already , whereof some hints shall be given here , and all that was before omitted added . 4. In the Year 1544 , the King of the Brama's by Sea and Land besieged the City Martavam , Metropolis of the great and flourishing Kingdom of that Name , whose Yearly Revenue was 3 Millions of Gold , Chaubainaa being then King , and Nhay Ca●…otoo Queen thereof , who from the height of Fortune fell to the depth of Misery . The Brama Fleet consisted of 700 Sail , 100 of them great Galleys . In them were 700 Portugueses commanded by one Iohn Caeyro , reputed a Man of Valour and Conduct . 5. After a Siege of 7 Months and 5 Assaults , wherein the Brama's lost 12000 Men ; Chaubainaa found it was impossible to withstand that Power , Provision being already so scarce , they had eaten 3000 Elephants . He offered to Capitulate , but no Conditions were allowed by the Besieger ; and therefore resolved to make use of the Portugueses , to whom he had always been very just and serviceable . But Man never remembers Favours received in Prosperity of those he sees in Adversity . 6. The disconsolate King sent one Seixas to Cayero to offer , if he would receive him , his Family and Treasure into the four Ships under his Command , he would give half the Treasure to the King of Portugal , become his Vassal , and pay such Tribute as should be agreed upon , not doubting with the assistance of 2000 Portugueses , who should be maintained at his own Expence , to recover his Kingdom . Caeyro consulted the principal Portugueses , and in their presence asked of Seixas what the Treasure of Martavans was ; who affirmed , he had not seen all , but that of what he had two of our Ships might be loaded with Jewels and Gold , and 4 or 5 of Silver . The Portugueses envious of the great Fortune Cayero might make by accepting that Offer , threatned to discover him to the King of Brama if he consented . 7. The King of Martavam surprized at this refusal , and seeing Seixas took his leave to fly the Danger that threatned the City , gave him a pair of Bracelets , excusing the smallness of the Gift , and they were afterwards sold to the Governour of Narsinga for 80000 Ducats . Then he resolved to fire the City and , sallying with those few Men he had left , die honourably among his Enemies . But that night an Officer with 4000 Men dedeserted to the Enemy , and discovered the Design . The King thus betrayed , Capitulated with the Enemy for his own and the Lives of his Wife and Children , and leave to end his Days in Retirement . This and more was granted easily , because the Conquerour designed to perform no part of the Promise . 8. From the City Gate to the King of Brama's Tent was a league distance , all which way was a Lane of many thousand Musketiers of sundry Nations , and next the Gate were posted the Portugueses . The first came out was the Queen in a Chair , her two Daughters and two Sons in two others . About them 40 beautiful Ladies led by as many ancient ones encompassed with Talegrepos , ( a sort of Religious Men among them habited like our Capuchins ) who prayed and comforted them . Then came the King guarded by his Enemies , seated on a small She-Elephant , cloathed in black Velvet ; his Head , Beard , and Eye-brows shaved , and a Rope about his Neck , which moved even the Enemy to compassion . 9. The unfortunate King seeing the Portugueses would not stir one foot till they were removed from that Post , and that done went on . Being come before the King of Brama , he cast himself at his Feet ; but not being able to speak for Grief , the Raolim of Mounay Talaypor , Chief Priest of those Gentiles , and esteemed a Saint , made an Harangue in his behalf , of force to have moved to Compassion any other but that obdurate King. The miserable King , his Queen , Children , and Ladies , were secured . The two following days were spent in removing the Treasure , at which 1000 Men laboured , and it amounted to 100 Millions of Gold. The third day the Army had liberty to plunder , which lasted four days , and was valued 12 Millions . Next the City was burnt , wherein perished by Fire and Sword above 60000 Souls , besides as many made Slaves ; 2000 Temples , and 40000 Houses , were laid even with the Ground . There were in the Town 6000 Pieces of Cannon , 100000 Quintals of Pepper , and as much of other Spices . 10. The morning that followed this Destruction , there appeared on a Hill called Beydao 21 Gibbets , with a strong Guard of Horse . Thither was led the Queen , with her Children and Ladies , in all making 140 , and were all hanged up by the Feet . The King and 50 Men of great Quality were cast into the Sea with Stones about their Necks . The Army seeing this Barbarity , mutinied , and the King was in great danger . 11. He leaving People to Rebuild the ruined City , returned to Pegu with the rest of his Army , and among them Iohn Caeyro and his 700 Portugueses . Of these , four stayed at Martavam ; one of them was Iohn Falcam , who , in stead of assisting Fernan Mendez Pinto , sent by Peter de Faria Commander of Malaca to confirm the Peace with the murdered King , accused him to the Governour of the Town as an Enemy to the King of Brama . The Governour seized Pinto's Vessel , and in it Goods to the value of 100000 Ducats , killed the Master and some others , and sent the rest Prisoners to Pegu. This false Dealing was not new in Falcam , for he had before forsaken the murdered King after being much honoured by him . 12. The King of Brama , who thought now to reap the Fruit of his Victories in Peace , was alarmed by him of Siam , who attempted to recover the Kingdom of Tangu , which had been wrested from him . In March 1546 , he embarked 900000 Men on 12000 Vessels upon the River Ansedaa , and passing out of it into that called Pichau Malacon in April , came before the City Pro●… . The King hereof was dead , and had left a Son to inherit but 13 Years of Age , married to the King of Avaa's Daughter , from whom he expected 60000 Men would come to his Assistance . This moved the King to press the Siege , hoping to gain the City before that Succour could come . After 6 days , the Queen offered to hold the Crown of him , and pay what Tribute he should impose , provided he would draw off from the City . 13. The King insisted , that the Queen should put herself into his hands with all her Treasure , but she knowing how perfidious he was , resolved to defend herself . He gave several Assaults , and by the Sword in them , and a Plague that raged in the Army , lost 80000 Men , among which were 500 Portugueses . 14. This way of Assault proving so pernicious , he raised a Mount , which overlooking the Town , and being full of Cannon , left no place of safety to the besieged ; but 5000 of them sallying , destroyed the Mount , killed 15000 of their Enemies , carried off 80 Cannons , and wounded the King , who in a rage slew 2000 Portugueses that were upon the Guard , as negligent of their Duty . 15. About the end of August , Xemin Melatay , one of the four principal Men that commanded in the City , treacherously gave him entrance , and the Place was utterly subverted with Fire and Sword. Two thousand Children cut in pieces were served as Food for the Elephants . The Queen was publickly whipped , and delivered up to the Lust of the Soldiers till she died . The young King was tied to her dead Body , and cast into the River ; the same was done with 300 Gentlemen , after Stakes were drove through their Bodies . 16. The Prince of Avaa marching to the relief of his Sister , understood what had happened , and meeting the Traytor Xemin that had betrayed her leading a great Power , they came to a Battel , in which all the Avaa's were slain to 800 , having made an incredible slaughter of their Enemies . The King coming up , fell upon those 800 and slew them all , with the loss of 12000 of his Army , and then beheaded the Traytor Xemin . 17. After this Victory he went up the River Queytor with 60000 Men in 1000 Boats , and coming to the Port of Avaa about the middle of October , burnt above 2000 Vessels and some Villages with the loss of 8000 Men , and among them 62 Portugueses . He understood the City was defended by 20000 Moors , 30000 of which People had at Meleytay slain 150000 of his Army ; and that the King of Siam was preparing to come to their Relief . Upon this News he returned with speed to Prom and fortified himself , whilst an Ambassador went to purchase Succours from the Emperor of Calaminam with rich Presents , and the offer of certain Lands . 18. The Empire of Calaminam is said to be 300 leagues in length , and as much in breadth , formerly divided into 27 Kingdoms , all using the same Language , beautified with many Cities and great Towns , and very fruitful . In it is to be found all that Asia produces . The Metropolis is called Timpham , seated on the River Pitui , which is covered with multitudes of Boats. It is girt by two strong and beautiful Walls , contains 400000 Inhabitants , the Buildings good , especially some stately Palaces with fine Gardens ; in and about it are 2500 Temples belonging to 24 several Sects . Some use bloody Sacrifices , and some of the Priests abstain from Women , but satisfie their Lust by such ways , it were better they did not abstain . The Women are well shaped , fair and beautiful ; though beautiful , they are chast , two Qualifications seldom go together . Their Habit suitable to their Quality , not the Purse . The great ones are served in Gold. In their Law Suits , ( O happy Country ! ) they use no Attorneys , Sollicitors , not Pr●…ctors ; all Things are decided at one Hearing . The Kingdom maintains 1700000 Soldiers , 400000 of them Horse : 6000 Elephants , whereof the Emperor styles himself Lord by reason of their numerousness ; his Revenue is above 20 Millions . There remain some footsteps of Christianity from ancient Times among them ; as , that they believe the Blessed Trinity , and make the sign of the Cross when they sneeze . 19. This was the Empire of Calaminnam , whither the King of Brama sent his Ambassador . He being returned , the King sent 150000 Men in 1300 Boats against the City Sebadii , 130 leagues distant towards the North-East . The General Chaunigrem having lost many Men in several Assaults , raised two Mounts , whence he did great harm in the City ; but the Besieged sallying , killed at once 8000 , another time 5000 of his Men. Let us a while leave the King of Brama's Affairs in this condition to see what was done at Siam , in order to treat of them both together . 20. The King of Cheammay , after destroying 30000 Men that guarded the Frontiers , besieged the City of Guitirvam , belonging to the King of Siam , who immediately gathered 500000 Men , among which were 120 Portugueses much honoured by him . This multitude was conveyed along the River in 3000 Boats , and by Land marched 4000 Elephants , and 200 Pieces of Cannon . He found the Enemy had about 300000 Men , and 2000 Boats. The Siammite gave the Command of his Army to three Generals , two Turks , and one Portugues called Dominick Seixas . At first the Siammite was worsted , but recovering , defeated his Enemy , killing 130000 Men , whereof almost 40000 were good Horse . This Victory cost him 50000 , but of the worst of his Army . 21. This done , he marched against the Queen of Guibem , who had given the Enemy passage through her Country , and entring the City Fumbacor , spared neither Sex nor Age. The Queen being besieged in her Court of Guiror , agreed to pay a Tribute of 60000 Ducats , and gave her Son as Hostage . Then he advanced towards the City Taysiram , ( whither he thought the King of Chiammay was fled ) putting all to Fire and Sword , only sparing the Women ; then Winter coming on , returned home . 22. Being come to his Court of Oiaa , or Odiaz , he was poisoned by the Queen , then big with Child by one of her Servants ; but before he died , caused his eldest Son , then young , to be declared King. He left 30000 Ducats to the 120 Portugueses that served him , and ordered they should pay no Duties in any of his Ports for 3 Years to come . 23. The Adulterous Queen , being near the time of her Delivery , poisoned her lawful Son , married her Servant , and caused him to be proclaimed King. But they enjoyed not the Crown long , being both slain at a Feast on the second of February by the King of Cambodia and Oya Pansiloco , with all their Adherents . CHAP. V. Continues the Affairs of the Kings of Siam and Pegu. 1. THERE being no lawful Heir to the Kingdom of Siam , Pretiel a Religious Talagrepo , bastard Brother to the poisoned King , was by common Consent received as such , in the beginning of the Year 1549. The King of Brama or Pegu ( for it is the same ) seeing the Affairs of Siam in Consusion , resolved to conquer that Kingdom . He raised an Army of 800000 Men , among which were 1000 Portugueses , 40000 Horse , 60000 Musqueteers , 20000 Elephants , 1000 Cannon drawn by as many Yoke of Oxen and Abadas , and 1000 Waggons of Ammunition drawn by Bufaloes . The Portugueses were commanded by Iames Suarez de Melo called the Gallego , who came to India in the Year 1538 , in 1542 was Pyrating about Moçambique , in 1547 was at the Relief of Malaca , and in 1549 being in the Service of this King was worth four Millions in Jewels and other things of value , had a Pension of 200000 Ducats yearly , and the Title of the King's-Brother , was supream Governour of all his Dominions , and General of his Army . 2. The King marched with that prodigious multitude , and after one repulse took the Fort of Tapuram defended by 2000 Siammites , putting all to the Sword , with the loss of 3000 of Men. By the way the City Iuvopisam surrendred , and he sate down before Odiaa , the Capital of Siam , which seemed to make no account of that great Power . Iames Suarez who commanded in chief surprized hereat , gave an assault and lost 10000 Men. Another attempt was made with Elephants , but with no better success . 3. The King offered 500000 Ducats to have a Gate of the City delivered to him ; Oya Pasiloco who commanded in the Town understanding it , opened a Gate , and sent to tell him he might bring the Money , for he was ready to receive it . The Tyrant had no answer to make , but continuing the Siege with vigour , was forced to flacken upon the coming of the new King. Five Months being spent with the loss of 150000 Men ▪ News was brought that Xemindoo , a Man of great Parts , had rebelled at Pegu , and killed 15000 Men that opposed him . As soon as this was known in the Camp , 120000 Pegues deserted in hatred to that Foreign Ring that oppressed , and to the Insolence of Iames Suarez who commanded them . 4. Xemindoo was of the ancient Blood Royal of Pegu , a great Preacher , and esteemed a Saint . He made a Sermon so efficacious against the Tyranny of Princes and Oppression of that Kingdom ; that he was taken out of the Pulpit and proclaimed King. Whereupon he slew 5000 Brama's in the Palace , seizing all the Treasure , and in a few Days all the strong Holds in the Kingdom submitted to him . 5. The Armies of the two Kings met within two Leagues of the City Pegu ; that of Brama consisted of 350000 Men , Xeminboos of 600000 ; of the latter about 300000 were slain , and 60000 of the former . The victorious King entred Pegu , and contrary to agreement slew many , and seized great Treasures . 6. Mean while the City Martavam declares for Xemindoo , killing 2000 Bramaes . Xemim of Zatam did the same in the City of that name . The King marched towards him , but he contrived to have him murdered by the way . This was the end of that Tyrant . 7. Xemim was proclaimed King by his Party , and in nine Days gathered above 30000 Men. Chaumigrem , Brother to the dead King , plundered the City and Palace and fled to Tangu where he was born . Xemim de Zatan became so odious by his ill Government , that in four Months many of his Subjects fled , and some joined with Xemind●…o , who made an Army of 60000 Men. Let us leave him a while to relate the end of Iames Suarez de Melo , after the wonderful Rise already mentioned . 8. Iames Suarez passing by a rich Merchant's House , on the Day of his Daughter's Wedding , and seeing the great Beauty of the Bride , attempted to carry her away by force , killing the Bridegroom and others who came to her rescue . Mean while the Bride strangled her self . 9. The Father expecting no Justice whilst that King Reigned , shut himself up , and never stirred abroad till Xemim de Zatan coming to the Crown , he so lamented his Wrong about the Town , that above 50000 of the People gathered about him crying out for Justice . The new King searing some worse consequence caused Suarez to be apprehended and delivered up to that Rabble . 10. This was accordingly performed , and and the multitude stoning him he was in a minute buried under a heap of Rubbish . No sooner was that done , but they took the Body from under that Pile , and tearing it in pieces delivered it to the Boys to drag about the Streets , they giving them Alms for so doing . His House was plundered , and the Treasure found being much less than what was expected , it was believed he had buried the rest . 11. The new King Xemim de Zatan soon followed Iames Suarez , for his Subjects no longer able to bear his Cruelty and Avarice , fled in great numbers to Xemimdoo , who was now Master of some considerable Towns. He marched to the City Pegu with 200000 Men , and 5000 Elephants . Zatan met him with 800000 , and the Fight was long doubtful , till Gonçalo Neto who with 80 Portugueses followed Xemimdoo , killed Zatam with a Musket Shot , which opened the way for Zemimdoo into the City , where he was Crowned on the 3d of February 1550. Gonzalo Neto had 10000 Crowns for that fortunate Shot , and his Companions 5000. 12. Chaumigrem , who the Year before retired to Pegu , hearing afterwards that Xemindoo was unprovided , marched against him , and obtaining the Victory brought that Crown again under the subjection of the Bramaes . Xemindoo taken some time after , was publickly beheaded . 13. The War began again between Chaumigrem King of Pegu and him of Siam . The Army of Pegu consisted of 1700000 Men , among which were many Portugueses , and 17000 Elephants . All this Army came to Ruin , and the Kingdom of Pegu was made subject to that of Arracam , as was related in the 3d Chapter of the 2d Part of this Tome . The Kingdom of Siam , though much harassed with these Invasions , held out , and in the Year 1627 , whereof we now treat , was possessed by the Black King , so called because he really was so , whereas all that People is white and fair . 14. This King in the Year 1621 , sent an Embassy to Goa , desiring some Franciscans would come to Preach in his Kingdom . F. Andrew of the Holy Ghost went , and was much honoured by him at his Court of Odiaa . He not only gave him leave to erect a Church , but was himself a●… the whole ●…xpence , and offered the Father great Riches , which he constantly refused to the great admiration of that King. 15. This Prince was of Stature small , of an ill Presence , and of Temper in part most wicked , and in part generous . Tho' cruel Men be generally Cowards , he was most cruel and valiant ; and whereas Tyrants for the most part are covetous , he was most liberal . As much barbarity as he practised in some things , he shewed as much goodness in others . 16. He was not content to put Thieves and Robbers to common Deaths , but caused them to be torn to pieces in his Presence , and for his Pastime by Tigers and Crocodiles . Understanding that a King his Vassal was about to Rebel , he shut him up in a Cage , and fed him with morsels of his own Flesh torn from his Body , and then had him fryed in a Pan. With his own hand he cut 7 Court-Ladies off at the Waste , only because he said they walked too fast . He cut off the Legs of 3 others because they staid long , being sent for Money he was to give to certain Portugueses : The first suffered for going too fast , these for being too slow . 17. This severity extended to brute Beasts . He cut off the Paw of a Monkey he much valued , because the silly Beast put it into a Box wherein were some Curiosities . A Horse no less esteemed had his Head cut off in the Stable before the rest , because he stopt not when he checked him . Some Crows making a noise over the Palace , he caused 500 of them to be catched , some were kill'd , others shut up , and others turned loose with Yokes about their Necks . A Tiger that did not immediately seize a Criminal cast to him , was by his Command beheaded as a Coward 18. Thus much of the wicked part of this Prince , now to speak of his Vertues . He kept his word inviolably , was rigorous in the Execution of Justice , liberal above measure , and very merciful to those that committed pardonable Faults . He sent a Portugues with much Money to Malaca to buy several Goods , he after buying them lost all at Play , and yet had the boldness to return to the King's Presence , who received him kindly , saying , He valued the Consifidence reposed in his Generosity , more than all the Goods he could have brought . He shewed great respect to our religious Men , and encouraged the planting of Christianity in his Dominions . His Valour was unspeakable . 19. Let us conclude this Chapter with a short Description of this Kingdom . It s proper Name is Sornau . The extent along the Coast is about 700 Leagues , and the breadth up the Inland 260. Most of the Country consists of fruitful Plains , being watered by many Rivers : It is plentiful of all sorts of Provisions . The Hills are covered with variety of Trees , particularly abundance of Ebony , Brasil and Angelin . There are many Mines of Sulphur , Salt-Petre , Tin , Iron , Silver , Gold , Zaphirs and Rubies ; much Sweetwood , Benjamin , Wax , Cinnamon , Pepper , Ginger and Cardamum , Sugar , Honey , Silk and Cotton . The King's Revenue is about 13 Millions . In his Dominions are almost 13000 Cities and Towns , besides innumerable Villages . All the Towns are walled , the People for the most part timorous , weak and unarmed . The Coast reaches to both Seas ; on that of India are Iunzalam and Tanauzarim ; on that of China , Mompolocota , Cey , Lugor , Chinbu and Perdio . CHAP. VI. Of the Governor Nunno Alvarez Botello , in the Year 1629. 1. THE Bishop late Governor being deceased , and the next Patent of Succession opened , there appeared two named ; D. Laurence de Cunna Commander of Goa for the Civil Government , and Nunno Alvarez Pereyra for the Military . Of this last Name there were two in India , or none ; for if D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra , a Gentleman well known , was meant , there wanted the Title of Don ; and if Nunno Alvarez Botello , the Sirname was wrong . 2. It was thought unlikely the Title of Don could be omitted through a mistake , because in Portugal it is peculiar to some Families only , and therefore could not be forgot . The mistake as to Nunno Alvarez Botello was more probable , because he had long gone by the Name of Pereyra , in memory of his Grandfather Alvarez Pereyra , and changed Pereyra for Botello when he inherited the Estate of his Father Botello ; yet some called him by the one , and some by the other Name . For this Reason , and because the Counsel of Goa , and the Count de Linnares when he came to India allowed Nunno Alvarez Botello as such , I have given him this Place among the Governors of India . 3. Nunno Alvarez Botello zealous of the Honor of his Country , and considering how dangerous Delays might prove to Malaca then in distress , undertook the Relief of that Place , saying , he would refer the Decision of the Debate about his or the others Right to the Government till his return . Nevertheless by general Consent he went with the Title of Governor . Afterwards it was concluded by the Counsel of Goa , that Gonçalo Pinto de Fonseca the High Chancellor , should have the Charge of the Administration of Justice . Thus the whole Government was divided between Cunna , Fonseca , and Nunno . 4. Nunno now admitted as Governor , left the Palace to go live upon the Shore , to be the more at hand to forward the Preparations for his Design , wherein he used such Diligence , that having that Charge committed to him on the 2d of August , by the beginning of September he had gathered 900 Portugueses , a good Train of Artillery , store of Arms and Ammunition , and had 30 Sail ready to put to Sea , if the Weather had permitted . 5. He set Sail the 22th of September , and was in 4 Storms ; 2 of them so terrible , they all gave themselves for lost . In this manner he sailed to Pulubutum , and sent 2 Vessels to give notice of his coming at Malaca , but came himself before the Advice , and understood that Michael Pereyra Botello sent by the Bishop late Governor was there before him . At Pulubutum he found a Vessel of Cochim , and two of Negapatan , which was some addition to his Fleet. On the 22th of October after Noon , the Fleet arrived at Malaca divided into 3 Squadrons , Nunno commanded one , the Vice-Admiral Coello and D. Hierome de Silveyra the other two . Laçamane was strangely surprized , because his Fleet was then in the River Pongor , a League from the Fort , whence they could not escape ours . 6. Our General landed and gave the necessary Orders , then imbarquing again entred the River through showers of Bullets , which he repaid so effectually , that the Enemy the same Night abandoned their advanced Works , retiring to those of the Capuchin Monastery . There was not Water enough in the River Pongor for our Ships , therefore our General put what Men he could aboard 33 Balones or Balames , lighter Vessels , and with them went in Person to view the Enemy's Strength . 7. The Enemy in care for their Galleys , quit their Works at Madre de Dios and St. Iohn , and with wonderful Expedition cast up others . Nunno attacks them , and gained so much advantage , he proposed to the Enemy to surrender , Marraja returned a civil and resolute Answer . 8. His Case being desperate , he attempted to escape by Night in the lesser Vessels , leaving the main Fleet to our disposal , but was discovered and prevented by the vigilance and bravery of Beltasar Mendez Vasquez de Evora , who cut off many of his Men , not without some Loss , whereof was no small part that of his own Arm. Our Governor understanding the Enemy resolved to make use of their formidable Galleys prepared to receive them , and perceiving that called The Terror of the World move , sent Francis Lopez Admiral of our Galleys to attack her : He pierced through Clouds of smoke , and millions of Bullets , boards , and after two hours fight makes himself Master of her , killing 500 of 700 Moors she carried , with the loss of seven of his own Men. 9. On the 25th of November the Enemy firing a Galley that was full of Women brought to People Malaca , and now sent to People Hell , again attempted to break through our Fleet , but without success , many of them were taken , and many leaping into the Water fled to the Woods , where they were devoured by wild Beasts . Laçamane hanging out a white Flag , sent Commissioners to treat with Nunno , who answered , No Treaty could be allowed , till they delivered our Ambassador Peter de Abreu , whom they kept Prisoner . But they delaying , our Cannon began again to play furiously . 10. The last Day of November our Governor understood Marraja was killed , and at the same time , that our Allye the King of Pam was coming with 100 Sail to his assistance . Nunno went to visit him , and his Mother who came with him , and was received with the greatest Ceremonies used by those Eastern Princes to our Governors . Presents were sent reciprocally , and Nunno returned to his Post. The Enemy played their Cannon so desperately , it made our Men abate of their Confidence , but on the 4th of December sent our Ambassador Abreu with Proposals , only desiring 3 Galleys of all their Fleet to carry off 4000 Men that were left of 20000 that came before the Town . 11. It was answered , they must immediately surrender upon promise of Life . Whilst Laçamane doubted , Nunno assaults him , and forcing all his Works puts many to the Sword ; some flying to the River are drowned , others in the Woods become food to the wild Beasts . In fine , Nunno obtain'd the most glorious Victory the Portugueses ever had in India ; for of all that Fleet not one Vessel got off , and of that great Army not a Man escaped being killed , or taken . The Booty was such , all our Men were enriched , and Nunno reserved for himself nothing but a Parrot much valued by Laçamane . 12. He distributed the Cannon that was taken among the Forts of India , the Galleys and Slaves among the Religious , and so the rest to others . This done , he entred the City in Triumph , not that he desired it , having begged they would suffer him to go alone and barefoot , to prostrate himself before the Lord of Hosts , and acknowledge this Victory was wholly his , and not of the Portugueses , but he was forced to submit to the Will and Intreaties of the City . 13. The Streets were thronged with Men , the Windows and tops of Houses with Women , sprinkling sweet Waters , and strewing Flowers upon our Hero. The Musick could not be heard for the noise of Cannon , and all the City was filled with Joy. The like Demonstrations were afterwards in all our other Eastern Conquests . 14. This done , the Governor returned aboard , having other Designs in hand . Then came an Embassy from the King of Pera Tributary to him of Achem now defeated , he offered to pay our Crown the Tribute , he had till then paid the other , and to deliver up great Riches left in his Custody belonging to that King and the General Laçamane . D. Dierome de Silveyra was sent with 11 Ships to receive the Treasure , and established the Peace , which he performed , and returned with all that had been promised . It was applied to pay the Men , and refit the Fleet. 15. The King of Pam came to congratulate the Victory , and Nunno set out to meet him . Great Civilities and presents passed between them , and the King desired leave to see the City , which was granted , and whilst he was there nobly entertained , the Magistrates and Officers went to visit his Mother , a wise Woman , and great lover of the Portugueses . These Ceremonies performed , Nunno resolved to sail towards the Streight of Cingapura , to secure the Ships that were expected from China against the Hollanders . The King kept him Company a little way , and they parted on the 11th of December , Nunno earnestly recommending to him the taking of Laçamane , who was fled into the Woods , and the King promising his utmost endeavours , after which they steered several Courses . CHAP. VII . Continues the Exploits of the Governor and General Nunno Alvarez Botello . 1. ABout the middle of Ianuary Nunno Alvarez Botello being about Romania , there were brought Prisoners to him Laçamane , and two other Officers , one of them the first Lord of Achem. Such was the diligence used by the King of Pam. Our Governor received them honourably , and Laçamane being before him nothing daunted , said , Behold here Laçamane the first time overcome and Prisoner ; but two things concur to make my Misfortune more tolerable , one , That I am overcome by you ; another , That Obedience to my King contrary to my own advice , has brought me into this Condition . Nunno replied , Malaca is beholding to you for the advice you gave your Prince , and I for your Obedience to him . 2. Nunno Alvarez , by reason of the contrary Winds , could not come up with five Holland Ships that were about Pulolaor , and took one of our Galliots coming from China , the Men getting ashore . He returned to Malaca to refit his Ships , and resolved to attempt the Fort of Iacatara , the best those Rebels possest in Asia . But first he sent Antony de Sousa Coutinno with Laçamane's Admiral Galley , called The Terror of the World , in which he was Prisoner in order to be sent to Spain , the Galley went of a Present to the City Goa . This Galley carried one Gun of Tambaca , a precious sort of Metal , which was valued at above 7000 Ducats , another much more for its curious Workmanship . Laçamane died before he could be brought to Portugal . 3. Nunno understanding the new Viceroy , the Count de Linnares , was arrived at Goa in October , gave him an account of what had been done , and desired assistance and his approbation to continue in those Parts , in order to carry on his Designs against the English and Dutch. About the end of April the Viceroy sent all he desired and much more , which was a full Power to act as Governour , without being obliged to expect any Orders from Goa . 4. Mean while Nunno sailed with 2●… Ships towards the Streight of Cingapura . Putting in at Iambe , a Place abounding in Pepper , and therefore much resorted to by our European Enemies , after a stout opposition he took two large Ships , the least whereof , with the Prisoners , was sent to Malaca . Then sailing up the River , he discovered another Ship so large and beautiful , he designed it to make his entrance into Goa , but a Bullet falling into the Powder , blew her up . Passing farther up , several of the Men seeing the Water cool and clear , and not knowing its venomous quality , drank of it and died . 5. They spent 22 days going up the River with much trouble . About two leagues from them was the Town where the Hollanders had two Ships under shelter , and our Admiral was desirous to take them . He manned 14 light Vessels to go view the Place and Works ; 26 Sail of the Natives and Dutch met him , and were put to flight . 6. Having viewed the Works , and found it not practicable to attempt the two Ships by reason of the shelter they were under , he destroyed all the Neighbouring Places with Fire and Sword , then sailed down the River designing for Iacatara . By the way he discovered a Dutch Ship of 24 Guns laden with Powder for their Forts . Our Vessels beset and boarded her , and she took fire . 7. Nunno understanding the Danger , ordered his Ships to draw off , lest the Enemy's blowing up some of them might be lost with it . Finding D. Antony Mascarennas did not bear away from her , he made to him with his Galliot to bring him off ; but coming about the Poop of the Enemies Ship , she blew up , and sunk his Galliot downright . All our Vessels made to that place , and of all that was in the Galliot , they found nothing above Water but the Body of Nunno Alvarez , as yet with some life , which soon fled . 8. Every body was astonished at this unfortunate Accident , the Body was opened to be embalmed , and his Heart was found to be of an extraordinary bigness . At Malaca the Body was received with a general Lamentation of the whole City , and honourably buried in the Church of the Jesuits . 9. Nunno Alvarez was well shaped , of a clear Complexion , his Hair yellow , somewhat tall , and Limbed proportionably , his Srength and Valour equal , his Countenance pleasing and grave . He was virtuously inclined , addicted to Learning , chiefly Poetry , very Liberal , and not known to be addicted to any Vice. 10. The News of his Exploits and Death being brought together to King Philip the Fourth , he writ with his own Hand as follows . Considering the two Pinks that were fitting for India may be gone without an account of my Concern for the Death of Nunno Alvarez Botello , an Express shall immediately be sent by Land with Advice , That if I were not now in Mourning for my Aunt the Queen of Poland , I would wear it for him . I create his Son an Earl , and allow his Wife the Honours of a Countess , and the Profits of the Fort of Mocambique to pay her Debts , and whatever she has belonging to the Crown for ever , the Revenues of Military Orders she is possessed of for four Lives after her with 1500 Ducats Pension from others , and 1000 more during her Life . And if the Kingdom were in a better condition , I would bestow a great Estate on her . Nunno Alvarez was the 49th Governour , and D. Laurence de Cunna may be reckoned the 50th . CHAP. VIII . The Government of the Viceroy D. Michael de Noronna Count De Linnares , from the Year 1629 , till 1635. 1. THis Year sailed from Lisbon D. Michael de Noronna Count de Linnares , Viceroy of India , with three Ships and six Galleons . One of them was cast away near the Cape of Good Hope , and not a Man of 400 that were aboard saved . 2. When the Count arrived at Goa , Nunno Alvarez Botello was gone for Malaca , and all Men promised themselves good success , when about the beginning of the Year came the News of the Victory by him obtained . The Viceroy returned Thanks to the King of Pam for the Succours he carried to Malaca , and sent him Presents . In the same manner he endeavoured to oblige the Neighbouring Kings , and honoured the Admiral Antony Pinto de Fonseca for his good Service . 3. Constantine de Sa , who Commanded in Ceylon , puffed up with the Honour of having destroyed the City Candea , and relying too much upon the Fidelity of the Christian Chingala's , who underhand held Correspondence with that King for our Destruction , gave too much Credit to Theodosius their Captain , by whom his Head was promised to the King , at the same time he promised D. Constantin to deliver the King into his hands . D. Constantin had more faith in that Traytor than in the Franciscan , who being among the Enemy sent him intelligence , or in his own Officers who foresaw his Ruin , which soon followed . 4. He marched from Columbo , leaving that Fort with almost no Garison , entred the Kingdom of Uva with 400 Portugueses , and destroyed the Capital City . As he returned after this Victory , the King of Candea , who had left that Town as a Bait to draw him on , meets him with a great Power . D. Theodosius and his Chingala's no sooner discovered the King's Forces , but they went over to him and faced the Portugueses , whom they served the moment before . 5. The 400 Portugueses and 200 Natives that remained with them fought three days with incredible bravery . The General D. Constantin having done more than Man , was slain , and then his Men being broke , many were put to the Sword , and many made Prisoners . The King of Candea understanding how weak the Garison of Columbo was , sate down before it with 50000 Men , and a number of Elephants , believing the Natives had ( as was agreed ) murdered those few Portugueses left there . But they seeing farther than their General , had destroyed those were to kill them , and so the King was disappointed . The Death of D. Constantin being known , Lancelot de Seixas succeeded him in the Command , and being in that Distress , did more than could have been expected from so small a Force . 6. He distributed 400 Men , which was his whole Strength , including the Religious , among the most important Posts , who behaved themselves so well , the King found he had a harder Task in hand than at first he had imagined . But Hunger was a more dangerous Enemy within the Walls , than the other without . This was much increased by the useless multitude of Women and Children , notwithstanding D. Philip Mascarennas Commander of Cochin sent a Ship loaden with Provision and Ammunition to their Relief , D. Blas de Castro five from St. Thomas , and the Viceroy one . Yet all their Hope was in Nunno Alvarez Botello , not knowing , as yet , of his unfortunate End. 7. The Inhabitants of Cambolim à Peninsula , 40 leagues from Goa , and in sight of Cananor , offered the Viceroy leave to build a Fort there upon certain Conditions . Iames de Fonseca , Commander of Zofala , was sent to carry on that Work. Being begun , it was interrupted by Virabadar Hayque , the Usurper of the Kingdom of Canara . After much opposition , finding it could not be obstructed , he made a Virtue of Necessity , and seemed to be well satisfied it should go on . The principal Article of the Cambolims was , That no Religious , but those of St. Francis , should be sent thither . At this time arrived at Goa two Ships from Portugal , one of them returning , was lost upon the Bar of Lisbon . 8. It is , doubtless , those who are destined to perish unfortunately , meet their Fate even where they thought to find their safety ; this will appear by the loss of the Ship St. Gonzalo , some of the Men whereof being taken up by that mentioned in the last Paragraph , were cast away in her ; I will therefore give some account of the loss of the said Ship St. Gonzalo , in relation to the other . This Vessel having set out from Goa with two others , finding , after being parted from her Company , that she could not be kept above Water , they made the shore , and came to an Anchor in the Bay called Formosa , for its largeness being 3 leagues over , exposed to no Winds but the East , North-East , and South-East , and lies near the Cape of Good Hope . 9. Being come to anchor , they ought whilst the Weather favoured to have landed the Men and Goods that were not before cast overboard ; but in stead of that , at the persuasion of some Officers , they attempted to suck the Ship dry in order to sail again . Three Men were let down one after another to clear the Pump , and returned not ; then a fourth being put down with a Rope about him , and brought up almost dead , it appeared the Steam of the Pepper which had taken wet killed them . 10. In order to refit the Ship , 100 Men landed , and 130 remained aboard , who after 50 days perished together with the Ship , by a sudden Storm being beaten to pieces upon the Coast. The 100 Men left ashore built Huts , because it would be long before they could find the means of going to Sea , which were only by building two small Vessels out of the Wreck and the Trees on the Mountain . The Captain being old and sick , gave the Men leave to choose another , and they pitched upon Rocque Borges , who behaved himself well ; but one Simon de Figueyredo , in that misery ambitious of Command , endeavouring to kill him missed his Design , yet grievously wounded him , but Borges recovering , stabbed him , and all was quiet again . 11. They sowed some Seeds , and reaped the Fruit ; mean while they lived upon Rice that had been saved , some Fish taken , and Cows and Sheep they bought of the Natives for Iron . The Language of these Natives could not be understood , therefore they had recourse to Signs . They are not quite black , go naked , cover their Privy Parts with a Skin , in Winter wear Cloaks of the same , about their Necks hang Bulls Pizles , their Bodies anointed with the Dung of those Beasts , they make sudden stops in their Speech , carry Fox tails in their Hands to make Signs with ; have no Towns , but wander with their Cattle like the Hords of Arabs ; some carry Stakes and Mats to make a sort of Tents ; they use no Tillage , and offered our Men a Cake that seemed to be made of Meal of Roots mixed with Cow-Dung ; they eat Flesh , but almost raw , just shewed to the Fire , which is made by rubbing Sticks together ; their choicest Food is the Guts and Tripes , the Filth only squeezed out ; their Weapons are Darts and Bows , no sign of Religion was discovered among them . But it was observed , that on Midsummer or St. Iohn Baptist's Day they appeared crowned with Garlands of sweet Herbs and Flowers . 12. The Soil is fruitful , free from Stones , produces all sorts of Herbs , Plants , sweet Flowers , and variety of Trees . It is watered by great Rivers , and many Springs . The Spring begins in November . Summer and Winter in these Parts , as also in India , are not caused by the Sun coming near or going from the Zenith as in Europe , but by the Winds . It is Winter when it rains , and then the Sun is in his greatest Altitude ; when in his greatest Declination it rains not , and then it is Summer . Winter begins about the end of May , when the West Wind reigns , which brings great Rain , and lasts till September , during which time all Navigation ceases . From September till May the North East Winds blow , which keep a serene Sky , and this is the Summer when all put to Sea. Let us return to the description of that Country , and our Men there . 13. There is an infinite number of wild Beasts , and those very large , as Deer , Wolves , Sea-Horses , Bufaloes , wild Boars , Monkeys , Tigers , and Elephants , and some Rabbets not unlike our Ferrets . They have abundance of wild Turkeys , Geese , Pigeons , Turtles , and Partridges , which last build their Nests hanging on Branches of Trees . Thus much of the People and Country about the Cape of Good Hope . There lived our Shipwreck'd Portugueses , and had erected a sort of Church where Mass was said , and there were frequent Sermons , five Priests being in that Company . 14. The Ships being built , in stead of Tar they made use of Benjamin and Frankincense ; and wanting Oyl to dissolve them , supplied it with that of Sea-Wolves . Before their departure they erected a Cross on the top of a Mountain , with an Inscription signifying their Misfortune . The Vessels were launched , the Men and Goods shipped , one Party designing for Portugal , the other for India . The former , after some days fruitless labour , were almost in the same place they set out from , and in that condition were taken up by Antony de Sousa & Carvallo in that Ship which , as was before said , afterwards perished . 15. D. Nunno Alvarez Pereyra was Commander of Moçambique , and died this Year . D. Philipa Christian was Emperor of Monomotapa , with whom we were in league . A Cafre , called Capranzirle , rebelled against him , who falling upon a Body of our Men as they marched to Tete , slew 300 Portugueses , the chief cause whereof was a Dispute between our Captains about Superiority . All had been lost but for Christopher de Brito & Vasconelos , who put a stop to the Current of the Victorious Enemy . Iames de Sousa & Meneses commanded Moçambique at that time in the Place of Pereyra . Soon after it was known the Cafre died of a Musket Shot he had received , and a Brother of the Emperor but 13 Years of Age , and a Christian , baptized by the Dominicans by the Name of Dominick , was proclaimed King. 16. About the end of this Year a great Danish Ship entred the Port of Coulam . Emanuel de Camara & Noronna Admiral of the Canara Coast went to meet her with a Galley and eight other Vessels , she fled , he gave her chace , and coming up after a sharp Dispute , fired and then took her ; what remained of her was carried to Coulam . 17. In April 1631 , D. Blas de Castro , who commanded 12 Sail at Negapatam , took a Dutch Ship , and soon after in a Storm lost half his Ships , and about 100 Portugueses , who got ashore , were left in slavery . The excessive Covetousness of the Portugueses keeping the Prices of Spice so high , moved our European Enemies to seek it at a cheaper Rate in India , and their Insolencies inclined the Indians to receive those Holland Rebels into their Ports . Covetousness couched under the Pretence of Religion , carried the Portugueses to conquer those remote Countries ; and the insatiable Avarice of some expels and makes them esteemed less than Rebels and Pyrats . 18. Two Ships that sailed from Lisbon for India , after five Months Voyage were put back into the same River , having lost many Men by sickness . In November sailed two Pinks . The Viceroy desiring to recover Ormuz , sent Dominick de Toral and Valdez a a Spaniard , to view the Place , and confer with Ruy Freyre then at Mascate about it , but it came to nothing . However a Fort was built at Iulfar , a Fishery of Pearl 50 Leagues distant from Mascate . 19. This Year our European Enemies ranging the Seas without any opposition took many of our Ships , and ruined our Trade . Besides they incensed the Indian Princes against us , we having no body at those Courts to disappoint their Designs . The Ruine of our Affairs proceeds from the little regard the great ones have for the lesser sort ; and the covetousness of the small ones , which made them forget their Country and their Honour . 20. The Portugueses dispersed in Ceylon since the defeat of D. Constantine , gathering again considerably annoyed the Enemy . Hence it appears our own Disorders are our Ruine . The Portugueses can recover what is lost , but know not how to preserve what they gain , which is the most glorious part , it being the Work of Fortune to gain , and that of Prudence to preserve . CHAP. IX . Of the Affairs of Ethiopia , during the Government of the Viceroy D. Michael de Noronna Count de Linnares . 1. THis being the last time we shall treat of Ethiopia , it will not be amiss to relate some farther Particulars of the Reception of the Patriarch D. Alfonso Mendez , though somewhat has been already said concerning it . He sailed from Goa on the 17th of November 1624 , and at Chaul received a Letter from the Emperor , Congratulating his arrival in India . 2. All the way he travelled in Ethiopia , he was entertained by the Governors and principal Men , was met by the Sons of those Portugueses who went thither with D. Christopher de Gama , to the assistance of the Emperor then Reigning , and came to Fremona , the chief Residence of Catholicks on the 21th of Iune , 1625. The Emperor much rejoyced at the News of his arrival , and sent two Men of great Quality to Conduct him , but could not then see him , being in the Field with his Army against certain Rebels . On the 6th of February 1626 , he was sent for by the Emperor to the Army . The Prince accompanied by the Viceroys and Nobility , went out to meet and conduct him through a Lane of 18000 Men to a Tent provided for his reception . There he put on his Pontifical Robes , and being mounted on a Horse led by the Emperor's High-Steward Sarta Christos , and under a Canopy held up by Viceroys and Lords , went to the Church , where the Emperor sitting in a rich Chair , with a Crown of Gold on his Head , and rich Cushions at his Feet , expected him . The Emperor rising embraced him , and then all the Cannon was fired . 3. The Emperor went to his Palace , the Patriarch to the Habitation of his Religious , and having put off his Pontifical Ornaments returned to Court. The Emperor made him sit , expressed much Joy for his coming , and appointed a Day for all the Nobility to meet and make their publick Submission to the Sea of Rome . Wednesday the 11th of Ianuary being the Day prefixed , the Emperor and Patriarch were equally seated , and there appeared before them all the Princes , Viceroys , Lords , Commanders , Priests , Religious , Masters and Lawyers . The Patriarch made an Harangue to them , which was answered in the Emperor's name by his Nephew and High-Steward Viceroy of Semen Melcam Christos . 4. The Speeches ended , the Emperor turning to the Patriarch said , I would not have your Lordship believe the thing I am going about is newly thought of , for it is long since I made my Submission to to his Holiness by the means of Father Superior , who is here present . Then the Patriarch opening a Missal , or Mass-Book , the Emperor knelt and swore in these words . We Sultan Segued , Emperor of Ethiopia , do believe and confess , That St. Peter , Prince of the Apostles , was by our Lord Jesus Christ constituted Head of all the Christian Church throughout the World , when he said to him , Tu es Petrus & super hanc Petram edificabo ecclesiam meam , & tibi dabo claves regni coelorum ; and again , Pasce oves meas . We believe and confess that the Pope of Rome , duly elected , is the true Successor of St. Peter the Apostle , and has the same Power , Dignity , and Supremacy over all the Catholick Church . And we do Promise and Swear to give true Obedience to , and humbly submit our selves and our Empire at the Feet of the Holy Father Urban , by the Grace of God the Eighth , and our Lord : So help us God and the Holy Evangelists . 5. All there present Swore in the same manner , and that done they took an Oath to the Prince as Heir apparent . The Emperor allotted the Patriarch more and better Lands than his Predecessors had enjoyed , and sent him a Present of 2000 Crowns . There was a great resort of Ethiopians to be instructed in the true Catholick Doctrine , their greatest difficulty was to be satisfied with one Wife , and fast Lent ; nevertheless the number of Converts in a few Days amounted to 100000. 6. The Emperor after this taking the Field against the Rebels , subdued them , killing above 100000. Still the Empress continued obstinate , and was a great favourer of the Schismaticks . In the Years 1627 and 1628 , above 160000 were converted . There were nine Residencies of the Jesuits , and in them above 200000 Communicants . 7. Who would imagine this same Emperor Sultan Segued , who had given such evident Signs of a real Conversion , should endeavour to root out the Faith in his Dominions . The same Emperor on the 24th of Iune 1632 , by publick Proclamation banished the Catholicks , and gave free liberty to all his Subjects , to return to their antient Ceremonies and Errors . 8. The chief Motives of this great Change , were the natural inconstancy of the Ethiopians , and their Inclination to Judaism . Immediately after the Proclamation for banishment , 4 Portuguezes suffered Martyrdom ; nor were there wanting Ethiopians who remained constant , notwithstanding the severity of the Edicts . Thus ended the great hope of reducing the Emperor to the Church . CHAP. X. Continues the Government of the Viceroy D. Michael de Noronna , Count De Linnares . 1. IN its proper place we said the Portugueses would one day pay for the Insolence wherewith they treated the Kings of Mombaça , and now the Day is come , which was the 15th of August . Peter Leytam de Gamboa was Commander of that Fort , who using that King as if he had been his Slave , provoked him to revolt , and deliver himself from the Tyranny he was under . The King was D. Hierome Chingulis , who being bred a Catholick at Goa under the Religious of St. Augustin , had submitted to the See of Rome , as was related in the Year 1627. The memory of his Father's Death , who was cruelly murdered by the Commander Simon de Melo Pereyra , was no small incentive to stir up the King. 2. He used often to visit his Father's Tomb , and was once observed by a Portugues , who seeing him weep , and use some Ceremonies he thought savoured of Mahometanism , gave an account thereof to the Commander Gamboa , who told him privately , he would the next Day secure and send the King to Goa . As soon as that Man heard it , he acquainted the King by whose Order he was slain in a Wood by the Cafres . 3. The King having dispatched that Portugues , gathered 300 Cafres , and entring the Fort as it were to visit the Captain , slew him and all the Guards , making himself absolute Master of the Place . The Wife and Daughter of the Commander were killed with a Priest , for refusing to renounce the Faith. 4. This done , the King in his Fury put all the Portugueses to the Sword , and fired their Town . Some few escaping to the Convent of the Augustins , held out 7 Days , when for want of Provision they surrendred upon promise of their Lives , but were all with their Wives and Children shot to Death . Then the King declared himself a Mahom●…tan , affirming he had long hated the name of a Christian. This was the effect of the Portugues Villanies ; for could he have lived among them , he had never proceeded to commit all these Murders . 5. After gathering the Plunder of the Dead , the King came out a Horseback to view the Bodies of the slain , which were 60 with their Families . Some of the Converts died among the Portugueses , the rest being assembled in the Church the King made a Speech , advising them to return to their old Religion , which some of the Auditory did ; such as refused were sent to Meca with Merchandize to be sold in order to bring some Turks to his Assistance . All was sent in a good Ship , which returned with a Flag ; the Cazices or Priests of theirs said , would defend them against all Enemies , being set upon the Fort. 6. The King putting to Death all that would not renounce the Faith , only spared his Queen who was a Native of India , and that at the request of his Aunt , but treated her as a Slave , and it was said afterwards , when he fled to Arabia , he prevailed with her to turn Mahometan . In fine , all that belonged to the Church was profaned , and then the King applied himself to carry his Revenge farther , advertising the neighbouring Kings of what he had done , and advising them to kill all the Portugueses in their Dominions . Those of Montangante , Tanga and Motone put it in Execution ; others sent him Succors . Manazonga King of the Mozungoes , came in Person to his Assistance . 7. The News of the Loss of Mombaça being brought to Goa , all Men of Sense rather admired it had been kept so long , than that it was now lost , being sensible of the reason there was to expect it : However immediate care was taken for the recovery of it . The Viceroy fitted out a Galley , a Pink , 7 Galliots , and 7 other Vessels , carrying 500 Portugueses and his Son , who being too young for that Command , it was given to D. Francis de Moura , a Man well versed in the Affairs of India . He sailed from Goa about the middle of December , came to Ampaza on the 2d of Ianuary , and was there informed of the Posture of those Affairs by certain Portugueses . On the 10th he arrived at Mombaça , and was joined by 3 small Vessels sent from Mascate by Ruy Freyre with 100 Men ; Adam Barbosa and Martin Lorenco brought 20 Men at their own charge . The Cities of Chaul and Baçaim sent each a Vessel , in which were 30 Soldiers ; so the number of Sea and Landmen was made up to 800. It soon appeared this Fleet would not be very successful ; for whereas they might have taken or burnt some Ships of the Enemy that were in the Harbour , they did neither , every-Captain striving to execute it , it was omitted by all . 8. D. Francis began to land some Men with difficulty , because the Sea ran high , and on the 11th of Ianuary went in his Boat with the Viceroy's Son to view the Channel of Marepa , leaving five Vessels there to hinder any resort from the Continent to the Island . Five Men deserted to us from Mombaça . Gaspar Pacheco was ordered to land all Necessaries for a Siege under the Fort upon the Continent . Two Boats that were under the Fort were taken , and D. Francis sent an Express to our King by the way of Moçambique , promising speedily to make himself Master of that Place , but the Event depending upon Fortune , he was not so good as his Word . The Major Dominick de Toral & Valdez , who went over with the Viceroy from Madrid , was sent to view the Ground about the Fort , which he found would be dangerous to be supplied with Provisions from the Sea , because being in the middle of the Island , Provisions and Ammunition must be conveyed thither with a strong Guard. 9. Andrew Vello took 6 of the Enemies Boats , and had 5 Seamen and a Soldier killed and others wounded . On the 15th Toral went again to view the Fort with 10 Men in a Boat , had 3 killed , and the Ensign Carvallo who dying confessed great Crimes aloud . Andrew Vello attempting to burn the Cops near the City lost one Man had 3 wounded , and failed of his Design . On the 16th D. Francis with the Viceroy's Son went to view the Fort on the side of the Sea. Toral and others going up a Creek observed that side . On the 17th D. Francis and Toral viewed the City of the Moors , and Bastion of the Turks . It was resolved in Council to land at the Place called Our Lady . 10. D. Francisco was ashore on the side of Tuaca preparing Gabions and Necessaries to land , he made a Review of his Men , and found above 400 Portugueses and many Blacks . On the 22th he ordered Andrew Vello what was to be done on the side of the Moors City to divert the Enemy , that they might not hinder our Landing . This Day 8 of our Seamen deserting to the Enemy discovered our Designs ; which caused them to move their Cannon to a place whence they could annoy us . On the 24th the Men attempting to land , could not perform it in the place appointed , because the Sea was rough , but did at the place where two of the Enemies Ships lay . 11. They marched in good Order with their Cannon , through difficult ways to a Wood where they halted and Entrenched , to find out a fit Place for a Battery . Three hundred Blacks opposed the Landing , but were repulsed with Loss ; of our Men 8 were killed . Those who were to return to the Ships did it in a great Consternation , some throwing away their Arms at the first sight of the Blacks . On the 26th the Enemy appeared , shewing the Heads of 2 Portugueses they had killed the Day before . In order to make our Approaches , a House defended by some Blacks was taken , but found of no use to us . Three Battalions of Blacks beset the House , and pressed those within so vigorously , that we lost 28 Men , besides many wounded , among which was D. Francis hurt with 24 Arrows ; 7 of which were mortal , as being poisoned , if the Limb be not cut off , or the Blood-sucked . A Servant sucked those Wounds and died , but saved the Life of D. Francis. 12. The no●…se of the Fight brought D. Ferdinand the Viceroy's Son thither with some Men , which saved those that were left in the House , for the Blacks presently retired to a Wood , whence they annoyed us , till the Cannon being brought they fled . D. Francis being unfit to Command by reason of his Wounds , was carried aboard his Galley , and Gonçalo Barros de Silva was appointed to Command in his stead , but the Men refusing to obey him , Peter Rodriguez Botello the Vice-Admiral , who had before refused that Post , was obliged now to accept of it . It was now the beginning of February , and our Men were more attentive to commit Villanies , than prosecute on the War ; D. Francis understanding it , caused himself to be carried ashore in a Chair , and put some Remedy to it . Two large Vessels were built to batter the Fort , and they began to execute it successfully , and promised a good Event . A Battery was also raised upon the Turks Bastion . On the 2d of March the Enemy began to play a twelve Pounder from the Moors Town , which did much harm aboard our battering Vessels , killing 3 Men and wounding 10. 13. On the Turks Bastion were planted 2 ten Pounders , and began to play . The Moors of the Continent attacked it by Night , killed 2 of our Men , and wounded 6. At last that Battery was found to be useless , so all was Shipped again ; and it was agreed , there was no staying there longer , for Winter came on , and it was necessary to return to Goa . Winter begins there at the end of May , and March was not yet over ; there was time enough to take the Place , because it could not hold out four Days . In fine , D. Francis returned to Goa , leaving three Ships to guard the Coast , and hinder any Provisions from being carried to the Enemy . Two of them had Orders as soon as Winter began to retire to Patij and Zanzibar , which they did before their time , leaving their Vessels behind . A Seaman deserting before the Fleet set Sail , gave Intelligence to the Enemy of our Designs ; and they planting a Gun on the top of the Mosque did much harm , chiefly among those that were watering to return to Goa . The Fleet sailed on the 20th of March , and arrived at Goa the last Day of May. 14. As soon as the King of Mombaça saw the Coast clear , he made use of his own and our two Ships left there , to get away . He imbarqued all the Artillery , razed the Fort and City , destroyed all Fruit-trees , and then sailed with his Treasure , some Moors , and some Native Christians to the Coast of Arabia . That Place lay 2 Months desolate before any of our People knew it , and might have been so much longer , had not some Moors advertised Peter Rodriguez Botello who was at Zanzibar , and immediately went over to Mombaça , where beginning to build he found 5 or 6 Servants of Portugueses that had lain hid in the Woods when that Destruction happened . 15. Mean while at Goa the Viceroy was accused for sending D. Francis de Mour●… upon that Expedition , and he for want of Conduct , and coming away too soon . The Viceroy excused himself , and put the other upon his Tryal , desiring Toral to take the Guilt upon himself , by saying he had voted for coming away , which he refused , and was 2 Months in Prison without any cause shown . At last he was released to accompany D. Roderick de Costa , who towards the end of this Year was going to discover certain Islands , but meeting two Dutch Ships about Damam had his Head struck off by a Cannon Ball the first Charge ; so the Fleet returned without doing any thing . D. Francis de Moura was cleared of that Impeachment , being honoured at Madrid . 16. The Hollanders lying at Pulolaor intercepted most of our China Fleet , which enabled them to relieve all their Forts and Factories . This great Booty cost them no Blood , because we had no fighting Ships on that Sea , all being imployed at Mombaça and Ceylon . 17. The Persecution of the Christians continued at Iapan , but there were hopes it would cease , the Emperor lying very ill . In China they were alarmed by the Tartars . Nababo Azafacan Father-in-Law to King Corran with the Army of the Mogol besieged Visapor , and some time after drew off with great loss sustained by Want and Sickness . The Mogol so highly resented this Misfortune , that he removed Nababo , though his Favourite , and preferred to that place Mobatecan his Enemy , a Man of great Repute among the Soldiers . Thus ended this Year , much dreaded in India , without any known reason , every Body saying before it came ; Ob that the Year 32 were past . CHAP. XI . Of the Recovery of Ceylon , during the Government of the Viceroy the Count de Linnares . 1. AFter the Natives had left but a small part of the Island , Ceylon in our Possession , the Kings of Matale , Uva and Candea with 20000 Men came to Besiege Columbo , the chief Place then in our hands . The Besieged were reduced to that Extremity , it is said they eat the Dead , and some Mothers their own Children . Then came in five Ships sent by the Viceroy , rather to take up the Cinnamon was to be sent to Portugal , than relieve the Place . But the Besiegers thinking it was Relief raised the Siege . D. Philip de Mascarennas went over from Cochin to Ceylon with a Pink loaden with Provisions and well manned at his own expence , which was a great help to that Place . 2. The Viceroy gave the Command of General of Ceylon to D. George de Almeyda , who set out on the 19th of February 1631 , in the great Galley taken by Nunno Alvarez Botello , when he destroyed the Fleet of Achem . This Vessel tho' large being not sound enough to endure any Storm might rise , a Flyboat that went loaded with Provisions , was ordered to keep close always with D. George , which soon left him , and was the cause that many perished . 3. The Galley having coasted as far as Cape Comori , and then striking over to Ceylon , a Storm arose , and it appeared impossible to save her . D. George perceiving she must perish , launched the Boat and got into it with 29 Persons , whereof 4 were Religious . This was done so late and with such precipitation , that there was not in the Boat Provision for one meal . The Night was spent in lading out the Water the Sea and Rain brought into the Boat. In the Morning discovering a Sail at a distance , tho' D. George assured them in 3 or 4 Days he would bring them to Maldivia , they made towards it , and coming near found it was their own Galley then sinking . 4. With much trouble on the 4th Day they reached one of the Maldivia Islands about evening . This was at a time that the Natives keep a Fast of 30 Days , during which time they eat nothing between Sun and Sun , and do nothing but gormandise all the Night . Here D. George stayed 30 days , spending what he had got to maintain his Men , and got some Shipping to go over to the Coast of India . The Men made a sort of Habitation , but D. George lay in his Boat to be always the readier against the Moors , who kept them always upon their Guard. There was a vast number of Mosquitoes or Gnats , that made the Blood run where they stung ; next followed a Sickness which none were free from , and was cured by Bleeding ; two died of it , one a Franciscan . The King of the Islands writ to D. George , condoling his Misfortunes , and sending him a parcel of Rice . 5. Being provided with all Necessaries they sailed to Cochim , where D. George lay sick a long time . When he was somewhat recovered , there came to that Port 2 Pinks sent by the Viceroy to the Relief of Ceylon with 500 Cafres , 800 Canaraes , some Portugueses , 40000 Xerasins , which are worth about a piece of Eight each , Provisions and Ammunition . D. George emba●…qued with them , having raised some more Men ; sailed from Cochim on the 17th of October , and arrived at Columbo the 21th . He marched not presently towards the Enemy ( though censured upon that account ) by reason the Season being wet , that Country , which is for the most part plain , is boggy and overflowed . Besides the Trees are full of Leeches , which drop down upon Men as they pass , and bleed them to Death . 6. The Season being somewhat more favourable , D. George marched on the 5th Day of Ianuary 1632 , and passed the River Calane towards the North. Six Ships were ordered to go up the River with several Pieces of Cannon , but only two could perform it . The first day they could march but one League , and quartered at Calane . Next Morning having heard Mass , they marched with great difficulty , by reason of the Bogs and Waters , through which they waded up to the Breast . Besides the Enemies Musketiers endeavoured to hinder our Passage about the Fort called Tranqueyragrande , but many of them were slain , our General giving 3 or 4 Pistols for every Head that was brought him . This Pass being cleared they advanced to another , where the Enemy appeared again . Our General went himself to view it , and returning disposed his Men to attack those Works , in which were almost 6000 Men. It was done with such fury , that many of the Enemy being killed , the rest fled , firing all they left behind . Our Army advanced to Maluana , where they found only 3 old Men , who said the Prince of Candea hearing the approach of our Men , had the day before abandoned that Place . All the Houses were burnt by D. George his Order . 7. The Fame of these Actions made many come in and submit , whom our General treated with kindness and rewarded ; but Fear and Malice being equally prevalent in them , they hid themselves , thinking to get away to their own People again , which D. George understanding caused them to be apprehended , gave some as Slaves to the Captains , and delivering one to the Cafres , they in sight of his Wife and Children immediately cut him in pieces , which they divided among themselves to eat . 7. The Army marched to Cardevola , where were 2 Forts , whence showers of Bullets flew . The General having viewed them , drew out 3 Battalions to give the assault . These advanced , and the whole Army ambitious of sharing the Honour , followed of their own accord , and D. George had much difficulty to stop them . On a sudden the 3 Bodies crying St. Iames applied the scaling Ladders , mounted , and planted our Colours upon the Walls of both Forts . We lost two Officers and four private Men , and had some few wounded . As our General entred one of these Forts , a Chingala came and told him that of Tanqueyra Grande was abandoned by the Enemy ; he sent thither a Body of Men , and found it was true , and that they had left in that Fort good Brass and Iron Cannon , many Muskets and Ammunition . Those of Cardevola which were presently demolished were no worse provided , one piece of Cannon was found with the Royal Arms of Portugal upon it . 8. In several Parts of the River Bodies were afterwards found with Cymeters , which showed many in confusion were drowned for haste . The Enemy had strowed Crows-feet about the Fort to gall our Men , which did them the greatest harm as they fled . Our Army pursued the Enemy , but could not come to any Action , till they met at the Foor of the Mountains of Candea , where they were defeated , and we remained Masters of the Forts of Manicravate , Sofragan , Maluana , and Caliture . About Maturé , where D. Theodosius lived as a King , was the like Success . 9. The same at Chilao , a Sea-Port , which our General assaulted by Sea and Land , and took there a great Booty , part whereof were 130 Vessels . The King of Candea sent Ambassadors to sue for Peace , the General was against it , but being importuned by the religious , in consideration of the Misery the Country was reduced to by those Troubles , he granted the Ambassadors should go to Goa , to treat with the Viceroy . In fine , D. George not only recovered our lost Reputation , but encreased it . 10. D. George found the Inhabitants of Columbo , that ought to have worshipped him for delivering them from a deplorable Condition , more dangerous Enemies than the Natives . He endeavoured to put in Execution the King's Orders , to prevent the Frauds committed by the Officers of the Revenue ; they arming made several Shots at him , by one of which he lost a Finger . This Mutiny being looked into , those concerned were put out of their Places and the Island ; and it was declared in the Council of State , that D. George had acted better then any before him ; and it was requisite for the King's Service , he should be continued in that Post. Peter de Silva , who was Viceroy after the Count de Linnares , removed him , only because it is a Custom for the new Viceroy to undo what his Predecessor has done . But no sooner did D. George leave the Command of the Island Ceylon , than all that he had gained was lost . Returning to Goa poor and full of Merit ; he died in a low Condition , rather ( as was believed ) through Grief than Age. CHAP. XII . Of several Occurrences till the end of the Government of the Viceroy the Count De Linnares . 1. AN Indian Woman married to a Portugues was delivered at Bardes of a Monster with two Heads and Teeth , the Ears like a Monkey , on the Forehead an Excrescency of Flesh like a Horn , the Legs so joyned they looked like one , leaping out of the Midwife's hands ; it seized a Black , and bit out a piece of her Flesh. The Wife of a Heathen Barber brought forth much such another Creature , and a Cow a third , all successively one after the other . These Prodigies were general through most of the World this Year . 2. The Year 1633. was not quite unlike it ; the beginning of this Year we lost the Town of Golin in Bengala in this manner . The Mogol having lost above 50000 Horse the last Year in several Engagements he had with Hidalcan , attributed it to the Assistance the latter received from the Portugueses . In Revenge thereof he now besieges Golin with almost 200000 Men by Land , and a vast Fleet sent down the River Ganges . In the Place were 200 Portugueses and their Slaves , who defended themselves several days without out any Fortifications , killing 50000 Mogols . Being no longer able to hold out , they attempted to escape in four Vessels , two whereof full of Women and Children , and vast Riches , fell into the Enemies hands . The Women , rather than remain in Slavery , fired the Vessels , and were burnt with their Children and Treasure . The other two Ships with the Men were also taken ; and the Mogol offering their liberty to such as were not Inhabitants of Cambolim , they refused , saying , They would all share the same Fortune . It is not known whether they were killed or made Slaves . 3. The War continued in Ceylon with the King of Candea . The false D. Theodosius had returned to our Friendship but with a design to deceive us , but was at last killed . The King sued for Peace , and submitted to our Conditions , but then again refused to ratifle it , and Iames de Melo & Castro offering him Battel if he persisted in the denial , he signed the Treaty . Thus we were again restored to all that had been lost in Ceylon . 4. Last Year three Ships were ready at Lisbon to sail for India at the usual time , which is about March , but the Weather proved so bad , they were disappointed . In Iuly three others set out , and two of them had the good fortune to make the Voyage without seeing Land till they came to Goa . This Year we now treat of sailed the three Ships that were disappointed the last . One of these coming back , was cast away beyond the Cape of Good Hope , but lost not one Man , and very few of them died ashore . Of the Wreck , and some Wood cut in the Mountains , they built two small Vessels that carried them off , though not without difficulty , the greatest to make the Men agree to this only means of saving themselves . 5. On the 16th of February 1634 , Antony Tellez de Silva sailed from Goa towards the North with 6 Galleons , in search of the like number of Dutch Ships that came from Persia . About Trapor he discovered them , and giving chase they fled , throwing overboard many Goods to lighten . 6. The Viceroy was not so wholly taken up with the Military Affairs , but he could attend adorning and beautifying the City . He built a Church dedicated to St. Laurence near the Bar , and gave it to the Franciscans . Then he founded and endowed an Hospital for the Poor in the Field of St. Lazarus , which made four Hospitals at Goa . He rebuilt the Council-house of the Inquisition , and Palace of the Viceroys , which were going to ruin . 7. For Military Works , at Panelim he finished that called the Powder-house , where are daily made 14 Quintals of Powder . Repaired the Fortifications of Mascate , and others . These Works seem sufficient to have made him beloved , but either some Humours made him odious , or else it was impossible to please the Portugueses . Some discontented Persons , when the Viceroy was about to depart , set up several scandalous Libels against him in publick Places , and hanged his Effigies on the publick Gibbet . Yet after all it was voted , that an honourable Statue should be erected to him in the same place where the other had been hang'd , but it succeeded not , for when the Pedestal was set up , there arrived a new Viceroy , and the arrival of such always reverses whatsoever was done before . 8. Now died the famous Commander Ruy Freyre de Andrade full of Merit unrewarded ; we have already spoke of his Actions , his Qualities were a mixture of good and bad , more Politick than Conscientious . He was Prudent and Generous . Gave all his Orders in doubtful terms , to reserve a Meaning to justifie himself by in case of ill success . Was familiar with no body , choosing rather to be feared than beloved . He heard all Soldiers standing , or made them sit . Any breach of Orders he never pardoned , but beheaded a Captain for saving a beautiful young Woman , being commanded to put all to the Sword. It is needless to repeat more Extravagancies of this kind . 9. Two Ships sailed from Lisbon , carrying a new Viceroy to India . The Count De Linarez returned with them , one whereof was cast away near Lisbon ; the other , in which he was , went to Malaga , where many of the Men died , much of the Loading was wasted , and the Ship was broke up . 10. The Count went to Court , and was the first that presented his Prince with part of what he had gained . To the King he gave a Hatband , to the Queen a pair of Pendants , both valued by some 100000 , by others 80000 Crowns . He was at first received with Hononr , and after Imprisoned . The Count was of a beautiful Presence , and comely Aspect , discreet and well inclined , of Viceroys the 27th , of Governours the 51st , and 6th of the Sirname . 11. This Year was remarkable in Cochinchina for a Dearth , which caused such a Famine as had not been known in the memory of Man , and for repeated Treasons . About the beginning of the Year a Bastard Son of the King , but Adopted by the Queen , went to govern the Provinces between Cacham and Chapa ; he had before his departure conspired with eight principal Men to bring the Government of the Kingdom into his and his Brothers hands , which then was managed by the Sons of another Woman . As soon as he came to his Government he began to make Warlike Preparations ; the King understanding it sent for him , and he kept off till the Kind died , and the Princes possessed themselves of the Palace . The Conspirators came to celebrate the Funeral Rites . An Uncle of those young Princes was present , who understanding those Traitors design to murder his Nephews , called up the Guards that were ready to execute his Orders , but he thought it enough to terrifie those Conspirators . The Funeral ended , the Prince having with difficulty got the Royal Seal from the Queen , tendred it to his Uncle , offering to acknowledge him as King ; but the old Man unwilling to be out-done by the Youth , refused the Offer , only desiring him to remember his Children . 12. The News of the King's Death being brought to the Bastard at the City Cacham , he ordered the deepest Mourning according to the custom of that Country , which was to cut their Hair short . This to them is a great Affliction , for they wear their Hair at length like Women , and think it makes them beautiful , whereas they are very ugly . This done , he raised Men , and fortified himself at Turam . The young King's two Brothers soon came upon him , and were Masters of all . He fled , and being taken , attempted to kill himself with a Knife ; but failing , was committed to Prison , where he poisoned himself . After his Death many Persons of great Note , being Accomplices in the Treason , were put to Death . CHAP. XIII . The Government of the Viceroy Peter de Silva , from the Year 1635 , till 1638. 1. ABout the end of this Year 1635 , the Count de Linarez resigned the Government of India to Peter de Silva . The same People that accused the Count for being so rigid , accused Silva of being too easie . Perhaps they blamed the Extreams , but what Man can overcome his Inclinations ? Every Man's Qualifications ought to be looked into before an Employment is given him . I know not whether Sylva were naturally easie , but he had gained the Nickname of Mole , which in Portugues signifies Soft . Neither did he like the Government , being often heard to say , God forgive them that named me for this Imploy , for I am not fit for it . 2. In March , Antony Tellez set out again with his 6 Galleons , after 13 Sail of Dutch he expected to meet at Surat . A Storm forced him to Bombaim , and the Enemy to shun him put into Dabul . Tellez returned to Goa , and being there at Anchor , four great Holland Ships appeared before the Port , he went out , and having fought two days , forced them to lighten their Loading , the better to escape . This done , he enters the Port again , and a Squadron of 10 Sail of the Enemy was seen at his Heels , the Disadvantage being too great , it was not thought expedient to fight them . 3. This Year was signalized with a Miracle that happen'd with a Crucifix . There is a Monastery of Nuns at Goa , in the Arch of their Choir facing the Nuns was placed a Crucifix , the Workmanship whereof was not liked because the Eyes were quite shut , and the Knees too high . On the first Friday of Lent , after the usual Procession , some Nuns being at Prayers in the Choir , distinctly saw the Image open its Eyes ; the Women frighted cried out , and all the other Religious with the Father Confessor resorted thither , and before Midnight all of them saw the Eyes open 26 times , and sometimes the Body and Cross seemed to move , the Mouth opened as if it spoke , and Blood ran from the Temples and Wounds . Some part of these Wonders were seen several days , till on a Tuesday , the Church being full of People , they all saw what the Nuns had seen , for the Body of the Image turned to one side . The Bishop and Inquisitors were Witnesses of much of this Motion , and the whole was confirmed by the Asseveration of all the Citizens . The Eyes remained half open , the Knees stretched lower , the Feet falling and dragging the Nail after them , and the whole Body of the Image appeared more beautiful . 4. Only two Ships sailed from Portugal this Year for India , whereof one was put into Lisbon again . D. Hierome Chingala , who now called himself Sufo , that had lost the Kingdom of Mombaça , as has been related , appeared about this time in the Island Madagascar . When he fled he carried with him above 400 Christians , and sold them on the Coast of Arabia , obliging many to turn Mabometans . After wandering on that Coast he returned towards Africk , and landed at Madagascar , where the King of Massalaye and Moors of Pate favoured him . The News hereof being brought to Moçambique , the Inhabitants of that Town resolved to attack him . They fitted out 10 Ships and some other small Vessels , in which were about 60 Portugueses and 110 Cafres , commanded by Andrew Borges and Antony de Oliveyra , who were to obey Rocque Borges that was about that Coast. 5. On the 17th of May the Cafres landed to discover Sufo's Works , where they slew some Men , and brought the Heads of three , losing one Man. Borges resolved to assault the Works next day , leaving the Care of the Vessels to Iohn Gomez Suarez , a secure Man , that he might have a Retreat in case of any Misfortune . The Men marched half a League through Bogs up to the Knees , at the foot of a Mountain Sufo met them with a multitude of Blacks . After a resolute Fight , Sufo retired so orderly , that Borges suspected it was to draw him into some Ambush ; wherefore after 4 hours Engageme●…t finding it impossible to overcome by reason of the multitude of Enemies and disadvantage of Ground , he withdrew to the Ships , having killed many of the Blacks without losing one Man. Suarez had not been idle there , for 1000 Blacks and Moors of Pate had assaulted the Ships , but were repulsed with considerable loss . Our Commander carried the War along the Coast , burning some Towns and 15 large Vessels , besides the small , whereof he saved much Rigging , Ammunition , and Cannon . 6. On the 21st of Ianuary , Antony Tellez obtained leave to set out to fight the Hollanders , who upbraided us with Cowardice . After 8 hours Dispute the Enemy gave way . Our Admiral meeting them again about the middle of February in the Northern Sea , had the like success . 7. At Malaca the Feuds were so great between the Commander of the Town and Admiral of the Coast , that the latter shot an Uncle of the other . This encouraged the King of Achem to break with us , imprisoning Francis de Sousa & Castro , who resided there as Ambassador , and killing all the Portugueses about his Court. Malaca being much distressed for want of Provisions , and the Viceroy endeavouring to relieve it , News came that our Commander at Damama was dead , whereupon it was found necessary to divide that Relief . Four Galleons were sent to Malaca , and Antony Tellez the Hero of these Times with 500 Men , half of them Soldiers , to Damam . Tellez went no farther than Bacaim , understanding there that the Peace offered by the Mogol was concluded . 8. Two Ships sailed from Lisbon for India . About the end of Iune died the Viceroy Peter de Silva . An Inventary being made of what he was worth , it was censured to be too much for the little time he had to get it . He held the Government almost four Years , was the 28th Viceroy , and 53d Governour , the third of the Name , and first of the Sirname . CHAP. XIV . The Government of Antony Tellez de Silva , from the Year 1639 , till 1640. 1. ANtony Tellez de Silva served in India with much Valour , and had been successful against the Hollanders , as has been related . He was named to succeed in the Government in one of the Royal Patents , which were opened upon the Death of the Viceroy Peter de Silva ; others also were appointed , whose Names were not known to the Military Men , they might perhaps be singular for Sanctity , which , when real , is very private . But because Antony Tellez was then absent , D. F. Francis of the Martyrs Archbishop of Goa , who was one of those before-mentioned , took upon him to Govern in his Name . He sent Tellez Advice of his Election , and the mean while employed himself in fitting out 12 Men of War , and some Victuallers , to relieve Malaca . 2. At the same time 9 Holland Ships entring the River of Goa , fired three of our Galleons that were at Murmugam without the least opposition , because the Fort was quite destitute of Men and Ammunition . Then arrived the Governour Antony Tellez storming at this unlucky Accident , not so much for the greatness of the Loss , as for Shame that the Enemy should compass their Ends in our Harbour , without sustaining the least harm . 3. After this Misfortune , News was brought , that two Enemies united were in sight of Malaca , the Dutch with 12 Men of War , and King of Achem with 25 Galleys . The Governour was taken up , making greater Preparations to remedy these Disasters , than the low condition of India seemed to promise , when one came to succeed him in the Government , which he held not long , because it would have been for the advantage of India . He was the 53d Governour , third of the Name , and second of the Sirname . CHAP. XV. Of the Viceroy John de Silva Tello , who went for India in the Year 1640. 1. JOhn de Silva Tello , who had Commanded the famous Place of Mazagam , on the Coast of Africk , and done good Service there , was now made Viceroy of India , and sailed from Lisbon with two Ships and two Pinks . He received the Sword from Antony Tellez de Silva then Governing , who presently imbarqued for Portugal , and so India lost him , he not thinking it proper to serve as Admiral where he had been Governour . Other Authors will write the Actions of the Viceroy Iohn de Silva Tello , for he begins his Task where I end mine , which is at the end of the Fatal Year 1640 , the Period of my Labours . I will only reckon him the 28th Viceroy , 54th Governour , the fifth of the Name , and third of the Sirname . The End of the Fourth Part. A short Account of what the Portugueses are possest of between the Cape of Good Hope and China ; of the several Dignities , Commands and Revenues in the said Possessions , and of the Religious Houses in those Parts . 1. THE Portugues Empire to the Eastward , extends from the Cape of Good Hope in Africk , to Cape Liampo in China , distant from one another 4000 Leagues along the Sea-Coasts , without including the Shores of the Red Sea and Persian Golph , which make about 1200 Leagues . Between this space lies half Africk , and all Asia with innumerable Islands adjoining to those two vast Parts of the World. These 4000 Leagues are divided into seven Parts : The 1st is bounded by the Cape of Good Hope and the Mouth of the Red Sea ; the 2d by the Mouth of the Red Sea and Persian Golph ; the 3d by that Golph and the River Indus ; the 4th by that River and Cape Comorij ; the 5th by that Cape and the River Ganges ; the 6th by Ganges and Cape Singapura ; the 7th by Cape Singapura and that of Liampo . 2. The first Division between the famous Cape of Good Hope and Mouth of the Red Sea , contains along the Coast many Kingdoms of the Cafres , as the vast one of Monomotapa , who is Lord of all the Gold Mines in Africk ; those of Zofala , Moçambique , Quiloa , Pemba , Melinde Pate , Brava , Magadoxa , and many other Sovereigns . Here the Crown of Portugal is possest of the Forts of Zofala and Mombaça , and the City and Fort of Moçambique . 3. The second Division between the Mouth of the Red Sea and Persian Golph , contains the Coast of Arabia ; where we have the impregnable Fortress of Mascate . 4. The third Division between Bazora or the Persian Golph and Indies , contains the Kingdoms of Ormuz , Guadel and Sinde , part of those of Persia and Cambaya ; here we hold the Fort of Bandel , and that of Diu. 5. The fourth Division between Indus and Cape Comorij , contains what is properly called India , that is part of Cambaya , Decan , Canara , and Malabar , subject to several Princes . Here we have the Forts of Damam , Assarim , Danu , St. Gens , Agaçaim , Maim , Manora , Trapor , Baçaim with the City , Tana , Caranja , the City Chaul and opposite Fort called Morro . The most noble City Goa , large , strong , and populous , the Metropolis of our Eastern Dominions ; an Archbishoprick , whose Prelate is Primate of all the East : This is the Residence of the Viceroys , and here are the Courts of the Inquisition , Exchequer and Chancery , a Custom-House , Arsenal and Magazines well provided . The City is seated in an Island girt with a strong Wall and six mighty Castles called of Dauguim , St. Blas of Bassoleco , Santiago , Agaçaim , Panguim and Nuestra Sennora del Cabo . On the other side to secure the Bar is that of Bardes . Opposite to the Castle Dauguim is the Fort of Norva , with a good Town . On one side of this Island lies that of Salsete , where is the Fort of ●…achol . Then going along the Coast we have the Forts of Onor , Barcelor , Mangalor , Cananor , Granganor , and then Cochim , which is a Bishoprick ; behind it Angamale another Bishoprick , and near Cape Comorij the Town and Fort of Coulam . 6. The fifth Division between Cape Comorii and Ganges , contains Coromandel and Orixa , where we have the Fort of Negapatam , that of Meliapor with the City which is a Bishoprick of late called St. Thomas , and Masulapatam . 7. The sixth Division between Ganges and Cape Singapura , contains the vast Kingdoms of Bengala , Pegu , Tanazarim , and others of less Note . Here we have the City Malaca , a Bishop's Seat , and the last place we possess in the Eastern Continent . 8. The seventh Division between the Capes Singapura and Liampo , contains the Kingdoms of Pam , Lugor , Siam , Cambodia , Tsiompa , Cocbinchina , and vast Empire of China . Here we have no place but the City Macao , yet Trade all along those Coasts . 9. In the Island Ceylon we possess the City and Fort of Columbo , those of Manar Gale and others . Beyond Malaca a Fort in the Island Timor . The number of our Forts in all this great Tract is above fifty , and twenty Cities and Towns , besides many Villages depending on the others . 10. As to the Revenue ; the Customs of Diu are worth above 100000 Crowns ; those of Goa 160000 ; those of Malaca 70000 ; the Tribute paid by several Places amounts to 200000 , all which with Prizes and other Profits uncertain , will make above a Million . If the Officers had any honesty , it might amount to Two Millions ; for there is no doubt but they cheat the King of half his Income , as may appear by what follows . 11. The Forts of Zofala and Mocambique are worth to their Commanders 200000 Ducats each ; Mombaca 30000 , Mascate 50000 , Bandel 2000 , Diu 60000 , a Fort at the Mouth of that River 1000 , the Pass of Brancavara 1000 , Assarim 4000 , Danu 600 , S. Gens 600 , Agaçaim 600 , Maim 600 , Manora 15000 , Trapor 400 , Baçaim 30000 , Tana 400 , two Forts upon that River 2000 , Chaul 80000 , Goa 20000 , the Fort of Dauguim 3000 , St. Blas 1000 , Agacaim 2000 Bardes 6000 , Noroa 1500 , Rachol 600 , Onor , 12000 , Barcelor 30000 , Mangalor 12000 , Cananor 15000 , Granganor 6000 , Cochim 100000 , Coulam 12000 , Negapatam 8000 , Musalapatam 8000 , Meliapor or St. Thomas 12000 , Malaca 150000 , Columbo 40000 , Manar 24000 , Gale 16000 , Solor : 6000 , besides others of lesser value . 12. All together are worth to their Commanders yearly half a Million . The value above is computed for three Years . There are other Emloyments no less profitable than the Command of Forts , as are the several Voyages . That from Goa to China and Iapan is worth to him that Commands it 100000 Crowns . From Coromandel to Malaca 20000. From Goa to Moçambique 24000. To Ceylon 4000. This arise only of the Freight of Goods carried , and the Captain makes as much more by way of Trade . 13. The Viceroy's Salary is 18000 Crowns , besides the disposing of Places , which are all sold ; but the chief thing which they all look upon is Trade , for whereas the King gets nothing out of India ; some Viceroy●… have cleared 3 , some 5 , and some 800000 Duc●… . All other Officers have great Salaries , besides their lawful Profits , and their more considerable Frauds . The Salaries are considerable enough to have made Men honest , but Avarice knows no bounds . Thus much of the Temporal Power , let us come to the Spiritual . 14. The Archbishop of Goa is Metropolitan and Primate of all Asia . Cochim was made a Bishoprick in the Year 1559 ; Malaca the same Year ; Meliapor 1607. The Bishops of China were instituted by Pope Pius Quintus . There is also a Bishop of Iapan , and one of the Mountain near St. Thomas Meliapor . There were Bishops of Persia , as also Patriarchs of Ethiopia . The City Angamale is a Bishoprick , as is that of Macao . 15. We will set down the Houses , Churches , or Monasteries of Religious , according to the time of their first going into India . The Franciscans have 22 ; the Dominicans 9 ; the Augustins 16 ; the Jesuits about 28 Monasteries , Colleges and Seminaries , besides a vast number of Residencies , so called by them where there are only 2 or 3 Fathers . This may suffice to show the great Progress made there in propagating the Faith , which has been more particularly spoke of in many Places of this History . An Account of all the SHIPS that sailed from Lisbon to the Discovery of the Coasts of Africk and Asia , and the Annual Trading Ships , from the time Prince Henry first attempted the Discovery , till the Year 1640. 1. ONE Ship sent by Prince Henry , who began these Discoveries about the Year 1412 , and reached as far as Cape Bojador , none till then having passed beyond Cape Nam , which in Portugues , according to their way of Pronouncing , signifies No , as who should say , There was no going farther . Year 1412 2. Two Ships having lost their Account in Storm , accidentally discovered the Island called Puerto Santo 1418 3. The same two going out again with another , found the Island Madera . 1419 4. Two Ships passed 30 leagues beyond Cape Bojador , where they landed and returned home . 1434 5. Next Year set out two Ships which advanced 12 leagues farther , fought with some of the Natives , and brought home Skins of Sea-Wolves . 1435 6. Two Ships touched at the place where the former killed the Sea-Wolves , fought with the Natives , and brought some Prisoners to Portugal . 1440 7. Anthony Gonzalez with one Ship discovered the River he called Del Oro , or of Gold , because he found somethere , and brought the first Blacks to Portugal . Year 1442 8. Nunno Tristan discovered the Islands of Arguim , and that of Garcas . 1443 9. A Company being erected to carry on these Discoveries , one Lancelote sailed with 6 Ships discovered the Island Nar , and others . 1444 10. Gonzalo de Sintra with one Ship passed 14 leagues beyond Rio del Oro 1445 11. Antony Gonzalez went with 3 Ships to Trade at Rio del Oro. 1446 12. Nunno Tristan with one Ship went to Rio del Oro. 1446 13. Dinis Fernandez with one Ship reached to the River Sanaga , and discovered the Islands of Cabo Verde . 1446 14. Antony Gonzalez with 3 Ships sailed as far as the Islands of Arguim . 1447 15. The same Year set out first 3 Ships , which went no farther than the Islands of Arguim . Then 14 Sail , after them 3 more . Then another Squadron , the number of Vessels not known , but they carried 2600 Men to conquer the Canary Islands . After this another Squadron ; no number of Ships known . Then Nunno Tristan with one Ship , who went as far as Rio Grande , and was there killed . And last , Alvaro Fernandez , who passed 40 leagues beyond Rio Grande to the River Tabite . All these set out in one Year . 1447 16. Giles Yan●…z with 10 Caravels went no further than what was before discovered . Iames Gil Homem with one Ship passed beyond Cape Gue , and brought the first Lion from those Parts to Lisbon . Ferdinand Alonso with one Ship went Ambassador to the King of Cabo Verde . Gonzalo Vello with one Ship discovered the Islands Azores . All these the same Year . Year 1448 17. Suero Mendez with one Ship went to build a Fort at Arguim , which was the first erected in those Conquests . 1449 18. Antony de Nole with 3 Ships discovered the Islands Mayo , and St. Philip and St. Iacob . 1460 19. Peter de Sintra with 2 Ships sailed as far as Sierra Leona . 1467 20. Iohn de Santar●…m with two Ships went as far as Cape St. Catherine . Ferdinand Po with one Ship discovered the Island Hermosa ; there were also other Discoveries , but the Discoverers are not known . 1469 21. Iames de Azambuja with 12 Sail and 600 Men built a Fort in Guinea , from which time the King styled himself Lord of Guinea . 1481 22. Iames Cam with one Ship discovered the River of Congo , or Zayre . 1484 23. Iames Cam setting out again with one Ship , ran 200 Leagues farther , discovering the Kingdom of Beni , and Empire of Ogane . 1485 24. Bartholomew Dias with 3 Ships discovered the Bay called Angra de los Vaqueros , the Island De la Cruz , the River Del Infante , and Cape he called Tormentoso , but King Iohn the Second named it Cape of Good Hope . Year 1486 25. Gonçalo Coello went to assist the Prince of Ialof , the number of his Ships not known . Peter Vaz de Cuna sent to the River Zanaga with 20 Sail. 1488 26. Gonzalo de Sousa sailed with 3 Ships to Congo . 1489 27. Vasco de Gama with 3 Sail discovered India . 1493 28. Peter Alvarez Cabral sailed for India with 13 Vessels , whereof 5 were cast away , one put back to Lisbon , and another accidentally discovered Brasil , being drove thither by a Storm . 1500 29. Iohn de Nova with 4 Ships , one of them discovered the Islands Conceiçam , and St. Helena . 1501 30. D. Vasco de Gama , the first Discoverer , returns again to India with 9 Sail. 1501 31. Vincent Sodre commanded 5 Sail bound for India , as are all that follow , so that it will be needless to repeat it ; two of these were lost 1502 32. Stephen de Gama with 5 Sail. After him Alfonso de Albuquerque with three , then Francis de Albuquerque with three , Antony de Saldana with three ; two of this number were lost , one found the Island Zocotora . 1503 33. Lope Soarez de Albergaria with 13 Sail. 1504 34. D. Francis de Almeyda , first Viceroy of India , with 20 Sail ; one was cast away . Peter de Anaya with 6 Sail , two of them perished . Sebastian Bar●…uda , or Cyd Barbosa , with 2 Sail. Year 1505 35. Tristan de Cunna with 16 Sail , who discovered the Islands to which he gave his own Name ; one of these Ships was cast away . Alfonso de Albu●…erque with 6. 1506 36. George de Melo with 4 Sail. Ferdinand Suarez with 4. Vasco Gomez de Abreu with 7. 1507 37. Iames Lopez de Sequeyra with four Sail. 1508 38. George de Aguiar with 13 Sail , three of them were cast away . D. Francis Coutinno with 17. 1509 39. Iames Mendez de Vasconcelos with 4 Sail. Gonçalo de Sequeyra with 7 , one of them was lost . Iohn Serram with 3. 1510 40. D. Garcia de Noronna with 6 Sail. 1511 41. George de Melo with 9 Sail , one cast away . Garcia de Sousa with 4. Iohn Chanoca with one Ship. 1512 42. Iohn de Sousa & Lima with 4 Sail , two of them cast away . 1513 43. George or Christopher de Brito with 5 Sail , one cast away . Luis Figueyra with two . 1514 44. Lope Suarez de Albergaria with 17 Sail. Fernan Perez de Andrade with 3. 1515 45. Iohn de Silva , or Silveyra , with 5 Sail , two of them cast away . Iames de Unnos , or Unes , with only one . 1516 46. Antony de Saldanna with 6 Sail. 1517 47. Iames Lopez de Sequeyra with 12 Sail. 1518 48. George de Albuguerque with 14 Sail ; one of them cast away , the Captain ran away with another . Raphael Castano with 3. Year 1519 49. George de Brito with 10 Sail. 1520 50. D. Duarte de Meneses with 12 Sail. Sebastian de Sousa with 3. 1521 51. D. Peter de Castro with 4 Sail , one of them lost . 1522 52. Iames de Silveyra with 9 Sail , one cast away . 1523 53. D. Vasco de Gama with 17 Sail , 3 cast away . 1524 54. D. Lope de Almeyda with 4 Sail. 1525 55. Christopher de Vega with 5 Sail. 1526 56. Emanuel de Lacerda with 5 Sail , two were lost . 1527 57. Nunno de Cunna with 11 Sail , three lost . 1528 58. Iames de Silveyra with 5 Sail. 1529 59. Francis de Sousa Tavarez with 6 Sail. 1530 60. Achilles Godinno with 5 Sail. 1531 61. Peter Vaz with 5 Sail. 1532 62. D. Iohn Pereyra with 7 Sail , one cast away . D. Peter de Castellobranco with 10 Sail. 1533 63. Martin Alfonso de Sousa with 5 Sail. 1534 64. Fernan Perez de Andrade with 7 Sail. 1535 65. George de Lima with 5 Sail. 1536 66. George Cabral with 5 Sail. D. Laurence de Silva with 6. 1537 67. Iames Lopez de Sousa with 8 Sail. Year 1537 68. D. Garcia de Noronna with 11 Sail , one lost . 1538 69. Iames o●… Peter Lopez with 6 Sail , one lost . 1539 70. Francis de Sousa Tavarez with 4 Sail. 1540 71. Martin Alonso de Sousa with 5 Sail. 1541 72. Henry de Macedo with 4 Sail , one was lost . 1542 73. Iames de Silveyra with 5 Sail. 1543 74. Fernan Perez de Andrade with 6 Sail , one cast away . 1544 75. D. Iohn de Castro with 6 Sail. 1545 76. Laurence Perez de Tavora with 6 Sail. Lionel de Sousa with one . 1546 77. D. Francis de Lima with 6 Sail. Martin Correa de Silva with 3. 1547 78. Francis Barreto with 3 Sail. 1547 79. Emanuel de Mendoça with 5 Sail. Iohn de Mendoça with 3. D. Iohn Enriques with 3. 1548 80. D. Alvaro de Noronna with 5 Sail , one lost . 1549 81. D. Alfonso de Noronna with 5 Sail , two lost . 1550 82. Iames Lopez de Sousa with 8 Sail. 1551 83. Fernan Suarez de Albergaria with 6 Sail , one cast away . 1552 84. Fernan Alvarez Cabral with 5 Sail , one burnt , one cast away . 1553 85. D. Peter Mascarennas with 6 Sail , one lost . 1554 86. D. Iohn de Meneses & Sequeyra with 5 Sail , one cast away . Year 1555 87. D. Leonardo de Sousa with 5 Sail , one lost . 1556 88. D. Luis Fernandez de Vasconelos with 5 Sail , two cast away . 1557 89. D. Constantin de Bragança with 4 Sail. 1558 90. Peter or Lope Vaz de Sequeira with 6 Sail. 1559 91. D. George de Sousa with 6 Sail , one lost . 1560 92. D. Francis Coutino Count de Redondo with 5 Sail. 1561 93. D. George Manuel with 6 Sail. 1562 94. D. George de Sousa with 4 Sail. 1563 95. D. Antony de Noronna with 4 Sail. 1564 96. D. Francis de Sa with 4 Sail , one lost . 1565 97. Luis or Ruy Gomez de Cuna with 4 Sail. 1566 98. Iohn Gomez de Silva with 4 Sail. 1567 99. D. Luis de Ataide with 5 Sail. 1568 100. Philip Carnero de Alcaçova with 4 Sail. 1569 101. George de Mendoça with 4 Sail. Emanuel de Mesquita with one Galleon , Francis Barreto with three . 1570 102. D. Antony de Noronna with 7 Sail. 1571 103. Duarte de Melo with 4 Sail , one lost . Bartholomew de Vasconcelos & Cuna with one Ship. 1572 104. D. Francis de Sousa with 4 Sail , one lost . 1573 105. Ambrose de Aguiar Continno with 6 Sail. Year 1574 106. D. Iohn de Castellobranco with 4 Sail. 1575 107. Ruy Lorenço de Tavora with 5 Sail. 1576 108. Panta●…on de Sa with 4 Sail , one cast away . 1577 109. Matthias de Albuquerque with 2 Sail , one lost . D. Luis de Ataide Count de Atouguea with 3 Sail. 1577 110. George de Silva with 3 Sail. 1578 111. D. Stephen de Meneses Baroche , and Iohn de Melo , with 2 Caravels . 1578 112. Iohn de Saldanna with 5 Sail. 1579 113. Emanuel de Melo de Cuna with 4 Sail. 1580 114. D. Francis Mascarennas Count de Santa Cruz with 5 Sail , one lost . 1581 115. Antony de Melo & Castro with 5 Sail , one lost . 1582 116. Antony de Melo & Castro with 5 Sail. 1583 117. D. Duarte de Meneses with 6 Sail , one lost . 1584 118. Ferdinand Mendoça with 5 Sail , one lost . 1585 119. D. Hierome Coutinno with 6 Sail , two cast away , one taken by Sir Fr. Drake . 1586 220. Fr. de Melo with 6 Sail , one lost . 1587 121. Iohn de Tovar Camina with 5 Sail , one lost . 1588 122. Bernardin Ribcro Pacheco with 5 Sail , one lost . 1589 123. Matthias de Albuquerque with 5 Sail , one lost . 1590 124. The Commander not known three Sail. Year 1590 125. Ferdinand de Mendoça with 6 Sail , one cast away , another burnt , and a third taken by the English. 1591 126. Francis de Melo with 4 Sail , one cast away . 1592 127. D. Luis Coutinno with 5 Sail , 3 lost . 1593 128. Ayres de Miranda Enriquez with 10 Sail , one lost . 1594 129. Iohn de Saldana with 5 Sail , 2 lost . 1595 130. D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra with 5 Sail , one burnt , one run ashore . 1596 131. D. Alonso de Noronna with 3 Sail. 1597 132. D. Hierome Coutinno with 5 Sail was ready , but went not from Lisbon , the English lying before the Harbour . 1598 133. The last Year's Commander with four of the same Ships , and Simon de Mendoça with three others . 1599 134. Ayrez de Saldanna with 4 Sail , one cast away , another taken . 1600 135. D. Francis Tello de Meneses with 4 Sail , all forced back to Lisbon . Antony de Melo & Castro with 5 Galleons , he taken by the Dutch. 1601 136. D. Francis Tello de Meneses with 6 Sail. 1602 137. Peter Hurtado de Mendoça with 5 Sail. 1603 138. D. Martin Alonso de Castro with 5 Sail , one lost . More 2 Caravels . 1604 139. Blas Tellez de Meneses with 6 Sail , two lost . Alvaro de Carvallo with 3 Galleons . Belchior Rodrigues with one Caravel . 1605 140. D. Hierome Coutinno with 3 Sail , set not out the Dutch lying at the mouth of the River . Year 1606 141. D. Hier Coutinno with the last Year's Ships . Iohn Correa de Sousa with 4 Sail. 1607 142. D. Iohn Pereyra Count de Feyra with 6 Sail , 3 cast away . D. Christopher de Noronna with 8 Galleons , one lost . Ruy Lorenço de Tav●…re with 5 Sail. 1608 143. D. Em. de Meneses with 5 Sail. 1609 144. Luis Mendez de Vasconcelos with 3 Sail , one lost . 1610 145. D. Antony de Atayde with 3 Sail. 1611 146. Andrew Coello with 2 Caravels . Antony Pinto de Fonseca one Galleon . Iohn Corres de Mendoça one Galleon . 1611 147. D. Hier. de Almeyda with 3 Sail. 1612 148. D. Em. de Meneses with 4 Sail , all put back by stress of Weather . Belchior Rodriguez one Ship. 1613 149. D. E. Coutinno with 5 Sail , 4 lost . 1614 150. D. Hierome Manuel with 4 Sail. 1615 151. D. Em. de Meneses with 3 Sail. 1616 152. D. Iohn Coutinno Count de Redondo with 4 Sail. Afterward 4 Sail more . 1617 153. D. Cbr. de Noronna with 5 Sail. 1618 154. D. Fr. de Lima with 4 Sail. Ruy Freyre de Andrade with 5 Galleons . 1619 155. Nunno Alvarez Botello with 4 Sail , one lost . Iacome de Morales Sarmiento with two . After them two more . 1620 156. D. Alonso de Noronna with 4 Sail , were all put back by stress of Weather . D. Alonso de Noronna again with 6 Galleons , all put back again but one . 1621 157. D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra with 4 Sail , two were lost . Sancho de Tovar y Silva with 4 Galleons . Year 1622 158. D. Antony Tello & Meneses with 3 Sail , all lost . D. Philip Mascarennas with 5 Galleons , three lost . 1623 159. Nunno Alvarez Botello with 2 Sail. Sebastian de Costa Valente with 6 Galleons . 1624 160. Vincent de Brito & Meneses with 2 Sail , both cast away . 1625 161. D. Emanuel Pereyra Coutinno , with 3 Sail. 1626 162. Iohn Sequeyra Varejam with 2 Sail. Dominick de Camara with 4. 1627 163. D. Fr. Mascarennas with 3 Sail. 1628 164. D. Michael de Noronna Count de Linarez with 9 Sail , two lost . 1629 165. D. George de Almeyda with 2 Sail , one lost . 1630 166. Antony de Saldana with 2 Ships , both put back by Weather . Fr. Vas de Almada with 2 Sail. 1631 167. Ios. Pinto Pereyra with 7 Sail. 1632 168. Antony de Saldana with 5 Sail. 1633 169. Hier. de Saldana with 3 Sail. 1634 170. Peter de Silva with 2 Sail , one lost . Gonzalo de Barros & Silva with two 1635 171. Iohn de Melo with 2 Sail. 1636 172. Iohn Suarez Vivas with 2 Sail. 1637 173. I. de Sequeyra Varejam with 4 Sail. 1638 These are all the Ships there is any account of that sailed from Lisbon to discover , and after for India , since the Year 1412 , when Prince Henry first attempted finding the way to India by Sea. The Viceroy and Governors of India , from the first Discovery till the Year 1640. 1. DON Francis de Almeyda , first Viceroy and Governor Year 1505 2. Alfonso de Albuquerque , second Governor 1509 3. Lope Soarez de Albergaria , third Governor 1515 4. Iames Lopez de Sequeyra , 4th Governor . 1518 5. D. Duarte de Meneses , 5th Governor . 1522 6. D. Vasco de Gama Count de Vidigueyra , 2d Viceroy and 6th Governor . 1524 7. D. Henry de Meneses , 7th Governor . 1527 8. Peter Mascarennas , 8th Governor . 1529 9. Lope Vaz de Sampayo , 9th Governor . 1529 10. Nuno de Cunna , 10th Governor . 1529 11. D. Garcia de Noronna , 3d Viceroy and 11th Governor . 1538 12. D. Stephen de Gama , 12th Governor . 1540 13. Martin Alfonso de Sousa , 13th Governor . 1542 14. D. Iohn de Castro , 4th Viceroy and 14th Governor . 1543 15. Garcia de Sa , 15th Governor 1549 16. George Cabral , 16th Governor 154●… 17. D. Alonso de Noronna , 5th Viceroy and 17th Governor . 1550 18. D. Peter Mascarennas , 6th Viceroy and 18th Governor . Year 1554 19. Francis Barreto , 19 Governor 1555 20. D. Constantin de Bragança , 7th Viceroy and 20th Governor . 1558 21. D. Francis Coutinno Count de Redondo , 8th Viceroy and 21th Governor . 1561 22. Iohn de Mendoça , 22 Governor . 1564 23. D. Antony de Noronna , 9th Viceroy and 23d Governor . 1564 24. D. Luis de Ataide , 10th Viceroy and 24th Governor . 1567 25. D. Antony de Noronna , 11th Viceroy and 25th Governor . 1571 26. Antony Monez Barreto , 26 Gov. 1573 27. D. Laurence de Tavora , 12th Viceroy and 27th Governor . 1576 28. D. Iames de Meneses , 28 Gover. 1576 29. D. Luis de Ataide Count de Atouguia the second time , 13 Vicer . and 29 Gov. 1578 30. Ferdinand Tellez de Meneses , 30th Governor . 1581 31. D. Francis Mascarennas Count de Santa Cruz , 14 Viceroy and 31 Governor . 1581 32. D. Duarte de Meneses , 15th Viceroy and 32th Governor . 1584 33. Emanuel de Sousa Coutinno , 33 Gov. 1588 34. Mathias de Albuquerque , 16th Viceroy and 34th Governor . 1691 35. D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra , 17th Viceroy and 35th Governor . 1597 36. Ayres de Saldanna , 18th Viceroy and 36 Governor . 1600 37. Martin Alfonso de Castro , 19th Viceroy and 37th Governor . 1604 38. D. F. Alexius de Meneses Archbishop of Goa , 38th Governor . 1607 39. D. Iohn Pereyra Count de Feyra , 20th Viceroy and 39th Governor . 1608 40. Andrew Furtado de Mendoça , 40th Governor . 1609 41. Ruy Lorenco de Tavora , 21th Viceroy and 41st Governor . 1609 42. D. Hierome de Azevedo , 22th Viceroy and 42th Governor . 1613 43. D. Iohn Coutinno Count de Redondo , 23th Viceroy and 33th Governor . 1617 44. Ferdinand de Albuquerque , 44 Gov. 1619 45. D. Alfonso de Noronna , 24th Viceroy and 45th Governor . 1621 46. D. Francis de Gama Count de Vidigueyra the 2d time , 25 Viceroy , 46 Governor . 1622 47. D. Luis de Brito Bishop of Cochim , 47th Governor . 1628 48. D. Francis Mascarennas , 26 Viceroy , 48 Governor . 1628 49. Nunno Alvarez Botello , 49 Gov. 1628 50 D. Michael de Noronna Count de Linnares , 27 Viceroy , 50 Governor . 1629 51. Peter de Silva , 28th Viceroy , 51th Governor . 1635 52. Antony Tellez de Silva , 52 Gov. 1639 53. Iohn de Silva Tello , 29 Viceroy , 53 Governor . 1640 Books in Print and Manuscripts out of which the Portugues Asia was Collected . BOOKS in Print . 1. EIght Volumes of the Affairs of India , by Ferdinand Lopez de Castanneda , who went into India only to examine into he Truth of what he writ . His Stile nor Geography are not commendable , but he has many curious , though tedious Remarks . It has been translated into French and Italian , and I suppose some other Languages . 2. Four Decades of the great Iohn de Barros , who though posterior to Castanneda as to time , is preferable to all for Judgment , and is particularly esteemed for his Geography . 3. Four other Decades of Iames de Couto , Historiographer of India , from the 4th to the 7th ; for he began at the 4th , for then that of Iohn de Barros was not publick . 4. Commentaries of the Actions of the great Alfonso de Albuquerque , writ by his Son of the same Name . 5. Antony Pinto Pereyra his Chronicle of D Luis de Atayde , the famous Viceroy and Supporter of India , writ in the Days of King Sebastian . 6. Ferdinand Mendez Pinto his Indian History , writ at the same time as the last : Many make a doubt of Truth of what he writes ; and as many who have travelled those Parts affirm he might with truth have writ much more no less incredible to our apprehension . I look upon him as a very true Historian , for many Reasons . Yet supposing he is not , it is in things wholly omitted by me . 7. The Bishop D. Hierome Osorio , wrote the History of India in Latin , which beyond dispute is the best Work of that Nature , next to Titus Livius . As to his Latin , all Men grant him to be the best Ciaeronian . His method is singular , his Judgment piercing , his Reflections sharp , his Ornament majestick . In fine , he is accomplished in all Points . 8. Mafeus is well known and very pleasant ; he did little but Epitomizing the Decades of Iohn de Barros , as to the Substance of the History . 9. F. Antony de S. Roman , did little more than Translate Mafeus , but not with Elegancy equal to him ; the Translation there is of him in Italian is better . 10. Iohn de Lucena a Jesuit , in the Life of S. Francis Xaverius brings in many Particulars of the Indian History . He sticks not to the Rules of History ▪ but in his way of Writing deserves esteem for his Judgment , Elegancy , and way of Reasoning . 11. Antony Galvam who was Commander of Ternate , writ much concerning India , and particularly of the Affairs of those Islands , which has not been Printed , or is extant , at least it has not come to my Hands . I only saw the Books he calls of Discoveries , which is only short hints of things . 12. Dr. Garcia Dorta , of the Drugs and Medicinal Plants of Asia . 13. A Collection of several small Books by several Authors , giving an Account of many Shipwrecks that happen'd , whereof we make mention in their Places . 14. Several Relations , particularly of the Jesuits . 15. My own Book of the Empire of China , collected from the Memories and Observations of F. Alvaro Semedo , of the Society of Jesus . 16. Bartholomew de Argensola of the Molucoes , who in many Particulars errs as much as F. Urreta . 17. Manuel Xaverius a Jesuit , of the Victories obtained by Nunno Alvarez Botello . 18. Two Poems of Hierome de Cortereal . 19. Francis Alvarez a Priest of the Affairs of Abassia . 20. F. Iohn de los Santos a Dominican , of the Affairs of Ethiopia . 21. F. Luis de Urreta . MANUSCRIPTS . 1. ONE Volume of the Portugues Voyages , found among the Papers of the Bishop D. Hierome Osorio . Emanuel Fernandez Villareal helped me to the sight of it . and from me it went to D. Hierome Mascarennas of the Council of Orders in Castile . 2. Five Decades of Iames de Couto Historiographer of India , from the 8th to the 12th , the last but half compleat . 3. The History of the Actions of D. Paul de Lima , a great Man in India , by the same Couto . 4. The 13th Decade of Antony Bocarro , Historiographer of India , yet not divided into 10 Books , as the Title implies . 5. Military Affairs of India , a Book of great Learning written by Francis Rodriguez Silveyra , who served there some Years , and gained Reputation . 6. The Spiritual Conquest in Asia , by F. Paul of the Trinity a Franciscan in the Year 1630. I saw it upon occasion of its being designed to be Printed at Madrid in the Year 1638 , when the Ordinary sent it to me for my approbation . It is a good Work , and treats of what relates to that Order . 7. A Translation of that which among the Malabars is held in the same Account as the Bible among us . It treats of their Gods and Ceremonies ; it is strange , and resembles Ovid's Metamorphoses . The Heads of it are in the 4th Part of the 2d Tome of my Asia . 8. One Volume of several Relations of the Affairs of Asia , and of some Shipwrecks . A Relation of the Government of the Viceroy the Count de Linnares , given by his Order to a Spaniard , who promised to write his Actions . Another of the same by Captain Dominick de Toraly Valdez , who served under him in India . 9. A Copy of several other Relations communicated to me by Emanuel de Severim , as also the Book of the Malabars , that of the military Affairs , and that of Bocarro above mentioned . 10. Loose Papers and annual Letters of the Jesuits , imparted to me by F. Alvaro Semmedo of the same Order , out of which I afterwards collected the History intituled , The Empire of China . 11. The Chronicles of King Alfonso the 5th , and the Earl D. Duarte de Meneses Commander in Africk , by Gomez Yanez de Azurara , Historiographer to King Alfonso the 5th . 12. One Volume of divers Relations of Occurrences in Africk , during the Reigns of King Iohn II. Emanuel , Iohn III. and Sebastian . 13. A Description of Ethiopia , by F. Emanuel Barradas a Jesuit , who having seen the Country himself , truly and zealously discovers the many and remarkable Errors set down in his Ethiopia by the Learned and Elegant F. Luis de Urreta . Emanuel Severim de Faria imparted it to me . Besides the Books above mentioned , there is much relating to Asia in the Chronicles of King Iohn II. King Emanuel , King Iohn III. and King Sebastian , as well in those which are still in Manuscripts , as those Printed . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A40887-e2390 1412. 1415. 1418. 1419. 1434. 1435. 1440. 1442. 1443. 1444. 1445. 1446. 1447. 1448. 1448. 1449. 1460. 1471. 1484. 1489. 1490. 1491. 1493. 1497. 1498. 1502. 1506. 1507. Notes for div A40887-e19690 1508. 1512. 1514. Notes for div A40887-e34460 1564 ▪ 1567. 1569. 1570. 1573 ▪ 1575. 1575. 1577. Notes for div A40887-e77600 1538. 1539. 1564. 1544. 1545. Notes for div A40887-e89700 1545. 1547. 1549. 1553. 1554. 1556. 1557. 1558. 1560. 1561. 1561. 1563. 1564. Notes for div A40887-e109990 1515. 1516. 1517. 1518. 1519. 1520. 1521. 1522. Notes for div A40887-e125390 1526. 1527. 1529. 3530. 1531. 1532. 1534. 1538. Notes for div A40887-e157190 1594. 1595. 1596. Notes for div A40887-e187870 1617. 1617. Notes for div A40887-e213300 1624. 1629. 1632. 1632. 1639. 1640.